“CIVIC INTEREST” IN GRAND RAPIDS
When we come down to the larger question, of the response of voters of foreign birth and origin to constructive efforts to interest them in civic matters, we are on surer ground. Given a sufficiently comprehensive survey, we can tell whether the “foreign wards” of a city are apathetic toward movements which they can recognize as embodying concrete things close to their own lives, and meaning a forward step in public administration. The testimony of all sorts of workers among the foreign born is unanimous on this point. The foreign-born voters are more responsive to things of this kind than the native-born. Possibly this is because their more recent introduction into American life makes them more naïve, less blasé—what you will as to the reason, the fact remains the same.
It so happens that we have a peculiarly apt and informing exhibit of this in the city of Grand Rapids, Michigan, in statistics of five elections involving questions of municipal import, and showing in most striking fashion the results of a sustained effort, not to influence votes this way or that, but to impress citizens with the importance of voting at all. The following tables show the total vote cast in the three wards of the city of Grand Rapids at these elections:
TABLE XLVI
Vote Cast in Precincts of Varying Racial Make-up in Three Wards of Grand Rapids, 1918, 1919
| First Ward | ||||||
| Pre- cinct | Racial Complexion | March 1918 | August 1918 | November 1918 | March 1919 | April 1919 |
| 1st | Lithuanian | 95 | 144 | 178 | 222 | 316 |
| 2d | Dutch | 267 | 402 | 443 | 483 | 601 |
| 3d | Polish | 359 | 608 | 672 | 721 | 1,105 |
| 4th | American | 197 | 311 | 347 | 358 | 593 |
| 5th | American | 334 | 508 | 555 | 757 | 1,063 |
| 6th | Polish | 239 | 386 | 407 | 532 | 764 |
| 7th | Polish | 305 | 464 | 541 | 729 | 946 |
| 8th | American | 213 | 338 | 386 | 536 | 719 |
| 9th | German | 210 | 349 | 419 | 535 | 752 |
| 10th | Mixed | 296 | 425 | 455 | 682 | 909 |
| 11th | Mixed | 263 | 427 | 484 | 643 | 899 |
| 12th | American | 260 | 403 | 461 | 685 | 940 |
| Second Ward | ||||||
| 1st | American | 270 | 438 | 499 | 682 | 907 |
| 2d | American | 251 | 322 | 423 | 557 | 796 |
| 3d | American | 360 | 519 | 549 | 738 | 885 |
| 4th | American | 227 | 393 | 434 | 475 | 658 |
| 5th | Polish | 166 | 227 | 291 | 363 | 467 |
| 6th | Polish | 277 | 449 | 514 | 721 | 952 |
| 7th | American | 292 | 407 | 496 | 837 | 881 |
| 8th | American | 206 | 300 | 375 | 574 | 732 |
| 9th | American | 129 | 245 | 324 | 238 | 434 |
| 10th | Dutch | 314 | 451 | 546 | 1,002 | 1,139 |
| 11th | Dutch | 240 | 373 | 418 | 594 | 726 |
| 12th | American | 231 | 399 | 476 | 783 | 931 |
| 13th | American | 409 | 588 | 671 | 1,063 | 1,297 |
| 14th | American | 331 | 457 | 544 | 1,085 | 1,229 |
| 15th | Italian and Syrian | 291 | 486 | 618 | 1,168 | 1,357 |
| 16th | Italian and Syrian | 89 | 155 | 187 | 187 | 285 |
| 17th | Italian and Syrian | 115 | 164 | 209 | 253 | 326 |
| Third Ward | ||||||
| 1st | Italian and Syrian | 178 | 247 | 328 | 379 | 540 |
| 2d | Italian and Syrian | 98 | 135 | 258 | 263 | 440 |
| 3d | American | 318 | 551 | 680 | 1,004 | 1,298 |
| 4th | American | 354 | 546 | 619 | 980 | 1,203 |
| 5th | American | 422 | 613 | 681 | 861 | 1,019 |
| 6th | American | 241 | 380 | 433 | 674 | 848 |
| 7th | Dutch | 292 | 480 | 511 | 628 | 952 |
| 8th | American | 346 | 555 | 631 | 818 | 1,165 |
| 9th | American | 255 | 416 | 509 | 720 | 979 |
| 10th | American | 266 | 470 | 547 | 771 | 1,114 |
| 11th | American | 188 | 360 | 450 | 516 | 812 |
| 12th | Dutch | 291 | 488 | 578 | 717 | 986 |
| 13th | Dutch | 218 | 367 | 413 | 463 | 658 |
| 14th | American | 224 | 404 | 490 | 677 | 909 |
| 15th | American | 124 | 224 | 272 | 417 | 604 |
| 16th | American | 194 | 387 | 442 | 594 | 847 |
| Totals | 11,245 | 17,820 | 20,774 | 28,705 | 37,983 | |
The population of Grand Rapids, about 112,500 by the census of 1910, by the spring of 1918 had grown to approximately 132,000. This would afford a potential male vote of upward of 26,000; so that at the primary election that March, considerably less than half of the possible vote was polled. At the election in August, 1918, this was increased to nearly 70 per cent, and to 80 per cent in November.
In 1919, however, the women came into the picture, and the efforts of the Americanization Society[171] were redoubled to bring the women out, first to register and then to vote. The report of the secretary of the society (made at the annual meeting in January, 1920) states that on February 15th, the last registration day before the March primary, 22,700 women had registered. And on March 20th, the last registration day before the election of April 7th, women had registered to a total of 26,500—an astounding proportion of the possible total of women citizens of voting age in a population of 132,000. It looks very much like 100 per cent!
The last two columns in the table above show the totals including the women voters, and the striking increase between the March primary and the April election in 1919. With a possible total vote of upward of 50,000 we have the results of the Americanization Society’s work as showing in the actual personal presence at the polls of at least 75 per cent of the voters of all racial groups. The vote cast on March 5, 1919, was 28,705, composed, it is said, of about half men and half women. At the election on April 7th, nearly 38,000 votes were cast, and it is estimated that from 7,000 to 10,000 voters were turned away from the polling places because of inadequate election facilities. A fairly impressive exhibit of the response of American citizenship to an appeal to American, nonpartisan, civic interest, in a large cosmopolitan city, regardless of racial complexion. Indeed, without meaning to stress the point unduly, it may be remarked in passing that the very few precincts which in any election failed to show a substantial increase over the vote at the previous election, are in every instance those in which the population is described as predominantly of the native born.
That it was the appeal to civic interest and duty, and nothing else, which in largest measure produced this result may be seen, for instance, in a comparison of the registration of women in Grand Rapids with that at the same time (February, 1919) in other Michigan cities in which there was no such intensive campaign to get the women out to the registration places:
TABLE XLVII
Per Cent of Women Registered in Thirteen Michigan Cities
| Cities | Population | Women Registered | Per Cent of Population |
| Grand Rapids | 132,000 | 22,700 | 17.0 |
| Saginaw | 65,000 | 8,509 | 13.0 |
| Benton Harbor | 12,000 | 1,506 | 12.5 |
| Traverse City | 12,000 | 1,388 | 11.6 |
| Jackson | 50,000 | 5,388 | 10.8 |
| Muskegon | 42,000 | 4,500 | 10.7 |
| Bay City | 50,000 | 6,290 | 10.6 |
| Port Huron | 25,000 | 2,706 | 10.1 |
| Flint | 70,000 | 6,906 | 9.9 |
| Kalamazoo | 50,166 | 4,308 | 8.6 |
| Detroit | 986,699 | 65,040 | 6.5 |
| Lansing | 55,000 | 3,000 | 6.3 |
| Cadillac | 10,000 | 513 | 5.1 |
| Totals and average | 1,591,865 | 135,344 | 8.5 |
Even then, however, the Grand Rapids movement was spreading to other Michigan cities; some of the results of that influence may well be visible in the larger percentages shown by some of these cities. Since then, indeed, the movement has become state-wide; and the results already visible show notably the same facts and tendencies so strikingly exhibited in the case of Grand Rapids, where it began.