The Grand Fleet, 1914-1916

by John Rushworth Jellicoe

III.—Preparation of Cruising Orders

One of the earliest steps taken in organising the Grand Fleet after the declaration of War was to lay down definitely the various cruising orders for the Battle Fleet and its “look-out” screen of battle-cruisers, cruisers and light cruisers. There had been much discussion for some years before the War as to the best disposition of cruisers ahead of a Battle Fleet. None of the arrangements that had been under discussion was adopted as a whole, but war experience led to a series of diagrams being drawn up giving the cruising stations of all the various classes of cruisers and other light craft under the different conditions that might exist. These included diagrams showing the cruiser disposition with the fleet moving towards enemy waters, under conditions of ordinary visibility, by day, or in low visibility by day, both with the Battle Cruiser Fleet in company and without it; a similar diagram when moving away from enemy water by day (this being to meet the possible case of an attempted attack by destroyers as the fleet steered away from enemy waters); diagrams were got out for steering towards or away from enemy waters at night; and, finally, diagrams were prepared, both for day and night, for the dispositions of the cruisers and other light forces after an action.

Several different cruising diagrams for the Battle Fleet itself, both by day and at night, were similarly drawn up. Some of these were specially designed to give such safety from submarine attack as was possible to the main body of the Fleet, in the not unlikely event of destroyers being absent, from bad weather, shortage of fuel, or other causes. The dispositions for use at night provided for the use of destroyer attack, and were designed to give safety from collision, due to squadrons inadvertently closing each other in the darkness, when showing no lights; this was a very possible event during the course of a long night when a very slight error in steering, or a slight difference in compasses, will rapidly bring two squadrons together that started the night five miles apart. It was necessary to keep squadrons separated, as a long line of ships greatly facilitated successful submarine attack, whilst a slight dispersal of squadrons gave greater freedom of movement in the case of destroyer attack. At the same time it was necessary to provide for concentrating the Fleet quickly at daylight.

The question of submarine screens was taken up at the commencement of war. This matter had naturally been considered before the War, but was in its earliest stages, and, although an efficient disposition of a screen of destroyers is a comparatively simple matter when there is no lack of destroyers, the case is different when a fleet is very short of the requisite number, as was our experience, and one destroyer had often to be disposed to endeavour to do the work of two.

Diagrams of submarine screens were, therefore, drawn up to meet the different conditions resulting from the presence of varying numbers of destroyers, or a decreased number of ships requiring to be screened, and also providing for the ships being in various formations. In November, 1916, the number of these diagrams was seventeen.

Early in the War the danger of successful submarine attack on warships at sea, whether in company or proceeding singly, had impressed on us the necessity of taking every precaution for safety, and the practice of the fleet steering zigzag courses was devised and generally adopted in accordance with my directions. In the case of a fleet or squadron, the usual practice was to carry out the alterations of course by turning the ships together; occasionally the turn was made “in succession,” but this was exceptional. In small squadrons, the turns were occasionally made at fixed time intervals without signal.

Zigzagging had a very beneficial effect on the manner in which officers of watches kept station in a fleet, since there is no better practice than keeping station on a line of bearing, a far more difficult matter to the novice than keeping station astern of another ship. I attribute the excellent manner in which the ships were handled in 1915 and 1916 very largely to this early experience. Much theoretical investigation was instituted to determine the method of zigzagging, both in a fleet and in a single ship, which gave the greatest protection against submarine attack, and actual experiments took place with our own submarines with a view to forming correct conclusions; the flag officers of the fleet rendered me much assistance in this as in all other matters.

The experience of the Grand Fleet was utilised in the instructions subsequently issued to merchant ships, and the value of zigzagging in reducing the danger of submarine attack was clearly shown during the year 1917 by the comparative immunity of merchant ships that complied with the orders as compared with those that did not do so. Occasionally, of course, zigzagging brought a ship into danger, but this was exceptional as compared with the general immunity given.

When the convoying of merchant ships through the submarine zone was instituted in 1917, after I had returned to the Admiralty, the Grand Fleet experience was again of value in the preparation of instructions.

The supremely important question of how best to handle in action the large and increasing Fleet engaged my attention from the commencement. In drawing up the various instructions for the conduct of the Fleet, both when cruising and in action, I availed myself of the advice and assistance of the experienced flag officers commanding the various Squadrons. Much discussion took place on these matters, and many of the dispositions adopted formed the subject of actual experiment at sea before being incorporated in the orders.

The successful and rapid deployment of the Battle Fleet from its cruising formation was a matter of the greatest importance, and constant practice in carrying out this manœuvre under every varying condition was given to the Fleet when at sea. Various arrangements were introduced having as their object the simplification and shortening of the manœuvre, with a view to bringing the heaviest possible fire to bear on the enemy’s fleet as quickly as possible. Orders were drawn up to meet cases of deployment in thick weather, when the enemy might be sighted at short range, and immediate independent action by a divisional Flag Officer would be necessary.

In the early part of the War the rapid deployment of the Fleet for action was complicated by the presence of the 3rd Battle Squadron of pre-Dreadnoughts—the vessels of the “King Edward VII.” class—as the speed of the ships of this squadron was some three knots less than that of the rest of the Battle Fleet. I endeavoured to solve this problem by practical experience. Much depended on the tactics likely to be adopted by the enemy’s Battle Fleet. The main difficulty lay in the fact that if the 3rd Battle Squadron was placed on one flank of the Battle Fleet when in cruising order and deployment towards that flank became necessary in conformity with an enemy movement, thus placing the slow 3rd Battle Squadron in the van, the fleet speed of the whole Battle Line was necessarily reduced to some 14 knots, in order to have the necessary reserve of speed in hand. If, on the other hand, the 3rd Battle Squadron was placed in the centre of the Fleet, the Fleet speed was again reduced to that attainable by this squadron. It was desirable to devise a cruising order for the Battle Fleet which would admit of the 3rd Battle Squadron being in the rear after deployment, in whichever direction deployment took place. There was still the objection, which had to be accepted, that a turn of 16 points forced upon us by the enemy would place this squadron in the van.

The cruising order eventually adopted placed the pre-Dreadnought Squadron in rear of the Dreadnought Squadrons, with a view to the slow squadron turning in the opposite direction to the remainder on deployment, and eventually taking station in rear of the Dreadnought Fleet. This involved accepting some delay in getting the 3rd Battle Squadron into effective action.

Plan N^o. 1

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The question was not one of importance subsequent to April, 1915, from which date our superiority in battleships of the Dreadnought type was sufficient to give me confidence that the High Sea Fleet, engaged under suitable conditions, could be crushed in action without the aid of the 3rd Battle Squadron; but during the winter of 1914–15, when our superiority in Dreadnoughts was frequently very slight, and the enemy possessed two pre-Dreadnought Battle Squadrons, our 3rd Battle Squadron was a necessary addition to the Grand Fleet.

The Battle Orders indicated the position to be occupied by our battle-cruisers, cruisers, light cruisers and destroyers on deployment, as well as that of the fast 5th Battle Squadron, consisting of ships of the “Queen Elizabeth” class, when that squadron joined the Fleet. The first Battle Orders drawn up and issued shortly after war commenced were modelled on a Battle memorandum which I had prepared when in command, first, of the Atlantic Fleet, and, later, of the 2nd Battle Squadron. But the changing situation soon made alterations and additions necessary, and the Orders were under constant revision.

The tactics to be pursued by the different units of the Fleet in action under all conceivable conditions were provided for as far as possible.

Stress was laid from the beginning on the fact that the Commander-in-Chief of a large fleet could not after deployment control the movements of all the squadrons comprising that fleet under the conditions of modern action when funnel and cordite smoke, and the great length of the line, would hamper his knowledge of events, and increase the difficulty of communication. The necessity for wide decentralisation of command, after the deployment of the fleet for action, was emphasised.

As the Fleet grew in size, increasing stress was laid on this point. Flag officers commanding squadrons were, of course, kept fully acquainted with the general ideas under which the Fleet would act, so that they might be able to interpret my wishes when acting independently. Stress was laid on the necessity for keeping a close watch on the movements of the Commander-in-Chief, so that squadrons could conform to his movements. The general lines on which I intended to engage were defined. These included the range at which it was intended to open the engagement, the range below which it was not intended to close under ordinary conditions, on account of the risks to be apprehended from torpedo fire, and the exceptions to this rule which might become necessary. Emphasis was laid on the supreme necessity for a free use of our own torpedoes when opportunity occurred.

After the experience of the engagement on January 24th, 1915, between the battle-cruisers, and especially as our superiority increased and the High Sea Fleet gave no sign of a desire to engage, the conviction became stronger than in any action between the two fleets, the enemy would fight a retiring battle. This is the most difficult form of tactics to counter in these days of submarines, mines and torpedoes, since a retiring fleet is in a position of great tactical advantage in the employment of these weapons. The Tactical Board was in constant use for a consideration of this problem, both by myself and the other flag officers.

In the earliest stages of the War, when the German submarine strength was not great, one of the main problems to be considered in regard to a fleet action was the employment of our destroyers and light cruisers to attack the enemy’s Battle Fleet with torpedoes and to counter his similar attacks, which, owing to his great superiority in destroyers, was a matter of supreme importance. The knowledge, too, that his light cruisers and destroyers, as well possibly as some of his heavier ships, were fitted for mine-laying (which was not the case with us) made it necessary to take into account the probability that he would use this form of attack at the commencement of a general action, or during the stages leading up to it. Later, when his submarines increased in number, the method of countering the use of such vessels by the enemy, in the preliminary stages of a fleet action, had also to be considered, particularly as it was not until 1916 that the Grand Fleet was provided with any submarines of this type, and not until 1917 that submarines which could maintain the Fleet-speed at sea became part of the organisation.

The comparative immunity of the van from torpedo attack by the enemy, if the fleets were approximately abeam of one another, and the risks run by the centre and rear were pointed out, as were the different conditions produced in the case of a retiring enemy, or one which had a position of torpedo advantage.

The influence of the torpedo on tactics became greater as the War progressed, owing to the advance made in the technique of these weapons. Before the opening of hostilities, for instance, torpedoes had a maximum range of about 10,000 yards. We made many improvements in our torpedoes as the War progressed, including a great increase in range, and we had every reason to believe that the Germans were making similar progress, and that the range of their torpedoes was as much in excess of the pre-War range as was that of our own weapons.

The threat of successful torpedo attack even from battleships in the line was, therefore, an important factor to be taken into account, with the ships of the opposing fleets formed in single line at the close intervals which are necessary for successful co-operation and the concentration of power afforded by a shortened line. Investigation into possible alternative formations for fighting a fleet action was constantly proceeding, but the single line, or a modification of it, was, under most conditions, the best that could be devised.

It was pointed out that, although our Fleet would be manœuvred for advantage in gunnery position, it might be necessary to engage under unfavourable gunnery conditions in order to prevent the enemy reaching his own waters.

Several new manœuvres were introduced and practised by the Fleet with a view to countering possible tactics on the part of the enemy. These included a “turn away” or a “turn towards” to counter a serious attack by torpedoes; a quick method of reversing the course of the Fleet without impairing its organisation to meet enemy tactics necessitating such a move; rapid methods of re-forming single line; etc. Other new tactical methods were introduced as time progressed to meet the changing conditions of modern warfare.

Detailed orders were drawn up in regard to the conduct of the Fleet after an action, so far as it was possible to foresee the conditions that might arise. The object was to arrange to continue the attack by light craft, whilst safeguarding the heavy ships against counter-attack by light forces.

In the orders which were issued for the guidance of the destroyers both before, during, and after an action, endeavour was made to provide for all these contingencies. The stations of the flotillas, including the Harwich flotillas, if they were present, were laid down, and each had its particular duties assigned to it. General directions were given for the employment of the destroyers, wide latitude being reserved to the officers commanding flotillas.

The treatment of disabled ships was legislated for.

The duties of each class of vessel, battle-cruiser, cruiser and light cruiser when in cruising order, or in action, or after an action, were defined, particular emphasis being laid on the necessity for ships in the van, when in action, gaining a position of torpedo advantage in regard to the enemy’s Battle Fleet, whilst at the same time engaging enemy vessels of a similar class and preventing torpedo attacks on our own Battle Fleet from developing.

Thus it was laid down as the leading principle in the General Cruiser Instructions, that after gaining touch with the enemy the first essential was to maintain that touch. Instructions were also given that in the event of the enemy’s advanced forces becoming engaged with our Battle-Cruiser Fleet, the cruisers in our advanced line were to push on and gain touch with the enemy’s Battle Fleet. It will be seen later that this situation arose during the Jutland battle.

The Instructions for battle-cruisers laid down the principle that in action their primary function was the destruction of the similar enemy vessels if present, and, after their destruction or in their absence, to attack the van of the enemy’s Battle Fleet. Prior to action their duty was defined as giving information as to the enemy’s Battle Fleet, whilst denying similar information to the enemy. The Vice-Admiral commanding the Battle-Cruiser Fleet was given a free hand to carry out these general instructions.

The Instructions for the 5th Battle Squadron (the ships of the “Queen Elizabeth” class) were drawn up to provide for the battle-cruisers being either absent or present. In the former event, this squadron took the place, and the duties, of the battle-cruisers; with our battle-cruisers present and in the van, the 5th Battle Squadron was ordered to take station ahead of the remainder of the Battle Fleet in the case of a deployment towards Heligoland, and in rear of the Battle Fleet in the case of deployment away from Heligoland. The object of this latter disposition was to place the High Sea Fleet at a disadvantage should it execute a 16-point turn after deployment. In order to enable the 5th Battle Squadron to carry out its functions in action, it was stationed between the Cruiser Line and the main Battle Fleet when in cruising order.

The Instructions to the light cruisers defined their duties in action as being to attack the enemy’s light cruisers and torpedo craft, to support our destroyers, and to attack the enemy’s battle line with torpedoes. For this purpose most of the light cruiser squadrons were required to be in the van on deployment.

The Instructions for destroyers laid emphasis on the fact that they should carry out an early attack on the enemy’s Battle Fleet, commencing their attacks in clear weather, as soon as the Battle Fleet were engaged. Under conditions of low visibility, they were instructed to attack without waiting for the Battle Fleets to be engaged. It was pointed out that destroyers closing the enemy’s Battle Fleet for the purpose of an attack were also in the best position for preventing successful attacks on our own fleets.

As soon as submarine flotillas were attached to the Grand Fleet, in 1916, instructions for their conduct before, during, and after action were drawn up. Instructions for two other classes of vessel, namely, mine-layers and sea-plane carriers, had been issued earlier, vessels of the mine-laying type, but of a slow speed, having been attached to the Fleet from the commencement of War, and sea-plane carriers, possessing, however, but slow speed and inferior arrangements, having joined during 1915.