CHAP. XI.
However important the public services of individuals may be, however entitled to the notice and gratitude of their country, their reputation will lose much of its lustre, or receive additional splendour, from the tenor of their conduct in the different relations of private life. Speculative men may argue, that, if a statesman by his wise counsels, or a general by his military talents, promote the interests and glory of his country, it is of little consequence whether he is moral and virtuous. But such a conclusion is unjust: for men who attain distinction, by becoming objects of imitation, do infinite good or harm in the community to which they belong, by the influence of their example. Few can hope to emulate their higher qualities; but their failings and imperfections are within the reach of every one, and are copied by the lowest, in the belief that they thereby approximate themselves to him whom the public voice has raised to such celebrity. This influence over society renders such persons far more responsible than ordinary men, for every action, and becomes therefore one test by which public characters must be tried. There is, indeed, no way in which we can more satisfactorily confirm our opinion of the superiority of an individual, than by accompanying him into the walks of private life; for we may be assured that no stronger proof of his just title to pre-eminence can be obtained, than his not being intoxicated with his own elevation, and its effecting no alteration in his personal habits, or in the ties of family or of friendship; while, on the other hand, we may pronounce, that he who does not contemplate unchanged and undisturbed his own fame and fortune, is deficient in that simplicity and strength of mind, which are the most essential of all attributes in the composition of a truly great character.
If there be justice in these remarks, the general historian even should not lightly pass over the incidents of the private life of those eminent men whose public deeds it is his duty to record; but with the biographer such facts are of essential importance, not only as they develope the character of the subject of his biography, but as they establish or contradict the sincerity and truth of the alleged motives and principles of his public acts. I am very anxious to do justice to this part of my task, which for the sake of perspicuity I have separated from those official details, which have hitherto occupied so much of our attention. I can only hope the reader will experience the same satisfaction that I have had, in escaping for a time from the description of battles, sieges, crimes, and intrigues, to the less brilliant, though more pleasing subject of domestic habits, and the formation and maintenance of those ties of love and friendship which form the bonds of human society.
I have already spoken of the youth of Clive. In the review of his private life in this chapter I shall limit myself to the period which elapsed from his leaving England in 1756, until his return to that country in 1760.
During his short visit to England in 1753, Clive appears not only to have revived all his family connections, but to have extended very considerably the circle of his personal friends; and on his return to India, we discover that he numbered amongst his correspondents men of the first rank in his native land. Many of his private letters are addressed to Lord Barrington, the Chancellor[[104]], the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Mr. Henry Fox.
To the first of these noblemen, who was Secretary at War, Clive, in a letter under date the 23d of February, 1757, acknowledges himself under obligations for many marks of friendship, and particularly for his aid "in the election of Mitchell." To Mr. Henry Fox he owns himself indebted for much kindness; and he emphatically addresses him as the "patron and protector of the East India Company." He writes[[105]] to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Chancellor in terms which show that he had been honoured with their particular notice and kindness during his short residence in England.
Clive was in Parliament, but only for a few months; during which period, though on friendly terms with some members of the administration, he appears, as far as he engaged in public affairs, to have been in opposition to the King's ministers.[[106]] It is very evident, from the letters of his father at this period, that though he was disappointed[[107]], he had established some political influence; for the Duke of Newcastle, before he resigned the situation of Prime Minister, expressed himself most anxious to give his father a situation; and though this promise was never performed, the solicitude the Minister showed on this and other occasions to conciliate Clive's friendship and support, could only have proceeded from an impression of his talent, as he had at this time nothing that could give him any influence on the ground of wealth.
Though Clive's fortune was not large when he returned to England, he had realised, from his prize-money, and from the emoluments of the civil and military stations he had filled, a competence which would have satisfied a less aspiring mind; but he never seems to have even contemplated retirement from public life. Such a step, indeed, was neither consistent with his ambition, nor the generosity of his disposition. His first use of his wealth was to place all his family (and above all, his parents,) in a state of comfortable independence. He greatly added to the joy of his father, by appropriating a part of his fortune to save the family estate of Styche, to relieve which, he probably advanced its full value, as we find that it was transferred to him.[[108]] His father was delighted at his son becoming the owner of this property. This we see from many letters; and in one[[109]], written after Clive had sailed for India, he informs him that he had been at "the old place, which," he adds, "I always loved, and have kept the walls from tumbling, in hopes of seeing the new landlord come and take possession."
Clive appears himself to have been quite alive to all those family and local feelings, which have great value as associated with the earliest and most vivid of our recollections and affections. To judge from his private correspondence, no man ever more cherished such ties; for during the busiest periods of his public life, his letters continually refer to his relations and to the scenes of his boyhood; but above all, he speaks of old Styche with a fond familiarity that conveys an idea of the pleasure he must have had in becoming its possessor. Many of his letters upon these subjects are addressed to his father, by whose answer to one of them we may judge of the tone in which they were written. "Your letter," he observes, alluding to himself, "made the old man drop tears of joy, that you still survive with honour and success. May you go on and prosper!"
Clive did not remain two years in England. When he returned to India, accompanied by his lady, they left two infant boys; the eldest, Edward, is the present Lord Powis; the second, Richard, died shortly after the departure of his parents.
The great generosity of Clive to every branch of his family during this short visit to his native country, together with the manner in which he lived, and the expenses of his election, greatly diminished his property[[110]]; and it would seem from his agent's letters, that he had not, when he returned to India, more than three thousand pounds of money[[111]]; the interest of which, together with a small annuity he had purchased, he directed to be given to his father[[112]], whose letters are full of gratitude for the comfort given to his declining age by the liberality of his son.
"I am entirely obliged to you," he observes[[113]], in one of these now before me, "for the comfortable subsistence I may expect from your generosity, if I should live a few years longer. If among the dead, don't forget the old place of our nativity; but let Ned[[114]] reside there. If the Judge[[115]] does not take him, (as I think he will, if her Ladyship pleases,) he will soon be with us, and will divert me in the decline of life. I shall be desirous of living a little longer, in hopes of seeing the joyful day when you and my daughter return to England; but whatever events may happen before that time, God only knows, to whose pleasure I desire to submit."
The house of Styche had been given by Clive as a residence to his uncle, Mr. Robert Clive, who, with the other branches of the family, appears to have taken an interest in its being improved and beautified. I cannot refrain from making an extract from one of his letters on the subject.
"Things go on," he writes[[116]], "as usual at Styche, and I enjoy a very comfortable existence, under your roof. My income enables me to keep house while the family are in town; and when they come down, I am glad to see them. Aunt Fanny is with me this winter. I am in hopes of seeing you here again, and your most amiable lady, to whom I beg my most affectionate compliments. O that these next ships might bring you over! But I am well assured, your desire is towards your native country and your friends, and that you will be with us as soon as you can. Styche is now leased to a tenant; but as the term is expired within about two years, I think it will be better not to renew it but only from year to year, that you may be able to make such alterations as you please when you come to England. Mr. Mackworth has consented to our having a road over the meadows, and we have built a bridge for that purpose, which is a great convenience; many more might be thought of and had, were you here with one of Rajah Dowlah's millions. In the mean time, if you think of any thing that you would have done, I shall think myself honoured by a commission from you."
Clive's return to India in 1755, and the successes which attended him during the three following years, attracted more of the public notice from being contrasted with the reverses which had attended the British arms in Europe and America during this unpropitious period.
The success at Gheriah even, which (had the public mind not been full of disappointment) would probably not have been mentioned, was spoken of in all the newspapers of the day as an achievement of importance.
Mr. Smyth King, in a letter to Clive[[117]], observes, when alluding to this event; "The news of your success could not have reached England at a season more advantageous for the increase of your reputation; a season in which there was a general clamour and indignation for the ignominy that had been brought on our arms by the losses in the Mediterranean and North America, of which you will hear so much: I need not say any thing. The consequence has been driving out all the Ministry, Duke of Newcastle, Lord Chancellor, Mr. Fox, &c. &c. Mr. Pitt, and a new set in the Treasury and Admiralty, are now the steersmen: they have set out well at the opening of Parliament: how long they will continue in the good course, time will show. You will easily imagine how opportune and grateful the taking of Gheriah was, notwithstanding the distance of the place, and its not being so generally known. Colonel Clive was again in all the newspapers. I believe you have made a maxim of what I have somewhere read, that 'a man who has got himself a great name should every now and then strike some coup d'éclat, to keep up the admiration of the people.'"
The capture of Calcutta, the taking of Chandernagore, the battle of Plassey, and the dethronement and death of Suraj-u-Dowlah, with the elevation of Meer Jaffier, were events which, at any time, would have excited attention; but the impression they made was greatly increased by the depressed state of the public mind at the moment when intelligence of their occurrence reached England. They were hailed by all ranks, as redeeming, in some degree, the national reputation that had been lost in other quarters of the globe.
We meet, in a letter from his friend Mr. King, a concise and vivid description of the causes which combined at this period to raise Clive's fame in England.
"You are too well assured," that gentleman observes[[118]], "of the joy I must have felt at the news of your great actions, for me to profess it: they can add nothing to my admiration of your military capacity, which was at the height, with what you had achieved for several years. I can only tell you, what your love to your country will make you sorry for, that your conduct shines with a peculiar brightness, from the unglorious doings of our leaders of armies and admirals of fleets in Europe; and that the name of a Clive is made use of in the public papers to reproach and stimulate his superiors in rank, but not in fame. That you may judge how little we have to boast of at home, I will give you a compendium of our exploits since the beginning of the war.
"You already know Minorca is taken, for which Admiral Byng was shot, and Blakeney, who defended it, adorned with a title and a riband, though it is at this time undetermined whether his merit or demerit was the greater. Lord Loudon went to America last year, with a great number of troops and a strong fleet. All that we have heard from thence is, that the French have taken several of our forts, but that we have taken none of theirs, nor otherwise incommoded them.
"The Duke of Cumberland, in the beginning of the summer, put himself at the head of a German army, to defend the Electorate of Hanover; but after the loss of a battle, and being driven from post to post, was necessitated to capitulate with the French General, Duke de Richelieu, and signed a convention, whereby those favourite dominions are to be possessed by the French King till he shall think proper to evacuate them. His Royal Highness, a few days after his arrival in England, resigned all his commissions. Ligonier is made Commander-in-chief of the army. Less than two months ago, a fleet of about thirty ships of the line, commanded by three admirals, attended with a number of transports, carrying ten thousand land forces and three general officers, a noble train of artillery, and every thing proportionable, sailed upon a secret expedition; so secret, that it was never divulged, till this pompous armada of near a hundred sail arrived at Spithead, then was it known that the design had been against Rochelle; but that, after holding councils of war for five days, in sight of the coast, it was judged proper to sail home again and attempt nothing, for the Isle of Aix may be called nothing. Thus has a million been expended to set the people in an uproar. The Parliament is to meet in a fortnight; when it is expected they will find out, as Shakspeare says,—
"'The cause of this effect,
Or rather say, the cause of this defect,
For this effect defective comes by cause!'"
The name of Clive was heard every where: we are assured the King himself spoke of the Indian hero in the most flattering terms. Lord Ligonier asked his Majesty, "Whether the young Lord Dunmore might go as a volunteer to the army of the King of Prussia?" Leave was refused. "May he not join the Duke of Brunswick?" was the next request. "Pshaw!" said the King, "what can he learn there? If he want to learn the art of war, let him go to Clive!"[[119]]
But a higher honour was reserved for Clive, and one he valued more than all others. His name was not only brought forward, but held forth as an example, by the celebrated William Pitt. That statesman, in his speech on the Mutiny Bill, after adverting to the late disgraces which had attended the British arms, said, "We had lost our glory, honour, and reputation every where but in India. There the country had a heaven-born general who had never learned the art of war, nor was his name enrolled among the great officers who had for many years received their country's pay. Yet was he not afraid to attack a numerous army with a handful of men." After this he drew a character of Clive, which excited the admiration of every one, but above all, of the father of the distinguished individual whose name was honoured by such praise. The above extract of Mr. Pitt's panegyric is from his letter to his son[[120]], which is written in the pride of his heart, and concludes in the following words: "Thus you are, with truth, honourably spoke of throughout this nation: may you continue to be so, till you return to your native country, and to the embraces of an aged father!"
Clive, in 1758, had written to his father to try whether he could not obtain the appointment of General Governor of India. I do not find among his manuscripts any copy of his letter on this subject, which is to be regretted, as the notice taken of the suggestion by his friends proves, that his clear and penetrating mind saw, and desired to avert, the evils which were likely to result from the three presidencies (extended as our connections with native states had become) continuing to be ruled by distinct and independent authorities.
Clive's friends in England, to whom his father referred for advice, were of opinion that the proposition would never be entertained by the Court of Directors, and that regard for his interest should prevent its being made. There was another reason for not agitating this question. A motion[[121]] had some time before been brought forward in the Court of Proprietors, to give Clive a sum of 6000l., which was opposed on the ground of his having sufficient opportunities of acquiring fortune in the course of the service. This had occurred before the news of the battle of Plassey reached England. The reputation which that and subsequent events gave Clive with the nation, and with his Majesty's ministers, excited a spirit of jealousy amongst some of the Directors. His father informs him that several leading men in the India House appeared offended at the recommendations they had received of him from persons of high rank and members of administration.
Clive knew the world, and was fully aware of the feelings which his success was likely to produce; and judged wisely that his prospects of future notice and reward might be impeded, instead of being promoted, by the imprudent zeal of his friends. He was particularly apprehensive of the effects of the natural feelings of his father, and wrote to Mr. Belchier, one of his agents, to endeavour to repress the old gentleman's desire to intrude the merits of his son upon all the great men of the land.
"As this good news," he observes[[122]], "may set my father upon exerting himself too much, and paying too many visits to the Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Fox, and other great men, I desire you will endeavour to moderate his expectations; for although I intend getting into Parliament, and have hopes of being taken some notice of by his Majesty, yet, you know, the merit of all actions is greatly lessened by being too much boasted of. I know my father's disposition leads this way, which proceeds from his affection for me."
It was not easy, however, to moderate either the language or the expectations of a father whose pride in the public services of his son, though great, was exceeded by the admiration and gratitude with which he viewed the conduct of one, whose ties of duty and of love for his parents and family appeared to gain additional strength as he advanced in riches and in fame, and who seemed to place his chief happiness in making those for whom he cherished regard or affection participators in his own good fortune.
The moment, indeed, Clive found himself, from unexpected events, abounding in wealth, his first object was to impart comfort to all who had claims upon him, either from kindred or friendship. His gifts, though liberal, had in them no spirit of prodigality. They were adapted with judgment to the wants and dispositions of those on whom they were bestowed: but it was the manner, even more than the substance, of his acts which gave them value with those who loved him. His correspondence with his family and friends will afford the best evidence of this fact.
Clive, in a letter[[123]] to his father, written shortly after the battle of Plassey, giving him an account of the events which had occurred from the capture of Chandernagore till the enthronement of Meer Jaffier, informs him, that the Nabob's generosity will enable him to live in his native country, in a manner much beyond his most sanguine expectation.
"I have ordered," he states in this letter, "2000l. to each[[124]] of my sisters, and shall take care of my brothers in due time. I would advise the lasses to marry as soon as possible, for they have no time to lose. There is no occasion for you following the law any more: but more of this when I have the pleasure of seeing you, which, I hope, will be in twelve or fourteen months."
"You may order the Rector[[125]] to get every thing ready for the reparation of old Styche. I shall bring his brother home with 15,000l., and also Mrs. Clive's brother. If I can get into Parliament, I shall be very glad; but no more struggles against ministry: I choose to be with them.
"Mrs. Clive will write my mother at large. My kind wishes attend her, not forgetting my brothers and sisters."
When Clive resolved, as has elsewhere been stated, to defer his departure for England, he directed his agents to add to the allowance before given to his father and mother the sum of 500l. per annum, and to keep a coach for them[[126]]: he also desired them to pay 25l. per annum to each of his four aunts, and to two of Mrs. Clive's, to whose other relations in England he gave liberal assistance. For her brother, Captain Maskelyne, who was on the Madras establishment, Clive cherished a very sincere regard; but I should conclude, from what appears in the manuscripts in my possession that, though a pleasant and respectable gentleman, Captain Maskelyne had little talent as an officer. His conduct to part of the Nabob's family, while commanding at Arcot, had been severely condemned by Mr. Pigot. We find amongst his letters to his brother-in-law an indignant remonstrance against the treatment he had met with from the Governor, who also wrote Clive fully upon the subject. The latter in his reply[[127]] to Mr. Pigot states the great uneasiness which the circumstance had caused him, but adds, that he derived consolation from the belief, that it entirely proceeded from an error of judgment. This instance, added to others, proves that, though the title to Clive's regard rested more upon the heart than the head of the individual by whom it was possessed, yet he was rigid in his principle of never nominating any one to public station whose qualities did not fit him to perform its duties. He regretted, as is shown by his letters, that Captain Maskelyne did not accompany him to Bengal, as a member of his family; but, instead of appointing him to one of the many high and lucrative stations he had in his gift, he recommended him to go to England, and added to his small means what he deemed necessary to place him in independence[[128]]: and we are amused with the following passage, in a letter[[129]] from Clive to his father:—"My brother-in-law, Captain Maskelyne, goes by this conveyance, and will bring you this: he is worth 10,000l. or 11,000l. I beg you will assist in settling him in the world, and in getting him a good wife."
In the same letter he observes, "Should you have occasion for money to purchase commissions for my brothers, or to answer any other purpose that may be for their advantage, you will apply to my attorneys, who I desire may supply you accordingly."
The letter[[130]] from Mr. Clive to his son, acknowledging the receipt of the accounts of his success, commences with one of those simple but natural bursts of paternal affection that mock all imitation.
"Your last letter," he says, "gave me joy beyond all possibility of expression. The whole kingdom is in transports for the glory and success their countryman has gained. Come away, and let us rejoice together!"
In a subsequent letter, he dwells with true paternal feeling upon the same subject.
"May Heaven," he writes[[131]], "preserve you safe to Old England, where not only your friends and relations, but strangers who never saw you, will congratulate you for the glorious actions you have done your country. With what joy shall I embrace you! Oh, may I live to see that day! Your mother and sisters are sitting with me round the fire, drinking to your health and safe voyage."
Mr. Clive appears, from his own statement, to have been involved in his circumstances, and to have felt much distress in becoming such a burden to his son. In his answer to the letter which informed him of Clive's agents being directed to give him the additional sum of 500l. per annum, and to keep a coach for him, he observes[[132]], "I have received your letter of the 9th of November, 1758, and am under the greatest obligations that ever father was to a son, especially in the unhappy circumstances my own imprudence and being bound for others hath rendered me. Mr. Woolaston, for whom I was surety, is now dead; and what he owed the government, together with what remained unpaid on my account, amount to no less than 9000l. more than we have to pay. The Treasury, by direction of the Duke of Newcastle, have postponed the payment to a future day; but I fear that day will come before you arrive in England; and when you come, what pretence have I to expect or desire you should set me free, when I have already had your benevolence in so extraordinary a manner? Thank God you have so much in your power! Let us live on a fifth part of what you have so generously allowed me. If I am free, I shall be content; and, while I live, bless Providence, and pray for the increase of your happiness, who have saved a distressed family from utter ruin."
The letters from Clive's mother breathe the truest maternal affection. Her warmest gratitude is expressed for that comfort which he has diffused throughout all his family, and above all, as the old lady states, for his great kindness to "her girls."
The greater part of the letters from Clive's mother and sisters, subsequent to his marriage, are addressed to Mrs. Clive, but docketed by himself, and placed among his own papers; a proof of the value he attached to the feelings which they expressed. They contain the common topics of such correspondence, marked with a feeling of the warmest affection for one who, amid all his public avocations, was continually affording them proofs of his love and attachment. Towards Mrs. Clive there appears to have been but one sentiment throughout the family: all speak of her constant attention and kindness with gratitude, and appear to rejoice as much in their brother's happiness in the married state, as in the other instances of his good fortune.
Besides occasional acts of generosity, Clive continued incessant in his endeavours to render happy, by his regard and attention, every branch of his family, however distant. In this he was wholly disinterested, for none of them (except, perhaps, Sir Edward Clive) were in a situation to afford him the slightest aid; but they gave him, what he more valued, their gratitude and affection.
The impressions produced by his conduct towards every one with whom he was connected cannot be better shown than by inserting some short extracts from the entertaining letters of one of his female cousins[[133]] to Mrs. Clive in India.
"I don't know what title I must give you now[[134]], but I am sure I may say, 'To the agreeable Mrs. Clive.' I have always wrote whenever I heard the ships sailed, and by Captain Tully and Mr. King. Ill fate for you and me, that so many fine thoughts should be sent to the bottom of the sea! Neptune will be quite entertained. As to the name of Clive above ground, the Colonel has made it so famous, that it is the only comfort I have in still being a Clive. * * * * * * * He is in the highest esteem in this part of the world, and does honour to all his relations. * * * * Your father, my cousin Clive, dined with us yesterday, and read, or tried to read, one of the Colonel's letters; but his joy, with tenderness at the thoughts of such a son, made him burst twice into tears before he could go on. Is it to be wondered at? for sure it must be a pleasure so great, the strongest mind must be greatly affected. Well, I sincerely wish you all safe on your native shore, with your bags of money, and bushels of diamonds; with the Eastern Prince the Colonel is so good as to say he will get for me. I can't possibly refuse him. I have a taste to be a princess. As to Captain Clack, you are so good to think of for me, if this Prince don't care to take so long a voyage, don't leave the Captain behind. The war makes men very scarce. He shall talk for ever, and I for ever have patience. I have been in town a fortnight, at two plays; one, a new tragedy somewhat resembling the story of The Children in the Wood. Did you ever read that old ballad? Garrick is in as much vogue as ever; operas at a low ebb. I suppose you are a complete mistress of harmony.
"I hope you will never receive this letter: not that I don't think it very clever; but I wish the Colonel and all his family may be in a ship, the sails filled with most prosperous gales, that will, soon as possible, send you safe to your own country and friends; one of whom I hope ever to be styled, which will always be a pleasure to your sincere and affectionate cousin."
We meet the following passage in another letter from this lady, which appears to have been written about the same period (for, like many ladies' letters, it has no date.)
"I have a thousand things to say to you, and but a moment's time. I find the bearer of this is a painter; hope the Colonel and you will let him take your pictures. I should be glad of them in miniature. I begin to fear the Colonel will not bring me the Eastern Prince till it is too late: the bushel of diamonds runs strangely in my head. Fanny is going to enter into the happy state of matrimony. I have seen the lover: upon my word, a pretty, cherry-cheeked, agreeable young counsellor. I hear he is called to the bar, and will have 500l. a year. I wish I had been the Colonel's sister; not to detract from them; certainly he is a great advantage to his family; and I believe, after my aunts and myself, that horrid name of old maid will be extirpated out of the house of Clive.
"I have still a thousand things to say. Apelles is arrived, and must have this letter: I don't know, but it may be of service to him, his occasioning me to release you. Well, a little more. All diversions go on as usual; a gloomy town—general mourning for the Princess of Orange; the linen that is worn is crape, as yellow as saffron, and what they call Turkey gauze, that looks like sarcenet: a sketch that the world is as ridiculous as ever. A most elegant ball at Lord Sandwich's! I must not say any more, only beg my respects and most sincere love to the Colonel. I wish for your speedy return to England. Pray my love to cousin George, who I would write to had I a moment, but will in the next ship."
Clive had appointed several of his relations and friends joint agents in England; and he was very fortunate in having his near connexion, Sir Edward Clive, Bart. (a Judge of circuit), as one of them. It appears to have required all that gentleman's strictness to prevent his relation suffering from the bad choice he had made of one of his men of business.
"One of your attorneys," Sir Edward remarks[[135]], "is a man I never can, and never shall, accord with. I have several things to reveal to you when you come home. I believe, in order to take care of your interest, and (as I think) to protect your property, I must file a bill in Chancery. When you arrive, you shall have an account of it: I don't think any labour troublesome to serve you, but assure you (and Mr. King knows it) I have had a great deal.
"It is a great pleasure," adds this respectable Judge, "to know that, considering your father and his large family, God Almighty has put it into your mind, as well as your power, to make him and them happy. Assisting a parent must be the most agreeable sensation to good hearts. I happened, in a small way, to have that happy opportunity. I call it happy, and it affords me many agreeable reflections."
A few months after Clive sailed for India, his eldest sister[[136]] married Sir James Markham, Bart.; and when he returned, he found that three more had entered the matrimonial state, being much indebted (if we are to believe their sprightly cousin already noticed) for their happy settlement to the good fortune of having an Indian Colonel for their brother.
Clive never forgot those to whom he was in any degree indebted for his advancement. Several of his letters are addressed to Mr. Chauncey, a gentleman who, though then retired, had, at one period, taken a very active part in Indian affairs. In one of these letters[[137]], after communicating to him the peace with Suraj-u-Dowlah, Clive observes, "If I have been in any way instrumental in the late revolution, the merit is entirely owing to you, who countenanced, favoured, and protected me, and was the chief cause of my coming to India in a station which rendered me capable of serving the Company. Accept, Sir, of my gratitude, and sincerest wishes for your welfare. May you enjoy the blessings of peace and retirement, and may success and every other happiness in this life forsake me, when I forget how much I am obliged to you!"
However, a sense of gratitude had more value from being expressed in the moment of victory, and from being addressed to an individual who had no longer any power of promoting his views. I notice such facts, not only because they are the truest indications of character, but as they account for the zeal and attachment which Clive's numerous and respectable friends displayed on many trying occasions. Neither his wealth nor his fame could have inspired such feelings. Sincerity and warmth of heart alone can kindle corresponding sentiments in honourable minds.
Of Clive's friends in India I have already spoken. His ties with them had been formed in the course of public service, and remained unbroken, except in the rare cases, where he thought individuals parted from those principles of action upon which his esteem was founded. His deep and affectionate gratitude towards Colonel Lawrence has been mentioned. His friendship for Mr. Pigot remained unchanged: not so that for Mr. Orme. We find in one of his father's letters an observation upon his being reconciled to that gentleman on his return to India in 1755. Mr. Clive expresses his hope, in this letter, that Mr. Orme's History would be speedily published, as the objections[[138]] on account of Mr. Chauncey were at an end.
Clive, though his experience had rendered him singularly well acquainted with the character of all classes of the natives of India, was very little, if at all, versed in the languages of that country; but he appears not only to have been most solicitous to avail himself of the aid of those who had this advantage, but, when he found the acquirement accompanied by integrity and talent, to recommend them, and place them in the highest stations in the service. His notice and patronage of Mr. Watts, Mr. Vansittart, and Mr. Hastings, afford ample proof of this fact; and, on almost all occasions, public and private, when he brings forward the names of those individuals, he adds some observations on the great advantages they enjoy over others, from their knowledge of the languages, the manners, and the habits of the people of India.
During his expedition to Bengal, Clive had only one of his relations in his family, Mr. George Clive, for whom he cherished a very sincere affection. The two persons to whom he appears to have been most attached were Mr. Walsh and Mr. Luke Scrafton, both civil servants of the Company, whose names have been frequently mentioned in the course of the narrative. They continued through life in habits of the strictest intimacy with their friend and patron. Of Mr. Walsh, Clive never speaks without expressing great respect for his character; and of his regard for Mr. Scrafton, whose lively disposition suited his own, we have many proofs. Bad health obliging that gentleman to go to Madras, Clive wrote by him to Sir George Pocock, in a style which evinced his kind and anxious solicitude.
"The bearer of this[[139]]," he observes, "Mr. Luke Scrafton, is a young fellow of great worth and honour. Much I fear he is too far gone to be recovered by the coast air: he has been a constant attendant of mine in all our expeditions, and can solve any question you may have to ask on the subject of Bengal. For God's sake return him to me in good health and condition!"
Clive was also on the most intimate terms with Captain Latham, a distinguished officer of His Majesty's navy; and this intimacy was increased from that gentleman's marriage to a relation of Mrs. Clive, who had accompanied her to India. I have found numerous private letters from Captain Latham, which are all written in the open manly style of a British seaman, and bear a convincing testimony to the tone of Clive's mind on all points connected with his friends. From the tenor of one, in answer to a letter from Clive, written immediately after the enthronement of Meer Jaffier, it would seem that Mrs. Latham was one of those whom he considered (from the relation in which she stood to him) entitled to participate in his good fortune. His conduct on this occasion appears to have given sincere pleasure to Mrs. Clive; as the letter in which his kindness and liberality are noticed is superscribed with the word "Charming," in her own handwriting.
I have before mentioned the origin of Clive's regard for Colonel Forde; the grounds upon which he selected him for the command of Bengal, and the degree in which he deemed himself indebted to him for his great and brilliant achievements. We have also seen the poignant feelings with which he regarded the conduct of the Court of Directors towards this able and gallant officer, who, immediately after the capture of Masulipatam, had the mortification to find himself superseded by Colonel Coote, who, a year before, had been his junior in Adlercron's regiment; but, returning from India with fortune and reputation, had obtained a Colonel's commission, and had just landed at Madras in command of a regiment destined for Calcutta.
Though Colonel Coote had evinced, on the expedition to Bengal, those qualities as an officer which subsequently made him so renowned, neither his opportunities nor his achievements bore as yet any comparison with those of Colonel Forde; but the successes of the latter were not known in England at the period of Coote's appointment. Many, therefore, will deny the justice of Clive's complaint of the conduct of his superiors on this occasion; but even these must admire that warmth and decision, with which he pledged himself to support an officer with whom he had no private friendship, except such as had been formed in consequence of his eminent public services.
The news of Colonel Coote's arrival reached Clive about the same period as the account of Major Forde's capture of Masulipatam, and of the conclusion of the treaty with the Subahdar of the Deccan. Desiring, at such a moment, to afford every consolation to the mind of that meritorious officer, he not only stated his opinion as to his superior claims to those of the officer by whom he was superseded, but gave him the most unqualified assurances of his future support.
"I can easily conceive," he observes in a letter[[140]] to Colonel Forde upon this occasion, "that such rank and honour bestowed (I think I can say without flattery) on one so much your inferior in every respect, must give you much concern. I assure you it has affected me greatly, and is one of my principal motives for wanting to push home with the utmost expedition on the 'Royal George.' I flatter myself, the request I have to make will not be denied me, which is, that you will stay in Bengal all next year, provided Coote remains on the coast. If within that time I do not get you a colonel's or lieutenant-colonel's commission, and an appointment of Commander-in-chief of all the forces in India, I will from that instant decline all transactions with Directors and East India affairs."
Clive's resentment at the Court of Directors was increased by their subsequently annulling Colonel Forde's appointment to Bengal, while his attachment to that officer was greatly heightened by his admirable conduct in the destruction of the Dutch armament. But there were other feelings which may have influenced his mind. He certainly entertained at this period a strong prejudice against Colonel Coote, which may possibly have originated from the prominent manner in which that officer, when only a Captain, was brought forward at Calcutta to support the alleged rights of his Majesty's service against those of the Company. But we have, nevertheless, proofs that Clive appreciated his talents from his employing[[141]] him on all occasions, and particularly in detaching him, after the battle of Plassey, in pursuit of the French corps. But at the same time that he entertained this high opinion of his military talents, he considered, from his whole conduct in Bengal, that he was mercenary and prone to intrigue, and consequently an unfit person to be intrusted with great powers on such a scene. I do not find among Clive's papers any specific grounds to justify this opinion; and in the absence of all such documents, we must conclude, from the high reputation which Colonel Coote attained and supported, that it was erroneous; or, at all events, that, if this eminent commander evinced in his youth any such dispositions as those of which he was suspected, they were early corrected: for though he never displayed any remarkable talents as a statesman, he assuredly became as qualified for the chief military command in India as any person that ever held that station; and during his latter years, the love and esteem in which he was held by his countrymen was even exceeded by the affectionate regard and attachment of the native troops, whom he so often led to victory.
In giving this tribute to a soldier, whose memory I have venerated from my earliest years, I must do justice to Clive by declaring my sincere conviction (formed from the perusal of his numerous letters upon the subject) that he was most sincere and conscientious in the opinion he expressed, and upon which he acted. With such impressions upon his mind, he certainly thought he was doing his duty to the public by his endeavours to keep Colonel Coote at Madras; and he was so solicitous to effect this object that he consented to the request of the government of Fort St. George, that the regiment of that officer should remain for some time at that presidency.
He enters fully upon this subject in his correspondence, both with Mr. Pigot and Mr. Vansittart; but his letters contain merely a repetition of his opinions as to Colonel Coote's unfitness for the general command of the forces in Bengal, while he recognises the benefits to be derived from his services in the mere military operations on the coast of Coromandel. The success of Clive's efforts on this occasion proved fortunate for the reputation of Colonel Coote, who, during the subsequent year, established a high military character by the battle of Wandewash and the capture of Pondicherry.
I have been compelled to enter more at length upon this subject than I desired, from its being intimately connected with those disputes regarding the employment of officers in India in which Clive became involved on his return to England. Colonel Coote, when he revisited his native country after the campaign of 1757, was received with favour and distinction. He was possessed of a small fortune, his connections were respectable, and his manners and address manly and agreeable. He became more prominent from being the senior King's land officer employed on the expedition to Bengal; and, from the comparatively low estimation in which the Company's[[142]] officers were held at that period, his fame was advanced to detract from their pretensions. He was represented as a rising officer, of whom Clive was jealous; and it was believed by many (till contradicted several years afterwards by his own evidence), that it was through his advice and remonstrances that the army advanced to the field of Plassey. Besides the influence and popularity which those combined causes gave to this officer, he enjoyed the marked favour and friendship of Mr. Sulivan, the Chairman of the Court of Directors, whose subsequent rupture with Clive is in a great degree to be attributed to their difference in opinion with regard to the respective pretensions and merits of Colonels Coote and Forde.
Clive, at the period of his second visit to his native country, was thirty-five years of age. We collect from his private correspondence, that he retained much of that hilarity of disposition for which he had been remarkable in youth. He was fond of female society; and many of his letters show that he was by no means indifferent to those aids by which personal appearance is improved. It was the fashion of the period to dress in gayer apparel than we now do; and the European visiter at an Indian Durbar, or Court, always wore a rich dress. We find in a letter[[143]] to Clive, from his friend Captain Latham, a description of a Durbar suit he was preparing for him, in which he says he has preferred a fine scarlet coat with handsome gold lace, to the common wear of velvet. He has also made up, he writes, a fine brocade waistcoat; and he adds to this intelligence, that "it is his design to line the coat with parchment, that it may not wrinkle!"
In a commission which Clive sent to his friend Mr. Orme, there is an amusing instance of his attention to the most trifling parts of his dress.
"I must now trouble you," he observes[[144]], "with a few commissions concerning family affairs. Imprimis, what you can provide must be of the best and finest you can get for love or money; two hundred shirts, the wristbands worked, some of the ruffles worked with a border either in squares or points, and the rest plain; stocks, neckcloths, and handkerchiefs in proportion; three corge[[145]] of the finest stockings; several pieces of plain and spotted muslin, two yards wide, for aprons; book-muslins; cambrics; a few pieces of the finest dimity; and a complete set of table linen of Fort St. David's diaper made for the purpose."
In the list of packages which Mr. Richard Clive sent to his son in Bengal, one is a box of wigs! Whether Clive had resorted to this ornament from want of hair, or from deference to the fashion of the period, I know not; but there is[[146]] an authentic anecdote of his boyhood, which proves how essential a wig was considered to all who were full dressed. Clive had, when very young, been admitted by a relation, who was Captain of the Tower, to be one of the spectators when his Majesty George the Second happened to visit that fortress. Nothing was wanted in the boy's dress to prepare him for the honour of approaching majesty except a wig! To supply this want one of the old Captain's was put upon his head; and his appearance in this costume was so singular as to attract the notice and smiles of the King, who inquired who he was, and spoke to him in a very kind and gracious manner.[[147]]
In concluding this chapter on the private occurrences of Clive's life during a period so eventful to his fame and fortune, I shall estimate, as far as I have the means, the wealth he carried to England, as well as the amount which he had, before he left India, given to, or settled upon, his friends and relations. I have already shown, in the fullest manner, how his great riches were acquired; and it is a grateful task to record the generous manner in which a considerable portion of them was distributed.
Clive, from what has been stated, may be said, when he returned to India in 1755, to have been worth little or no money beyond what he had vested for redeeming the small family estate, and giving his parents an annuity. When he took possession of the government of Fort Saint David, he embarked in trade, like others who filled similar stations; but, to judge from his correspondence, he had not much success in his commercial pursuits. We read of nothing but bad markets, or the want of means of those who owed him money. He appears, before he embarked on the expedition to Bengal, to have made a large speculation in benjamin, which turned out badly. It is entertaining, when associated with the scenes in which he became engaged, to pursue his remarks upon his unprofitable adventure in this and other articles of trade.
After desiring his friend and agent, Mr. Orme, not to demand payment of the money owing to him by Messrs. Pybus and Roberts, and that the interest of the debt should be only 4 per cent., he observes[[148]], "You have given me a most curious account of my adventure in the Grampus. If I had not made better strokes in war than in trade, my money concerns would by this time be drawing to a conclusion."
The whole of Clive's money, when he returned to India in 1755, appears to have been in that country; for we find, from his correspondence, that he had hardly sufficient uninvested cash in England to pay for his annual supplies. He became anxious, however, after he attained great wealth, to remit it home; but this, owing to various causes, was very difficult. The public treasury was so rich from the successes in Bengal, that, for a period, no bills were drawn upon the Directors; Clive, therefore, had recourse to the Dutch Company, through whom he sent the greater part of his fortune; he also transmitted a considerable sum in diamonds[[149]] (a common mode at that time), and the rest in private bills; and, latterly, two on the Company.[[150]]
I have carefully examined his letters to his agents, from the 21st of August, 1755, when he advised them of his first remittance, till January, 1759, when he made one of his last; and the amount of property sent to England during that period is, as nearly as the difference of exchange and the loss[[151]] on bills enable us to judge, 280,000l. Of this I calculate that he received 210,000l. on the enthronement of Meer Jaffier; and the remaining 70,000l. is made up by part of his former fortune, his prize-money at Gheriah and Chandernagore, the receipts from the high stations[[152]] he held, and the accumulation of interest upon a considerable part of his property during the last five years of his residence in India.
From what has been stated we may assume that Clive's fortune, before the jaghire was settled upon him, did not amount to 300,000l. It appears from documents before me that, previous to this grant, he had given away, or vested for annuities, a sum not less than 50,000l.[[153]] (more than one sixth of his fortune), to render comfortable and independent those for whom he cherished affection and gratitude.
Clive was, subsequently to these acts of generosity, enriched by the grant of the jaghire, which he himself estimates at 27,000l. per annum. With this addition, we may conclude he had an income of upwards of 40,000l.; a large amount, but far below what this Indian Crœsus (for such he was deemed) was thought by his countrymen to possess.