CHAP. X.
While Clive was exulting at the advantages gained over the French in the Deckan and at Madras, and congratulating himself on the success which had attended his personal efforts in Bengal, a new and alarming danger arose, from a quarter altogether unexpected. Accounts had been received that the Dutch were preparing a strong armament in Batavia: and it was further added, that its destination was Bengal. To this report Clive at first refused his belief. Mr. Hastings[[64]] had written him, that the Nabob was led from several reasons to suspect that the Dutch were in league with the Sovereign of Oude, and that the armament at Batavia was meant to strengthen their factory at Chinsura; but Clive, in his answer to this letter, did not give credit to the surmise. "Although it will be necessary," he states[[65]], "to be upon our guard against the Dutch, yet I have reason to think that the armament fitted out at Batavia is only intended to garrison their settlements in Ceylon. Some intelligence lately received confirms me in this opinion."
It was not easy for Clive, or for any person, to foresee such a course of measures as the Dutch Government in India adopted at this period of profound peace between the two nations in Europe. I shall, before narrating what occurred, take a short review of the conduct of those in charge of their factory at Chinsura, from the capture of Calcutta till the period at which we are arrived.
The Dutch at Chinsura had, like others, suffered from Suraj-u-Dowlah, who had compelled them to pay a fine of five lacs of rupees. This and other oppressive acts made them rejoice at his downfall, and they addressed to Clive a letter[[66]] of congratulation on his success in dethroning that prince. Nevertheless, they did not recognise Meer Jaffier as Subah of Bengal; and the consequence was, so hostile a feeling towards them in the mind of that prince, that it required the continual good offices[[67]] of Clive to preserve terms betwixt them. This was not easy; for their not recognising him was a cause of just and frequent irritation to Meer Jaffier. Clive notices the subject in a letter[[68]] to the Dutch Governor, written in answer to one full of complaints.
"I am well acquainted," he observes, "with your attachment to the English, and the service you have at all times been ready to show them; but give me leave to observe, Sir, that good offices have always been reciprocal between the two nations: and, indeed, this is no more than we mutually owe each other, considering the close alliance and union of interests that have so long subsisted between us. It gives me, therefore, much concern that you should do me the injustice to reproach me with being in any shape accessory to the obstruction which the Subah has thought proper to lay upon your trade. I have, indeed, heard him make frequent complaints of the ill behaviour of your government towards him; and was really much amazed at his patience, in putting up so long with indignities which you would not have ventured to offer either to Mohabit Jung[[69]] or Suraj-u-Dowlah. I shall not pretend to inquire into your reasons for not acknowledging Meer Jaffier, in the same manner as the preceding Subahs have always been, more especially as you cannot be ignorant that he has received his sunnud from the Mogul; but, for my own part, I cannot conceive how you and your Council will be able to exculpate yourselves to your superiors for the present stoppage of their trade, since it appears evident to me that you have brought it upon yourselves, by your disrespect to a person of his high station."
The act which gave rise to stopping the trade was one of public disrespect to the Nabob, to whom the Dutch factory did not even pay the compliment of a salute, when he passed Chinsura on his way to Calcutta. The mode in which he resented this insult had its full effect. The Governor and Council of Chinsura made a very humble apology, which was accepted, and the prohibition on their commerce removed.
The chief complaints of the Dutch against the English were, the latter having the monopoly of saltpetre at Patna, and their insisting that Dutch vessels, coming into the river, should take English pilots. To the first it was answered, that saltpetre had always been a monopoly, and that, since the English obtained it, the Dutch had even bought the article cheaper[[70]] than they had ever done before. With regard to the insisting upon no pilot being employed in the river but English, it was stated to be a measure forced on the Committee of Calcutta, by considerations of their own safety; and that, until the danger was over, they could not allow those of any other nation to be employed. These facts should have been satisfactory to the Dutch, could the Superior Government at Batavia have been contented to abandon, without a struggle, to another European power the political pre-eminence in India: calculating, however, upon the encouragement given them at the court of Moorshedabad, previous to the expedition to Patna, they determined to make a bold effort to establish such a force at Chinsura as might enable them to balance the predominating power of the English in Bengal. I find among Clive's papers an account[[71]] of this transaction; and as it exhibits, in a very clear manner, the progress of this serious difference between the two nations, from its commencement to its conclusion, I shall insert it at length. It is entitled "A Narrative of the Disputes with the Dutch in Bengal," and is as follows:—
"About the month of November, 1758, a prevailing party at the Nabob Jaffier Aly Khan's Durbar, headed by Meeran his son, had prejudiced him to look with an evil and jealous eye on the power and influence of the English in the provinces, and taught him to think and look upon himself as a cipher, bearing the name of Subah only. From subsequent concurring circumstances, it must have been at that period, and from this cause, that, we imagine, a private negotiation was set on foot between the Nabob and the Dutch, that the latter should bring a military force into the provinces to join the former, and balance our power and sway. The Dutch, stimulated by envy at our very advantageous situation, and a sense of their own very small importance, readily embraced the overture, and hoped another Plassey affair for themselves.
Actuated by these golden dreams, and encouraged by the absence of our troops on the Golconda expedition, the Director and his Council at Chinsura forwarded remonstrances to Batavia, for this purpose, where, by the event, it appears they had the intended effect. Subsequent to this private negotiation was the advance of the Shah-Zada, and Governor Clive's march to Patna in support of the Nabob and his Government, which perfectly convinced him and his son of our faithfulness, affection, and attachment, and struck an iniquitous party at the Durbar dumb, who were ever insinuating to them that the English were aiming to be Subahs of the country in breach of their treaty.
"Early in August we received advice that a powerful armament was fitting out and embarking at Batavia, its destination not perfectly known, but rumoured to be for Bengal. The Governor sent early notice of this to Meer Jaffier, who immediately sent a Purwannah to the Dutch Governor, a copy of which he forwarded to Governor Clive, demanding withal, by virtue of the treaty subsisting with the English, that he should join his forces to oppose and prevent any foreign troops being brought into his country.
"About this time a Dutch ship arrived in the river with European troops and buggoses, of which the Governor advised the Nabob, who was much embarrassed at the news; he, however, despatched a second Purwannah to the Dutch, and ordered Omarbeg Khan Fouzdaar of Hooghley, immediately to join the Governor with a body of troops, and repeated his demand of our assistance, to prevent the Dutch troops or ships advancing up the river. To the Nabob's first Purwannah, the Dutch sent a reply and solemn promise of obedience to his orders; to the second, they as solemnly assured him, the ship which was arrived came in by accident for water and provisions; that she was drove from her destined port of Nagapatam by stress of weather, and that she and her troops should leave the river as soon as they were supplied.
"Notwithstanding these solemn assurances from the Dutch, it was judged expedient to send a detachment of troops, joined with one of the Subah's, under the command of the Fouzdaar's officer, to take possession of Tanna Fort and Charnoc's Battery opposite to it, with orders to stop and search all boats and vessels that passed, without giving them further molestation; and parties were likewise sent out on each side of the river to prevent any foreign troops advancing by land. In consequence of these orders, every Dutch boat and budgerow was brought to, and those that had no troops suffered to pass; amongst others, Mynheer Suydland, the Dutch master-attendant, not only refused for sometime being either brought to or searched, but struck the commanding officer at Charnoc's Battery. Himself and another Dutch gentleman with him were made prisoners for a few hours, until an order from the Governor went down for releasing them and the budgerow, on board of which were found concealed eighteen buggoses, which were conducted down under a guard by land, until within sight of their ship at Fulta, and released. On these transactions, we received very long remonstrances from the gentlemen at Chinsura, to which we replied, that, as principals, we had, by the custom and laws of nations, a right to search all vessels whatever, advancing up this river, not knowing but they might introduce French troops into the country; and that as auxiliaries to the Mogul, we were under a necessity, by solemn treaty, to join his Viceroy in opposing the introduction of any European or foreign troops whatever into Bengal; and that we should absolutely and religiously do our duty to the utmost of our strength and power in both capacities.
"Early in October, Jaffier Ally Khan arrived here on a visit to the Governor. During his stay with us, advice came from below, of the arrival of six or seven more Dutch capital ships, crammed with soldiers and buggoses. Now the Dutch mask fell off, and the Nabob (conscious of having given his assent to their coming, and at the same time of our attachment and his own unfaithful dealings with us,) was greatly confused and disconcerted. He, however, seemed to make light of it; told the Governor he was going to reside three or four days at his Fort of Hooghley, where he would chastise the insolence and disobedience of the Dutch, and drive them soon out of the river again.
"On the 19th of October he left Calcutta; and in place of his going to his Fort at Hooghley, he took up his residence at Cajah Wazeed's garden, about half way between that and Chinsura; a plain indication that he had no apprehensions from the Dutch, whom he received there in the most gracious manner he could, more like friends and allies than as enemies to him and his country. In three or four days after his departure from Calcutta, the Governor received a letter from him, wherein he informed him of 'some indulgence he had granted the Dutch in their trade, and that they had engaged to leave the river with their ships and troops as soon as the season would permit.' The season permitting their immediate departure with the greatest safety and propriety, the last condition in the Nabob's letter, joined to his whole behaviour, convinced us, that leaving the river was no part of their intention, but that, on the contrary, they had his assent to bring up their troops if they could; which Colonel Clive was determined they should not, as the Nabob had not withdrawn his orders to oppose them, and in this he was heartily joined by his Council. Ruin to the Company, if not to the country, must have been the inevitable consequences of their junction with the troops they had in garrison at Chinsura; which once accomplished, would have been beyond all doubt attended with a declaration from the Government in their favour, and as probably a union between them, which must have ended in our destruction. A very few days justified our suspicions and resolutions; for in place of the Dutch leaving the river, we received certain intelligence of their moving up, and that they were enlisting troops under every denomination, at Chinsura, Cossimbazar, and Patna, and this plainly with connivance of the Nabob.
"Whatever may have been the joint or separate views of the Dutch and Nabob against us, it is most certain they never could have had a more favourable conjuncture to carry them into execution; for what with the unforeseen and inevitable long stay of our troops on the Golconda expedition, the detention on the coast of Coromandel of the forces appointed for this settlement, and the necessity the Governor was under of leaving a considerable party at Patna, in May last, our garrison here was inconsiderable. Our Governor, with indefatigable despatch, made every necessary disposition to circumvent the designs of our enemies; the 'Calcutta,' 'Duke of Dorset,' and 'Hardwicke' (the only ships we had in the river), were ordered to proceed immediately to town; the detachments at Tanna and Charnoc's were strengthened, and heavy cannon mounted at each, as also on two faces of our new fort commanding the river. The Patna party was recalled, and the militia put under arms. The Governor wrote likewise to the Nabob in strong and peremptory terms, to send his son down with his army to invest Chinsura; but the politics of the Durbar at this period, we believe, ran counter, where we judge it was determined to let the English and Dutch weaken and destroy one another, when they would probably have attempted to reduce both, or join with the strongest.
"Soon as the Dutch thought their schemes ripe for action, they sent us an immense remonstrance, recapitulating the whole of all their former ones, and vowing vengeance and reprisals if we persisted in searching their boats, and obstructing the advance of their troops up the river. To this we replied, once for all, that we had given no insult to their colours, or attacked or touched their property, or infringed their privileges; that with respect to their bringing troops into Bengal, the Nabob knew best how far it was incumbent on him to preserve the peace and tranquillity of his country; that their boats had been stopped and searched, and the advance of their troops opposed, by orders from the Viceroy, and under the Emperor his master's colours, and by his troops; that they must apply therefore to him, and that we were ready to interpose our friendly offices to mitigate his resentment. This, it may be thought, savoured a little of audacity, but facts vindicated us; as the Fouzdaar had neither withdrawn his troops (which consisted of four or five hundred horse), nor the Nabob his orders; and all that was done below was under the Government's colours. Notwithstanding which, on receipt of the last Dutch remonstrance, we found our sentiments a good deal embarrassed, doubting whether we should stand justified to our country and employers, in commencing hostilities against an ally of England, supposing they should persist in passing the batteries below with their ships and troops. In this situation, we anxiously wished the next hour would bring us news of a declaration of war with Holland; which we had indeed some reason to expect by our last advices from England. Another strong reason which determined us to oppose them, and on which subject we had been guarded against by the Court of Directors, who had intimated that in all likelihood the Dutch would first commence hostilities against us in India.
"Thus circumstanced, the Dutch themselves removed all our difficulties by beginning hostilities below, attacking with shot, and seizing seven of our vessels, grain-boats, &c., tearing down our colours, disembarking our guns, military stores, &c., from our vessels to their own ships, making prisoners of the captains, officers, &c. They also began hostilities on shore in our Purgunnahs off Fulta and Riapore, where they tore down our colours, and burnt the houses and effects of the Company's tenants in those parts. Amongst the vessels they attacked and seized was the 'Leopard Snow,' Captain Barclay, whom we had despatched with expresses to Admiral Cornish, to hasten his coming to our succour, which we judged would meet him somewhere on the Arracan coast.
"On this event, we concluded, with the greatest probability, that the Dutch had received intelligence of a rupture between them and us in Europe, or that they were sure of the Nabob joining them, or of his standing neuter at least; and having the utmost reason to suspect the Nabob's whole conduct, Governor Clive apprised him of the acts of violence the Dutch had committed below, adding, that as they had commenced actual war against us, he should judge the quarrel now subsisted between them and us only, desiring he would leave chastising the Dutch to us, and desist from sending either his son or any part of his army to our assistance; but that, if he would convince us of his sincerity and attachment, he should directly surround their subordinates, and distress them in the country to the utmost.
"Hitherto we knew not whether the Dutch intended to pass the batteries with their ships and troops on board, or whether their intention was to land the latter as high up as they could, and march them over land. The Governor, however, made the necessary dispositions against both, as far as our small body of troops would permit, consisting, on the whole, of about two hundred and forty Europeans of the battalion, about eighty of the train, and one thousand two hundred sepoys. The best troops and largest proportion of these, with many volunteers draughted from the militia, and part of the independent company, formed into a troop of horse, were stationed at Charnoc's and Tannas under the command of Captain Knox. Colonel Forde, on account of his ill state of health and dismission from the service, had returned to us a few days before these troubles; and, notwithstanding both, most obligingly and readily, at the Governor's request, took upon him the command of the remaining troops in the garrison, which marched to the northward the 19th of November; on which day Mr. Holwell was ordered to take charge of Fort William with the militia, consisting of about two hundred and fifty Europeans, besides some of the Portuguese inhabitants; the Governor dividing his attention and presence between both divisions, those at Charnoc's and those in the field.
"The first stroke struck against the Dutch, was possessing ourselves of Barnagore, from whence Colonel Forde passed over the river with his troops and four field artillery to Serampore, the Danish factory, and marched towards Chandernagore; not only with a view of striking terror into Chinsura, but to be ready to intercept the Dutch troops, in case they should disembark, and attempt to gain that place by land.
"During this period, the Dutch ships kept advancing with their captures and prisoners, and our three ships in their rear, whose orders were peremptorily to pass them and station themselves above the batteries, where fire-boats and every other needful step was taken to destroy the Dutch ships if they attempted to pass. The Dutch commodore sent two orders to Commodore Wilson prohibiting his passing their ships, and that if he attempted it, he would fire upon him.
"On the 21st of November the Dutch armament came to an anchor in Sankeral Reach, whose point was within the range of our cannon from the batteries. On the 23d of November they landed on the opposite shore seven hundred Europeans, and about eight hundred Buggoses, and dropped down with their ships to Melancholy Point, the lower end of the reach being near where our three ships lay; of which advice was immediately despatched to Colonel Forde, with assurance that he should be reinforced with the utmost expedition by Captain Knox and the parties at the batteries, who were accordingly recalled. On the 23d, orders were sent to our commodore to demand immediate restitution of our ships, subjects, and property; or to fight, sink, burn, and destroy the Dutch ships on their refusal. The next day the demand was made and refused. True British spirit was manifested on this occasion. Notwithstanding the inequality (the Dutch having seven to three, and four of them capital ships,) we attacked them; and after about two hours' engagement, the Dutch commodore struck, and the rest followed the example, except his second, who cut and run down as low as Culpee, when she was stopped short by the 'Oxford' and 'Royal George,' who arrived two days before, and had our orders to join the other captains. The Dutch Commodore had about thirty men killed, and many wounded: she suffered the most amongst them, as did the 'Duke of Dorset' on our side, who was more immediately engaged with her.
"On the same day (the 24th) Colonel Forde marched from the French gardens to the northward, intending to encamp between Chandernagore and Chinsura. In his march through the former, he was attacked by the Dutch with four pieces of cannon, and the garrison from Chinsura, which had marched out and lodged themselves in the houses and ruins of Chandernagore, at the very time the Colonel entered with his troops at the southernmost end. However, he soon dislodged them from their ambush, took their cannon, and pursued them with some slaughter to the very barriers of Chinsura, which he prepared to invest, being now joined by Captain Knox and the troops from the batteries, and Charnoc's and Tannas.
"The next day Colonel Forde received certain intelligence of the near approach of the Dutch troops from the ships, who had been, in spite of his vigilance, joined by part of the garrison from Chinsura. He immediately marched with two field-pieces, and met them on the plains of Bedarra (about two coss from Chinsura), where they soon came to an action. The Dutch were commanded by Colonel Roussel, a French soldier of fortune. They consisted of near seven hundred Europeans, and as many buggoses, besides country troops: ours of two hundred and forty infantry, and eighty of the train, and fifty more Europeans composing the troops of horse, independents and volunteers, and about eight hundred sepoys. The engagement was short, bloody, and decisive. The Dutch were put to a total rout in less than half an hour: they had about one hundred and twenty Europeans, and two hundred buggoses killed, three hundred and fifty Europeans and about two hundred Buggoses taken prisoners, with M. Roussel and fourteen officers, and about one hundred and fifty wounded. Our loss was inconsiderable. After this action, Colonel Forde returned, sat down before Chinsura, and wrote for further orders. The Dutch were now as abject in their submission as they had been insolent in their supposed superiority. They wrote to Colonel Forde, and likewise to the Board here, requesting he would cease hostilities and propose terms of amity.
"We judged we had sufficiently chastised and humbled them, without taking their settlement (which must have surrendered on the first summons), and agreed to enter on a treaty with them. Deputies were appointed, and things brought to a speedy and amicable conclusion. They disavowed the proceedings of their ships below, acknowledged themselves the aggressors, and agreed to pay costs and damages; on which their ships were delivered up to them.
"Three days after the battle of Bedarra, the young Nabob, with about six or seven thousand horse, arrived and encamped within a coss of Chinsura: this struck the Dutch with the deepest terror. Governor Clive was wrote to, in the most supplicatory terms, to interpose, and not abandon them to the violence of the Moors. The Governor interposed, and went directly to the French gardens, that he might be a nearer check upon the young Nabob, and prevent his proceeding to extremities with them. His friendly interposition had its proper effect: the young Nabob received their deputies; and after severe altercation, forgave them, and promised ample protection in their trade and privileges, on the following terms:—That they shall never meditate war, introduce or enlist troops, or raise fortifications in the country; that they shall be allowed to keep up one hundred and twenty-five European soldiers, and no more, for the service of their several factories, of Chinsura, Cossimbazar and Patna; that they shall forthwith send their ships and remaining troops out of the country; and that a breach of any one of these articles shall be punished with utter expulsion. These terms, ratified by the council of Hooghley, and the Nabob (otherwise) satisfied for the trouble and expense of his march, he broke up his camp and returned to the city."
"Thus ended an affair which, had the event been different, threatened us in its consequence with utter destruction; for, had the Dutch gained the same advantage over us, we have now the most convincing proofs to conclude, that the remembrance of Amboyna would have been lost in their treatment of this colony. Mr. Bisdom was in a dying condition during these whole transactions, and opposed, jointly with Messrs. Zuyaland and Bachracht, the violence of their proceedings; but they were over-ruled by the rest of their council, led by Messrs. Vernet and Schevichaven, two men of desperate fortunes and violent and evil principles, who, we doubt not, will pay severely for their imprudence."
"There appears every reason to conclude from this narrative, as well as from other accounts, that Meer Jaffier had originally given countenance to an intrigue with the Dutch, carried on through Cajah Wazeed[[72]]; but there can be no doubt that the conduct of Clive, on the subsequent invasion of the Shah-Zada, had made a change in his sentiments. He readily, therefore, gave the requisite orders to the Dutch, forbidding them to land any troops. 'He declared to me,' Mr. Hastings[[73]] writes to Clive, 'that if they brought any armed force into his country, he would look upon them as enemies, and treat them accordingly.'"
Notwithstanding these professions, when the Dutch armament arrived with a European force superior to that of the English, the Nabob appeared to falter in his resolution. He had paid Clive a visit at Calcutta, and on his return (as stated in the narrative) saw the principal persons of the Dutch settlement at Chinsura; but instead of commanding them to send away their ships (as he had promised) he treated them with such marked favour and distinction, that Mr. Hastings, who accompanied him, wrote Clive[[74]], that every day's transactions confirmed him more and more in his opinion, that the Nabob was acting a treacherous part.
This communication, added to some suspicious circumstances, determined Clive to take the strongest measures, with the primary view of recalling the Nabob to a better understanding of his own interests; and, if that failed, of counteracting his evil designs. He wrote to Mr. Amyate[[75]] to acquaint Ram Narrain of the situation in which affairs stood, that he might be prepared to act, if occasion required. He also directed Mr. Sykes to seize the persons of Cajah Wazeed and his son before they reached Moorshedabad, to which they were proceeding; having had full proof of their combination with the enemies of the English. Cajah Wazeed has been before mentioned as the agent of the French. He had for a period transferred his allegiance to the English; but disappointed of the high reward he anticipated, had subsequently directed all his influence and ability (which were considerable) to their overthrow, through the means of their European rivals. When the French cause appeared hopeless, he had attached himself to the Dutch, and was no doubt the principal agent of all their intrigues at the Court of Moorshedabad. The strongest presumptive proof of Meer Jaffier's concern in this plot, was, the favour and distinction with which he had recently treated Cajah Wazeed. Though that person was employed by the Dutch, he was the subject of Meer Jaffier, who, both on that account, and from his partiality to the man, was likely to resent his seizure as an indignity and insult. Clive was quite aware of this feeling, but he thought himself justified by the emergency of the case. He expected that one of the effects of this decided measure would be to alarm the Nabob in such a degree, as to arrest his progress in any plan hostile to the English, in which he might have engaged; and, to add to this effect, he wrote to Meer Jaffier, disclaiming all future connection with him, unless he changed his course of action. Clive's object, throughout this affair, was not to inculpate the Nabob, but to save him from the consequences of his weakness and want of faith. With a thorough knowledge of his character, he addressed himself to his fears, and the result proved the correctness of his judgment. Mr. Hastings writes from Moorshedabad on the 18th of November:—
"The particulars of my conversation with the old Nabob," he observes, "I will acquaint you with, after I have seen him again to-morrow. He appeared (and I am convinced was) extremely disturbed in mind, during the whole time I was with him. He changed colour upon the receipt of your letter; and when he had read it, he turned to me and told me, that you had broke off all connection with him. He declared himself innocent of any deceitful intention towards you, and offered to give every proof that you could require of his friendship and sincerity."
In his letter of the 21st of November, Mr. Hastings observes, "Every thing goes on in this quarter as it ought. The Nabob appears as zealous in the cause as he was before remiss in it, nor will, I hope, give you any further cause for complaining, at least in this affair. He has desired me to endeavour to accommodate the misunderstanding which has risen betwixt you and him, which office I cannot undertake more effectually than by assuring you, that I do believe him now to be sincere. I have already acquainted you fully with what has lately passed, nor need I trouble you with a repetition of it. The Chuta Nabob[[76]] has lately written to me upon the same subject, and has called upon Mr. Sykes and myself to declare how earnest he was, from the beginning of these troubles, to join you, which I know to be fact (so far as his word in that instance could be credited), and Mr. Sykes' letters to you will sufficiently testify the same.
"The firmness which you have shown, and your resentment of the Nabob's cold behaviour, have had every effect that could be wished for; and pardon me, Sir, if I offer it as my opinion, that it would be proper so far to change the style of your letters, as to show that you are satisfied with his present conduct. The Nabob really wants that encouragement: whenever you forsake him, his ruin will be inevitable; and he must shut his eyes against the most glaring conviction, if he does not perceive it himself."
The only subject of complaint Meer Jaffier had now left was the seizure of Cajah Wazeed, which he was too conscious indicated suspicion of himself. Mr. Hastings, referring to this feeling, writes to Clive[[77]]:—
"I had a long conversation with the Nabob yesterday morning; the particulars I need not acquaint you with, as it consisted of little more than a repetition of his complaint of the distrust you have shown him. He mentioned the affair of Cajah Wazeed yesterday, for the first time. I excused your proceedings therein, from the necessity there was of seizing him immediately, as he was the prime instigator of these troubles; and it appeared from the long consultation held between him and the Dutch, the evening before his departure, and their letter of defiance immediately following it, that he was going up to strengthen their cause at the city, where the Nabob was sensible he had many enemies. I added, that though it was no time to stand upon the strictness of ceremony, when the enemy were almost at our gates, yet that you had only given orders that Cajah Wazeed should be seized on the way; but that no attempt should be made upon him, if he was arrived within the districts of the city of Moorshedabad.
"I believe he was not satisfied with my reasons: he ascribed this event entirely to your suspicions of himself, which I did not attempt to deny.
"The enclosed letter is in answer to your last. This is the last letter the Nabob will write, till he hears what your present sentiments are with respect to himself."
Clive, on receiving these assurances, readily forgave what had passed; and the Nabob showed every disposition to give his aid. A few of his troops co-operated in the attack upon the Dutch, but the young Nabob did not arrive at Hooghley till after the armament had been destroyed.[[78]]
The strength of the small force which Clive had with him on this occasion is stated in the narrative. It was divided into parties; some of which were directed to stop and search the boats of the Dutch coming up the river, and others to intercept any small bodies of men that might attempt to reach Chinsura by land. Every line of orders or instructions on this delicate and alarming occasion appears to have been written by Clive himself. He, indeed, had at first no person of any distinction to aid him, till Colonel Forde arrived from Masulipatam. This officer was in bad health; and accounts had reached Bengal that the Directors had not confirmed his nomination to the service; but neither indisposition, nor disgust at this treatment, prevented him from offering his valuable services to his friend and patron, at a crisis when they were so much required. His skill and gallantry were alike conspicuous in attacking and defeating so superior a force. This is shown by the narrative. According to other accounts, his success was greatly to be attributed to the position of the enemy at the period of the attack. It is stated upon good authority, that foreseeing this advantage, but acting with the caution which the attack upon the troops of a European nation not in a state of war required, Colonel Forde wrote a note, stating, "that if he had the Order in Council, he could attack the Dutch, with a fair prospect of destroying them." Clive, to whom this note was addressed, received it when playing at cards. Without quitting the table, he wrote an answer in pencil, "Dear Forde, fight them immediately. I will send you the Order of Council to-morrow."
Clive appears to have been upon the best footing with several of the principal inhabitants of Chinsura, particularly their Governor, Mr. Adrian Bisdom, who, though his name (as he stated) was often and freely used, had been throughout hostile to the violent proceedings of his countrymen. We find, indeed, in his letters during these differences, a tone of deep regret at the violent measures resorted to by both parties, mixed with the strongest expressions of personal regard for Clive, and gratitude for his kindness both in his private and official station.[[79]] We discovered, also, from his letters to Clive[[80]], that the large remittances the latter had made through Batavia or Holland were not settled, and that the Dutch East India Company were discontented, and had deferred the payment of the bills, expressing their displeasure at the terms their local government had granted. The conduct Clive pursued towards their armament was not likely to make them view any transaction in which he was concerned in a more favourable light; but the thoughts of himself, or his fortune, had no weight in a question where the interests of his country were so deeply involved.
A more critical situation than that in which Clive was placed by the arrival of the Dutch armament can hardly be conceived. The responsibility he took upon himself, in determining to oppose it, was great; but his mind never faltered when the public welfare was to be promoted by his personal hazard. When some of his friends remonstrated with him on the danger which he incurred, in opposing, during the existence of peace, the passage of the armament of a friendly power up the Ganges, he is said to have answered, that "a public man may occasionally be called upon to act with a halter round his neck." The inadequacy of his means was to him the most appalling circumstance; but this was remedied by the wisdom of his plans, and the vigour of their execution. The moderation he showed after victory was calculated to allay, as far as possible, that feeling of hostility which these proceedings must have excited. A very minute investigation of the whole subject took place in Europe: but the Dutch Local Government, in the treaty into which they entered with the English, had acknowledged themselves the aggressors, and Clive had been so cautious in every step he took, that his conduct could not be impugned; and he received, as he merited, unqualified approbation for this last act of his government, which terminated, as it was meant to do, all attempts of the Dutch to rival the political power of the English in Bengal. Their views in that country were thenceforward limited to objects of commerce.
By the events (A. D. 1759) narrated in the preceding chapter, Mahommed Ali Khan, whom the Government of Fort St. George had so long supported, became the undisputed Nabob of the Carnatic. Salabut Jung, the Soubahdar of the Deckan, had entered into an alliance with the Company; and his brother Nizam Ali, who was rising rapidly into power, was most favourably disposed to cultivate their friendship.
The affairs of the small but important settlement of Bombay appeared as prosperous as those of Madras. Surat, one of the principal sea-ports and richest towns on the western side of India, had fallen into decay, as the power of the Mogul government declined. This city, independent of its wealth, had great value with the Mahommedans, from being the port at which the pilgrims annually assembled on their way to the sacred tombs of their prophet or of his descendants. The Emperor furnished the vessel which conveyed to Jidda (a port in the Red Sea) those pilgrims who went to Mecca. The convoy of this vessel, as well as the protection of the commerce of Surat, had been for some time intrusted to the chief of Jinjeera, who was styled the Admiral of the Emperor, and had, in virtue of that office, an assignment on the revenues of Surat, amounting to the sum of three lacs of rupees per annum. On the ground of this amount not being regularly paid Seedee Massoud, the ruling chief of Jinjeera, had first seized the castle of Surat, and afterwards greatly encroached upon the other local authorities of that place. He died in 1756; and his son not only retained this usurpation, but demanded one third of the revenues of the city; another third was paid to the Mahrattas, as the price of their abstaining from hostilities, and the remaining third was divided among those officers who governed in the name of the Emperor of Delhi.
This division of authority, together with the intrigues and disputes to which it gave rise, was ruinous to the prosperity of the town, and attended with continual alarm and danger to the inhabitants. The English factory, which had been settled at Surat for a century and a half, suffered considerably during this distracted state of affairs, and the Government of Bombay, consequently, listened with approbation to an overture made by the principal officers and merchants of Surat, inviting them to take the castle, to expel the Seedee, and on receiving an assignment of two lacs of rupees, to become the future protectors of the commerce of the port. An expedition was sent, which, after a short opposition from the Seedee, completely succeeded; and the garrison of the castle were compelled to surrender to the English, who acted throughout with the sanction and aid of the officers of the Emperor.
An account of the events which had occurred was sent by Mr. Spencer (the chief of Surat) to Delhi; from whence he obtained sunnuds[[81]], or deeds, appointing the English Company governors of Surat Castle, and admirals of the Emperor's fleet, and granting them an assignment upon the revenues of the city for two lacs of rupees per annum.
These events added both to the strength and the fame of the settlement of Bombay, and rendered it better able to cope with its predatory neighbours the Mahrattas. The principal chiefs of that nation, however, were at this period more occupied with the affairs of the northern than of the western parts of India.
Alumgeer the Second was still the Emperor of Delhi; but he continued a prisoner in the hands of his ambitious minister, who, himself surrounded by Mahratta armies, and expecting another invasion of the Affghauns, exercised but a precarious authority. The Shah-Zada was still in a state of hostility; and having lately received countenance from the ruler of Oude, he again threatened with invasion the territories of Bahar. This danger would not appear to have been considered serious by Clive: but he was very uneasy regarding the internal state of Bengal; and the last months of his stay in India were devoted to arrangements for securing its tranquillity.
The treasury of the Nabob had been exhausted by the great sums he had paid as the price of his elevation. His extravagance, that of his son, and, above all, the maintenance of large bodies of useless troops, aggravated his distress. The slave of habit, and devoid of energy, Meer Jaffier was incapable of remedying his condition, which became daily more embarrassing. The conduct of his son, also, alarmed him; and from his communications to Mr. Hastings, it evidently appeared that he sometimes thought the impatient ambition of Meeran would lead him to accelerate, by an act of violence, the hour of his succession. Yet, notwithstanding the urgent advice of Clive[[82]], he would neither diminish the troops of his son, nor cease to employ him in situations which were calculated to increase his influence, and add to his power. The Nabob disliked the superiority and influence of Clive, but he certainly was personally attached to him.[[83]] He regarded him with the same dread and apprehension which a wayward scholar bears his preceptor. Though he feared his anger, he had complete reliance on his justice and good faith, and from habit looked to him with hopes of every consideration that was possible for his errors and weakness. With such sentiments, he was alarmed at the near prospect of Clive's departure; and his feeling affords strong presumptive proof, that, into whatever intrigues or plots Jaffier had been hurried or led, he could not, at this period, have deliberately contemplated any plan of hostility against the English power. If he had harboured any such scheme, it is quite evident that Clive's quitting the scene was the only event that could give it the least prospect of success.
The chief cause which alarmed Meer Jaffier and other natives of rank at the intended departure of Clive was the fear of his successor not exercising the same authority in checking and controlling the subordinate officers of their government. They feared, and with reason, that spirit of contemptuous superiority, which the extraordinary and sudden rise of the English in Bengal had engendered among many of the Europeans in the service of the Company, and still more the assumed influence and power of the natives in their employment.
The Nabob and his chief managers had, notwithstanding Clive's efforts, too great reason to complain of the insolent pretensions and fraudulent practices of Gomastahs (or agents) employed by the gentlemen in office at Calcutta, and in different parts of the country. Many of Clive's public and private letters convey his sentiments very strongly upon this subject; and from one of them we learn, that he had punished most severely a native in his own service, for using his name as a sanction to some abuses. This afforded him an opportunity, of which he availed himself, of stating to the Committee of Fort William, the great importance of continued and vigilant attention to a point, upon which the temper and good feeling of their ally and his principal subjects must so much depend.
The alarm at Clive's return to England was not limited to the natives: all the first civil servants, Mr. Amyatt, Mr. Holwell, Mr. Sykes, Mr. Hastings, and many others, entreated him to remain some time longer. Their sentiments are nearly similar. I shall, therefore, content myself with stating those reasons which Mr. Hastings brought forward in support of his arguments on this subject.
"I own," Mr. Hastings observes[[84]], "with great concern I learnt that your resolution is fixed to return this season to Europe. The disinterested regard which, without fearing the imputation of flattery, I may declare you have ever shown for the Company's welfare, convinces me, that you would not have determined upon this step, were it in the least respect inconsistent with that principle. Yet permit me, Sir, upon this occasion, to lay before you such consequences as, from my little experience of the Durbar affairs, I apprehend may attend your absence.
"I am, and always have been, of opinion, that the Nabob is, both by interest and inclination, heartily attached to the English; but I think it as certain that the people about him, especially his Muttaseddies[[85]] and the Seits, who are evidently great sufferers by the large acquisitions of power which the English have obtained in this Government, would gladly use every possible means to alienate his affections from us. At present, the personal obligations which he confessedly lies under to you are sufficient to intimidate them from any open attempts against us; but as your absence will encourage these people to throw off the mask, and the Nabob is but of an irresolute and unsettled temper, I don't think it possible that he can hold out against the united influence of so many evil counsellors, as will be perpetually instilling into his mind the necessity of reducing the English power. I am the more apprehensive of their success, from the expressions which he has frequently made use of, before the late attempt of the Shah-Zada, intimating that he knew nobody amongst the English but yourself to whom he had any obligations, and that nothing but his friendship for you restrained him from retaliating the many insults which he pretended to have received from the English.
"As there is nobody to succeed you with the same influence, and other advantages which you possess, nothing but a large military force will secure our privileges from being encroached upon, as soon as you quit the country; not to mention the dangers we are threatened with from our natural enemies the French, which, by your resignation of the service, will be doubled upon us, and in which it is very probable the Nabob will stand neuter. I believe I mentioned to you already, that, in conversation with one of the Nabob's principal confidants, a day or two before I went down to Calcutta, he inadvertently dropped, that the French had made some overtures towards an accommodation with the Nabob through his means, and seemed, by his discourse, to wish that it might be brought about; but whether he spoke his own sentiments only, or the Nabob's, I could not judge, as he would not explain himself further upon the subject. This much, indeed, he added, that the proposal was at that time rejected. I do not advance this as an argument that the Nabob is inclinable to favour the French; but I think it would not be difficult to persuade him, that it would be for his interest to suffer the French to come into his country again, both for the increase of his revenues (a very prevailing argument) and to balance the power of the English; and with regard to his engagement by the treaty to succour the English against their enemies; I don't apprehend it will be any further binding, than as it is for his advantage to abide by it.
"Of the great consequence which a junction of the country forces would prove to us in case of an invasion from the French, I would not presume to say any thing in an address to you. If the French attempt any thing against Bengal before your departure, I think I can answer for the Nabob's readiness to assist you against them; but that he will exert himself as zealously in our favour when you are gone, I greatly doubt.
"I know not in what light you may regard the proposal lately made from Delhi, or whether the consideration of the further advantages that may result from a nearer connection with that Court (in which your intervention appears of indispensable necessity) deserve to be thrown into the scale; though I must own it is my opinion, that nothing can contribute so much to establish the power of the English in this country on the most solid and lasting foundation as an interest properly established at that Court.
"Such other arguments as might be produced for the necessity of your stay, till affairs are a little more settled in this country, not coming properly under my province, I shall pass over; nor should I have troubled you with so much on this subject, but that, as these reflections have been suggested to me by my particular employ at the Durbar, I thought they might not so readily occur to, or carry the same weight with, any other person; to which I may add, that, as I have in common with the whole settlement an interest in your stay amongst us, I have a particular one from the difficulties which I well foresee will attend me in my present situation, as soon as I lose your influence."
Clive's correspondence at this period contains the fullest evidence, that, independently of other motives, one great object of his return to England was the hope of being able, by his personal representations and influence, to obtain the adoption of measures which he thought calculated to preserve India. He desired to obtain for the Governors of the three Presidencies commissions from his Majesty as Major-Generals, in order that their superior rank might put an end to the pretensions and independent powers of his Majesty's officers, which had been found, on some occasions, seriously to impede and injure the public service. He was also anxious, as he stated in several letters, to arrive in England before peace was concluded with France.
Writing to Mr. Vansittart upon these subjects, he observes[[86]], "All things considered, my design is to get with the utmost expedition to England. Supposing I set out in January, I may arrive the beginning of May; and an answer to my proposals may come to hand the end of the same year. My intention is to get you fixt in this government, and to have Forde and Caillaud at the head of the military; and, if possible, to prevail on the Directors" (for it entirely depends upon them) "to apply to his Majesty for commissions of Major-Generals for the Governors, for the time being, of the three Presidencies. If my interest prevails, I flatter myself I shall have rendered the Company more service by my return to England than by my stay in Bengal. If a peace should be on the tapis, I may be of some use likewise; for convinced I am the Directors are not masters sufficiently of the subject, and will probably conclude a peace in Europe, which cannot possibly be abided by in the East Indies."
I shall, hereafter, have occasion to show the correctness of his conjectures, with respect to the benefit which might be derived from his presence in England on the expected occurrence of a peace with France.
To understand the causes of the contradictory orders from England, which weakened and distracted the governments in India, it will be necessary to take a short view of the actual state of the Court of Directors, and of that of the proprietors at this period.
Mr. Payne was Chairman, and at the head of the majority by whom the government of rotation was first appointed. To judge from the facts before us, and, indeed, from his published narratives, we should believe Mr. Holwell to have been the person who first suggested this expedient. He had proceeded to England soon after he was released by Suraj-u-Dowlah; and his claims and sufferings appear to have made a considerable impression upon many of the Directors. Still he was too young a servant to be nominated governor; but the plan of the rotation government gave him a share of that dignity which he could not hope to hold alone; and he himself informs us, that the Directors, after protracted discussions upon this subject, agreed unanimously[[87]] in the scheme of vesting the government of Bengal in four of their servants, Messrs. Watts, Manningham, Becher, and Holwell; but this resolution, as stated at the period, was only intended as a temporary measure.
A general reform of the settlement of Fort William was subsequently taken into consideration, and a plan was adjusted at various meetings, at which none were present but the two Chairmen, the Secretary, and Mr. Holwell.[[88]]
About this period, violent opposition arose to the Chairman and his friends, headed by his deputy Mr. Lawrence Sulivan, Mr. Stephen Law, and several men of talent. This party were indefatigable in their exertions; and, although they were a minority in the Court of Directors, they had great influence with the Proprietors. They early declared themselves decidedly hostile to the continuance of the rotation government; and when the accounts of Clive's successes led to his nomination, Mr. Sulivan proposed that a resolution should be added, to the following effect:—
"That the important changes in their affairs in Bengal, made the expedient of the rotation no longer needful, but that Mr. Watts should be appointed to succeed the Colonel."
After a debate on this question, in which the opposing parties were very violent, Colonel Clive was nominated, but to be succeeded, on leaving India, by the rotation government; and the proposed reforms in the government of Fort William were directed to be carried into execution. The minority, undismayed by their defeat, had recourse to the General Court, and carried by their influence the proposition,—
"That the rotation of four should be abolished, and the government of Bengal be conducted by a single Governor and Council as heretofore."
The Court of Proprietors, at the same time that it came to this resolution, declared it had no intention of interfering with the appointment of the Governor and Council, which belonged wholly to the Court of Directors; in which this subject gave rise to further discussions. The names of Mr. Watts and Mr. Holwell were brought forward as successors to Clive; and the majority being in favour of the latter, he was elected. This choice was no sooner made than the Chairman read a letter he had previously received from Mr. Holwell, requesting, should he be elected, to decline the station in favour of Mr. Manningham, who was (he stated) senior, and whose claims were so great, that, if he were superseded, he would in all likelihood retire; and his loss would be seriously injurious to the public service.
Those who opposed Mr. Holwell's elevation gave him little credit for this display of self-denial. It was certain, they alleged, that Mr. Manningham was on the eve of his return to England, and that Mr. Holwell, if appointed his successor, would have both the station, and the merit of having waived his own pretensions in favour of a much older and more deserving public servant. Whatever were his motives, his suggestion was attended to. Mr. Manningham was (in the event of Clive's leaving India) nominated Governor; and Mr. Holwell and Mr. Becher were appointed to be, in their turn, his successors. Affairs continued in this state until the general election of Directors in April, 1758, when the minority brought forward a list of Directors in opposition to that of the majority, or house-list. A violent contest arose, but the ballot terminated in favour of the late minority; whose friends in the new direction outnumbered their opponents. From this date, Mr. Sulivan, who became Chairman, acquired an influence and power in the India House which he long maintained. He was, at this period, greatly indebted to Clive, who gave him all his support, believing him, from his talents and his former residence in India, more fitted than any of his competitors for the management of the affairs of the Company.
Writing to Mr. S. Law[[89]] on this subject, he observes:—
"It has given me much pleasure to hear Mr. Sulivan is at the head of the Direction. Much more may be expected from one who has laid the foundation of his knowledge in India, than from those who have no experience but what they have pick't up in the city of London."
Clive, writing to Mr. Smyth King[[90]], ascribes the fall of Mr. Payne's party to their "endeavours to keep up that absurd system (as he justly terms it) of the rotation;" and in the same letter he says, "I have to request you will support Mr. Sulivan as far as your interest goes; he shall have all mine, because I am persuaded his endeavours are used for the good of the service."
In almost all his letters[[91]] of this period to his friends in England, he urges the same request, and upon the same grounds. He could, at this time, have little anticipation, that he was strengthening the man, who was hereafter to prove the most violent and powerful of all the assailants of his fame and fortune.
When Mr. Sulivan had gained the ascendancy, his first measure was to stop the vessels under despatch, and to change the commission of Government, and indeed to annul all the appointments of his predecessor. Colonel Clive was re-appointed Governor; Mr. Watts second and successor; after him, Major Kilpatrick and nine other members of Council, who were to succeed according to their seniority. Mr. Holwell was no more than fifth on this list; but, by death and the departure for England of those above him, he became, when Clive left India, the person to succeed him.
The Directors, in the contests and changes which have been described, were believed to be as much (if not more) governed by personal attachments and resentments, as by considerations of duty. The public clamour was loud against them; and when, after stopping the ships, they applied for convoy, Lord Anson (then at the head of the Admiralty) told them[[92]], "that in place of labouring for the interest of the Company and the nation, their sole aim seemed to be gratifying their private resentments, distressing His Majesty's service, and embroiling their constituents' affairs."
The mind of Clive was naturally much occupied in devising the best means of preserving to his country the valuable possessions in India which he had been so greatly instrumental in acquiring. After what has been stated of the conduct of the Court of Directors, it is not surprising that he should have come to a conclusion, that the India Government in England, in its actual condition, was incompetent to the large and increasing duties which it had to perform. With regard to Bengal, while he saw no stability in the administration of Meer Jaffier, a vision of its future greatness was before him; and he submitted his thoughts upon this subject in a letter to Mr. Pitt, whom alone, among the Ministers of England, he considered competent to comprehend all the points and interests of this important question. The following is his letter to that great statesman:—
"To the Right Hon. William Pitt,
"One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State.
"Sir,
"Suffer an admirer of yours at this distance to congratulate himself on the glory and advantage which are likely to accrue to the nation by your being at its head, and at the same to return his most grateful thanks for the distinguished manner you have been pleased to speak of his successes in these parts, far indeed beyond his deservings.
"The close attention you bestow on the affairs of the British nation in general has induced me to trouble you with a few particulars relative to India, and to lay before you an exact account of the revenues of this country, the genuineness whereof you may depend upon, as it has been faithfully extracted from the Minister's books.
"The great revolution that has been effected here by the success of the English arms, and the vast advantages gained to the Company by a treaty concluded in consequence thereof, have, I observe, in some measure, engaged the public attention; but much more may yet in time be done, if the Company will exert themselves in the manner the importance of their present possessions and future prospects deserves. I have represented to them in the strongest terms the expediency of sending out and keeping up constantly such a force as will enable them to embrace the first opportunity of further aggrandising themselves; and I dare pronounce, from a thorough knowledge of this country government[[93]], and of the genius of the people, acquired by two years' application and experience, that such an opportunity will soon offer. The reigning Subah, whom the victory at Plassey invested with the sovereignty of these provinces, still, it is true, retains his attachment to us, and probably, while he has no other support, will continue to do so; but Musselmans are so little influenced by gratitude, that should he ever think it his interest to break with us, the obligations he owes us would prove no restraint: and this is very evident from his having lately removed his Prime Minister, and cut off two or three principal officers, all attached to our interest, and who had a share in his elevation. Moreover, he is advanced in years; and his son is so cruel, worthless a young fellow, and so apparently an enemy to the English, that it will be almost unsafe trusting him with the succession. So small a body as two thousand Europeans will secure us against any apprehensions from either the one or the other; and, in case of their daring to be troublesome, enable the Company to take the sovereignty upon themselves.
"There will be the less difficulty in bringing about such an event, as the natives themselves have no attachment whatever to particular princes; and as, under the present Government, they have no security for their lives or properties, they would rejoice in so happy an exchange as that of a mild for a despotic Government: and there is little room to doubt our easily obtaining the Moghul's sunnud (or grant) in confirmation thereof, provided we agreed to pay him the stipulated allotment out of the revenues, viz. fifty lacs annually. This has, of late years, been very ill-paid, owing to the distractions in the heart of the Moghul Empire, which have disabled that court from attending to their concerns in the distant provinces: and the Vizier has actually wrote to me, desiring I would engage the Nabob to make the payments agreeable to the former usage; nay, further: application has been made to me from the Court of Delhi, to take charge of collecting this payment, the person entrusted with which is styled the King's Dewan, and is the next person both in dignity and power to the Subah. But this high office I have been obliged to decline for the present, as I am unwilling to occasion any jealousy on the part of the Subah; especially as I see no likelihood of the Company's providing us with a sufficient force to support properly so considerable an employ, and which would open a way for securing the Subahship to ourselves. That this would be agreeable to the Moghul can hardly be questioned, as it would be so much to his interest to have these countries under the dominion of a nation famed for their good faith, rather than in the hands of people who, a long experience has convinced him, never will pay him his proportion of the revenues, unless awed into it by the fear of the Imperial army marching to force them thereto.
"But so large a sovereignty may possibly be an object too extensive for a mercantile Company; and it is to be feared they are not of themselves able, without the nation's assistance, to maintain so wide a dominion. I have therefore presumed, Sir, to represent this matter to you, and submit it to your consideration, whether the execution of a design, that may hereafter be still carried to greater lengths, be worthy of the Government's taking it into hand. I flatter myself I have made it pretty clear to you, that there will be little or no difficulty in obtaining the absolute possession of these rich kingdoms; and that with the Moghul's own consent, on condition of paying him less than a fifth of the revenues thereof. Now I leave you to judge, whether an income yearly of upwards of two millions sterling, with the possession of three provinces abounding in the most valuable productions of nature and of art, be an object deserving the public attention; and whether it be worth the nation's while to take the proper measures to secure such an acquisition,—an acquisition which, under the management of so able and disinterested a minister, would prove a source of immense wealth to the kingdom, and might in time be appropriated in part as a fund towards diminishing the heavy load of debt under which we at present labour. Add to these advantages the influence we shall thereby acquire over the several European nations engaged in the commerce here, which these could no longer carry on but through our indulgence, and under such limitations as we should think fit to prescribe. It is well worthy consideration, that this project may be brought about without draining the mother country, as has been too much the case with our possessions in America. A small force from home will be sufficient, as we always make sure of any number we please of black troops, who, being both much better paid and treated by us than by the country powers, will very readily enter into our service. Mr. Walsh, who will have the honour of delivering you this, having been my Secretary during the late fortunate expedition, is a thorough master of the subject, and will be able to explain to you the whole design, and the facility with which it may be executed, much more to your satisfaction, and with greater perspicuity, than can possibly be done in a letter. I shall therefore only further remark, that I have communicated it to no other person but yourself; nor should I have troubled you, Sir, but from a conviction that you will give a favourable reception to any proposal intended for the public good.
"The greatest part of the troops belonging to this establishment are now employed in an expedition against the French in the Deckan; and, by the accounts lately received from thence, I have great hopes we shall succeed in extirpating them from the province of Golconda, where they have reigned lords paramount so long, and from whence they have drawn their principal resources during the troubles upon the coast.
"Notwithstanding the extraordinary effort made by the French in sending out M. Lally with a considerable force the last year, I am confident, before the end of this, they will be near their last gasp in the Carnatic[[94]], unless some very unforeseen event interpose in their favour. The superiority of our squadron, and the plenty of money and supplies of all kinds which our friends on the coast will be furnished with from this province, while the enemy are in total want of every thing, without any visible means of redress, are such advantages as, if properly attended to, cannot fail of wholly effecting their ruin in that as well as in every other part of India.
"May the zeal and the vigorous measures, projected for the service of the nation, which have so eminently distinguished your ministry, be crowned with all the success they deserve, is the most fervent wish of him who is, with the greatest respect,
"Sir,
"Your most devoted humble servant,
(Signed) "Robt. Clive.
"Calcutta,
"7th January, 1759."
The reader will, no doubt, be curious to learn Mr. Pitt's sentiments on this very remarkable letter, and fortunately the means are preserved of gratifying so natural a curiosity. Mr. Walsh, by whom the letter was sent, on the 26th of November, 1759, gives Clive an account of his interview with Mr. Pitt. That great minister, while he acknowledged the practicability of the plan, was aware of the difficulties that attended its principle and details. "It was not till six days ago that I had admittance to Mr. Pitt. He had made one or two appointments, but was obliged by business to postpone them, for certainly he has an infinite deal on his hands. He received me with the utmost politeness, and we had a tête-à-tête for an hour and a quarter, of which I will endeavour to sum up the particulars. He began by mentioning how much he was obliged to you, for the marks you had given him of your friendship; and then began on the subject of your letter. I said I was apprehensive, from my not having had the honour to speak with him before, that he looked upon the affair as chimerical: he assured me, not at all, but very practicable; but that it was of a very nice nature. He mentioned the Company's charter not expiring these twenty years; that upon some late transactions it had been inquired into, whether the Company's conquests and acquisitions belonged to them or the Crown, and the Judges seemed to think to the Company. He spoke this matter a little darkly, and I cannot write upon it with precision: he said the Company were not proper to have it, nor the Crown, for such a revenue would endanger our liberties; and that you had shown your good sense by the application of it to the public. He said the difficulty of effecting the affair was not great, under such a genius as Colonel Clive; but the sustaining it was the point: it was not probable he would be succeeded by persons equal to the task. He asked how long you proposed continuing there; that by your letter he might conclude you intended to carry the business into execution. I answered that no one's zeal for the public service was greater than yours; but that I believed your ill health would oblige you to return shortly. I then mentioned Van's abilities, and that he was upon the point of being made Governor of Bengal. I observed to him that it was necessary for him to determine whether it was an object for the Company or the State; for I was persuaded, that, if the State neglected it, the Company, in process of time, would secure it; that they would even find themselves under a necessity to do it for their greater quiet and safety, exclusive of gain. He seemed to weigh that; but, as far as I could judge by what passed then, it will be left to the Company to do what they please.
"I took an opportunity of mentioning that the French seemed to direct their views greatly towards India; spoke of Dupleix's designs, Bussy's letter, and Lally's armament, which, happily for us, had melted away to nothing, but that in time of peace, if not somehow restrained, they would certainly pour men into India, and be formidable in after times. He asked me about Mauritius; whether the reduction of that would not be laying the axe to the root, and how far it was practicable. I gave him what information I was capable of on the subject, and referred him, for further, to Speke, who I said was a clever officer, and, I believed, had revolved the matter in his breast for some time past. Before parting, he hinted to me a supply for this season of four men-of-war, and a thousand men: these generally are granted pretty late, and we must imagine they will be so this season, as an invasion has been seriously thought of, and we are still doubtful as to the destination of Brest fleet. I don't recollect any thing further, of any consequence, that passed in our conversation. I might, indeed, acquaint you, that he asked very particularly if I had any thoughts of returning to India."
The line of policy which subsequently marked our progress in India, is strongly depicted in this conversation. Mr. Pitt saw, in their infancy, the difficulties which have so long prevented the final settlement of that country; and Mr. Walsh, tutored in the school of Clive, already clearly discovered the future inevitable extension of our dominions and power.
Clive's letter was written a twelvemonth before he left Calcutta. Neither the events in India, nor those in England, were calculated to alter the sentiments it contained, regarding the necessity for the interference of the legislature of Great Britain in the administration of the interests of the nation in India. The despatches received from the Directors immediately before he resigned the Government, appear to have excited equal disgust in his mind, and in the minds of his ablest colleagues; and in the concluding paragraphs of a general letter to the Directors, the Bengal Government expressed their sentiments with a freedom, which, though becoming their high sense of the duty which they owed to themselves and to their country, was but little suited to the temper or constitution of their superiors.
The following are the observations made in this letter upon the conduct of the Court of Directors.
"Having fully spoken to every branch of your affairs at this Presidency, under their established heads, we cannot, consistently with the real anxiety we feel for the future welfare of that respectable body, for whom you and we are in trust, close this address without expostulating with freedom on the unprovoked and general asperity of your letter per the Prince Henry Packet. Our sentiments on this head will, we doubt not, acquire additional weight, from the consideration of their being subscribed by a majority of your Council; who are at this very period quitting your service, and consequently independent and disinterested. Permit us to say, that the diction of your letter is most unworthy yourselves and us, in whatever relation considered, either as masters to servants, or gentlemen to gentlemen. Mere inadvertencies and casual neglects arising from an unavoidable and most complicated confusion in the state of your affairs, have been treated in such language and sentiments, as nothing but the most glaring and premeditated faults could warrant. Groundless informations have, without further scrutiny, borne with you the stamp of truth, though proceeding from those who had therein obviously their own purpose to serve, no matter at whose expense. These have received from you such countenance and encouragement, as must assuredly tend to cool the warmest zeal of your servants here, and every where else, as they will appear to have been only the source of general reflections thrown out at random against your faithful servants of this Presidency, in various parts of your letter now before us—faithful to little purpose, if the breath of scandal, joined to private pique or private and personal attachments, have power to blow away in one hour the merits of many years' services, and deprive them of that rank and those rising benefits which are justly a spur to their integrity and application. The little attention shown to these considerations, in the indiscriminate favours heaped on some individuals, and undeserved censures on others, will, we apprehend, lessen that spirit of zeal so very essential to the well-being of your affairs, and consequently, in the end, if continued, prove the destruction of them. Private views may, it is much to be feared, take the lead here, from examples at home, and no gentlemen hold your service longer, nor exert themselves further in it, than their own exigencies require. This being the real state of your service, it becomes strictly our duty to represent it in the strongest light."[[95]]
This despatch was signed by Clive, and by Messrs. Holwell, Playdell, Sumner, and M'Guire, Members of Council. I shall only so far anticipate the narrative as to state, that it excited the utmost indignation and violence at the India House.[[96]]
The Directors had immediate recourse to the extreme measure of removing and commanding to be sent to England, the four gentlemen who had joined Clive in this strong remonstrance. This vindication of their authority, which they deemed necessary to prevent the further diffusion of the contagion of disrespect and insubordination among their servants, was attended with the most unhappy results. It deprived the public, at a critical period, of the aid of some of the most moderate and experienced of the civil servants in Bengal, and promoted to high stations others of a very opposite character: and there can be no doubt, the result of these changes was the massacre at Patna, one of the most shocking catastrophes to be found on the page of the History of British India.
Clive was at no pains to conceal the sentiments which the conduct of the Court of Directors had excited in his mind. In his answer to an address from the European inhabitants of Calcutta, he observes:—
"I am so thoroughly sensible, Gentlemen, of this testimony of your approbation of my conduct, that though the ill-treatment I received from the Court of Directors in their last general letter, has fully determined me in throwing up the service, yet I could waive all personal considerations, and without hesitation comply with your request, did the state of your affairs really require my making such a sacrifice to you. But the additional credit you have gained throughout the country by your late success over the Dutch, the arrival of Major Caillaud, with the reinforcement from Madras, and the approach of the detachment lately commanded by Colonel Forde, which you now shortly expect, ensure you from the least shadow of danger for some time to come. In the interim, proper measures may be taken at home for the better security of this valuable settlement, to promote which, you may depend upon my exerting my utmost interests; and I may perhaps be able to serve you more effectually than by my continuing here."
Mr. Amyatt, the Chief of Patna, had written to Clive, expressing his fear for the continued tranquillity of the country. Clive, in his answer[[97]], observes, "Your reflections on the situation of affairs in general are very just. I make no doubt but the troubles will begin again in the North. The Nabob will be here in a few days, and I shall advise him to take the field, the instant the weather will permit. He will have a party of our troops with him, and, if it should be necessary, I will accompany him myself. 'Venienti occurrite morbo,' is the advice given by all physicians; and if the Nabob settles the Purneah country, and then marches to the pass of Terriagully, the evil-minded will be overawed, and probably your province of Bahar may remain quiet and in peace."
The arrival of the Dutch armament, while it prevented the proposed march of the Nabob, gave encouragement to the Shah-Zada to repeat his invasion of Bahar. Clive received advices of his movement in January, 1760, when at Moorshedabad on a farewell visit to the Nabob; but he appears to have had no alarm for the result, as Major Caillaud (whom the Madras Government had at his request sent to command in Bengal) had arrived with a considerable reinforcement of troops, and Colonel Forde's detachment was daily expected. Besides being confident in the Commander, and in the number and quality of the troops, Clive had every reliance upon Ram Narrain; whose fidelity, however, he thought it proper on this occasion to fortify, by repeating his solemn assurances of protection.
"You will deliver the inclosed" (he writes[[98]] to Mr. Amyatt), "which is an encouraging letter to Ram Narrain; and at the same time assure him yourself from me, that he may depend upon my taking care of his interests; and that I will recommend him in so strong a manner to the protection of Major Caillaud, who has now the command of the English forces, that he may look upon himself as safe from any danger as if I myself were at their head.
"Our forces move to Ghyreebaug to-morrow; and in a few days, I hope, will proceed as far as Rajamahul at least, and further, should it be found necessary. There has been some dispute, between the father and son, who should go upon this expedition. I have thought it necessary to come to the city to adjust this affair amicably, and I believe the old man will make the campaign himself.
"The force with the Shah-Zada is so inconsiderable, that you can have nothing to fear from him in your parts; and Ram Narrain's troops with our detachment is an overmatch, I am well persuaded, for any number the unfortunate Prince can bring into the field."
Clive's instructions to Major Caillaud are short, but decisive, as to his opinion that no serious danger was to be apprehended. "I have this morning" (he writes[[99]]) "received advice by a letter of Ram Narrain to the Nabob; that Suraj-u-Dowlah was preparing to enter these provinces in support of the Shah-Zada. I have, therefore, ordered two hundred men, in addition to the reinforcement this day despatched to you, to be in readiness to proceed after you. When these have joined you, with the troops you already have, proceed with all expedition in conjunction with the Chŭta[[100]] Nabob, settle matters with the Purneah Nabob, and then endeavour to come up with the Shah-Zada before his party have gained head, and before Suraj-u-Dowlah, should he really have such intentions, can join him. If you meet with the Prince, I am persuaded you will give a good account of him; and that the check he will receive will deter others from making any incursions into the Nabob's dominions."
Clive returned from Moorshedabad, and after remaining a few weeks at Calcutta, he embarked for England. He was succeeded by Mr. Holwell, who, however, was soon superseded by Mr. Vansittart, (a member of the Council at Fort St. George,) with whom Clive had long been in terms of intimate friendship, and of whose integrity and abilities he had so high an opinion, that he earnestly recommended the Directors to appoint him to the government of Bengal. Mr. Vansittart states in several letters from Madras, that all his expectations of attaining that station rested on Clive, whose solicitude on this point appears to have been very great.
"I am preparing for you," (he observes in a letter to Mr. Vansittart[[101]],) "many papers and accounts, which will give you some insight into the affairs of this province, and of our great consequence at this juncture in Hindustan. As I have fixed upon you for this Government, it is necessary you should know how glorious a government it may prove for you and the Company. I hope to God, my interest in England will not fail me. I tremble when I think of the fatal consequences of such a mercenary man as * * *.
"The expected reinforcements," (Clive adds) "will in my opinion put Bengal out of all danger but that of venality and corruption."
I have before noticed Clive's exertions in favour of Mr. Sulivan. In one of his letters to that Gentleman, he congratulates him upon his becoming a Director, and assures him he will give him all his interest, "Because," (he observes) "I was always of opinion the Company's affairs could never be carried on to advantage, but under the management of one of those gentlemen who brought home with them a just knowledge of India, acquired by many years' experience."
In the same letter, Clive gives his opinion as to the future importance of Bengal, and the measures best calculated to secure the greatest benefits from that rich country. He also expresses his sentiments in the freest manner, as to the character of the public servants best qualified to fill high stations in India. I cannot refrain from quoting the concluding paragraphs of this able letter.
"As the Company's privileges," (he observes,) "have been greatly extended, so ought their views also; to conduct and carry on the affairs of Bengal to advantage, not only requires servants of ability, but many of them.
"Mr. Watts, I think, has not had that justice done to his merit which his services at Moorshedabad, and since, have deserved; therefore I cannot blame him for resigning. It was with much difficulty I prevailed upon Messrs. Manningham and Frankland to give me their assistance another year. They may, I believe, be prevailed upon to stay still longer.
"Mr. * * * * has talents, but I fear wants a heart, therefore unfit to preside where integrity as well as capacity are equally essential. Those who are more immediately to supply the vacant seats of this Board I dare not recommend to you, (Mr. Sumner excepted,) and I think it a duty I owe to my employers to call your remembrance to Messrs. Vansittart and Dupré, two gentlemen whose abilities and integrity would do credit to any employ. The merit of the former shines with so peculiar and bright a lustre, as must make his services coveted by every well-wisher to the Company; and they cannot shine in my opinion to greater advantage than at the Council Board of Calcutta. The Rev. Mr. Palk, without regard to his cloth, was deemed worthy of a seat in the Committee at Madras. Mr. Fullerton is not less so, and may be of equal utility in Bengal.
"There is not a gentleman on this side of the Cape so well qualified to be your Major as Captain Caillaud; it is hard to say, whether his abilities or zeal for your service be greater. I know not one so equal to the task of carrying on a part or the whole of my designs, under the direction of a President and Council, as that gentleman. If any accident should happen to him, or he should choose to remain on the coast, let me recommend as a fit person to succeed him Captain Carnac; I have had an opportunity of studying him, and can assure you he is master of an excellent heart, and of talents, in the military way, sufficient to do honour to his employers. I believe this gentleman will be recommended to you by Colonel Lawrence, and other hands, which will serve to illustrate my account of him.
"I can declare to you, Sir, with great truth and sincerity, I have no other attachment to particular persons than what their capacity of serving the Company entitles them to. As I am independent in my circumstances, so am I in my affections, where the good of the service calls upon me to be so; and I should never have given Mr. Sulivan the trouble of reading this letter, if I was not convinced he would look upon every syllable of it as proceeding from the dictates of a heart full of zeal and gratitude for the Company."
Mr. Sulivan had warmly congratulated Clive[[102]] upon his successes in Bengal; and I have great satisfaction in giving that gentleman's answer to Clive's letter just quoted; first, as it proves the congeniality of their views; and, secondly, as it conveys, in the most unqualified manner, a full approbation of Clive's conduct, as far as that was within the knowledge of Mr. Sulivan, and that gentleman could have been ignorant of no facts of any importance, except, perhaps, the grant of the Jaghire.
This letter is as follows:—
"Sir,
"As there is a possibility you may still remain at Calcutta to cherish and protect your own offspring, which certainly had been sacrificed without your presence, I shall just confess the receipt of your friendly and confidential letter; and every essential part is, or will be, carried into execution. The many judicious reflections you have made coincide with my own sentiments; and Mr. Vansittart, so justly your favourite, will, I hope, firmly establish this great and noble settlement.
"By our last advices, your situation was critical indeed; but I trust the same Providence that has hitherto so wonderfully protected you, has extricated you from that new labyrinth of dangers.
"I cannot conclude without confessing myself much obliged for your good opinion of my disinterested intentions. The Company have certainly a grateful sense of their obligations to Colonel Clive, and I hope ever to be esteemed,
"Sir,
"Your most obedient servant,
(Signed) "Law. Sulivan.
"To Col. Clive.
"London, 7th Dec. 1759."
Clive, though he saw no immediate danger in the actual state of affairs at the period of his departure, indulged no hope of the continued tranquillity of the country. It was his decided opinion, that in India, peace could only be made and preserved by our maintaining a strong and commanding military force. All his sentiments on this subject are summed up in the following short paragraph of a private letter to Mr. Stephen Law, one of the leading Directors.
"Peace," (he observes[[103]],) "is the most valuable of all blessings; but it must be made sword in hand in this country, if we mean to preserve our possessions. There is no alternative; either every thing in India must be reduced to their first principles, or such a standing force kept up, as may oblige the Musselmans literally to execute their treaties."
Clive sailed from India on the 25th day of February, 1760, rich both in fortune and in fame, far beyond any European who had ever visited that country. His departure was viewed with regret by many, and with apprehension by all who were interested in the prosperity of the British nation. He left a blank that could not be filled up. "It appeared," (to use the strong and expressive language of a contemporary observer,) "as if the soul was departing from the body of the Government of Bengal."