APPENDIX.

APPENDIX A.
THE DOOMS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

(Æðelstán V. Thorpe, i. 228, sq.)

“This is the ordinance which the bishops and the reeves belonging to London have ordained, and with weds confirmed, among our ‘frith gegildas,’ as well eorlish as ceorlish, in addition to the dooms which were fixed at Greatanlea and at Exeter and at Thunresfeld.

“This then is first.

“1. That no thief be spared over XII pence, and no person over XII years, whom we learn according to folkright that he is guilty, and can make no denial; that we slay him, and take all that he has; and first take the ‘ceapgild’ from the property; and after that let the surplus be divided into II: one part to the wife, if she be innocent, and were not privy to the crime; and the other into II; let the king take half, half the fellowship. If it be bócland or bishop’s land, then has the landlord the half part in common with the fellowship.

“2. And he who secretly harbours a thief, and is privy to the crime and to the guilt, to him let the like be done.

“3. And he who stands with a thief, and fights with him, let him be slain with the thief.

“4. And he who oft before has been convicted openly of theft, and shall go to the ordeal, and is there found guilty; that he be slain, unless the kindred or the lord be willing to release him by his ‘wer,’ and by the full ‘ceap-gild,’ and also have him in ‘borh,’ that he thenceforth desist from every kind of evil. If after that he again steal, then let his kinsmen give him up to the reeve to whom it may appertain, in such custody as they before took him out of from the ordeal, and let him be slain in retribution of the theft. But if any one defend him, and will take him, although he was convicted at the ordeal, so that he might not be slain; that he should be liable in his life, unless he should flee to the king, and he should give him his life; all as it was before ordained at Greatanlea, and at Exeter, and at Thunresfeld.

“5. And whoever will avenge a thief, and commits an assault, or makes an attack on the highway; let him be liable in CXX shillings to the king. But if he slay any one in his revenge, let him be liable in his life, and in all that he has, unless the king is willing to be merciful to him.

“Second.

“That we have ordained: that each of us should contribute IV pence for our common use within XII months, and pay for the property which should be taken after we had contributed the money; and that all should have the search in common; and that every man should contribute his shilling who had property to the value of XXX pence, except the poor widow who has no ‘forwyrhta’ nor any land.

“Third.

“That we count always ten men together, and the chief should direct the nine in each of those duties which we have all ordained; and [count] afterwards their ‘hyndens’ together, and one ‘hynden-man’ who shall admonish the X for our common benefit; and let these XI hold the money of the ‘hynden,’ and decide what they shall disburse when aught is to pay, and what they shall receive, if money should arise to us, at our common suit; and let them also know that every contribution be forthcoming which we have all ordained for our common benefit, after the rate of XXX pence or one ox; so that all be fulfilled which we have ordained in our ordinances, and which stands in our agreement.

“Fourth.

“That every man of them who has heard the orders should be aidful to others, as well in tracing as in pursuit, so long as the track is known; and after the track has failed him, that one man be found where there is a large population, as well as from one tithing where a less population is, either to ride or to go (unless there be need of more) thither where most need is, and as they all have ordained.

“Fifth.

“That no search be abandoned, either to the north of the march or to the south, before every man who has a horse has ridden one riding; and that he who has not a horse, work for the lord who rides or goes for him, until he come home; unless right shall have been previously obtained.

“Sixth.

“1. Respecting our ‘ceapgild’: a horse at half a pound, if it be so good; and if it be inferior, let it be paid for by the worth of its appearance, and by that which the man values it at who owns it, unless he have evidence that it be as good as he says, and then let [us] have the surplus which we there require.

“2. An ox at a mancus, and a cow at XX, and a swine at X, and a sheep at a shilling.

“3. And we have ordained respecting our ‘theowmen’ whom men might have; if anyone should steal him, that he should be paid for with half a pound; but if we should raise the ‘gild,’ that it should be increased above that, by the worth of his appearance, and that we should have for ourselves the surplus that we then should require. But if he should have stolen himself away, that he should be led to the stoning, as it was formerly ordained; and that every man who had a man, should contribute either a penny or a halfpenny, according to the number of the fellowship, so that we might be able to raise the worth. But if he should make his escape, that he should be paid for by the worth of his appearance, and we all should make search for him. If we then should be able to come at him, that the same should be done to him that would be done to a Wylisc thief, or that he be hanged.

“4. And let the ‘ceapgild’ always advance from XXX pence to half a pound, after we make search; further, if we raise the ‘ceap-gild’ to the full ‘angilde’; and let the search still continue, as was before ordained, though it be less.

“Seventh.

“That we have ordained: let do the deed whoever may that shall avenge the injuries of us all, that we should be all so in one friendship as in one foeship, whichever it then may be; and that he who should kill a thief before other men, that he be XII pence the better for the deed, and for the enterprize, from our common money. And he who should own the property for which we pay let him not forsake the search, on peril of our ‘oferhyrnes,’ and the notice therewith, until we come to payment; and then also we would reward him for his labour, out of our common money, according to the worth of the journey, lest the giving notice should be neglected.

“Eighth.

“1. That we gather to us once in every month, if we can and have leisure, the ‘hynden men’ and those who direct the tithings, as well with ‘bytt-fylling,’ as else it may concern us, and know what of our agreement has been executed; and let these XII men have their refection together, and feed themselves according as they may deem themselves worthy, and deal the remains of the meat for the love of God.

“2. And if it then should happen that any kin be so strong and so great, within land or without, whether ‘XII hynde’ or ‘twy hynde,’ that they refuse us right, and stand up in defence of a thief; that we all of us ride thereto with the reeve within whose ‘manung’ it may be.

“3. And also send on both sides to the reeves, and desire from them aid of so many men as may seem to us adequate for so great a suit, that there may be the more fear in those culpable men for our assemblage, and that we all ride thereto, and avenge our wrong, and slay the thief, and those who fight and stand with him, unless they be willing to depart from him.

“4. And if any one trace a track from one shire to another, let the men who there are next take to it, and pursue the track till it be made known to the reeve; let him then with his ‘manung’ take to it, and pursue the track out of his shire, if he can; but if he cannot, let him pay the ‘angylde’ of the property, and let both reeveships have the full suit in common, be it wherever it may, as well to the north of the march as to the south, always from one shire to another; so that every reeve may assist another, for the common ‘frith’ of us all, by the king’s ‘oferhyrnes.’

“5. And also that everyone shall help another, as it is ordained and by ‘weds’ confirmed; and such man as shall neglect this beyond the march, let him be liable in XXX pence, or an ox, if he aught of this neglect which stands in our writings, and we with our ‘weds’ have confirmed.

“6. And we have also ordained respecting every man who has given his ‘wed’ in our gildships, if he should die, that each gild-brother shall give a ‘gesufel’ loaf for his soul, and sing a fifty, or get it sung within XXX days.

“7. And we also command our ‘hiremen’ that each man shall know when he has his cattle, or when he has not, on his neighbour’s witness, and that he point out to us the track, if he cannot find it within three days; for we believe that many heedless men reck not how their cattle go, for over-confidence in the ‘frith.’

“8. Then we command that within III days he make it known to his neighbours, if he will ask for the ‘ceap-gild’; and let the search nevertheless go on as it was before ordained, for we will not pay for any unguarded property, unless it be stolen. Many men speak fraudulent speech. If he cannot point out to us the track, let him show on oath with III of his neighbours that it has been stolen within III days, and after that let him ask for his ‘ceap-gild.’

“9. And let it not be denied nor concealed, if our lord or any of our reeves should suggest to us any addition to our ‘frith-gilds’ that we will joyfully accept the same, as it becomes us all, and may be advantageous to us. But let us trust in God, and our kingly lord, if we fulfil all things thus, that the affairs of all folk will be better with respect to theft than they before were. If, however, we slacken in the ‘frith’ and the ‘wed’ which we have given, and the king has commanded of us, then may we expect, or well know, that these thieves will prevail yet more than they did before. But let us keep our ‘weds’ and the ‘frith’ as is pleasing to our lord; it greatly behoves us that we devise that which he wills; and if he order and instruct us more, we shall be humbly ready.

“Ninth.

“That we have ordained: respecting those thieves whom one cannot immediately discover to be guilty, and one afterwards learns that they are guilty and liable; that the lord or the kinsmen should release him in the same manner as those men are released who are found guilty at the ordeal.

“Tenth.

“That all the ‘witan’ gave their ‘weds’ altogether to the archbishop at Thunresfeld, when Ælfeah Stybb and Brihtnoth Odda’s son came to meet the ‘gemot’ by the king’s[king’s] command; that each reeve should take the ‘wed’ in his own shire: that they would all hold the ‘frith’ as king Æthelstan and his ‘witan’ had counselled it, first at Greatanlea, and again at Exeter, and afterwards at Feversham, and a fourth time at Thunresfeld, before the archbishop and all the bishops, and his ‘witan’ whom the king himself named, who were thereat: that those dooms should be observed which were fixed at this ‘gemot,’ except those which were there before done away with; which was, Sunday marketing, and that with full and true witness any one might buy out of port.

“Eleventh.

“That Æthelstan commands his bishops and his ‘ealdormen’ and all his reeves over all my realm, that ye so hold the ‘frith’ as I and my ‘witan’ have ordained; and if any of you neglect it, and will not obey me, and will not take the ‘wed’ of his ‘hiremen,’ and he allow of secret compositions, and will not attend to these regulations as I have commanded, and it stands in our writs; then be the reeve without his ‘folgoth’, and without my friendship, and pay me cxx shilling; and each of my thanes who has land, and will not keep the regulations as I have commanded, [let him pay] half that.

“Twelfth.

“1. That the king now again has ordained to his ‘witan’ at Witlanburh, and has commanded it to be made known to the archbishop by bishop Theodred, that it seemed to him too cruel that so young a man should be killed, and besides for so little, as he has learned has somewhere been done. He then said, that it seemed to him, and to those who counselled with him, that no younger person should be slain than xv years, except he should make resistance or flee, and would not surrender himself; that then he should be slain, as well for more as for less, whichever it might be. But if he be willing to surrender himself, let him be put into prison, as it was ordained at Greatanlea, and by the same let him be redeemed.

“2. Or if he come not into prison, and they have none, that they take him in ‘borh’ by his full ‘wer,’ that he will evermore desist from every kind of evil. If the kindred will not take him out, nor enter into ‘borh’ for him, then let him swear as the bishop may instruct him, that he will desist from every kind of evil, and stand in servitude by his ‘wer.’ But if he after that again steal, let him be slain or hanged, as was before done to the elder ones.

“3. And the king has also ordained, that no one should be slain for less property than xii pence worth, unless he will flee or defend himself; and that then no one should hesitate, though it were for less. If we it thus hold, then trust I in God that our ‘frith’ will be better than it has before been.”

The following Flemish Charters of Liberties seemed to me fitting to be recorded here. They are taken from the ‘Piéces justificatives’ of Warnkönig’s History of Flanders, vol. ii.

I. Première Charte ou Keure de la ville de St. Omer, accordée par Guillaume de Normandie, comte de Flandre, et confirmée par Louis-le-Gros, roi de France. 14 Avril 1127.

“Ego Guillelmus Dei gratia Flandrensium Comes petitioni Burgensium Sancti Audomari contraïre nolens, pro eo maxime quia meam de Consulatu Flandriæ petitionem libenti animo receperunt, et quia honestius et fidelius cæteris Flandrensibus erga me semper se habuerunt, lagas seu consuetudines subscriptas perpetuo eis iuro concedo, et ratas manere præcipio.

“§ 1. Primo quidem ut erga unumquemque hominem, pacem eis faciam et eos sicut homines meos sine malo ingenio manuteneam et defendam; rectumque iudicium scabinorum erga unumquemque hominem, et erga me ipsum eis fieri concedam; ipsisque scabinis libertatem, qualem melius habent scabini terræ meæ constituam.

“§ 2. Si quis Burgensium Sancti Audomari alicui pecuniam suam crediderit, et ille cui credita est, coram legitimis hominibus et in villa sua hereditariis sponte concesserit, quod si die constituta pecuniam non persolverit, ipse vel bona eius, donec omnia reddat, retineantur: si persolvere noluerit, aut si negaverit hanc conventionem, et testimonio duorum Scabinorum, vel duorum iuratorum inde convictus fuerit, donec debitum solvat, retineatur.

“§ 3. Si quis de iure christianitatis ab aliquo interpellatus fuerit, de villa Sancti Audomari alias pro iustitia exequenda, non exeat: sed in eadem villa coram episcopo vel eius Archidiacono, vel suo presbytero, quod iustum est clericorum, scabinorumque iudicio exequatur: nec respondeat alicui, nisi tribus de causis; videlicet de infractura ecclesiæ, vel atrii, de lesione clerici, de oppressione et violatione feminæ: quod si de aliis causis querimonia facta fuerit coram iudicibus et præposito meo hoc finiatur. Sic enim coram K. Comite et episcopo Johanne statutum fuit.

“§ 4. Libertatem vero, quam antecessorum meorum temporibus habuerunt eis concedo. Scilicet quod nunquam de terra sua in expeditionem proficiscentur, excepto si hostilis exercitus terram Flandriæ invaserit; tunc me et terram meam defendere debebunt.

“§ 5. Omnes qui Gildam eorum habent, et ad illam pertinent, et infra cingulam villæ suæ manent, liberos omnes a teloneo facio, ad portum Dichesmudæ et Graveningis; et per totam terram Flandriæ, eos liberos a Sewerp facio. Apud Batpalmas teloneum, quale donant Atrebatenses, eis constituo.

“§ 6. Quisquis eorum ad terram imperatoris pro negotiatione sua perexerit, a nemine meorum hansam persolvere cogatur.

“§ 7. Si contigerit mihi aliquo tempore præter terram Flandriæ aliam conquirere, aut si concordia pacis inter me et avunculum meum H. regem Angliæ facta fuerit, in conquisita terra illa aut in toto regno Anglorum eos liberos ab omni teloneo et ab omni consuetudine in concordia illa recipi faciam.

“§ 8. In omni mercato Flandriæ si quis clamorem adversus eos suscitaverit iudicium scabinorum de omni clamore sine duello subeant; ab duello vero ulterius liberi sint.

“§ 9. Omnes qui infra murum sancti Audomari habitant et deinceps sunt habitaturi, liberos a Cavagio hoc est a capitali censu, et de advocationibus constituo.

“§ 10. Pecuniam eorum quæ post mortem Comitis K. eis ablata est, et quæ propter fidelitatem quam erga me habent adhuc eis detinetur, aut infra annum reddi faciam, aut iudicio scabinorum institiam eis fieri concedam.

“§ 11. Præterea rogaverunt regem Franciæ et Raulphum de Parona, ut ubicumque in terram illorum venerint, liberi sint ab omni teloneo, et traverso et passagio; quod et concedi volo.

“§ 12. Communionem autem suam sicut eam iuraverunt permanere præcipio, et a nemine dissolvi permitto, et omne rectum rectamque iustitiam sicut melius stat in terra mea, scilicet in Flandria, eis concedo.

“§ 13. Et sicut meliores et liberiores Burgenses Flandriæ ab omni consuetudine liberos deinceps esse volo; nullum scoth, nullam taliam, nullam pecuniæ suæ petitionem ab eis requiro.

“§ 14. Monetam meam in Sancto Audomaro unde per annum XXX libras habebam et quidquid in ea habere debeo, ad restaurationem damnorum suorum et gildæ suæ sustentamentum constituo. Ipsi vero Burgenses monetam per totam vitam meam stabilem et bonam, unde villa sua melioretur, stabiliant.

“§ 15. Custodes qui singulis noctibus per annum vigilantes castellum Sancti Audomari custodiunt, et qui præter feodum suum et præbendam sibi antiquitus constitutam in avena et caseis et in pellibus arietum, iniuste et violenter ab unaquaque domo in eadem villa, scilicet ad Sanctum Audomarum sanctumque Bertinum in natali domini panem unum et denarium unum aut duos denarios exigere solent, aut pro hiis pauperum vadimonia tollebant, nihil omnino deinceps præter feodum suum et præbendam suam exigere audeant.

“§ 16. Quisquis ad Niuverledam venerit, undecumque venerit, licentiam habeat veniendi ad Sanctum Audomarum cum rebus suis in quacunque navi voluerit.

“§ 17. Si cum Boloniensium comite S. concordiam habuero, in illa reconciliatione eos a Teloneo et Seuwerp apud Witsant et per totam terram eius liberos esse faciam.

“§ 18. Pasturam adiacentem villæ Sancti Audomari in nemori, quod dicitur Lo, et in paludibus et in pratis et in bruera et in Hongrecoltra, usibus eorum, exceptâ terrâ Lazarorum, concedo, sicut fuit tempore Roberti Comitis Barbati.

“§ 19. Mansiones quoque, quæ sunt in ministerio Advocati Sancti Bertini, illas videlicet quæ inhabitantur, ab omni consuetudine liberas esse volo: dabuntque singulæ denarios XII in festo Sancti Michælis, et de brotban denarios XII et de byrban denarios XII. Vacuæ autem nihil dabunt.

“§ 20. Si quis extraneus aliquem Burgensium Sancti Audomari agressus fuerit, et ei contumeliam vel iniuriam irrogaverit vel violenter ei sua abstulerit, et cum hac iniuria manus eius evaserit, postmodum vocatus a castellano vel uxore eius seu ab eius dapifero, infra triduum ad satisfactionem venire contempserit aut neglexerit; ipsi communiter iniuriam fratris sui in eo vindicabunt, in qua vindicta si domus diruta vel combusta fuerit, aut si quispiam vulneratus vel occisus fuerit, nullum corporis aut rerum suarum periculum, qui vindictam perpetravit, incurrat, nec offensam meam super hoc sentiat vel pertimescat; si vero, qui iniuriam intulit presentialiter tentus fuerit, secundum leges et consuetudines villæ presentialiter iudicabitur et secundum quantitatem facti punietur; scilicet oculum pro oculo, dentem pro dente, caput pro capite reddet.

“§ 21. De morte Eustachii de Stenford quicunque aliquem Burgensium Sancti Audomari perturbaverit et molestaverit, reus proditionis et mortis K. Comitis habeatur; quoniam pro fidelitate mea factum est, quidquid de eo factum est; et sicut iuravi et fidem dedi, sic eos erga parentes eius reconciliare et pacificare volo.

“§ 25. Hanc igitur Communionem tenendam, has supradictas consuetudines et conventiones esse observandas fide promiserunt et sacramento confirmaverunt: Ludovicus rex Francorum, Guillelmus comes Flandriæ, Raulphus de Parona, Hugo Candavena, Hosto Castellanus, et Guillelmus frater eius, Robertus de Bethuna, et Guillelmus filius eius, Anselmus de Hesdinio, Stephanus Comes Boloniensis, Manasses Comes Gisnensis, Galterus de Lillers, Balduinus Gandavensis, Hiuvannus frater eius, Rogerus Castellanus Insulensis, et Robertus filius eius, Razo de Gavera, Daniel de Tenremot, Helias de Sensen, Henricus de Brocborc, Eustachius advocatus, et Arnulphus filius eius, Castellanus Gandavensis, Gervasius Petrus dapifer, Stephanus de Seningaham. Confirmatum est hoc privilegium et a Comite Guillelmo et prædictis Baronibus istis fide et sacramento sancitum, et collaudatum anno dominicæ Incarnationis MCXXVII, XVIII Kl. Maii, feria V^a die festo Sancti Tiburtii et Valeriani.”

II. Additions et changemens faits à la Keure précédente par le Comte Thierri d’Alsace. 22 Août 1128.

“§ 1. Monetam quam Burgenses Sancti Audomari habuerant, Comiti liberam reddiderunt eo quod eos benignius tractaret, et lagas suas eis libentius ratas teneret: et insuper ut ceteri Flandrenses eidem sua incrementa celerius redderent.

“§ 2. Teloneum vero suum ab eodem in perpetuo censu receperunt, quotannis C solidos dando.

“§ 3. Si quis etiam eorum mortuo aliquo consanguineo suo, portionem aliquam possessionis illius sibi obvenire credens et in comitatu Flandriæ manens, cum eo, qui possessionem illam tenebit, vel partiri infra annum neglexerit, vel eum super hoc per iudices et scabinos minime convenerit; qui per annum integrum sine legitima calumnia tenuerit, quiete deinceps teneat, et nulli super hoc respondeat. Si autem heres in comitatu Flandriæ non fuerit, infra annum, quo redierit, cum possessore agat supradicto modo: alioquin qui tenebit sine ulla inquietatione teneat. Si autem herede aliquandiu peregre commorante, et cum redierit portionem suam requirente, possidens se cum eo partitum esse dixerit, si ille per quinque Scabinos probare falsum esse poterit, hereditas quæ eum attingit ei reddetur: alioquin possidens per quatuor legitimos viros se ei portionem suam dedisse probabit; et ita quietus erit. Quod si heres infra annos discretionis fuerit, pater vel mater, si supervixerint, vel qui eum manutenebit, portionem quæ illum attinget scabinis et aliis legitimis viris infra annum obitus illius ostendat, et si eis visum fuerit quod ille fideliter servare debeat, ei comittatur. Sin autem iudicio et providentia illorum ita disponatur, ne heres damnum alioquod patiatur; et cum ad annos discretionis venerit, et opportunum fuerit, hereditate sua integre et sine aliqua diminutione investiatur.

“§ 4. Item si quis alicui filium suum, vel filiam in matrimonio coniunxerit, et filius ille, vel filia sine prole obierint, ad patrem et matrem eorum si supervixerint, si autem mortui fuerint ad alios filios eorum, vel filios filiorum redeat hereditas quæ pertinebat ad filium vel filiam, quos aliis matrimonio copulaverant; et viventibus patre vel matre eorum hereditas illa cum supradictis personis tantum dividatur: mortuis autem illis propinquiores consanguinei illam, prout iustum est, sortiantur.

“Hanc igitur communionem tenendam, et supradictas institutiones et conventiones esse observandas fide promiserunt et sacramento confirmaverunt Theodoricus, Comes Flandriæ, Willelmus Castellanus Sancti Audomari, Willelmus de Lo, Iwannus de Gandavo, Danihel de Tenramunda, Raso de Gavera, Gislebertus de Bergis, Henricus de Broburc, Castellanus de Gandavo, Gervasius de Brugis.—Præfati Barones insuper iuraverunt, quod si Comes Burgenses Sancti Audomari extra consuetudines suas eiicere et sine iudicio Scabinorum tractare vellet, se a comite discessuros et cum eis remansuros, donec comes eis suas consuetudines integre restitueret et iudicium Scabinorum eos subire permitteret. Actum anno dominicæ Incarnationis MCXXVIII in octavis assumptionis Beatæ Mariæ.”

III. Charte de donation du fonds de la Gild-halle de St. Omer aux Bourgeois de cette ville. 1151.

“Ego Theodoricus Dei patientia Flandrensium Comes, consensu uxoris meæ Sibillæ, concedente ita quoque Philippo filio meo, terram in qua Ghildhalla apud sanctum Audomarum in foro sita est, cum scopis et adpenditiis suis tam ligneis quam lapideis, burgensibus eiusdem villæ hereditario iure possidendam, et ad omnem mercaturam tam in appenditiis, quam in Ghildhalla exercendam tradidi: hanc quoque libertatem eis concessi, ut si quis in eam venerit, undecunque reus fuerit, in ipsa domo iudici in eum manum non mittere licebit; ille autem sub cuius custodia Ghildhalla tenetur, admonitus a iudice reum extra limen Ghildhallæ conducens nisi fideiussione se defenderit, in præsentia duorum scabinorum vel plurium eum iudici tradet: iudex vero eum in potestate sua habens secundum quantitatem facti cum eo aget. Illud quoque addidimus, quod alienus negotiator nusquam, nisi in prædicta domo aut in appendiciis eius, vel in pleno foro merces suas vendendas exponat aut vendat. Solis autem burgensibus in foro, in Ghildhalla, seu magis velint, is propria domo sua, vendere liceat.

“Quoniam autem humana omnia ex rerum et temporum varietate senescunt, sigilli mei auctoritate et subscriptorum testimonio hoc corroboravi. Walterus Castellanus sancti Audomari, Arnoldus Comes de Gisnes, Gerardus Præpositus, Arnulphus de Arde, Henricus Castellanus de Brübborg, Elenardus de Sinningehem, Hugo de Ravensberghe, Baldevinus de Bailgul, Michael Iunior, Christianus de Aria, Guido Castellanus de Bergis, Rogerus de Wavrin, Helinus filius eius.”

IV. Keure de Bruges. Vers 1190.

“Hæc est lex et consuetudo quam Brugenses tenere debent a comite Philippo instituta. Si quis alicui vulnus fecerit infra pontem sanctæ Mariæ, infra Botrebeika, infra usque ad domum Galteri Calvi, infra usque ad domum Lanikini carpentarii, supra terram Balduini de Prat, infra fossatum veteris molendini, et illud veritate scabinorum cognoscatur de quacunque re factum sit, ad domum in qua ille manet, qui vulnus imposuit, per scabinos et per iustitiam comitis submoncatur. Qui submonitus, si scabinis se præsentet, veritate inquisita de illo qui vulnus fecerit per sexaginta libras forefactum emendet, et si scabini sciunt quod vulnus non fecerit, liber et in pace remanebit. Si die quâ submonebitur se non præsentaverit, remanebat in forefacto sexaginta librarum, et si scabini voluerint domum eius prosternere, poterunt et in respectum ponere, sed ex toto condonare non possunt nisi voluntate Comitis.

“2. Si verò quis aliquem in domo suâ assiluerit, unde clamor factus sit, scabini et iustitia domum ibunt inspicere: et si scabini poterunt videre, assultum esse apparentem, ille de quo clamor factus est submoneri debet; qui si scabinis se præsentaverit et illum intellexerint assultum fecisse, LX libras amittet. Si vero cognoverint illum assultum non fecisse, liber et in pace recedat. Si autem ad diem submonitionis venire noluerit, domo ejus prostrata LX librarum reus erit. Quod si alii assultui interfuerint, de quibus clamor factus non sit, si comes super hoc veritatem scabinorum requisierit, scabini veritatem inquirere debent, et quotquot veritate scabinorum de assultu tenebuntur, unusquisque eorum LX librarum reus erit, ac si de eo clamor factus sit. Si vero scabini nullum assultum agnoscere potuerunt ab ipsis super hoc veritas est inquirenda.

“3. Qui cum armis molutis infra præfinitos terminos aliquem fugaverit, si veritate scabinorum convincatur forisfacto librarum LX tenebitur: si aliquis assiliatur, quidquid ipse faciat in defendendo corpus suum nullo tenebitur forisfacto.

“4. Qui aliquem bannitum occiderit in hoc nullum facit forisfactum.

“5. Quicumque testimonio scabinorum convictus fuerit de rapina, LX lib. de forisfacto dabit et dampnum rapinæ restituet.

“6. Qualemcunque concordiam bannitus faciat comiti, remanebit tamen bannitus, donec viris Brugensibus ad opus castri LX solidos dederit.

“7. Qui bannitum de forefacto LX libr. hospitio susceperit, veritate scabinorum convictus LX libras amittet.

“8. Qui aliquem fuste vel baculo percusserit, convictus a scabinis in forisfacto X lib. incidit de quibus comes habebit V lib. Castellanus XX sol. ille qui percussus est LX sol. et ad opus castri XX sol.

“9. Qui pugno vel palma aliquem percusserit seu per capillos acceperit inde per scabinos convictus LX sol. dabit unde XXX solidi comitis erunt, percussi XV sol. castallani X sol. ad opus castri V sol. Qui aliquem per capillos ad terram traxerit sive per lutum trahendo pedibus conculcaverit, X lib. comiti dabit, maletractato XV solidos, Castellano X sol. et ad castrum V solidos.

“10. Qui vero alicui convitia dixerit, si testimonio duorum scabinorum convincatur, illi cui convicia dixerit V solidos dabit, Iusticiæ XII denarios.

“11. Qui duobus scabinis aut pluribus inducias pacis, quæ treuiæ dicuntur, de quâlibet discordiâ dare noluerit, illud emendabit per LX lib.

“12. Si dissensiones aut discordiæ aut guerræ aut aliquod aliud malum inter probos viros oppidi exoriatur, unde ad aures scabinorum clamor perveniat, salvo iure comitis, scabini illud componere et pacificare poterunt. Qui verò compositionem vel pacem quam super hoc scabini consolidaverint, sequi noluerit, forisfactum LX lib. incurret.

“13. Qui ea dedixerit quæ scabini in iudicio vel testimonio affirmaverint, LX lib. amittet, et unicuique scabinorum qui ab co dedictus erit X libras dabit.

“14. Quicumque per vim fœminam violaverit, si de eo veritate scabinorum convincatur, eâdem pœnâ dampnabitur, quantâ a prædecessoribus comitibus, tales malefactores dampnari solent in Flandriâ.

“15. Quicumque per malum in scabinos manum suam immiserit, si scabini illud testificentur, LX libras dabit.

“16. Præterea sciant omnes, quod vir de oppido Brugensi, cuiuscumque forisfacti se reum fecerit, non amplius quam LX libr. amittere poterit, nisi legitime per scabinos convictus fuerit de raptu, ut dictum est, vel de latrocinio, vel de falsitate, vel nisi hominem occiderit. Qui verò occiderit hominem, caput pro capite dabit, et omnia sua in potestate comitis erunt absque omni contradictione, si de homicidio veritate scabinorum teneatur.

“17. Nemo infra præfinitos terminos manens infra muros castri gladium ferat, nisi sit mercator vel alius qui gratiâ negocii sui per castrum transeat. Si verò castrum intraverit causâ inibi morandi, gladium extra in suburbio dimittat. Quod si non fecerit, LX solidos et gladium amittet. Iusticiis vero comitis et ministris earum, quia pacem castri observare debent, nocte et die infra castrum arma ferre licebit. Viris etiam Brugensibus gladium portare et reportare licebit, dummodo castro exeant festinanter. Si quis autem eorum moras faciendo, vel per castrum vagando, gladium portaverit, LX solid. et gladium amittet.

“18. Si scabini gratiâ emendationis villæ assensu iustitiæ comitis bannum in pane et vino et cæteris mercibus constituerint, medietas eorum quæ ex banno provenient, comitis erit, et altera medietas castellani et oppidi.

“19. Si mercator sive alius homo extraneus ante scabinos iustitiæ causâ venerit, si illi, de quibus conqueritur presentes sint vel inveniri possint infra tertium diem vel saltem infra octavum, plenariam ei scabini iustitiam faciant iuxta legem castri.

“20. Nemini in foro comitis stallos locare licebit, quod si locaverit et veritate scabinorum super hoc convictus fuerit, LX solidos comiti dabit.

“21. Si aliquis de infracturis castri coram scabinis falsum testimonium portaverit si scabini illud cognoverint LX libras amittet.

“22. Quando aliquis scabinus decedet, alius ei substituetur electione Comitis non aliter.

“23. Si scabinus testimonio scabinorum parium suorum de falsitate convictus fuerit, ipse et omnia sua in potestate Comitis erunt.

“24. Si Scabini a Comite vel a ministro Comitis submoniti, falsum super aliqua re iudicium fecerint, veritate scabinorum Atrebatensium, sive aliorum qui eandem legem tenent, comes eos convincere poterit; et si convicti fuerint, ipsi et omnia sua in potestate comitis erunt. Quoties verò super huiusmodi falsitate submoniti fuerint, nullatenus contradicere poterunt, quin diem sibi a Comite praefixum teneant, ubicumque Comes voluerit in Flandriâ.

“25. De omnibus verò aliis causis ad Comitem pertinentibus, Brugis in castello vel ante castellum placita tenebunt in praesentia Comitis vel illius quem loco suo ad iustitiam tenendam instituerit. Instituto autem ad eius submonitionem de omnibus tanquam Comiti respondebunt, quamdiù in hoc servitio comitis erit.

“Ad hoc nec scabini nec Brugenses aliquid addere, mutare, vel corrigere poterunt, nisi per consilium Comitis vel illius quem loco suo ad iustitiam tenendam instituerit.

V. Ordonnance du comte Philippe d’Alsace, sur les attributs des Baillis en Flandre. Vers 1178.

“Hæc sunt puncta, quæ per universam terram suam Comes observari præcepit.

“§ 1. Primo qui hominem occiderit, caput pro capite dabit.

“§ 2. Item baillivus Comitis poterit arrestare hominem qui forefecit sine Scabinis donec ante Scabinos veniat, et per consilium eorum plegium accipiat de forisfacto.

“§ 3. Item si baillivus volens hominem arrestare, non potuerit et auxilium vocaverit, qui primus fuerit, et baillivum non adiuverit in forisfacto erit, sicut Scabini considerabunt; nisi forte ostendere quis potuerit per Scabinos quod ille qui arrestandus erat, inimicus eius sit de mortali faidâ; et tunc sine forisfacto erit licet baillivum non adiuverit ad capiendum suum inimicum.

“§ 4. Item baillivus Comitis erit cum Scabinis, qui eligent probos viros villæ ad faciendas tallias et Assisas, sed cum talliabunt Scabini vel Iudicia facient, vel inquisitiones veritatis, vel protractiones, non intererit baillivus: aliis autem consiliis quæ ad utilitatem villæ pertinebunt, baillivus intererit cum Scabinis, scriptum autem talliæ et assisæ reddent Scabini baillivo, si postulaverit.

“§ 5. Item baillivus accipiet forisfactum adiudicatum Comiti per Scabinos, ubicumque illud invenerit extra ecclesiam et ubicumque accipi debet per Scabinos.

“§ 6. Item qui bannitum de pecuniâ receptaverit eâdem lege de pecuniâ tenebitur quâ bannitus; et si fuerit capite bannitus qui receptatus est, tunc receptans tenebitur de forisfacto LX lib. Quod si vir domi non fuerit, et ejus uxor bannitum receptaverit, rediensque vir, tertiâ manu proborum virorum iurare potuerit: quod bannitum in domam suam receptum esse nescierit; sine forisfacto remanebit: si autem absentiâ mariti, uxori prohibitum fuerit per Scabinos, ne bannitum receptet, de cætero non poterit eum sine forisfacto receptare.

“§ 7. Item de quindenâ in quindenam, habet comes, vel baillivus ex eius parte, veritatem si voluerit.

“§ 8. Item domus diruenda Judicio Scabinorum, post quindenam a scabinis indultam, quandocunque Comes præceperit, aut baillivus eius, diruetur a Communia villæ, campana pulsata per Scabinos: et qui ad diruendam domum illam non venerit, in forisfacto erit, sicut Scabini considerabunt, nisi talem excusationem habuerit, quæ Scabinis sufficiens videatur.

“§ 9. Item pater non poterit forisfacere domum vel rem filiorum, quæ eis ex parte matris contingit; nec filii poterunt forisfacere rem vel domum patris, quæ ex parte patris venit.

“§ 10. Item si homo per Scabinos domum suam sine scampo invadiaverit, eam forisfacere non poterit, nisi salvo catallo eius, qui domum illam vadet in vadio.

“§ 11. Item fugitivus de aliquâ villâ pro debito, si in aliâ villâ inventus fuerit, arrestabitur, et ad villam, de quâ fugerat, reducetur, et iudicium Scabinorum illius villæ subire cogetur.

“§ 12. Item si quis vulneratus fuerit, et videatur Scabinis’ quod non sit vulneratus ad mortem, et postea de illo vulnere mortuus fuerit, Scabini non erunt in forisfacto contra Comitem, qui minorem plegiaturam acceperunt de eo qui cum vulneravit, quam si mortaliter fuisset vulneratus.”

The following charters of the French communes are taken from M. Thierry’s Lettres sur l’Histoire de France.

I. Charte de Beauvais.—“Tous les hommes domiciliés dans l’enceinte du mur de ville et dans les faubourgs, de quelque seigneur que relève le terrain où ils habitent, prêteront serment à la commune. Dans toute l’étendue de la ville, chacun prêtera secours aux autres, loyalement et selon son pouvoir.

“Treize pairs seront élus par la commune, entre lesquels, d’après le vote des autres pairs et de tous ceux qui auront juré la commune, un ou deux seront créés majeurs.

“Le majeur et les pairs jureront de ne favoriser personne de la commune pour cause d’amitié, de ne léser personne pour cause d’inimitié, et de donner en toute chose, selon leur pouvoir, une décision équitable. Tous les autres jureront d’obéir et de prêter main forte aux décisions du majeur et des pairs [^[1036]].

“Quiconque aura forfait envers un homme qui aura juré cette commune, le majeur et les pairs, si plainte leur en est faite, feront justice du corps et des biens du coupable.

“Si le coupable se réfugie dans quelque château fort, le majeur et les pairs de la commune parleront sur cela au seigneur du château ou à celui qui sera en son lieu; et si, à leur avis, satisfaction leur est faite de l’ennemi de la commune, ce sera assez; mais si le seigneur refuse satisfaction, ils se feront justice à eux-mêmes sur ses hommes.

“Si quelque marchand étranger vient à Beauvais pour le marché, et que quelqu’un lui fasse tort ou injure dans les limites de la banlieue; si plainte en est faite au majeur et aux pairs, et que le marchand puisse trouver son malfaiteur dans la ville, la majeur et les pairs en feront justice, à moins que le marchand ne soit un des ennemis de la commune.

“Nul homme de la commune ne devra prêter ni créancer son argent aux ennemis de la commune tant qu’il y aura guerre avec eux, car s’il le fait il sera parjure; et si quelqu’un est convaincu de leur avoir prêté ou créance quoique ce soit, justice sera faite de lui, selon que le majeur et les pairs en décideront.

“S’il arrive que le corps des bourgeois marche hors de la ville contre ses ennemis, nul le parlamentera avec eux si ce n’est avec licence du majeur et des pairs.

“Si quelqu’un de la commune a confié son argent à quelqu’un de la ville, et que celui auquel l’argent aura été confié se réfugie dans quelque château fort, le seigneur du château, en ayant reçu plainte, ou rendra l’argent ou chassera le débiteur de son château; et s’il ne fait ni l’une ni l’autre de ces choses, justice sera faite sur les hommes de ce château.

“Si quelqu’un enlève de l’argent à un homme de la commune et se réfugie dans quelque château fort, justice sera faite sur lui si on peut le recontrer, ou sur les hommes et les biens du seigneur du château, à moins que l’argent ne soit rendu.

“S’il arrive que quelqu’un de la commune ait acheté quelque héritage et l’ait tenu pendant l’an et jour, et si quelqu’un vient ensuite réclamer et demander le rachat, il ne lui sera point fait de réponse, mais l’acheteur demeurera en paix.

“Pour aucune cause la présente charte ne sera portée hors de la ville.”

II. Charter of the Commune of Laon.—“Nul ne pourra se saisir d’aucun homme, soit libre, soit serf, sans le ministère de la justice.

“Si quelqu’un a, de quelque manière que ce soit, fait tort à un autre, soit clerc, soit chevalier, soit marchand indigène ou étranger, et que celui qui a fait le tort soit de la ville, il sera sommé de se présenter en justice par-devant le majeur et les jurés, pour se justifier ou faire amende; mais s’il se refuse à faire réparation, il sera exclu de la ville avec tous ceux de sa famille. Si les propriétés du délinquant en terres ou en vignes sont situées hors du territoire de la ville, le majeur et les jurés réclameront justice contre lui, de la part du seigneur dans le ressort duquel ses biens seront situés; mais si l’on n’obtient pas justice de ce seigneur, les jurés pourront faire dévaster les propriétés du coupable. Si le coupable n’est pas de la ville, l’affaire sera portée devant la cour del’évêque, et si, dans le délai do cinq jours, la forfaiture n’est pas reparée, le majeur et les jurés en tireront selon leur pouvoir.

“En matière capitale, la plainte doit d’abord être portée devant le seigneur justicier dans le ressort duquel aura été pris le coupable, ou devant son bailli s’il est absent; et si le plaignant ne peut obtenir justice ni de l’un ni de l’autre, il s’adressera aux jurés.

“Les censitaires ne paieront à leur seigneur d’autre cens que celui qu’ils le doivent par tête. S’ils ne le paient pas au temps marqué, ils seront punis selon la loi qui les régit, mais n’accorderont rien en sus à leur seigneur que de leur propre volonté.

“Les hommes de la commune pourront prendre pour femmes les filles des vassaux ou des serfs de quelque seigneur que ce soit, à l’exception des seigneuries et des églises qui font partie de cet commune. Dans les familles de ces dernières ils ne pourront prendre des épouses sans le consentement du seigneur.

“Aucun étranger censitaire des églises ou des chevaliers de la ville ne sera compris dans la commune que du consentement de son seigneur.

“Quiconque sera reçu dans cet commune, bâtira une maison dans le délai d’un an, ou achetera des vignes, ou apportera dans la ville assez d’effets mobiliers pour que justice puisse être faite, s’il y a quelque plainte contre lui. Les main-mortes sont entièrement abolies. Les tailles seront réparties de manière que tout homme devant taille paie seulement quatre deniers à chaque terme et rien de plus, à moins qu’il n’ait une terre devant taille, à laquelle il tienne assez pour consentir à payer la taille.”

III. Charter of the Commune of Amiens.—“Chacun gardera fidélité à son juré et lui prêtera secours et conseil en tout ce qui est juste.

“Si quelqu’un viole sciemment les constitutions de la commune et qu’il en soit convaincu, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison et ne lui permettra point d’habiter dans ses limites jusqu’à ce qu’il ait donné satisfaction.

“Quiconque aura sciemment reçu dans sa maison un ennemi de la commune et aura communiqué avec lui, soit en vendant et achetant, soit en buvant et mangeant, soit en lui prêtant un secours quelconque, ou lui aura donné aide et conseil contre le commune, sera coupable de lèse-commune, et, à moins qu’il ne donne promptement satisfaction en justice, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison.

“Quiconque aura tenu devant témoin des propos injurieux pour la commune, si la commune en est informée, et que l’inculpé refuse de répondre en justice, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison et ne lui permettra pas d’habiter dans ses limites jusqu’à ce qu’il ait donné satisfaction.

“Si quelqu’un attaque de paroles injurieuses le majeur dans l’exercice de sa juridiction, sa maison sera démolie, ou il paiera rançon pour sa maison en la miséricorde des juges.

“Que nul n’ait la hardiesse de vexer au passage, dans la banlieue de la cité, les personnes domiciliées dans la commune, ou les marchands qui viennent à la ville pour y vendre leurs denrées. Si quelqu’un ose le faire, il sera réputé violateur de la commune et justice sera faite sur sa personne ou sur ses biens.

“Si un membre de la commune enlève quelque chose à l’un de ses jurés, il sera sommé par le maire et les échevins de comparaître en présence de la commune, et fera réparation suivant l’arrêt des échevins.

“Si le vol a été commis par quelqu’un qui ne soit pas de la commune, et que cet homme ait refusé de comparaître en justice dans les limites de la banlieue, la commune, après l’avoir notifié aux gens du château où le coupable a son domicile, le saisira, si elle le peut, lui ou quelque chose qui lui appartienne, et le retiendra jusqu’à ce qu’il ait fait réparation.

“Quiconque aura blessé avec armes un de ses jurés, à moins qu’il ne se justifie par témoins et par le serment, perdra le poing ou paiera neuf livres, six pour les fortifications de la ville et de la commune, et trois pour la rançon de son poing; mais s’il est incapable de payer, il abandonnera son poing à la miséricorde de la commune.

“Si un homme, qui n’est pas de la commune, frappe ou blesse quelqu’un de la commune, et refuse de comparaître en jugement, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison; et si elle parvient à le saisir, justice sera faite de lui par-devant le majeur et les échevins.

“Quiconque aura donné à l’un de ses jurés les noms de serf, récréant, traître ou fripon, paiera vingt sous d’amende.

“Si quelque membre de la commune a sciemment acheté ou vendu quelque article provenant de pillage, il le perdra et sera tenu de le restituer aux dépouillés, à moins queux-mêmes ou leurs seigneurs n’aient forfait en quelque chose contre la commune.

“Dans les limites de la commune, on n’admettra aucun champion gagé au combat contre l’un de ses membres.

“En toute espèce de cause, l’accusateur, l’accusé et les témoins s’expliqueront, s’ils le veulent, par avocat.

“Tous ces articles, ainsi que les ordonnances du majeur et de la commune, n’ont force de loi que de juré à juré: il n’y a pas égalité en justice entre le juré et le non-juré.”

IV. Charter of the Commune of Soissons.—“Tous les hommes habitant dans l’enceinte[l’enceinte] des murs de la ville de Soissons et en dehors dans le faubourg, sur quelque seigneurie qu’ils demeurent, jureront la commune: si quelqu’un s’y refuse, ceux qui l’auront jurée feront justice de sa maison et de son argent.

“Dans les limites de la commune, tous les hommes s’aideront mutuellement, selon leur pouvoir, et ne souffriront en nulle manière que qui que ce soit enlève quelque chose ou fasse payer des tailles à l’un d’entre eux.

“Quand la cloche sonnera pour assembler la commune, si quelqu’un ne se rend pas à l’assemblée, il payera douze deniers d’amende.

“Si quelqu’un de la commune a forfait en quelque chose, et refuse de donner satisfaction devant les jurés, les hommes de la commune en feront justice.

“Les membres de cette commune prendront pour épouses les femmes qu’ils voudront, après en avoir demandé la permission aux seigneurs dont ils relèvent; mais, si les seigneurs s’y refusaient, et que, sans l’aveu du sien, quelqu’un prît une[une] femme relevant d’une autre seigneurie, l’amende qu’il paierait dans ce cas, sur la plainte de son seigneur, serait de cinq sols seulement.

“Si un étranger apporte son pain ou son vin dans la ville pour les y mettre en sûreté, et qu’ensuite un différend survienne entre son seigneur et les hommes de cette commune, il aura quinze jours pour vendre son pain et son vin dans la ville et emporter l’argent, à moins qu’il n’ait forfait ou ne soit complice de quelque forfaiture.

“Si l’évêque de Soissons amène par mégarde dans la ville un homme qui ait forfait envers un membre de cette commune, après qu’on lui aura remontré que c’est l’un des ennemis de la commune, il pourra l’emmener cette fois; mais ne le ramènera en aucune manière, si ce n’est avec l’aveu de ceux qui ont charge de maintenir la commune.

“Toute forfaiture, hormis l’infraction de commune et la vieille haine, sera punie d’une amende de cinq sous.”

It would be easy to add other examples of these early covenants between the towns and their seigneurs: but enough seems to have been said, to illustrate the line of argument adopted in the text. There is no single point in all mediæval history of more importance than the manner in which the towns assumed their municipal form; and none in which the gradual progress of the popular liberties can be more securely traced. But all these compromises imply a long apprenticeship to freedom before the “master’s” dignity was attained: and great is the debt of gratitude we owe to those whose sufferings and labour have enabled us to understand and to record their struggles.

APPENDIX B.
TITHE.

The importance of this subject requires a full statement of details: the following are all the passages in the Anglosaxon law which have reference to this impost.

“I Æðelstán the king, with the counsel of Wulfhelm, archbishop, and of my other bishops, make known to the reeves in each town, and beseech you, in God’s name, and by all his saints, and also by my friendship, that ye first of my own goods render the tithes both of live stock and of the year’s increase, even as they may most justly be either measured or counted or weighed out; and let the bishops then do the like from their own property, and my ealdormen and reeves the same. And I will, that the bishop and the reeves command it to all who are bound to obey them, so that it be done at the right term. Let us bear in mind how Jacob the Patriarch spoke: ‘Decimas et hostias pacificas offeram tibi;’ and how Moses spake in God’s law: ‘Decimas et primitias non tardabis offerre Domino.’ It is for us to reflect how awfully it is declared in the books: if we will not render the tithes to God, that he will take from us the nine parts when we least expect; and, moreover, we have the sin in addition thereto.” Æðelst. i. Thorpe, i. 195.

There is a varying copy of this circular, or whatever it is, coinciding as to the matter, but differing widely in the words. Thorpe, i. 195. The nature of the sanction is obvious: it is the old, unjustifiable application of the Jewish practice, which fraud or ignorance had made generally current in Europe. The tithe mentioned by Æðelstán is the prædial tithe, or that of increase of the fruits of the earth, and increase of the young of cattle.

The next passage is in the law of Eádmund, about 940. He says: “Tithe we enjoin to every Christian man on his christendom, and church-shot, and Rome-fee and plough-alms. And if any one will not do it, be he excommunicate.” Thorpe, i. 244.

“Let every tithe be paid to the old minster to which the district belongs; and let it be so paid both from a thane’s inland and from geneátland, as the plough traverses it. But if there be any thane who on his bookland has a church, at which there is a burial-place, let him give the third part of his own tithe to his church. If any one have a church at which there is not a burial-place, then of the nine parts let him give his priest what he will.... And let tithe of every young be paid by Pentecost, and of the fruits of the earth by the equinox ... and if any one will not pay the tithe, as we have ordained, let the king’s reeve go thereto, and the bishop’s, and the mass-priest of the minster, and take by force a tenth part for the minster whereunto it is due; and let them assign to him the ninth part; and let the eight parts be divided into two, and let the landlord seize half, the bishop half, be it a king’s man or a thane’s.” Eádg. i. § 1, 2, 3. Thorpe, i. 262. Cnut, i. § 8. 11. Thorpe, i. 366.

“This writing manifests how Eádgár the king was deliberating what might be a remedy for the pestilence which greatly afflicted and decreased his people, far and wide throughout his realm. And first of all it seemed to him and his Witan that such a misfortune had been merited by sin, and by contempt of God’s commandments, and most of all by the diminution of that need-gafol (necessary tax or rent or recognitory service) which men ought to render to God in their tithes. He looked upon and considered the divine usage in the same light as the human. If a geneát neglect his lord’s gafol, and do not pay it at the appointed time, it may be expected, if the lord be merciful, that he will grant forgiveness of the neglect, and accept the gafol without inflicting a further penalty. But if the lord, by his messengers, frequently remind him of his gafol, and he be obdurate and devise to resist payment, it is to be expected that the lord’s anger will so greatly increase, that he will grant his debtor neither life nor goods. Thus is it to be expected that our Lord will do, through the audacity with which the people have resisted the frequent admonition of their teachers, respecting the need-gafol of our Lord, namely our tithes and church-shots. Now I and the archbishop command that ye anger not God, nor earn either sudden death in this world, nor a future and eternal death in hell, by any diminution of God’s rights; but that rich and poor alike, who have any tilth, joyfully and ungrudgingly yield his tithes to God, according to the ordinance of the witan at Andover, which they have now confirmed with their pledges at Wihtbordesstán. And I command my reeves, on pain of losing my friendship and all they own, to punish all that will not make this payment, or by any remissness break the pledge of my witan, as the aforesaid ordinance directs: and of such punishment let there be no remission, if he be so wretched as either to diminish what is God’s to his own soul’s perdition, or in the insolence of his mood to account them of less importance than what he reckoneth as his own: for that is much more his own which lasteth to all eternity, if he would do it without grudging and with perfect gladness. Now it is my will that these divine rights stand alike all over my realm, and that the servants of God who receive the moneys which we give to God, live a pure life: that so, through their purity, they may intercede for us with God; and that I and my thanes direct our priests to that which the shepherds of our soul’s teach us, that is, our bishops, whom we ought never to disobey in any of those things which they declare to us in God’s behalf; so that through the obedience with which we obey them for God’s sake, we may merit that eternal life for which they fit us by their doctrine and the example of their good works.” Eádgár, Suppl. Thorpe, i. 270 seq. Such are the views of Eádgár under the influence of Dúnstán, Æðelwold and Oswald.

“And let God’s dues be willingly paid every year; that is, plough-alms fifteen days after Easter, the tithe of young by Pentecost, and of the fruits of the earth by Allhallows’ Mass, and Rome-fee by St. Peter’s mass, and lightshot thrice a year.” Æðelr. v. § 11; vi. § 17; ix. § 9. Cnut, i. § 8.

“Et ut detur de omni caruca denarius vel denarium valens, et omnis qui familiam habet, efficiat ut omnis hirmannus suus det unum denarium; quod si non habeat, det dominus eius pro eo. Et omnino Thaynus decimet totum quicquid habet.” Æðelr. viii. § 1. Thorpe, i. 336.

“Et praecipimus, ut omnis homo, super dilectionem Dei et omnium sanctorum, det Cyricsceattum et rectam decimam suam, sicut in diebus antecessorum nostrorum stetit, quando melius stetit; hoc est, sicut aratrum peragrabit decimam aeram. Et omnis consuetudo reddatur super amicitiam Dei ad matrem nostram aecclesiam cui adiacet. Et nemo auferat Deo quod ad Deum pertinet, et praedecessores nostri concesserunt.” Æðelr. viii. § 4. Thorpe, i. 338.

“And with respect to tithe, the king and his witan have chosen and decreed, as right it is, that one third part of the tithe which belongs to the church, go to the reparation of the church, and a second part to God’s servants there; the third part to God’s poor and needy men in thraldom.” Æðelr. ix. § 6. Thorpe, i. 342.

“And be it known to every Christian man that he pay to the Lord his tithe justly, ever as the plough traverses the tenth field, on peril of God’s mercy, and of the full penalty, which king Eádgár decreed; that is; If any one will not justly pay the tithe, then let the king’s reeve go, and the mass-priest of the minster or the landlord, and the bishop’s reeve, and take by force the tenth part for the minster to which it is due, and assign to him the ninth part: and let the remaining eight parts be divided into two; and let the landlord seize half, and the bishop half, be it a king’s man or a thane’s.” Æðelr. ix. § 7, 8. Thorpe, i. 342. Cnut, i. § 8. Thorpe, i. 366. Leg. Hen. I. xi. § 2. Thorpe, i. 520.

“De omni annona decima garba sanctae aecclesiae reddenda est. Si quis gregem equarum habuerit, pullum decimum reddat; qui unam solam vel duas, de singulis pullis singulos denarios. Qui vaccas plures habuerit, vitulum decimum; qui unam vel duas, de singulis obolos singulos. Et si de eis caseum fecerit, caseum decimum, vel lac decima die. Agnum decimum, vellus decimum, caseum decimum, butirum decimum, porcellum decimum. De apibus, secundum quod sibi per annum inde profecerit. Quinetiam de boscis et pratis, aquis, molendinis, parcis, vivariis, piscariis, virgultis, ortis, negotiationibus, et de omnibus similiter rebus quas dederit Dominus, decima reddenda est; et qui eam detinuerit, per iusticiam sanctae aecclesiae et regis, si necesse fuerit, ad redditionem cogatur. Haec praedicavit sanctus Augustinus, et haec concessa sunt a rege, et confirmata a baronibus et populis: sed postea, instigante diabolo, ea plures detinuerunt, et sacerdotes qui divites erant non multum curiosi erant ad perquirendas eas, quia in multis locis sunt modo iiii vel iii aecclesiae, ubi tunc temporis non erat nisi una; et sic inceperunt minui.” Eádw. Conf. § vii. viii.

Such are all the passages in the Anglosaxon Laws, directing the levy and distribution of the tithe.

APPENDIX C.
TOWNS.

The strict meaning of burh, appears to be fortified place or stronghold. It can therefore be applied to a single house or castle, as well as to a town. There is a softer form byrig, which in the sense of a town can hardly be distinguished from burh, but which, as far as I know, is never used to denote a single house or castle. Rome and Florence, and in general all large towns, are called Burh or Byrig. This is the widest term.

Port strictly means an enclosed place, for sale and purchase, a market: for “Portus est conclusus locus, quo importantur merces, et inde exportantur. Est et statio conclusa et munita.” (Thorpe, i. p. 158.)

Wíc is originally vicus, a vill or village. It is strictly used to denote the country-houses of communities, kings or bishops.

Ceaster seems universally derived from castrum, and denotes a place where there has been a Roman station. Now every one of these conditions may concur in one single place, and we accordingly find much looseness in the use of the terms: thus,

London is called Lundenwíc [^[1037]], Hhoðh. § 16. Chron. 604: but Lundenburh or Lundenbyrig, Chron. 457, 872, 886, 896, 910, 994, 1009, 1013, 1016, 1052. And it was also a port, for we find its geréfa, a port-geréfa. Again York, sometimes Eoferwíc, sometimes Eoferwíc-ceaster (Chron. 971) is also said to be a burh, Chron. 1066. Dovor is called a burh, Chron. 1048; but a port, Chron. 1052. So again Hereford, in Chron. 1055, 1056, is called a port, but in Chron. 1055 also a burh. Nor do the Latin chroniclers help us out of the difficulty; on the contrary, they continually use the words oppidum, civitas, urbs and even arx to denote the same place.

The Saxon Chronicle mentions the undernamed cities:—

Ægeles byrig, now Aylesbury in Bucks. Chron. Sax. 571, 921.

Acemannes ceaster or Baðan byrig, often called also Æt baðum or Æt hátum baðum, the Aquae Solis of the Romans and now Bath in Somerset. This town in the year 577 was taken from the British. The Chronicle calls it Baðanceaster: see also Chron. 973.

Ambresbyrig, now Amesbury, Wilts. Chron. 995.

Andredesceaster. Anderida, sacked by Ælli. Chron. 495. Most probably near the site of the present Pevensey: see a very satisfactory paper by Mr. Hussey, Archæol. Journal, No. 15, Sept. 1847.

Baddanbyrig, now Badbury, Dorset. Chron. 901.

Badecanwyl, now Bakewell, Derby, fortified by Eádweard. Chron. 923. Florence says he built and garrisoned a town there: “urbem construxit, et in illa milites robustos posuit.” an. 921.

Banesingtún, now Bensington, Oxf. Chron. 571, 777.

Bebbanburh, now Bamborough in Northumberland. This place, we are told, was first surrounded with a hedge, and afterwards with a wall. Chron. 642, 926, 993. Florence calls it “urbs regia Bebbanbirig.” an. 926.

Bedanford, now Bedford. There was a burh here which Eádweard took in 919: he then built a second burh upon the other side of the Ouse. Chron. 919. Florence calls it “urbem.” an. 916.

Beranbyrig. Chron. 556.

Bremesbyrig. At this place Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 910. Florence says “urbem.” an. 911: perhaps Bromsgrove in Worcestershire, the Æt Bremesgráfum of the Cod. Dipl. Nos. 183, 186.

Brunanburh, Brunanbyrig, and sometimes Brunanfeld: the site of this place is unknown, but here Æðelstán and Eádmund defeated the Scots. Chron. 937.

Brycgnorð, Bridgenorth, Salop. Here Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 912: “arcem munitam.” Flor. an. 913.

Bucingahám, now Buckingham. Here Eádweard built two burhs, one on each side of the Ouse. Chron. 918. Florence calls them “munitiones.” an. 915.

Cantwarabyrig, the city of Canterbury. Dorobernia, ciuitas Doruuernensis, the metropolis of Æðelberht’s kingdom in 597. Beda, H. E. lib. i. c. 25. In the year 1011 Canterbury was sufficiently fortified to hold out for twenty days against the Danish army which had overrun all the eastern and midland counties, and was then only entered by treachery. Flor. Wig. an. 1011. I have already noticed both king’s reeves and port-reeves, the ingang burhware and cnihta gyld of Canterbury. There can be little doubt that king, archbishop, abbot and corporation had all separate jurisdictions and rights in Canterbury: see Chron. 633, 655, 995, 1009, 1011.

Cirenceaster, now Cirencester in Gloucestershire, the ancient Durocornovum. Chron. 577, 628.

Cissanceaster, now Chichester, the Roman Regnum. Chron. 895.

Cledemúða. Here Eádweard built a burh. Chron. 921.

Colnceaster, now Colchester in Essex, the first Roman Colonia, destroyed by Boadicea. In 921 Colchester was sacked by Eádweard’s forces, and taken from the Danes, some of whom escaped over the wall. In the same year Eádweard repaired and fortified it. Chron. 921. “murum illius redintegravit, virosque in ea bellicosos cum stipendio posuit.” Flor. 918.

Coludesburh, Coldingham. Chron. 679.

Cyppanham, Chippenham, Wilts. Chron. 878.

Cyricbyrig, a city built by Æðelflǽd. Flor. 916. Cherbury.

Deóraby, Derby, one of the Five Burgs taken by Æðelflǽd from the Danes. Chron. 917, 941. A city with gates. Flor. 918. “civitas.” Flor. 942.

Dofera, Dover in Kent. Chron. 1048, 1052. There was a fortified castle on the cliff, which in 1051 was seized by the people of Eustace, count of Boulogne, against the town. Flor. Wig. 1051.

Dorceceaster, Dorchester, Oxon. Chron. 954, 971. For some time a bishop’s see, first for Wessex, which was afterwards removed to Winchester: afterwards for Leicester.

Dorceceaster, Dornwaraceaster, Dorchester, Dorset. Chron. 635, 636, 639.

Eádesbyrig, a place where Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 914. Florence says a town. an. 915. Eddisbury, Cheshire?

Eligbyrig, Ely in Cambridgeshire. Chron. 1036.

Egonesham, now Eynesham, Oxon. Chron. 571.

Eoforwíc, Eoforwíc ceaster, now York; Kair Ebrauc, Eboracum; the seat of an archbishop, a bishop, and again an archbishop. It seems to have been always a considerable and important town. In the tenth century it was one of the seven confederated burgs, which Æðelflǽd reduced. The strength however which we should be inclined to look for in a city, which once boasted the name of altera Roma, is hardly consistent with Asser’s account of it. Describing the place in the year 867, he says: “Praedictus Paganorum exercitus ... ad Eboracum ciuitatem migravit, quae in aquilonari ripa Humbrensis fluminis [^[1038]] sita est.” After stating that Ælla and Osberht, the pretenders to the Northumbrian crown, became reconciled in presence of the common danger, he continues: “Osbyrht et Ælla, adunatis viribus, congregatoque exercitu Eboracum oppidum adeunt, quibus advenientibus Pagani confestim fugam arripiunt, et intra urbis moenia se defendere procurant: quorum fugam et pavorem Christiani cernentes, etiam intra urbis moenia persequi, et murum frangere instituunt: quod et fecerunt, non enim tunc adhuc illa civitas firmos et stabilitos muros illis temporibus habebat. Cumque Christiani murum, ut proposuerant, fregissent, etc.[^[1039]]” We may infer from Asser himself that the Saxon mode of fortification. was not strong: speaking of a place in Devonshire, called Cynuit (which he describes as arx), he says: “Cum Pagani arcem imparatam atque omnino immunitam, nisi quod moenia nostro more erecta solummodo haberet, cernerent, non enim effringere moliebantur, quia et ille locus situ terrarum tutissimus est ab omni parte, nisi ab orientali, sicut nos ipsi vidimus, obsidere eam coeperunt [^[1040]].” York however continued to be an important town. It was retaken by Æðelflǽd who subdued the Danes there; and again by Eádred in 950. At this time it appears to have been principally ruled by its archbishop Wulfstán. For York, see Chron. 971, 1066, etc.

Exanceaster, now Exeter, the Isca Damnoniorum or Uxella, of the Romans. Chron. 876, 894, 1003. As the Saxon arms advanced westward, Exeter became for a time the frontier town and market between the British and the men of Wessex: in the beginning of the tenth century there appears to have been a mixed population. But at that period [^[1041]] Æðelstán expelled the British inhabitants, and fortified the town: he drove the Cornwealhas over the Tamar, and made that their boundary, as he had the Wye for the Bretwealas. William of Malmesbury tells us: “Illos (i. e. Cornewalenses) impigre adorsus, ab Excestra, quam ad id temporis aequo cum Anglis iure inhabitarunt, cedere compulit: terminum provinciae suae citra Tambram fluvium constituens, sicut aquilonalibus Britannis amnem Waiam limitem posuerat. Urbem igitur illam, quam contaminatae gentis repurgio defaecaverat, turribus munivit, muro ex quadratis lapidibus cinxit [^[1042]]. Et licet solum illud, ieiunum et squalidum, vix steriles avenas, et plerumque folliculum inanem sine grano producat, tamen pro civitatis magnificentia, et incolarum opulentia, tum etiam convenarum frequentia, omne ibi adeo abundat mercimonium, ut nihil frustra desideres quod humano usui conducibile existimes [^[1043]].” Thus situated, about ten miles from the sea, Exanceaster could not fail to become an important commercial station; the Exa being navigable for ships of considerable burthen, till in 1284, Hugh Courtenay interrupted the traffic, by building a weir and quay at Topsham. It is probable that Æðelstán placed his own geréfa in the city. But in the year 1003, queen Emme Ælfgyfu seems to have been its lady; for it is recorded that through the treachery of a Frenchman Hugo, whom she had made her reeve there, the Danes under Svein sacked and destroyed the city, taking great plunder [^[1044]]. It was afterwards restored by Cnut; but appears to have been still attached to the queens of England, for after the conquest we find it holding out against William, under Gýð, the mother of Harald.

Exanmúða, now Exmouth. Chron. 1001.

Genisburuh, now Gainsborough. Chron. 1013, 1014.

Glæstingaburh or Glæstingabyrig, now Glastonbury, Som. Urbs Glastoniae, Chron. 688, 943.

Gleawanceaster, now Gloucester; Kair glou, and the Roman Glevum. Urbs Gloverniae, Glocestriae. A fortified city of Mercia. Chron. 577, 918.

Hæstingas, now Hastings in Kent. A fortification, and probably at one time the town of a tribe so called. Chron. 1066. It was reduced by Offa, and probably ruined in the Danish wars of Ælfred and Æðelred.

Hagustaldes hám or Hagstealdeshám, now Hexham in Northumbria: the ancient seat of a bishopric. Chron. 685.

Hamtún, now Southampton. Chron. 837.

Hamtún, now Northampton, quod vide.

Heanbyrig, now Hanbury in Worcest. Chron. 675.

Heortford, now Hertford. Chron. 913. urbs. Flor. 913.

Hereford, now Hereford. Chron. 918, 1055, 1066.

Hrofesceaster, Durocobrevis, Hrofesbreta, now Rochester; a bishop’s see for West Kent, probably once the capital of the West Kentish kingdom: a strong fortress. Chron. 604, 616, 633, 644. Asser. 884.

Huntena tún, now Huntingdon. Originally, as its name implies, a town or enclosed dwelling of hunters; but in process of time a city. Chron. 921. civitas. Flor. 918.

Judanbyrig, perhaps Jedburgh. Chron. 952.

Legaceaster, Kairlegeon, now Chester, a Roman city. Chron. 607; deserted, Chron. 894; restored, Chron. 907. Flor. 908.

Legraceaster, now Leicester. Chron. 918, 941, 943. civitas. Flor. 942.

Lindicoln, the ancient Lindum, now Lincoln, the capital city of the Lindissi; a bishop’s see: then one of the five or seven burhs. Chron. 941. civitas. Flor. 942.

Lundenbyrig, Lundenwíc, Londinium, now London. The principal city of the Cantii; then of the Trinobantes; Kair Lunden, Troynovant. Locally in Essex, but usually subject to Mercian sovereignty. Towards the time of the conquest more frequently the residence of the Saxon kings, and scene of their witena gemóts. A strongly fortified city with a fortified bridge over the Thames connecting it with Southwark, apparently its Tête de pont. Chron. 457, 604, 872, 886, 896, 910, 994, 1009, 1013, 1016, 1052.

Lygeanbyrig, now Leighton buzzard. Chron. 571.

Maidulfi urbs, Meldumesbyrig, now Malmesbury in Wilts. Flor. 940.

Mameceaster, now Manchester: “urbem restaurarent, et in ea fortes milites collocarent.” Flor. 920.

Mealdun, now Maldon in Essex. Chron. 920, 921. urbs; rebuilt and garrisoned by Eádweard. Flor. 917.

Medeshámstede: afterwards Burh, and from its wealth Gyldenburh: now Peterborough. Chron. 913.

Merantún, now Merton in Oxfordshire. Chron. 755.

Middeltún, Middleton in Essex, a fortress built by Hæsten the Dane. Chron. 893.

Norðhamtún, more frequently Hámtún only, now Northampton: a town or “Port,” burnt by the Danes under Svein. Chron. 1010.

Norðwíc, now Norwich, a burh, burned by Svein. Chron. 1004.

Oxnaford, Oxford: a burh in Mercia, taken into his own hands by Eádweard on the death of Æðelflǽd. The burh was burnt by Svein. Chron. 1009.

Possentesbyrig. Chron. 661. ? Pontesbury, co. Salop.

Rædingas, now Reading: a royal vill, but, as many or all probably were, fortified. Asser. 871.

Runcofa, now Runcorn, urbs, Flor. Wig. 916.

Sandwíc, now Sandwich, a royal vill, and harbour, whose tolls belonged to Canterbury. Chron. 851.

Scaroburh, now Salisbury, the ancient Kairkaradek. Chron. 552.

Scærgeat, now Scargate, built by Æðelflǽd. Chron. 912; arx munita, Flor. Wig. 913.

Sceaftesbyrig, Shaftsbury, the seat of a nunnery founded by Ælfred. Chron. 980, 982.

Sceobyrig, now Shoebury in Essex; a fort was built there in 894 by the Danes. Chron. 894.

Seletún, perhaps Silton in Yorkshire. Chron. 780.

Snotingahám, now Nottingham: the British Tinguobauc,or urbs speluncarum. Asser. 868; Chron. 868, 922, 923, 941. There were two towns here, one on each side the river. Flor. Wig. 919, 921; civitas, Flor. Wig. 942.

Soccabyrig, probably Sockburn in Durham. Chron. 780.

Stæfford, now Stafford, a vill of the Mercian kings, fortified by Æðelflǽd. Chron. 913; arx, Flor. Wig. 914.

Stamford in Lincolnshire. Chron. 922, 941; arx and civitas, Flor. Wig. 919, 942.

Sumertún, now Somerton in Oxfordshire, taken by Æðelbald of Mercia from Wessex. Chron. 733.

Súðbyrig, now Sudbury in Suffolk. Chron. 797.

Swanawíc, probably Swanwick, Hants. Chron. 877.

Temesford, Tempsford in Bedfordshire, a Danish fortress and town. Chron. 921.

Tofeceaster, Towchester in Northampton. Chron. 921; civitas, Flor. Wig. 918; walled with stone, Flor. ibid.

Tomaworðig, now Tamworth in Staffordshire; a favourite residence of the Mercian kings. Chron. 913, 922; fortified by Æðelflǽd; urbs, Flor. Wig. 914.

Wæringawíc, now Warwick. Chron. 914; urbs, Flor. Wig. 915.

Weardbyrig, now Warborough, Oxford; urbs, Flor. Wig. 916.

Wigingamere, probably in Hertfordshire. Chron. 951; urbs, Flor. Wig. 918; civitas, ibid.

Wigornaceaster, Worcester, a fortified city. Chron. 922, 1041.

Wihtgarabyrig, now Carisbrook. Chron. 530, 544.

Wiltún, Wilton in Wiltshire. Chron. 1008.

Wintanceaster, Winchester, the capital of Wessex, a fortified city. Chron. 643, 648.

Withám, now Witham in Essex; a city and fortress. Chron. 913; Flor. Wig. 914.

Ðelweal, Thelwall in Cheshire, a fortress and garrison town. Chron. 923; Flor. Wig. 920.

Ðetford, now Thetford in Norfolk; a fortress and city. Chron. 952, 1004.

It is not to be imagined that this list nearly exhausts the number of fortresses, towns and cities extant in the Saxon times. It is only given as a specimen, and as an illustration of the averments in the text. The reader who wishes to pursue the subject, will find the most abundant materials in the Index Locorum appended to Vol. VI. of the “Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici;” and to this I must refer him for any ampler information.

APPENDIX D.
CYRICSCEAT.

I do not think it necessary to repeat here the arguments which I have used elsewhere [^[1045]], to show that Cyricsceat has nothing whatever to do with our modern church-rates, or that these arose from papal usurpation very long after the Norman Conquest. I can indeed only express my surprise that any churchman should still be found willing to continue a system which exposes the dignity and peace of the church to be disturbed by any schismatic who may see in agitation a cheap step to popularity. But as the question has been put in that light, it may be convenient for the sake of reference to collect the principal passages in the laws and charters which refer to the impost. They are the following:—

“Be cyricsceattum. Cyricsceattas sýn ágifene be Seint Martines mæssan. Gif hwá ðæt ne gelǽste, sý he scyldig LX scill. and be twelffealdum ágyfe ðone cyricsceat.” Ine, § 4; Thorpe, i. 104.

“Be cyricsceattum. Cyricsceat mon sceal ágifan tó ðæm healme and to ðæm heorðe ðe se man on bið tó middum wintra.” Ine, § 61; Thorpe, i. 140.

“And ic wille eác ðæt míne geréfan gedón ðæt man ágyfe ða cyricsceattas and ða sáwlsceattas tó ðám stowum, ðe hit mid rihte tó gebyrige.” Æthelst. i.; Thorpe, i. 196.

“Be teoðungum and cyricsceattum. Teoðunge we bebeódað ǽlcum cristenum men be his cristendóme, and cyricsceat, and ælmesfeoh. Gif hit hwá dón nylle, sý he amansumod.” Eádm. i. § 2; Thorpe, i. 244.

“Be cyricsceat. Gif hwá ðonne þegna sý, ðe on his bóclande cyrican hæbbe, ðe legerstowe on sý, gesylle he ðonne þriddan dǽl his ágenre teoðunge intó his cyrican. Gif hwá cyrican hæbbe, ðe legerstow on ne sý, ðonne dó he of ðǽm nygan dǽlum his preost ðæt ðæt he wille. And gá ylc cyricsceat intó ðæm ealdan mynster be ǽlcum frigan (h)eorðe.” Eádgár, i. § 1, 2; Thorpe, i. 262.

“Neádgafol úres drihtnes, ðæt sýn úre teoðunga and cyricsceattas.” Eádgár, Supp. § 1; Thorpe, i. 270.

“And cyricsceat tó Martinus mæssan.” Æðelr. vi. § 18; Thorpe, i. 320.

“And cyricsceat gelǽste man be Martinus mæssan, and seðe ðæt ne gelǽste, forgilde hine mid twelffealdan, and ðám cyninge CXX scill.” Æðelr. ix. § 11; Thorpe, i. 342.

“Et præcipimus, ut omnis homo super dilectionem dei et omnium sanctorum det cyricsceattum et rectam decimam suam, sicut in diebus antecessorum nostrorum stetit, quando melius stetit; hoc est, sicut aratrum peragrabit decimam acram.” Æðelr. viii. § 4; Thorpe, i. 338.

“De ciricsceatto dicit vicecomitatus quod episcopus, de omni terra quæ ad ecclesiam suam pertinet, debet habere, in die festivitatis sancti Martini, unam summam annonæ, qualis melior crescit in ipsa terra, de unaquaque hida libera et villana; et si dies ille fractus fuerit, ille qui retinuerit reddet ipsam summam, et undecies persolvat; et ipse episcopus accipiat inde forisfacturam qualem ipse debet habere de terra sua. De ciricsceatto de Perscora dicit vicecomitatus quod illa ecclesia de Perscora debet habere ipsum ciricsceattum de omnibus ccc hidis, scilicet de unaquaque hida ubi francus homo manet, unam summam annonæ, et si plures habet hidas, sint liberæ; et si dies fractus fuerit, in festivitate sancti Martini, ipse qui retinuerit det ipsam summam et undecies persolvat, abbati de Perscora; et reddat forisfacturam abbati de Westminstre quia sua terra est.” Cart. Heming. i. 49, 50. “De ciricsceate. Dicit vicecomitatus quod de unaquaque hida terræ, libera vel villana, quæ ad ecclesiam de Wirecestre pertinet, debet episcopus habere, in die festo sancti Martini unam summam annonæ, de meliori quæ ibidem crescit; quod si dies ille non reddita annona transierit, qui retinuit annonam reddat, undecies persolvet, et insuper forisfacturam episcopus accipiet, qualem et sua terra habere debet.” Ibid. 1, 308.

The only instance that I can find of this impost being noticed in the Ecclesiastical Laws, or Recommendations of the Bishops and Clergy, is in the Canons attributed to Eádgár:—

“And we enjoin, that the priests remind the people of what they ought to do to God for dues, in tithes and in other things; first plough-alms, xv days after Easter; and tithe of young, by Pentecost; and of fruits of the earth, by All Saints; and Róm-feoh (Peter-pence) by St. Peter’s Mass; and Cyricsceat by Martinmass [^[1046]].”

“Nunc igitur praecipio et obtestor omnes meos episcopos et regni praepositos, per fidem quam Deo et mihi debetis, quatenus faciatis, ut antequam ego Angliam veniam, omnia debita, quae Deo secundum legem antiquam debemus, sint soluta, scilicet eleemosynae pro aratris, et decimae animalium ipsius anni procreatorum, et denarii quos Romæ ad sanctum Petrum debemus, sive ex urbibus sive ex villis, et mediante Augusto decimae frugum, et in festivitate sancti Martini primitiae seminum ad ecclesiam sub cuius parochia quisque est, quae Anglice Circesceat nominantur [^[1047]].”

Oswald’s grants often contain this clause: “Sit autem terra ista libera omni regi nisi aecclesiastici censi.” See Codex Dipl. Nos. 494, 498, 515, 540, 552, 558, 649, 680, 681, 682. But sometimes the amount is more closely defined: thus in No. 498, two bushels of wheat. In No. 511 we have this strong expression: “Free from all worldly service (weoruldcund þeówet), except three things, one is cyricsceat, and that he (work) with all his might, twice in the year, once at mowing, once at reaping.” And in No. 625 he repeats this, making the land granted free, “ab omni mundialium servitute tributorum, exceptis sanctae Dei aecclesiae necessitatibus atque utilitatibus.” Again, “Et semper possessor terrae illius reddat tributum aecclesiasticum, quod ciricsceat dicitur, tó Pirigtúne; et omni anno unus ager inde aretur tó Pirigtúne, et iterum metatur.”—Cod. Dipl. No. 661. “Sit autem hoc praedictum rus liberum ab omni mundiali servitio, ... excepta sanctae Dei basilicae suppeditatione ac ministratione.”—Ibid. No. 666.

The customs of Dyddanham [^[1048]] impose upon the gebúr the duty of finding the cyricsceat to the lord’s barn, but whether because the lord was an ecclesiastic does not clearly appear.

The important provisions of Denewulf’s and Ealhfrið’s charters have been sufficiently illustrated in the text.

After the conquest, Chirset or Chircettum, as it is called, was very irregularly levied: it appears to have been granted occasionally by the lords to the church, but no longer to have been a general impost: and nothing is more common than to find it considered as a set-off against other forms of rent-paying, on lay as well as ecclesiastical land. If the tenant gave work, he usually paid no chircet: if he paid chircet, his amount of labour-rent was diminished: a strong evidence, if any more were wanted, that cyricsceat has nothing whatever to do with church-rate.

[1036]. Ann. de Noyon, t. ii. p. 805.

Turbulenta conjuratio facta communionis (epistolæ Ivonis Carnotensis episcopi, apud script. rer. franc., t. xv. p. 105).

Cum primùm communia acquisita fuit, omnes Viromandiæ pares, et omnes clerici, salvo ordine suo, omnesque milites, salvâ fidelitate comitis, firmiter tenendam juraverunt. (Recueil des ordonnances des rois de France, t. xi. p. 270.)

[1037]. “Forum rerum venalium Lundenwíc.” Vit. Bonif. Pertz, Mon. ii. 338.

[1038]. He clearly considers the northern branch of the Humber, which we now call the Ouse, to be the continuation of the river.

[1039]. Vit. Ælfr. an. 867.

[1040]. Vit. Ælfr. an. 878.

[1041]. Probably in 926.

[1042]. The author of the Gesta Stephani, a contemporary of Malmesbury, declares that the city was “vetustissimo Cæsarum opere murata:” and that its castle was “muro inexpugnabili obseptum, turribus Cæsarianis incisili calce confectis firmatum,” p. 21.

[1043]. Will. Malm. Gest. Reg. lib. ii. § 134 (Hardy’s Ed. vol. i. p. 214); see also Gest. Pontif. lib. ii. § 95 (Hamilton’s Ed. p. 201).

[1044]. Chron. Sax. 1003.

[1045]. A Few Historical Remarks upon the supposed Antiquity of Church-rates. Ridgway, 1836.

[1046]. Thorpe, ii. 256.

[1047]. Epist. Cnut. Flor. Wig. an. 1031.

[1048]. Now Tidenham in Gloucestershire, near the point where the Wye falls into the Severn, nearly 2° 36´ west longitude from Greenwich.

THE END.

Printed by Taylor and Francis, Red Lion Court, Fleet Street.

Transcriber’s Note

On p. [152], a single footnote anchor is in the text ([360]); however two notes appear at the bottom of the page. The first is unnumbered, and the second has no anchor in the text. The unnumbered note is an accurate reference to p. 753 of the 1854 German edition of Jacob Grimm’s Deutsch Rechalterthümer (2nd volume), and was obviously intended as footnote 1. The second note, numbered ‘2’ in the original (“Gloss. in voc. Grafio.”), has no anchor and no obvious reference. The two notes have simply been combined.

On p. [294], the last line of the page (‘the extermination of its inhabitants, is the only re-’) was obviously misplaced to the top of the page. It has been placed in the intended position.

Minor lapses in the consistency of punctuation in citations have been corrected with no further mention.

Other errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original, not counting any embedded tables. Where a third reference is employed, the reference is to the line within the designated footnote (e.g. 166.1.1 refers to the first line in the first footnote on p. 166, as printed).

[4.1.10]	Abergavenny, lat. 51° 49´ N., long. 3° 2´[ W.]>	Added.
[4.1.44]	between Perth and Inverness[,]	Added.
[27.5]	of becoming familiar w[t/i]th the views	Replaced.
[35.4.34]	God’s church and all the Ch[r]istian people	Inserted.
[35.4.22]	which archbishop D[u/ú]nstán delivered	Replaced.
[46.2.2]	were similarly circumstanced	Removed.
[48.2]	the time of Æðelr[æ/ǽ]d (990-995)	Replaced.
[50.1.4]	unless the king pardon him.[”]	Added.
[51.2.4]	that he could not forfeit.[”]	Added.
[52.2.27]	sceleribus[ ]semet[ ]ipsum condempn[ ]avit	Spaces added.
[102.3.19]	p. 154[,/.]	Replaced.
[152.19]	there cannot be the sligh[t]est connection.	Inserted.
[155.3]	in connexion with judical functions	Inserted.
[157.12]	In a prece[e]ding chapter	Removed.
[158.1.3]	Wulfsige preóst sc[i/í]rigman	Replaced.
[162.21]	before Æðelríc beca[em/me] sheriff	Transposed.
[203.2.3]	head of the church in his dominio[u/n]s	Inverted.
[204.5]	encircled by an [abbatis] of timber	sic: abatis
[233.2.47]	witnessed by all the scírþ[e]genas in Hampshire	Removed.
[238.10]	the Campus Ma[d]ius of Charlemagne	Restored.
[260.7.1]	Chron. Sa[s/x]. an. 1048.	Replaced.
[273.1.16]	[‘]nihil profici patientia	sic
[273.1.24]	the duties laid upon the[n/m]	Replaced.
[295.24]	injure its forti[fi]cations	Inserted.
[310.9]	we may more familarly term	Inserted.
[451.9]	the eager credulty which they showed	Inserted.
[526.17]	to meet the ‘gemot’ by the king’ ~~command~~	Added.
[543.15]	Tous les hommes habitant dans l’enc[ie/ei]nte	Transposed.
[543.30]	un[e] femme relevant d’une autre seigneurie	Added.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX A.THE DOOMS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

APPENDIX B.TITHE.

APPENDIX C.TOWNS.

APPENDIX D.CYRICSCEAT.

APPENDIX A.
THE DOOMS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

APPENDIX B.
TITHE.

APPENDIX C.
TOWNS.

APPENDIX D.
CYRICSCEAT.