“CIVIC INTEREST” IN GRAND RAPIDS

When we come down to the larger question, of the response of voters of foreign birth and origin to constructive efforts to interest them in civic matters, we are on surer ground. Given a sufficiently comprehensive survey, we can tell whether the “foreign wards” of a city are apathetic toward movements which they can recognize as embodying concrete things close to their own lives, and meaning a forward step in public administration. The testimony of all sorts of workers among the foreign born is unanimous on this point. The foreign-born voters are more responsive to things of this kind than the native-born. Possibly this is because their more recent introduction into American life makes them more naïve, less blasé—what you will as to the reason, the fact remains the same.

It so happens that we have a peculiarly apt and informing exhibit of this in the city of Grand Rapids, Michigan, in statistics of five elections involving questions of municipal import, and showing in most striking fashion the results of a sustained effort, not to influence votes this way or that, but to impress citizens with the importance of voting at all. The following tables show the total vote cast in the three wards of the city of Grand Rapids at these elections:

TABLE XLVI

Vote Cast in Precincts of Varying Racial Make-up in Three Wards of Grand Rapids, 1918, 1919

First Ward


Pre-
cinct
Racial
Complexion
March
1918
August
1918
November
1918
March
1919
April
1919

1stLithuanian95144178222316
2dDutch267402443483601
3dPolish3596086727211,105
4thAmerican197311347358593
5thAmerican3345085557571,063
6thPolish239386407532764
7thPolish305464541729946
8thAmerican213338386536719
9thGerman210349419535752
10thMixed296425455682909
11thMixed263427484643899
12thAmerican260403461685940

Second Ward

1stAmerican270438499682907
2dAmerican251322423557796
3dAmerican360519549738885
4thAmerican227393434475658
5thPolish166227291363467
6thPolish277449514721952
7thAmerican292407496837881
8thAmerican206300375574732
9thAmerican129245324238434
10thDutch3144515461,0021,139
11thDutch240373418594726
12thAmerican231399476783931
13thAmerican4095886711,0631,297
14thAmerican3314575441,0851,229
15thItalian and Syrian2914866181,1681,357
16thItalian and Syrian89155187187285
17thItalian and Syrian115164209253326

Third Ward

1stItalian and Syrian178247328379540
2dItalian and Syrian98135258263440
3dAmerican3185516801,0041,298
4thAmerican3545466199801,203
5thAmerican4226136818611,019
6thAmerican241380433674848
7thDutch292480511628952
8thAmerican3465556318181,165
9thAmerican255416509720979
10thAmerican2664705477711,114
11thAmerican188360450516812
12thDutch291488578717986
13thDutch218367413463658
14thAmerican224404490677909
15thAmerican124224272417604
16thAmerican194387442594847

Totals11,24517,82020,77428,70537,983


The population of Grand Rapids, about 112,500 by the census of 1910, by the spring of 1918 had grown to approximately 132,000. This would afford a potential male vote of upward of 26,000; so that at the primary election that March, considerably less than half of the possible vote was polled. At the election in August, 1918, this was increased to nearly 70 per cent, and to 80 per cent in November.

In 1919, however, the women came into the picture, and the efforts of the Americanization Society[171] were redoubled to bring the women out, first to register and then to vote. The report of the secretary of the society (made at the annual meeting in January, 1920) states that on February 15th, the last registration day before the March primary, 22,700 women had registered. And on March 20th, the last registration day before the election of April 7th, women had registered to a total of 26,500—an astounding proportion of the possible total of women citizens of voting age in a population of 132,000. It looks very much like 100 per cent!

The last two columns in the table above show the totals including the women voters, and the striking increase between the March primary and the April election in 1919. With a possible total vote of upward of 50,000 we have the results of the Americanization Society’s work as showing in the actual personal presence at the polls of at least 75 per cent of the voters of all racial groups. The vote cast on March 5, 1919, was 28,705, composed, it is said, of about half men and half women. At the election on April 7th, nearly 38,000 votes were cast, and it is estimated that from 7,000 to 10,000 voters were turned away from the polling places because of inadequate election facilities. A fairly impressive exhibit of the response of American citizenship to an appeal to American, nonpartisan, civic interest, in a large cosmopolitan city, regardless of racial complexion. Indeed, without meaning to stress the point unduly, it may be remarked in passing that the very few precincts which in any election failed to show a substantial increase over the vote at the previous election, are in every instance those in which the population is described as predominantly of the native born.

That it was the appeal to civic interest and duty, and nothing else, which in largest measure produced this result may be seen, for instance, in a comparison of the registration of women in Grand Rapids with that at the same time (February, 1919) in other Michigan cities in which there was no such intensive campaign to get the women out to the registration places:

TABLE XLVII

Per Cent of Women Registered in Thirteen Michigan Cities



CitiesPopulationWomen
Registered
Per Cent of
Population

Grand Rapids132,00022,70017.0
Saginaw65,0008,50913.0
Benton Harbor12,0001,50612.5
Traverse City12,0001,38811.6
Jackson50,0005,38810.8
Muskegon42,0004,50010.7
Bay City50,0006,29010.6
Port Huron25,0002,70610.1
Flint70,0006,9069.9
Kalamazoo50,1664,3088.6
Detroit986,69965,0406.5
Lansing55,0003,0006.3
Cadillac10,0005135.1

Totals and average1,591,865135,3448.5


Even then, however, the Grand Rapids movement was spreading to other Michigan cities; some of the results of that influence may well be visible in the larger percentages shown by some of these cities. Since then, indeed, the movement has become state-wide; and the results already visible show notably the same facts and tendencies so strikingly exhibited in the case of Grand Rapids, where it began.