APPENDIX D.
ORCY'S GUILD AT ABBOTSBURY.
(From the Cod. Dipl. No. 942.)
“This writing witnesseth that Orcy hath granted the guildhall at Abbotsbury and the site thereof, to the honour of God and St. Peter, and for a property to the guild, both during his life and after his life, for a long lasting commemoration of himself and his consort. Let him that would set it aside, answer it to God in the great day of judgment!
“Now these are the covenants which Orcy and the guildsmen of Abbotsbury have ordained, to the honour of God, the worship of St. Peter, and the hele of their own souls. Firstly; three days before St. Peter’s mass, from each guildbrother one penny, or one pennyworth of wax,—look which the minster most needeth; and on the mass eve, from every two guildbrothers one broad loaf, well sifted and well raised, towards our common alms; and five weeks before Peter’s mass, let each guildbrother contribute one guildsester full of clean wheat, and let this be paid within two days, on forfeiture of the entrance, which is three sesters of wheat. And let the wood be paid within three days after the corn-contribution, from every full guildbrother one load of wood, and from those who are not full brothers, two; or let him pay one guildsester of corn. And let him that undertaketh a charge and performeth it not accordingly, be mulcted in the amount of his entrance; and be there no remission. And if one brother misgreet another within the guild, in hostile temper, let him atone for it to all the fellowship with the amount of his entrance, and after that to him whom he misgreeted, as they two may arrange: and if he will not bend to compensation, let him lose our fellowship and every other advantage of the guild. And let him that introduceth more guests than he ought, without leave of the steward and the caterers, forfeit his entrance. And if any of our fellowship should pass away from us, let each brother contribute a penny over the corpse for the soul’s hele or pay ... brothers: and if any one of us should be afflicted with sickness within sixty ... we are to find fifteen men who shall fetch him, and if he be dead, thirty, and they shall bring him to the place which he desired to go to, while he lived. And if he die in this present place, let the steward have warning to what place the corpse is to go; and let the steward warn the brethren, the greatest number that he can ride or send to, that they shall come thither and worthily accompany the corpse and bear it to the minster, and earnestly pray there for the soul. It is rightly ordained a guildship if we do thus, and well fitting it is both toward God and man: for we know not which of us shall first depart.
“Now we have faith through God’s assistance, that the aforesaid ordinance, if we rightly maintain it, shall be to the benefit of us all. Let us earnestly from the bottom of our hearts beseech Almighty God to have mercy upon us, and also his holy apostle St. Peter to make intercession for us, and take our way unto eternal rest, because for his sake we have gathered this guild together: he hath the power in heaven to admit into heaven whomso he will, and to exclude whomso he will not, even as Christ himself spake unto him in his gospel: Peter, I give to thee the keys of heaven, and whatsoever thou wilt have bound on earth, the same shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou wilt have unbound on earth, the same shall be unbound in heaven. Let us have hope and trust in him, that he will guide us here in this world, and after death be a help to our souls. May he bring us to eternal rest! Amen!”
THE GUILD AT EXETER.
“This assembly was collected in Exeter, for the love of God, and for our soul’s need, both in regard to our health of life here, and to the after days, which we desire for ourselves by God’s doom. Now we have agreed that our meeting shall be thrice in the twelve months; once at St. Michael’s Mass, secondly at St. Mary’s Mass, after midwinter, and thirdly at Allhallows Mass after Easter; and let each gild-brother have two sesters of malt, and each young man[[860]] one sester, and a sceat of honey; and let the mass-priest at each of our meetings sing two masses, one for our living friends, the other for the dead: and let each brother of common condition sing two psalters of psalms, one for the living and one for the dead; and at the death of a brother, each man six masses, or six psalters of psalms; and at a death, each man five pence; and at a houseburning each man one penny. And if any one neglect the day, for the first time three masses, for the second five, and at the third time let him have no favour, unless his neglect arose from sickness or his lord’s need. And if any one neglect his subscription at the proper day let him pay double. And if any one of this brotherhood misgreet another, let him make boot with thirty pence. Now we pray for the love of God that every man hold this meeting rightly, as we rightly have agreed upon it. God help us thereunto.”
THE GUILD AT CAMBRIDGE.
“In this writ is the notification of the agreement which this brotherhood hath made in the thanes’ gild of Grantabrycg. That is first, that each gave oath upon the relics to the rest, that he would hold true brotherhood for God and for the world, and all the brotherhood to support him that hath the best right. If any gild-brother die, all the gildship is to bring him where he desired to lie; and let him that cometh not thereto pay a sester of honey; and let the gildship inherit of the dead half a farm, and each gild-brother contribute two pence to the alms, and out of this sum let what is fitting be taken to St. Æðelðrýð. And if any gild-brother have need of his fellows’ aid, and it be made known to the reeve nearest the gild (unless the gild-brother himself be nigh) and the reeve neglect it, let him pay one pound; if the lord neglect it, let him pay a pound, unless he be on his lord’s need or confined to his bed. And if any one steal from a gild-brother, let there be no boot, but eight pounds. But if the outlaw neglect this boot, let all the gildship avenge their comrade; and let all bear it, if one misdo; let all bear alike. And if any gild-brother slay a man, and if he be a compelled avenger and compensate for his insult, and the slain man be a twelve-hundred man, let each gild-brother assist ... if the slain be a ceorl, two ores; if he be a Welshman, one ore. But if the gild-brother with folly and deceit slay a man, let him bear his own deed; and if a comrade slay another comrade through his own folly, let him bear his breach as regards the relatives of the slain; and let him buy back his brotherhood in the gild with eight pounds, or lose for ever our brotherhood and friendship. And if a gild-brother eat or drink with him that slew his comrade, save in the presence of the king, the bishop or the ealdorman, let him pay a pound, unless he can clear himself with two of his dependents, of any knowledge of the fact. If any comrade misgreet another, let him pay a sester of honey, except he can clear himself with his two dependents. If a servant draw a weapon, let his lord pay a pound, and recover what he can from the servant, and let all the company aid him to recover his money. And if a servant wound another, let the lord avenge it, and the company, so that seek what he may seek, he shall not have his life. And if a servant sit within the spence, let him pay a sester of honey, and if any one hath a footsitter let him do the same. And if any gild-brother die or lie sick out of the country, let his gild-brethren fetch him alive or dead, to the place where he desired to lie, under the same penalty as we have before said, in case of a comrade’s dying at home, and a gild-brother neglecting to attend the corpse.”
The following document, which seems justly referable to the reign of Eádgár, that is to the close of the tenth century, gives the regulations under which the Hundred was constituted[[861]].
“This is the Ordinance how the Hundred shall be held.
“First that they meet every four weeks, and that each man do right to other.
“That a thief be pursued, if necessary. If there be present need, let it be told to the hundredman, and let him afterwards make it known to the tithingmen, and let them all go forth whither God may direct them to their end: let them do justice on the thief as it was formerly Eádmund’s law. And be the ceápgild paid to him that owns the chattel; and be the rest divided in two, half to the hundred, half to the lord, except men; and let the lord take possession of the men.
“And if any man neglect this, and deny the judgment of the hundred, and the same be afterwards proved against him, let him pay to the hundred thirty pence; and the second time, sixty pence; half to the hundred, half to the lord. If he do it a third time, let him pay half a pound: the fourth time, let him lose all that he hath, and be an outlaw, unless the king will allow him to remain in the land.
“And we have ordained respecting unknown cattle, that no man should have it without the witness of the hundredman or the tithingman; and that he be a well trusty man; and unless he have one or other of these, let no vouching to warranty be allowed him[[862]].
“We have also ordained, that, if the hundred pursue a track into another hundred, notice be given to the hundredman, and that he then go with them. If he neglect this, let him pay thirty shillings to the king.
“If any one flinch from justice and escape, let him that had him in custody pay the angild. And if he be accused of having aided the escape, let him clear himself according to the custom of the country.
“In the hundred as in every other gemót, we ordain that folkright be pronounced in every suit, and that a term be appointed when it shall be fulfilled. And if any one break that term, unless it be through the lord’s decree, let him make amends with thirty shillings, and on a set day fulfil that which he should have done before.
“An ox’s bell, and a dog’s collar, and a blast horn, each of these three shall be worth a shilling, and each is reckoned an informer.
“Let the iron for the threefold ordeal weigh three pounds; and for the single, one pound.”
[831]. These may properly have commenced with an H, thus Hnæcingas, Hnuttingas. Similarly Hnutscillingas, now Nutshalling or Nursling in Hants.
[833]. All these words commencing with an R may have originally had an H, in which case we should have had these formations: Hræfuingas, Hréðlingas, Hrycglingas, Hreóplingas, Hreópingas, Hrísingas, Hrócingas, Hróringas, Hreáwingas, Hrycingas, Hreódingas, Hryscingas.
[834]. See [note] in the preceding page.
[835]. As the whole of these names might commence with an H, we should have the following forms: Hwæplingas, Hwæppingas, Hwearflingas, Hwætlingas, Hwelpingas, Hwerringas, Hweopingas, Hwitlingas, Hwiteringas, Hwitingas.
[836]. See [note] in the preceding page.
[837]. Aldington is about 57´ east of Greenwich.
[838]. Here are to be added 125 acres of meadow and wood, and one leuga of pasture. (Domesd. iii. p. 133.)
[839]. Add 27 acres of mead and pasture, and a wood, 6 quadragenæ long by 2 quadr. wide. (Ibid. p. 137.)
[840]. Add 20 acres of mead and pasture, and a wood, 6 quadragenæ long by 2 wide. (Ibid. p. 137.)
[841]. Add 91 acres of mead, pasture and forest. (Ibid. p. 138.)
[842]. Add 86 acres of mead, etc., and a forest a leuga and a half square. But there was also land not geldable which sufficed for 20 ploughs; and the 20 geldable hides were calculated at 30 ploughs. Taking the same proportion, we ought to reckon not 30 but 33⅓ hides in Pilton, which at 30 acres would give 1000 arable; at 40 would give 1333⅓, while the whole acreage is but 1210. This would exclude the calculation of 40 acres; but we cannot trust the merely approximate supposition that the land of 20 ploughs was to be reckoned in the same proportion as that for 30.
[843]. Taunton properly is 52½ geldable hides, and land for 20 ploughs not geldable. The 65 hides are made up subject to the same error as the last calculation. The appendant manor of Lidgeard, with the meadow pastures, etc., amounting to 519 acres, is also to be added, as well as forest a leuga long, by a leuga wide, and pasture two leugæ long by one wide.
[844]. To these add 149 acres of mead, etc. Forest 12 quad. long by 3 wide: again forest 12 quad. long by 2 wide, and 6 quadragenæ of marsh.
[845]. From feower, four. Feorling or Feorðing are similar formations, and denote a fourth, or farthing in money or land: also in corn (a quarter of corn), and in the wards of a city. Ellis. Introd. p. l.
[846]. Exon. D. f. 227. vol. iii. 206.
[847]. Ibid. f. 233. vol. iii. 212.
[848]. Ibid. f. 234. vol. iii. 213.
[849]. Ibid. f. 235. vol. iii. 214.
[850]. Ibid. f. 236, b. vol iii. 216.
[851]. Ibid. f. 240. vol. iii. 220.
[852]. Ibid. f. 245. vol. iii. 225.
[853]. Ibid. f. 245, b. vol. iii. 225.
[854]. Ibid. f. 254. vol. iii. 233.
[855]. Ibid. f. 254, b. vol. iii. 234.
[856]. Ibid. f. 254, b. vol. iii. 234.
[857]. Ellis, Introd. p. 1. The fractions, and the admixture of a decimal with the quarterly division, seem to imply that the later or Norman measure was the smaller of the two.
[858]. Thorpe, i. 434.
[859]. Cod. Dipl. No. 314.
[860]. The meaning of cniht is not certain in this passage. It may imply a servant, but I think it more likely that merely young freemen are intended, who were not full citizens, and were therefore not reckoned full gegyldan.
[861]. Thorpe, i. 258, etc.
[862]. Compare the further provisions of Eádgár’s law. Supp. 11. § 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. Thorpe, i. 274, 276.
APPENDIX E.
LǼNLAND.
The following documents throw light upon the nature of Lǽland, and the conditions under which it was held. The first is a detailed account given by Oswald, bishop of Worcester, to king Eádgár, of the plan which he adopted in leasing the lands of his church: it is reprinted here from the sixth volume of the Codex Diplomaticus, No. 1287. The second is a statement of the way in which an estate of six ploughlands at Wouldham in Kent became the property of the Cathedral at Rochester: it is No. 1288 in the same collection.
“Domino meo karissimo regi Anglorum Eadgaro, ego Osuualdus Uuigornensis aecclesiae episcopus omnium quae mihi per ipsius clementiam munerum tradita sunt, apud deum et apud homines gratias ago. Igitur si dei misericordia suppeditet, coram deo et hominibus perpetualiter ei fidelis permanebo, reminiscens cum gratiarum actione largifluae benignitatis eius, quia per meos illud quod magnopere expetebam mihi concessit internuntios, id est reverentissimum Dunstanum archiepiscopum et venerandum Æðeluuoldum Uuintoniae episcopum et virum magnificum Brihtnoðum comitem, quorum legatione et adiutorio meam et sanctae dei aecclesiae querelam suscepit, et secundum consilium sapientum et principum suorum iuste emendavit, ad sustentamen aecclesiae quam mihi benigne et libens regendam commisit. Quare quo modo fidos mihi subditos telluribus quae meae traditae sunt potestati per spatium temporis trium hominum, id est duorum post se haeredum, condonarem, placuit tam mihi quam ipsis fautoribus et consiliariis meis, cum ipsius domini mei regis licentia et attestatione, ut fratribus meis successoribus, scilicet episcopis, per cyrographi cautionem apertius enuclearem, ut sciant quid ab eis extorquere iuste debeant secundum conventionem cum eis factam et sponsionem suam; unde et hanc epistolam ob cautelae causam componere studui, ne quis malignae cupiditatis instinctu hoc sequenti tempore mutare volens, abiurare a servitio aecclesiae queat. Haec itaque conventio cum eis facta est, ipso domino meo rege annuente, et sua attestatione munificentiae suae largitatem roborante et confirmante, omnibusque ipsius regiminis sapientibus et principibus attestantibus et consentientibus. Hoc pacto eis terras sanctae aecclesiae sub me tenere concessi, hoc est ut omnis equitandi lex ab eis impleatur quae ad equites pertinet; et ut pleniter persolvant omnia quae ad ius ipsius aecclesiae iuste competunt, scilicet ea quae Anglice dicuntur ciricsceott et toll id est theloneum et tace, id est swinsceade, et caetera iura aecclesiae, nisi episcopus quid alicui eorum perdonare voluerit; seseque quamdiu ipsius terras tenent in mandatis pontificis humiliter cum omni subiectione perseverare etiam iureiurando affirment. Super haec etiam ad omnis industriae episcopi indigentiam semetipsos praesto impendant; equos praestent; ipsi equitent; et ad totum piramiticum opus aecclesiae calcis atque ad pontis aedificium ultro inveniantur parati; sed et venationis sepem domini episcopi ultronei ad aedificandum repperiantur, suaque quandocumque domino episcopo libuerit venabula destinent venatum; insuper ad multas alias indigentiae causas quibus opus est domino antistiti sepe frunisci, sive ad suum servitium sive ad regale explendum, semper illius archiductoris dominatui et voluntati qui episcopatui praesidet, propter beneficium quod illis praestitum est, cum omni humilitate et subiectione subditi fiant, secundum ipsius voluntatem et terrarum quas quisque possidet quantitatem. Decurso autem praefati temporis curriculo, videlicet duorum post eos qui eas modo possident haeredum vitae spatio, in ipsius antistitis sit arbitrio quid inde velit, et quomodo sui vello sit inde ita stet, sive ad suum opus eas retinere, si sic sibi utile iudicaverit, sive eas alicui diutius praestare, si sic sibi placuerit velit; ita dumtaxat ut semper aecclesiae servitia pleniter ut praefati sumus inde persolvantur. Ast si quid praefatorum delicti praevaricantis causa defuerit iurum, praevaricationis delictum secundum quod praesulis ius est emendet, aut illo quod antea potitus est dono et terra careat. Si quis vero, diabolo instigante, quod minime optamus, extiterit, qui per nostrum beneficium aecclesiam dei fraude, seu in sua possessione aut servitio debito privare temptaverit, ipse nostra omnique benedictione dei et sanctorum eius privetur, nisi profundissima emendatione illud corrigere studeat et ad pristinum statum quod defraudavit redigat, scriptum est enim ‘Raptores et sacrilegi regnum dei non consequentur.’ Nunc autem propter deum et sanctam Mariam, in cuius nomine hoc monasterium dicatum est, moneo et praecipio, ut nullo modo quis hoc praevaricare audeat, sed sicut a nobis statutum est, ut praefati sumus, perpetualiter maneat. Qui custodierit omni benedictione repleatur; qui vero infringerit, maledicetur a domino et ab omnibus sanctis, Amen. Gratanter, reverentissime domine, quo tantis tuae donis clementiae, secundum quod totius creatoris cosmi est velle, praeditus sum, meae operam voluntatis, ut pro te tuisque deum iugiter interpellem, devotus impendam, meosque successores ad hoc hortari studebo, ut domini misericordiam pro te deprecari non desinant, ut Christus pace qui perhenni regnat ethrali in arce te consortio dignum haberi dignetur sanctorum omnium in aula coelesti. Valeat in aevum qui hoc studuerit servare decretum. Harum textus epistolarum tres sunt ad praetitulationem et ad signum, una in ipsa civitate quae vocatur Uuigraceaster, altera cum venerabili Dunstano archiepiscopo in Cantuaria, tertia cum Æðeluuoldo episcopo in Uuintonia civitate.”
| “Æðelbryht cinc hit gebócode ðám apostole on éce yrfe and betǽhte hit ðám biscope Eárdulfe tó bewitenne and his æftergæncan. Ðá betweonan ðám wearð hit úte, and hæfdon hit cynegas oð Eádmund cinc; ðá gebohte hit Ælfstán Heáhstáninc Ðá for ðǽre bróðorsibbe geúðe he him Eárhiðes and Crǽgan and Ænesfordes and Wuldahámes his dæg. Ðá oferbád Ælfeh ðæne bróðor and feng tó his lǽne: ðá hæfde Ælfríc suna Eádríc hátte and Ælfeh nǽnne. Ðá geúðe Ælfeh ðám Eádríce Eárhiðes and Crǽgan and Wuldahámes, and hæfde himsylf Ænesford. Ðá gewát Eádríc ǽr Ælfeh cwídeleás, and Ælfeh[Ælfeh] feng tó his lǽne. Ðá hæfde Eádríc láfe and nán beárn; ðá geúðe Ælfeh hire hire morgengife æt Crǽgan; and stód Eárhið and Wuldahám and Lytlanbróc on his lǽne. Ðá him eft geðúhte, ðá nám he his feorme on Wuldahám and on ðám óðran wolde, ac hine geyflade, and he ðá sænde tó ðám arcebiscope Dúnstáne, and he cóm tó Scylfe tó him: and he cwæð his cwide beforan him, and he sætte ǽnne cwide tó Cristes cyrican, and óðerne tó sancte Andrea, and ðane þriddan sealde his láfe. Ðá bræc sýððan Leófsunu þurh ðæt wíf ðe he nám, Eádríces láfe, ðæne cwide, and herewade ðæs arcebiscopes gewitnesse, rád ða innon ða land mid ðám wífe bútan witena dóme. Ðá man ðæt ðám biscope cíðde, ðá gelǽdde se biscop áhnunga ealles Ælféhes cwides tó Eárhiðe, on gewitnesse Ælfstánes biscopes on Lundene, and ealles ðæs hiredes, and ðæs æt Cristes cyrican, and ðæs biscopes Ælfstánes an Hrofesceastre, and Wulfsies preóstes ðæs scírigmannes, and Bryhtwaldes on Mǽreweorðe, and ealra Eást Cantwarena and West Cantwarena. And hit wæs gecnǽwe on Súð-Seáxan and on West-Seáxan and on Middel-Seáxan and on Est-Seáxan, ðæt se arcebiscop mid hisselfes áðe geáhnode Gode and sancte Andrea mid ðam bócan on Cristes hróde, ða land ðe Leófsunu him tóteáh. And ðæne áð nám Wulfsige se scírigman, ðá he nolde tó ðæs cinges handa: and ðǽre wæs God eáca ten hundan mannan ðe ðane áð sealdan. Rubric. Ðús wǽron ða seox sulung æt Wuldahám sancte Andrea geseald intó Hrofesceastre.” | “King Æðelberht granted it by his charter for ever to the apostle, and gave it in charge to bishop Eardwulf and his successors. However in process of time it became alienated, and the kings had it down to Eádmund; then Ælfstán son of Heáhstán bought it of the king for a hundred and twenty mancuses of gold and thirty pounds, and Ælfheáh his son gave him nearly all the money. After king Eádmund, king Eádred booked it to Ælfstán as an inheritance for ever: now after Ælfstán’s day, Ælfheáh his son was his heir, and that he proved with a whole tongue, and deprived Ælfríc his brother both of land and chattels, but what he might deserve at his hands. Now for brotherly love he granted him Erith, Cray, Ænesford, and Wouldham, for his life. Then Ælfheáh survived his brother, and re-entered on his lǽn: but Ælfríc had a son called Eádríc, and Ælfheáh had none. Then Ælfheáh granted to Eádríc Erith, Cray, and Wouldham, and kept Ænesford for himself. Now Eádríc died before Ælfheáh without making a will, and Ælfheáh re-entered on his lǽn. Eádríc had a widow but no child; then Ælfheáh granted her her morning-gift, at Cray; and Erith, Wouldham and Littlebrook stood on his lǽn. When he bethought him, he took his feorm at Wouldham, and meant so to do at the other places, but he fell ill, and sent to archbishop Dúnstán, and he came to him at Scylf: and Ælfheáh declared his will before him, and he deposited one will at Christchurch, another at St. Andrews, and the third copy he gave his widow. But afterwards Leofsunu broke through the will, through the wife he married, namely Eádríc’s widow, and set at nought the archbishop’s testimony, and rode in upon the land with the woman, without any judgment of the witan. Now when this was reported to the bishop, he took all the claims of ownership[ownership] under Ælfheáh’s will, to Erith, in witness of Ælfstán bishop of London, and all the convent, and that at Christchurch, and Ælfstán bishop of Rochester, and Wulfsige the priest who was sheriff, and Bryhtwald of Mereworth, and all the men of East Kent and of West Kent. And it was well known in Sussex and Wessex, and Middlesex and Essex, that the archbishop with his own oath upon the cross of Christ, recovered the land which Leofsunu had invaded, together with the books, for God and St. Andrew. And Wulfsige the sheriff received the oath, since he would not go to the king’s hand: and there was a good addition of a thousand men who gave the oath. Rubric. Thus were the six ploughlands at Wouldham given to St. Andrew at Rochester.” |
APPENDIX F.
HEATHENDOM.
The following passages of the Anglosaxon Laws contain general enactments against heathen practices, or references to heathen superstitions.
“Gif ceorl búton wífes wísdóme deóflum gelde, he sie ealra his ǽhta scyldig, and healsfange. Gif butwu deóflum geldað, síon héo healsfange scyldigo, ⁊ ealra ǽhta.”—Ll. Wihtr. § 12. Thorpe, i. 40.
“Gif þeów deóflum geldað .vi. scill. gebéte, oððe his hýd.”—Ll. Wihtr. § 13. Thorpe, i. 40.
“Gif hwá Cristendóm wýrde, oððe hǽðendóm weorðige, wordes oððe weorces, gylde swá wer swá wíte, swá lahslite, be ðám ðe seó dǽd sý.”—Eádw. Gúð. § 2. Thorpe, i. 168.
“Gif wiccan oððe wigleras, mánsworan oððe morðwyrhtan, oððe fúle, áfýlede ǽbære horcwenan áhwar on lande wurðan ágytene, ðonne fýsie hí man of earde ⁊ clǽnsie ða þeóde, oððe on earde forfare hý mid ealle, búton hí geswícan ⁊ ðe deóppor gebétan.”—Eádw. Gúð. § 11. Thorpe, i. 172.
“Ond we cwǽdon be ðǽm wiccecræftum, ⁊ be liblácum, ⁊ be morðdǽdum, gif man ðǽr ácweald wǽre, ⁊ he his ætsacan ne milite, ðæt he beó his feores scyldig.”—Æðelst. i. § 6. Thorpe, i. 202.
“Ðá ðe mánsweriað ⁊ lyblác wyrcað, sýn hí á fram ǽlcum Godes dǽle áworpene, búton hý tó rihtre dǽdbóte gecyrran.”—Eádm. i. § 6. Thorpe, i. 246.
“And gif wiccan oððe wigleras, scíncræftigan oððe horcwenan, morðwyrhtan oððe mánsworan áhwar on earde wurðan átigene, fýse hí man georne út of ðysan earde, ⁊ clǽnsige ðás þeóde, oððe on earde forfare hí mid ealle, bútan hí geswícan ⁊ ðe deóppor gebétan.”—Æðelr. vi. § 7. Thorpe, i. 316. Cnut, ii. § 4. Thorpe, i. 378.
“And we forbeódað eornostlíce ǽlcne hǽðenscipe. Hǽðenscipe bið ðæt man idola weorðige, ðæt is ðæt man weorðige hǽðene godas ⁊ sunnan oððe mónan, fýr oððe flód, wæterwyllas oððe stánas, oððe ǽniges cynnes wudutreówa, oððe wiccecræft lufige, oððe morðwerc gefremme, on ǽnige wisan, oððe on blóte, oððe on fyrbte, oððe on swylcra gedwimera ǽnig þing dreóge.”—Cnut, ii. § 5. Thorpe, i. 378.
“Si quis veneno, vel sortilegio, vel invultuacione, seu maleficio aliquo, faciat homicidium, sive illi paratum sit, sive alii, nihil refert, quin factum mortiferum et nullo modo redimendum sit.”—Ll. Hen. I. lxxi. § 1.
The well- and tree-worship noticed in these laws continued to be retained, though in a somewhat altered form, until a very late period; and especially it was usual to perform religious ceremonies at the salt-springs, spots always looked upon as holy[[863]].
The confessional however was more likely to be in the secret of the popular heathendom than the civil legislator. Accordingly the Poenitentials supply us with a variety of information upon this subject. The Poenitential of Theodore has a long chapter devoted to the heathen practices of communicants, and their appropriate penances.
“xxvii. De Idolatria et Sacrilegio, et qui Angelos colunt, et maleficos, Ariolos, Veneficos, Sortilegos, Divinos, et vota reddentes nisi ad aecclesiam Dei, et in Kalendas Januarii in cervulo et in vitula vadit, et Mathematicos, et Emissores tempestatum.”
The points principally noted here are, sacrificing to dæmons, that is, the ancient gods; eating and drinking near heathen temples, fana, in honour of the god of the place; or eating what has been sacrificed to dæmons; or celebrating festal meals in the abominable places of the heathen[[864]]; seeking auguries by the flight of birds, making philacteries or philtres. Other forms may be gathered from the following heads:—
Si quis maleficio suo aliquem perdiderit vii. annos poeniteat. Si quis pro amore veneficus sit et neminem perdiderit, etc. Si autem per hoc mulieris partum quis deceperit, etc. Si quis ariolos quaerit, quos divinos vocant, vel aliquas divinationes fecerit, quia et hoc daemoniacum est, etc. Si quis sortes habuerit, quas Sanctorum contra rationem vocant, vel aliquas sortes habuerit, vel qualicunque malo ingenio sortitus fuerit, vel divinaverit, etc. Si qua mulier divinationes vel incantationes diabolicas fecerit, etc. Si qua mulier filium suum vel filiam super tectum pro sanitate posuerit, vel in fornace, etc. Qui grana arserit ubi mortuus est homo, pro sanitate viventium et domus, etc. Si quis, pro sanitate filioli, per foramen terrae exierit, illudque spinis post se concludit, etc. Si quis ad arbores, vel ad fontes, vel ad lapides, sive ad cancellos, vel ubicunque, excepto in aecclesia Dei, votum voverit aut exsolverit, etc., et hoc sacrilegium est vel daemoniacum. Qui vero ibidem ederit aut biberit, etc. Si quis in Kalendas Januarii in cervulo aut vetula vadit, id est, in ferarum habitus se communicant[[865]], et vestiuntur pellibus pecudum, et assumunt capita bestiarum; qui vero taliter in ferinas species se transformant, etc., quia hoc daemoniacum est. Si quis mathematicus est, id est, per invocationem daemonum hominis mentem converterit, etc. Si quis emissor tempestatis fuerit, id est, maleficus, etc. Si quis ligaturas fecerit, quod detestabile est, etc. Qui auguria vel divinationes in consuetudine habuerit, etc. Qui observat divinos, vel praecantatores, philacteria etiam diabolica, et somnia vel herbas, aut quintam feriam honore Jovis, vel Kalendas Januarii, more paganorum, honorat, etc. Qui student exercere quando luna obscuratur, ut clamoribus suis ac maleficiis sacrilego usu eam defendere confidunt, etc. Qui in honore lunae pro aliqua sanitate ieiunat, etc.
Other fragments of Theodore contain this additional provision:—
“Qui nocturna sacrificia daemonum celebraverint, vel incantationibus daemones invocaverint, capite puniantur.”
Archbishop Ecgberht has further details: he says[[866]]:—
“Si quis daemonibus exigui quid immolaverit, annum unum iciunet. Quicunque cibum daemonibus immolatum comederit, etc. Quicunque grana combusserit in loco ubi mortuus est homo, pro sanitate viventium et domus, etc. Si mulier filiam suam super domum, vel in foornace posuerit, eo quod eam a febri sanare velit,” etc.
The Saxon version in the MS. at Brussels, applies this to other illness besides fever: “Gif hwylc wíf seteð hire bearn ofer hróf oððe on ofen, for hwylcere untrymðe hǽlo .vii. gear fæste.”
The same prelate in his Poenitential ordains[[867]]:—
“Gif ǽnig man óðerne mid wiccecræfte fordó, fæste .vii. gear,” etc.
“Gif hwá drífe stacan on ǽnigne man, fæste .iii. gear, and gif se man for ðǽre stacunge deád bið, ðonne fæste he .vii. gear, ealswá hit hér búfpon áwriten is[[868]].”
This “stacan drífan” or “stacung” is the invultuatio which has been explained in the text, and of which an example has been given from a charter of Eádgár. Mr. Thorpe’s explanation of Stacung is as follows:—
“Stácung, a sticking. The practice of sticking pins or needles into a waxen image of the person against whom the witchcraft was directed, consisted probably at first in sticking them actually into the body of the individual, ‘gif hwá drífe stácan on ǽnigne man;’ but as this process was no doubt sometimes attended with inconvenience and danger to the operator, the easier and safer method was devised of substituting a waxen proxy, instead of the true man. This practice was known under the name of defixio, ‘quod eiusmodi incantores acus subinde defigerent in imagines cereas, iis locis quibus viros ipsos pungere decreverant, qui puncturas ipsas, ac si ipsi pungerentur persentiebant.’ Du Cange. To it Ovid alludes:
‘Devovit absentes, simulacraque cerea fingit,
Et miserum tenues in iecur urget acus.’”
Ecgberht thus continues respecting philtres and other magical practices:—
“Gif hwá wiccige ymbe ǽniges mannes lufe, ⁊ him on æte sylle oððe on drince, oððe on ǽniges cynnes gealdorcræftum, ðæt hyra lufu forðon ðe máre beón scyle,” etc.[[869]]
“Gif hwá hlytas oððe hwatunga begá, oððe his wæccan æt ǽnigum wylle hæbbe, oððe æt ǽnigre óðre gesceafte bútan æt Godes cyricean, fæste he .iii. gear,” etc.
“Wífman beó ðæs ylcan wyrðe, gif heó tilað hire cilde mid ǽnigum wiccecræfte, oððe æt wega gelǽton ðurh ða eorðan tihð: eala ðæt is mycel hǽðenscipe.”
The Canons enacted under Eádgár give the following full details of popular heathendom[[870]]:—
“And we enjoin, that every priest zealously promote Christianity, and totally extinguish every heathenism; and forbid well-worshippings, and necromancies, and divinations, and enchantments, and man-worshippings, and the vain practices which are carried on with various spells, and with ‘frithsplots,’ and with elders, and also with various other trees, and with stones, and with many various delusions, with which men do much of what they should not.”
Many of these heathen practices still continue to subsist, at least in the memory and traditions of the peasantry in remote parts of England. Devonshire, for example, still offers an unexhausted field for the collector[collector] both of popular superstitions and popular tales, counterparts of which are current in Germany. The Anglosaxon herbals[[871]] furnish various evidences of heathendom connected with plants, but I pass over these in order to give one or two detailed Saxon spells, which are of the utmost value, as bearing unmistakeable marks of Anglosaxon paganism. The following spells are taken from a MS. in the Harleian collection, No. 585.
1. “Wið Cyrnel. Neogone wǽran Noðþæs sweoster, þá wurdon ða nygone tó viii. ⁊ þa viii. tó vii. ⁊ þa vii. tó vi. ⁊ þa vi. tó v. ⁊ þa v. tó iiii. ⁊ þa iiii. tó iii. ⁊ þa iii. tó ii. ⁊ þa ii. tó i. ⁊ þa i. tó nánum. þis þe libbe cyrnneles ⁊ scrofellef ⁊ weormeþ ⁊ ǽghwylces yfeles. Sing benedicite nygon síþum[[872]].”
2. “Se wífman se hire cild áfédan ne mǽg, gange tó gewitenes mannes birgenne ⁊ stæppe ðonne þriwa ofer ða byrgenne, ⁊ cweðe ðonne þriwa ðás word: Ðis me tó bóte ðǽre láðan lætbyrde: Ðis me tó bóte ðǽre swæran swært byrde: Ðis me tó bóte ðǽre láðan lambyrde. And ðonne ðæt wíf seó mid bearne, ⁊ heó to hire hláforde on reste gá, ðonne cweðe heó:
“Up ic gonge,
ofer ðe stæppe,
mid cwican cilde,
nalæs mid cwellendum,
mid fulborenum,
nalæs mid fǽgan.”[fǽgan.”]
And ðonne seó moder geféle ðæt ðæt bearn sí cwic, gá ðonne tó cyrican, ⁊ ðonne heó tóforan ðán weofode cume, cweðe ðonne:
“Criste ic sǽde
ðis gecýðed.”
3. “Se wífman se hyre bearn áfédan ne mæge, genime heó sylf hyre ágenes cildes gebyrgenne dǽl, þrý æfter ðon on bláce wulle, ⁊ bebicge tó cépemannum, ⁊ cweðe ðonne:
“Ic hit bebicge
ge hit bebicgan,
ðás sweartan wulle
and ðisse sorge corn.”
4. “Se [wíf]man se ðe [ne] mæge bearn áfédan, nime ðonne ánes bleós cú meoluc on hyre handæ, ⁊ gesúpe ðonne mid hyre múðe, ⁊ gange ðonne tó yrnendum wætere, ⁊ spíwe ðǽr in ða meolc, ⁊ hláde ðonne mid ðǽre ylcan hand ðæs wæteres múð fulne ⁊ forswelge. Cweðe ðonne ðás word: Gehwér ferde ic me ðone mǽran maga þihtan, mid ðysse mǽran mete þihtan, ðonne ic me wille habban ⁊ hám gán. Ðonne heó to ðán bróce gá, ðonne né beseó heó nó, né eft ðonne heó ðanan gá, ⁊ ðonne gá heó in óðer hús óðer heó út ofeóde, ⁊ ðǽr gebyrge metes[[873]].”
5. “Wið hors oman ⁊ mannes, sing ðis þriwa nygan síðan on æfen ⁊ on morgen, on ðæs mannes heáfod úfan, ⁊ horse on ðæt wynstre eáre, on yrnendum wætere, ⁊ wend ðæt heáfod ongean streám. In domo mamosin in chorna meoti. otimimeoti. quod dealde otuuotiua el marethin. Crux mihi vita. ē. tibi mors inimici. alfa et o initium et finis, dicit dominus[[874]].”
6. “Wið oman. Genim áne gréne gyrde, ⁊ læt sittan ðone man on middan húses flóre, ⁊ bestric hine ymbútan, ⁊ cweð: O pars et o rilli A pars et pars iniopia. ē. alfa et o. īitium[[875]].”
7. “Gif wænnas eglian mæn æt ðǽre heortan, gange mǽden man tó wylle ðe riht eást yrne, ⁊ gehlade áne cuppan fulle forð mid ðám streáme, ⁊ singe ðǽron Credan ⁊ Paternoster, ⁊ geóte ðonne on óðer fæt, ⁊ hlade eft óðre, ⁊ singe eft Credan ⁊ Paternoster, ⁊ dó swá ðæt ðú hæbbe þreo. Do swá nygon dagas: sona him bið sel[[876]].”
8. “Wið færstice, Feferfuige, and seó reáde netele, ðe ðurh ærn inwyxð, and wegbrǽde: wylle in buteran.
“Hlúde wǽron hy lá hlúde
ðá hy ofer ðone hlæw ridan;
wǽron anmóde, ðá hy
ofer land ridan.
Scyld ðú ðe nú, ðú ðisne níð
genesan móte.
Ut lytel spere,
gif her inne síe!
Stód under linde,
under leóhtum scylde,
ðǽr ða mihtigan wíf
hyra mægen berǽddon,
and hy gyllende
gáras sændan:
ic him óðerne
eft wille sændan,
fleógende fláne
forane tógeanes.
Ut lytel spere,
gif hit her inne sý!
Sæt smið, slóh seax lytel,
íserna wund swíðe.
Ut lytel spere,
gif her inne sý!
Syx smiðas sǽtan,
wælspera worhtan;
út spere, nǽs in spere,
gif her inne sý
ísenes dǽl,
hægtessan geweorc,
hit sceal gemyltan:
gif ðú wǽre on fell scoten,
oððe wǽre on flǽsc scoten,
oððe wǽre on blód scoten,
oððe wǽre on lið scoten,
næfre ne sý ðín lif átǽsed;
gif hit wǽre ésa gescot,
oððe hit wǽre ylfa gescot,
oððe hit wǽre hægtessan gescot;
nú ic wille ðín helpan!
Ðis ðe tó bóte ésa gescotes,
ðis ðe tó bóte ylfa gescotes,
ðis ðe tó bóte hægtessan gescotes!
Ic ðín wille helpan.
Fled Þr̃ on fyrgen!
heáfde hálwes tú!
Helpe ðín drihten!
Nim ðonne ðæt seax, ádó on wætan[[877]].”
9. “Her[[878]] is seó bót, hú ðú meaht ðíne æceras bétan, gif hí nellað wel wexan, oððe ðǽr hwilc ungedéfe þing ongedón bið, on drý oððe on libláce.
“Genim ðonne on niht, ǽr hyt dagige, feower tyrf on feower healfa ðæs landes, and gemearca hú hí ǽr stódon. Nim ðonne ele and hunig and beorman, and ǽlces feos meolc, ðe on ðǽm lande sí, and ǽlces treówcynnes dǽl, ðe on ðǽm lande sí gewexen, bútan heardan beáman, and ǽlcre namcúðre wyrte dǽl, bútan glappan ánon: and dó ðonne hálig wæter ðǽron, and drype ðonne þriwa on ðone staðol ðára turfa, and cweðe ðonne ðás word: Crescite, wexe, et multiplicamini, and gemænigfealda, et replete, and gefylle, terre, ðás eorðan, in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti, sit benedicti; and pater noster, swá oft swá ðæt óðer; and bere siððan ða turf tó cyrcean, and mæsse preost ásinge feower mæssan ofer ðán turfon, and wende man ðæt gréne tó ðám weofode; and siððan gebringe man ða turf ðǽr hí ǽr wǽron, ǽr sunnan setlgange; and hæbbe him geworht of cwicbeáme feower Cristes mǽo, and áwríte on ǽlcon ende Mattheus and Marcus, Lucas and Johannes. Lege ðæt Cristes mǽl on ðone pyt neoðeweardne; cweðe ðonne: Crux Mattheus, Crux Marcus, Crux Lucas, Crux Sc’s Johannes. Nim ðonne ða turf and sette ðǽr ufon on, and cweðe ðonne nigon síðon ðás word, Crescite, and swá oft, Pater noster; and wende ðe ðonne eástweard, and onlút nigon síðon eádmódlíce, and cweð ðonne ðás word:
“eástweard ic stande,
árena ic me bidde:
bidde ic ðone mǽran dñe,
bidde ðone miclan drihten,
bidde ic ðone háligan
heofonríces weard:
eorðan ic bidde
and up heofon,
and ðá sóðan
sancta Marian,
and heofones meaht
and heáh reced,
ðæt ic móte ðis gealdor,
mid gife drihtnes,
tóðum ontýnan,
ðurh trumne geþanc,
áweccan ðás wæstmas ús
tó woruld nytte,
gefylle ðás foldan
mid fæste geleáfan,
wlitigigan ðás wancg turf;
swá se wítega cwæð,
ðæt se hæfde áre on eoðrice
se ðe ælmyssan
dǽlde dómlíce,
drihtnes þances.
“Wende ðe ðonne þriwa sunganges, ástrecce [ðe] ðonne on andlang, and árim ðǽr Letanias, and cweð ðonne, Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, oð ende. Sing ðonne Benedicite áþenedon earmon, and Magnificat, and Pater noster iii, and bebeód hit Criste and sancta Marian, and ðære hálgan róde, tó lofe and tó weorðinga, and ðám [tó] áre ðe ðæt land áge, and eallon ðám ðe him under-þeódde synt.
“Ðonne ðæt eall síe gedón, ðonne nime man uncúð sǽd æt ælmesmannum, and selle him twa swyle swylce man æt him nime and gegaderie ealle his sulhgeteógo tógædere: borige ðonne on ðám beáme stór and finol and gehálgode sápan, and gehálgod sealt. Nim ðonne ðæt sǽd, sete on ðæs sules bodig. Cweð ðonne:
“Erce, Erce, Erce,
eorðan módor,
geunne ðe se alwealda
éce drihten,
æcera wexendra
and wridendra
eácniendra
and elniendra:
sceafta hen
se scíre wæstma,
and ðǽre brádan
bere wæstma,
and ðǽre hwítan
hwǽte wæstma,
and ealra
eorðan wæstma,
Geunne him
éce drihten,
and his hálige ðe
on heofenum sint,
ðæt ðis yrð sí gefriðod wið ealra
feónda gehwǽne,
and heó sí geborgen wið ealra
bealwa gehwylc,
ðára lybláca
geond land sáwen.
Nú ic bidde ðone waldend
se ðe ðás weoruld gesceóp,
ðæt ne sí nán tó ðæs cwidol wíf,
né tó ðæs cræftig man,
ðæt áwendan ne mæge
worud ðús gecwedene.
“Ðonne man ða sulh forð drífe and ða forman furh onsceóte, cweð ðonne:
“Hál wes ðú, Folde,
fira módor!
beó ðú grówende
on Godes fæðme,
fódre gefylled,
firum tó nytte!
“Nim ðonne ǽlces cynnes melo, and ábacæ man innewerdne handa brádne hláf, and gecned hine mid meolce and mid háligwætere, and lecge under ða forman furh. Cweðe ðonne:
“Ful æcer fódres
fira cinne
beorht blówende,
ðú geblétsod weorð
ðtæs háligan noman
ðe ðás heofon gesceóp,
and ðás eorðan
ðe we on lifiað.
Se god se ðás grundas geworhte,
geunne ús grówende gife,
ðæt ús corna gehwylc
cume tó nytte.
“Cweð ðonne þriwa Crescite in nomine Patris sit benedicti. Amen: and Pater noster þriwa.”
The greater number of these pieces will be found printed very carefully from the MSS., and translated into English, in the Rev. O. Cockayne’s Leechdoms.
[863]. Thoms, Anecd. and Traditions, p. 93. The holy character of the salt-springs is noticed by Tacitus.
[864]. Refer to Gregory’s letter, cited at p. 332 of this volume.
[865]. Probably “commutant.”
[866]. Confessionale, 32, 33; see also his Poenitentiale, ii. 22, 23. Thorpe, ii. 157, 190.
[867]. Poenit., iv. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. Thorpe, ii. 208, 210.
[868]. This is repeated in the same words in the collection called Canons enacted under king Eádgár, in that portion entitled “Modus imponendi poenitentiam.” But as Dr. Kunstman, an authority of the highest character on this point, informs me, these Canons are founded upon and contain portions of the very ancient Poenitential of Cummianus; and we may suppose Ecgberht to have adopted these passages from him.
[869]. Repeated in nearly the same words in the ‘Modus imponendi poenitentiam,’ § 39. Thorpe, ii, 274.
[870]. Thorpe, ii. 249. “And we lærað ðæt preosta gehwilc cristendóm geornlíce árære, ⁊ ælcne hæðendóm mid ealle ádwǽsce, ⁊ forbeóde wilweorðunga ⁊ lícwiglunga ⁊ hwata ⁊ galdra ⁊ manweorðunga ⁊ ða gemearh ðe man drífð on mislícum gewiglungum, ⁊ on fríðsplottum, ⁊ on ellenum, ⁊ eác on óðrum mislícum treówum, ⁊ on stánum, ⁊ on manegum mislícum gedwimerum ðe mon ondreógað fela ðæs ðe hi ná ne scoldon.”
A various reading adds:—“treówwurðunga ⁊ stánwurðunga ⁊ ðone deófles cræft ðǽr man ða cild þurh ða eorðan tihð, ⁊ ða gemear ðe man drihð on geares niht:”—“tree-worshippings and stone-worshippings, and that devil’s craft, whereby children are drawn through the earth, and the vain practices which are carried on on the night of the year.” The fríðsplot was a patch or plot of ground sanctified, gefríðod, by some heathen ceremony, a kind of Taboo.
[871]. Edited by the Rev. T. O. Cockayne for the Master of the Rolls’ Series, 1864-1866, under the title of “Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early England.”
[872]. Fol. 193.
[873]. MS. Harl. 585. fol. 196. 196 b.
[874]. MS. Harl. No. 585. fol. 197.
[875]. Ibid. fol. 197.
[876]. Ibid. fol. 200.
[877]. MS. Harl., No. 585, fol. 186.
[878]. MS. Cott., Caligula, A. vii., fol. 171a; Cockayne, i. 398.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
Printed by Taylor and Francis, Red Lion Court, Fleet Street.
Transcriber’s Note
A large analytical table spanning pp. 106-107 has been split into multiple tables, and the first column (containing county names) repeated in each. It has also been moved to fall on a paragraph break.
On two occasions (‘downfal’ and ‘recal’), a second ‘l’ has been added, though it’s possible that each was spelled with an obsolete variant.
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original, not counting any embedded tables. Where a third reference is employed, the reference is to the line within the designated footnote (e.g. 166.1.1 refers to the first line in the first footnote on p. 166, as printed).
| [3.4] | prevent the downfal[l] of their people | Added. |
| [100.1.3] | “per clericalem honorem[.”] | Added. |
| [112.12] | while the impossiblity of reckoning | Inserted. |
| [124.15] | to their very existence in the wi[l]derness | Inserted. |
| [133.15] | a[u/n]d to be exposed to it | Inverted. |
| [165.1] | [f/F]ar otherwise however | Replaced. |
| [166.1.1] | was, in [its]elf, inferior | Added. |
| [226.24] | and Wine hath Wærðrýð to wife[,/.] | Replaced. |
| [226.29] | was removed [f]rom> Hǽðfeld | Restored. |
| [276.23] | within other twenty-one da[sy/ys] | Transposed. |
| [300.13] | king’s own demes[m/n]e | Replaced. |
| [354.33] | to recal[l] to the memory | Added. |
| [364.5] | Merseberg | sic Merseburg? |
| [373.3.1] | See Salomon a[u/n]d Saturn, p. 129. | Inverted. |
| [374.18] | E[o/ó]stermónað, which is now interpreted | Replaced. |
| [399.4] | a general expression for them[ ]all | Added. |
| [425.16] | is of a most thoroughly mythological cha[r]acter | Inserted. |
| [429.25] | ubi Dominus voluerit[”/’] | Replaced. |
| [432.7] | a sharp bolt was shot[,/.] | Replaced. |
| [451.27] | 809. Chron. [Sax.] 1010. | Added. |
| [470.22] | Peartingas. | sic Pærtingas? |
| [491.14] | being familar to the people | inserted. |
| [503.25] | Wincuf, Wulfwer[p/d] | Replaced. |
| [520.25] | and Ælf[é/e]h feng tó his lǽne. | Replaced. |
| [521.19] | all the claims of ow[n]ership | Inserted. |
| [528.10] | an unexhausted field for the collect[e/o]r | Replaced. |
| [529.9] | nalæs mid fǽgan.” | Added. |