Constitution of Society.

The Lakhers, in common with the Chins, are less democratic than the Lushais and their cognates. The power of the chiefs is greater, and the chiefs’ relatives and other wealthy people form a kind of peerage and lord it over the lesser fry, being seldom interfered with unless their doings endanger the interests of the chief. Slaves with the Lakhers are real slaves, not merely unpaid servants as among the Lushais. A slave is the absolute property of his master, and may be sold like any other possession. Female slaves are not allowed to marry, but are encouraged to become mothers, as their children are the property of their owners. Male slaves who win their master’s favour are sometimes married at their owner’s expense, but they and their children remain slaves. Parents and other relations sell children when they are in pecuniary difficulties, and captives taken in war are naturally the slaves of their captors.

In the matter of marriage the Lakher’s choice is as little limited as that of the Lushai but, owing to the power of the upper class, there is great competition to secure a bride of good birth, and this leads to girls being married before they attain puberty. After her marriage such a child-wife helps in the household of her husband’s mother, but sleeps with her own parents. The following extract from a report on the Lakhers sent me by Mr. Whalley, of the E. Bengal and Assam Police, cannot be improved on:—“The advanced age, as regards males, at which marriage takes place is due to the recognised obligation on the part of every male to marry the daughter of a house of higher standing than his own, with the consequently disproportionate advance in the amount of the marriage price. Too frequently a male on coming into his inheritance is occupied during his years of vigour in paying off the debt of his mother’s marriage price, and can only afford to take a wife of a higher station than his own when he is no longer capable of becoming a father. In the interval he takes a concubine, generally of a lower class than his own. On the other hand, the marriage or betrothal of children by their parents is common. Such marriages are on two scales. In both from the date of betrothal the bridegroom commences to pay the marriage price in irregular instalments; in one, however, he contracts, if he becomes a father by his bride, to pay the whole marriage price, and can claim the return of all payments made if the decease of his bride precedes such an event; in the other he pays only a proportion of the whole fixed beforehand, which is not recoverable, even if marriage is never consummated. The first is in more general favour with parents, as even in the case of the death of the prospective bride it is by no means certain that, in view of the disparity in position of the families, the bridegroom will be able to compel disgorgement of the instalments paid.”

“The above description of customs refers mutatis mutandis to all classes of society except slaves. The desirability of an unmarried girl varies directly with the social position of the parents; appearance, industry, and chastity are entirely subordinate factors, and exercise very little influence on the marriage price demanded. There is a strange custom by which a husband who finds his wife incompatible may exchange her for any of her sisters still unmarried. A younger brother, again, whose parents are dead, even though already married, takes over as a rule the wife as well as the liability of an elder brother who has predeceased him. The precedence of such wives should be regulated solely by the position of their parents, and breaches of this rule, owing to the partiality of the husband, lead frequently to bitter feuds.”

The following valuable note on the marriage price of a Lakher girl, and on the dues payable at death, by Mr. R. A. Lorrain, is inserted just as received:—

The important position occupied by the bride’s eldest brother and her maternal uncle are noticeable.

PARTICULARS OF MARRIAGE PRICE PAID BY A MARA FOR HIS BRIDE.[1]

Name of Price.		Amount of Price.[2]		No.	To whom price is paid and other particulars in regardto the Marriage Customs of the Mara Tribes.
Name of Price.		Common People.	Ruling Clan.	No.
O-Kia		Rs. 20/- Gong (7 spans). Gun.	Rs. 150/- One slave. Two Mithan.	1	When the whole family live in thesame house, none of the sons having their own houses, then thePrices Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and Nos. 9, 10, 11, have all to be paidto the father of the bride.
Sei-pi-hra		Rs. 20/- Gong (7 spans). Gun.	Rs. 50/- One Mithan (female).	2	If the family is divided and theeldest son has a house of his own, then the father has price No. 11 andthe eldest son must have price No 1, while the prices Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5,6, and Nos. 9, 10, are at the eldest son’s disposal and he may ormay not share with the youngest son as he pleases.
Chaw chyu		Rs. 20/- Gong (7 spans). Gun.	Rs. 50/- One Mithan. Gun (syulô).	3
Sei-chei-hra		Rs 20/- Gong (7 spans). Gun.	Rs 50/- One Mithan. Gun (syulô).	4
Nô-hla		Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 10/- Beer pot (Ra-cha).	5
Saw-hla		Rs. 1/- Full grown hen	Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	6
Kei-ma		Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 5/- Beer pot (Ra-cha).	7	No. 7 has to be paid to the friend ofthe father of the bride if the sons and father live in the same house.But if the family is divided, the eldest son having his own house, thenthis must be paid to his friend instead of the father’s.
Lao-khyu		Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 5/- Beer pot (Ra-cha).	8	No. 8 has to be paid to thebride’s mother’s brother (bride’s uncle).
Rai-pi-hra		Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 10/- Beer pot (Rai-pi).	9
Aw-rua-baw-na		Rs. 5/- Beer pot (Ra-cha).	Rs. 50/- One Mithan. Gun.	10
Si-sa-zi or chhi-sa-zi.	a U-thei-pa	Rs. 10/- A “Sisa” bead.	Rs. 20/- A “Sisa” bead.	11	Note.—No. 11, divided into three sums, has to be given onengagement before marriage, and is kept by the father of thebride.
	a Lia-pa	Rs. 5/- Brass pot (5 spans).	Rs. 10/- A “Sisa” bead.
	a Sei-hnai-pa	Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 5/- Beer pot (Ra-cha).
PU-MA.[3]
A-ma-pi		Rs. 20/- Gong (7 spans). Gun.	Rs. 150/- One slave. Two Mithan.	12	Pu-ma has to be paid by the bridegroomto the bride’s “Pu-pa,” that is, the bride’smother’s brother (uncle). He therefore receives the prices Nos.12, 13, 14, 15 and 18.
Aw-rua-baw-na		Rs. 5/- Beer pot (Ra-cha).	Rs. 50/- One Mithan. Gun.	13
Nô-hla		Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 10/- Beer pot (Ra-cha).	14
Saw-hla		Rs. 1/- Full grown hen.	Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	15
Kei-ma		Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 5/- Beer pot (Ra-cha).	16	No. 16 has to be paid to the friend ofthe “Pu-pa” (bride’s uncle).
Lao-khyu		Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 5/- Beer pot. (Ra-cha).	17	No. 17 has to be paid to thebride’s grandmother’s brother on her mother’s side(bride’s great uncle), or it is sometimes paid the“Pu-pa’s” (bride’s uncles) wife’s father(father of aunt by marriage on the mother’s side).
Pha-vaw.	a U-thei-pa	Rs. 7/- A “Sisa” bead.	Rs. 20/- A “Sisa” bead.	18
	a Lia-pa	Rs 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).	Rs. 10/- A “Sisa” bead.
	a Sei-hnai-pa	Rs. 1/- A large fowl.	Rs. 2/- Brass pot (4 spans).
DEATH DUE.[4]
Ru		Rs. 10/- or more. Gong. This price is often nearly as heavy as the“O-kia.”	Rs. 80/- or more. One Mithan (large). This price is often nearly as heavy as the“O-kia.”	19	At the death of a wife this price has to bepaid as a death due by the husband to the dead wife’s father oreldest brother as the case may be. At the death of a husband the eldest son of thedead man has to pay the price to his father’s mother’sbrother (the dead man’s uncle). If there is no son, the dead man’s brother willpay, and then the dead man’s daughters, when they marry, theirmarriage prices will go to this brother of the dead man (hisnieces’ marriage prices). If there are no daughters then he has his deadbrother’s possessions as a recompense, and he will also care forthe widow unless she prefers to go to her own family once again.

One out of each of the above prices has to be paid by the bridegroom before he is out of debt for his bride, and it will be found that:—

(1) An ordinary person has to give for his bride about Rs. 153/-, or £10 4s.
(2) One of the ruling clan has to give for his bride about Rs. 671/-, or £44 14s. 8d.

Then at death the death-due must be met,	for No. 1, from Rs. 10/- to 20/-, or 13/4 to £1 6s. 8d.
	for No. 2, from Rs. 80/- to 150/-, or £5 6s. 8d. to £10.

Needless to say, many of these prices are kept on credit, and often have to be met after death by the son or the son’s son, making it a terribly complicated matter on the whole.

Reginald A. Lorrain,

Pioneer Missionary to the Lakhers’ or Maras’.

May 4th, 1911.

Offences against property and person can generally be settled by payment of a fine, but the Lakhers have no fixed custom in such matters, and a person of quality generally takes the law into his own hands if he considers himself aggrieved.

Head-hunting used to be indulged in and is still practised by the Lakhers in unadministered tracks. In case of a chief’s death it was proper to kill someone of a distant village before drums or gongs were beaten, but it was thought “thianglo” to bring back the head on such an occasion. As regards their religious beliefs, the Lakher equivalent of Pathian is Khazang. Mr. Whalley writes:—“All spirits, with one doubtful exception to be noted later, whether malignant or benign, are slaves of the great spirit Khazang or Loitha. Whereas the attributes and the names of the lesser spirits vary from village to village and individual to individual, this great spirit has a firmer outline and permits of some attempt at description. The picture they draw is primitive, almost touching in its childishness. The Khazang or Loitha is small and brown and almost hairless. He is capable of sexual love and has children. He is material in his essence, but superior to natural laws such as those of time, space, and gravity. He is immortal, and has an immaterial wife and immaterial children. For his continuance the world exists with its revenue. In their own phrase he ‘eats’ the domains of the lesser spirits through all nature as a chief ‘eats’ villages (i.e., receives tribute in supplies from villages). He regards individual men much as these same men regard individual ants. Nearer to the heart and farther from the intelligence of the Lakhers is the mysterious Pi-leh-pu, the all-mother and all-father (strictly translated ‘grandmother’ and ‘grandfather,’ the term is generally used for ancestors)—a being not anthropomorphised or materialised, partaking in some shadowy way of the functions both of guardian angel and of originator of the human race.”

In the course of my enquiries I did not come across any references to Pi-leh-pu, but there seems good reason to think that the term is applied to the mythical ancestor of the clan. In the Lushai Mi-thi-rawp-lam, it will be remembered that in the centre of the frame round which the effigies of the ancestors of the celebrants are fastened there is a white effigy to represent the mythical ancestor of the whole clan. In some respects Pi-leh-pu seems to resemble the Lushai Sakhua.

The Ram-huai of the Lushais are known as “Hri-pa” and the Lāshi as “Sakhia.” After death the spirits pass to Mi-thi-khua, the road to which is by the village of Lunchoi and passes up a precipice. It is so narrow that women with child have to widen it as they go, for which purpose a hoe is buried with them, or at least laid beside the corpse during the funeral feast. Pial-ral is called “Pe-ra’,” and to reach it all sorts of animals must be killed and the Ai ceremony performed for each. The Khuangchoi feast is also considered, if not absolutely necessary, at least very useful. Triumphs in the courts of Venus will not help the spirit to pass to Pe-ra’. Women can only reach that happy place if their husbands take them. A series of feasts or sacrifices closely resembling the Thangchhuah feast of the Lushais is performed, but I was assured that the performer’s state in the next world was not in any way affected thereby, the feasts being equivalent to the Lushai Sakhua sacrifice. The series consists of—

Vok-rial.—A very small pig which has been brought up in the house is killed and eaten.

Vok-pa.—A boar of five fists’ height which has been brought up in the house is killed, a black hen being also sacrificed at the same time.

The “sherh” are kept inside the house for three days, during which time none of the household may do any work, but the house is not closed and anyone may share in the feast. The Vok-rial is performed three times and the Vok-pa twice, and then a mithan is killed and all share in the feast. The performer of the She-shun may not cross a big stream or enter another village till he has sacrificed a hen. Subsequently he again performs Vok-rial, which is said to conclude the sacrifices to Sakhua. A feast in which two mithan are killed is called “Bawi.” It is followed by Khuangchoi, in which at least five mithan must be slain.

The spirits of the dead are supposed to become mist after having lived two or three lives in the other world.

Ten days after the birth of a child the mother goes to the water supply and washes herself. She then takes the child to her father’s house, where she receives some rice and a fowl, which she takes home and eats. Sacrifices are not done at this time. Children’s heads are shaved at three months, and the hair is allowed to grow at nine years with girls and at eleven with boys. The bodies of stillborn children are buried outside the village without any ceremony, but no purification, either of the house or village, is considered necessary.

Death. The usual funeral feast, which in the case of wealthy persons may last three to five days, precedes the burial. Some time afterwards a second feast is given and a portion is put aside for the spirit of the deceased. At the funeral feast the corpse is laid out with fine cloths and ornaments and a dance is performed by two women and one man. In other respects the Lakher and Lushai customs are very much alike. There is an annual feast in honour of those who have died during the year. It is called “Lachhia.” A pig is killed and the young men and maidens dance attired in their best clothes, and the usual large quantities of zu are consumed.

Lakher Baskets.

In cases of unnatural death no one may leave the village till the sixth day. On the fourth day a hen is sacrificed outside the village. The corpse is buried beyond the village boundary fence. Deaths in childbirth are considered unnatural deaths. If the firstborn in a family dies within a few days of its birth the corpse is buried anywhere, without ceremony, and the household abstain from work for one day. Such a death is called “naw-dawng” (Lushai “hlamzuih”).

Many of the Lushai sacrifices are performed. The Khāl takes the following form:—A fowl is killed at the head of the bed in the name of the father, a month later one is killed in the name of the mother, and in successive months one is killed for each child. The flesh of these fowls can only be eaten by the parents. The Uihring sacrifice is known as “An-hmu”; a dog is killed outside the house, the hills inhabited by their ancestors being named. The “sherh” are hung on a tree or a bamboo. The husbands of women who are enceinte may not enter the house on such occasions. The following sacrifices of the Lushais are not performed—Hring-ai-tan, Khuavanghring, Tui-leh-ram, Bawlpui. In the Thla-ko a cock is killed outside the village and the spirit is summoned. Khawhring is unknown, and they maintain that there are no wizards or witches among them.

There are three festivals connected with the crops—(1) “Kicheo” or “Kutsa-zawng,” which takes place in January; feasting and drinking are the main features of this festival, which is preceded by a general hunt, as the flesh of wild animals, birds, or land crabs is absolutely necessary. (2) “Paku,” which comes just before the sowing of the rice, closely resembles the Lushai Chap-chār-kut. (3) “Lalia”—this corresponds to the Lushai Mimkut; the children are fed with maize cakes, and if any member of the family has died within the previous year some cakes are put aside for his spirit.

The superstitions of the Lakhers resemble those of the Lushais. To kill a python is sure to result in the death of the killer. Even to see a loris is unlucky and to kill one is fatal. The sight of two snakes copulating will also be followed by serious illness, if not by death. The Lushai Chawifa is known as “Thla-shi-pu,” and if it falls in the jungle that is the place to cut your jhum, for then you are sure of a good crop. It seems that Thla-shi-pu is merely a meteor; the Lakhers have not surrounded this natural phenomenon with the myths which the more imaginative Lushais delight in. In choosing the site for a village a cock is taken, and if it does not crow the site will not be selected, but if one of the party dream of dead persons or bad things this is also sufficient cause for rejecting the site.

Among the Lakhers there are no priests of any sort; every man is his own priest. At the marriage ceremony the fowl is killed by the man who has arranged the match.

[1] At the wedding the bridegroom has to kill half the number of pigs that are killed by the bride’s family, thus:—

Bride’s family,	5	pigs killed; the bridegroom kills	3	pigs	=	8	pigs.
Bride’s,,family,,,	10	pigs,,killed;,,the,,bridegroom,,kills,,	5	pigs,,	=	15	pigs.

[2] The amount of price in these columns are all equal to one another in value and the bridegroom chooses only one out of each price according to what he has. [↑]

[3] If the “Pupa” wishes for these prices to be paid he has to go to the bridegroom’s house after the marriage (some other day) and kill a big pig. Then the prices have to be met quickly, or at least some of them, and the bridegroom also has to go to the “Pupa’s” house and kill a pig in exchange for the pig that was killed for him. If the “Pupa” is dead (or when dead) his children can claim the prices in his stead. [↑]

[4] The death-due upon a woman is heavier than that upon a man. The death-due upon a prosperous man is more than that upon a poor man. [↑]

CHAPTER VI

LANGUAGE

The languages of all the clans dealt with in this monograph, except the Lakher, are very similar, and also bear a strong resemblance to those of their neighbours.

Dr. Grierson, in the “Linguistic Survey of India,” uses the term “Kuki-Chin” to describe all the languages spoken by the clans I have dealt with and their cognates, but he adds:—“Meithei-Chin would be a better appellation, as the whole group can be sub-divided into two sub-groups, the Meitheis (Manipuris) and the various tribes which are known to us under the names of Kuki and Chin.” Dr. Grierson considers that all the Kuki-Chin languages belong to the Burmese branch of the Tibeto-Burman family, and he subdivides them as follows:—

I. Meithei,*[1] or Manipuri.

II. Chin languages—

1. Northern group: Thado, Sokte,* Siyin,* Ralte, and Paite or Vuite.
2. Central group: Tashon,* Lai,* Lakher, Lushai, Banjogi,* and Pankhu.*
3. Old Kuki group: Rhangkhol, Bete (Biate), Hallam, Langrong, Aimol, Anal, Chiru, Lamgang, Kolren (Kolhen), Kom, Purum, Mhar (Hmar or Khawtlang), and Cha.*
4. Southern group: Chinme,* Welaung,* Chinbok,* Yindu,* Chinbon,* Khyang or Sho,* Khami.*

With reference to the connection between the different clans, Dr. Grierson writes:—“The terms Old Kuki and New Kuki are apt to convey the idea that the tribes so denoted are closely related to each other. But that is not the case. Not only do their customs and institutions differ considerably, but their languages are separated by a large group of dialects in the Lushai and Chin Hills, and the so-called New Kukis (Thados) are, so far as we can see, a Chin tribe, most closely connected to the inhabitants of the northern Chin Hills, while the Old Kukis are related to tribes more to the south.”

The account of the causes of the Old and New Kuki incursions into Cachar, given in Part I, Chap. I, Section 3, which was written before I had read Dr. Grierson’s book, agrees entirely with his conclusions.

A detailed account has been given in Part I of the Lushai language, and, considering the full manner in which the dialects of all these tribes have been dealt with by Dr. Grierson in the “Linguistic Survey of India,” it seems superfluous to attempt to give outlines of them, and therefore I propose only to draw attention to the many points of similarity between them. The works I have consulted are:—“The Linguistic Survey of India,” Vol. II, Part III, Lorrain and Savidge’s “Grammar and Dictionary of the Lushai Language,” Mr. T. C. Hodson’s “Grammar and Small Vocabulary of Thado,” and the appendix to Lieutenant Stewart’s “Notes on Northern Cachar,” 1855.

In going through Mr. Hodson’s vocabulary of the Thado language, the first thing that struck me was the absence of the letter R. Further examination showed that where R is used in Lushai and certain other languages G or Gh is substituted in Thado. Many instances of this will be found in the following comparative vocabulary.

In many cases F in Lushai, Rhangkhol, and Langrong is replaced by Ch, sometimes softened into S in Thado, Manipuri, and some Old Kuki dialects. I have so far only found the following examples, but the material at my disposal is very insufficient, and I have no doubt that, given complete vocabularies, many more would be found:—

“Fa” in Lushai, “cha” in Manipuri and Thado, meaning “child.”

“Fār-nu” in Lushai and Langrong, “chār-nu” in Aimol, Kolhen and Lamgang, “sār-nu” in Chiru, Kom, and Hallam, meaning “sister.”

“Fāk” in Langrong, “chāk” in Manipuri, “cha” in Aimol, Anal, Kolhen, Lamgang, “shāk” in Chiru, meaning “to eat.” In Lushai we have “chaw-fāk-hun,” “rice-eat-time.” Until I found that “fāk” meant “to eat” in Langrong, the Lushai equivalent for dinner-time had always puzzled me, as the Lushai word for “to eat” is “ei.”

“Fawp” in Lushai, “chop” in Thado, “chup” in Purum, meaning “to kiss.”

“Fāng” in Bete, “chāng” in Thado, meaning “paddy,” while “fāng” in Lushai means “a grain.”

“Fep” in Lushai, “chep” in Thado, meaning “to suck,” as sugar-cane.

“Feh” in Lushai, “to go to the jhums,” “feh” in Rhangkhol, “to go”; “che” in Thado, Aimol, and Anal, and “chatpa” in Manipuri have the same meaning.

“Fing” in Lushai, “ching” in Thado, “singba” in Manipuri, mean “wise.”

“Fu” in Lushai, “chu” in Thado mean “sugar-cane.”

“Fang-hma” in Lushai, “fung-mat” in Bete, “chung-mai” in Thado, mean “a pumpkin.”

N in Lushai sometimes becomes “shi” in Lai or Haka dialect, as “ni” in Lushai and “shi” in Lai, meaning both “to be” and “aunt.”

G and K are often interchanged and also R, L, and N.

In Lushai we have “lung” meaning both “stone” and “heart,” while in Manipuri we have “nung” meaning “stone,” and though “heart” is translated by “puk,” we have “nung-siba” “to be sad,” evidently composed of “nung” and “siba,” “to die,” and also “nung-ngaiba,” meaning “happy,” showing that “nung” once meant heart.

In many of these languages, similar words are used but have slightly different meanings. For instance, “shang” in Lushai means “tall,” while in Thado and Manipuri we have “sang” meaning “long.”

“Leng” in Lushai means “to stroll,” and “lengba” in Manipuri means “to walk,” but is only used of important personages who would be likely to move slowly and in a dignified manner.

In Lushai “shāt” means “to cut,” but as a Lushai’s house consists of timber and bamboos, he always uses “shāt” when he speaks of building a house, and we find “sha” in Thado and “sāba” in Manipuri mean “to make,” “to build.”

In Lushai the verb “ni,” “to be,” is conjugated completely, but in Manipuri “ni” means “is” and has no other tenses.

Manipuri:	Ma	ai-gi	i nau	ni.
Lushai:	Ama	ka	nau	a ni.
English:	He	my	younger	brother he is.

The following comparative vocabulary gives in the first two columns the Thado and English words as given by Mr. Hodson. The first word in the column of remarks is always Lushai, and where it has not exactly the same meaning as the Thado word the correct meaning is given; then follow, where necessary, the equivalents in other dialects.

About one word in every three given in Mr. Hodson’s vocabulary has been found to resemble closely the Lushai word having the same or a similar meaning. Mr. Hodson’s vocabulary has no pretensions to be a complete dictionary of the Thado language. Were such available I believe the number of similar words in the two dialects would be found to be even greater. As regards the Old Kuki dialects the information available is not sufficient to make a thorough comparison. It is clear that they are very closely allied to Lushai and Thado and to each other. The connection between Manipuri and what Dr. Grierson calls the Chin languages will, I believe, be found on further enquiry to be closer than at first appears.

[1] Clans marked * are not dealt with in this monograph. [↑]