Transcriber’s Note: Volume II is available as PG ebook #59998.
THE
POETICAL WORKS OF SKELTON.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY LEVEY, ROBSON, AND FRANKLYN,
Great New Street, Fetter Lane.
THE
POETICAL WORKS
OF
JOHN SKELTON:
WITH NOTES,
AND
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR AND HIS WRITINGS,
BY THE
REV. ALEXANDER DYCE.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
THOMAS RODD, GREAT NEWPORT STREET.
MDCCCXLIII.
PREFACE.
The very incomplete and inaccurate volume of 1736, and the reprint of it in Chalmers’s English Poets,[1] 1810, have hitherto been the only editions of Skelton accessible to the general reader.
In 1814, the Quarterly Reviewer,—after censuring Chalmers for having merely reprinted the volume of 1736, with all its errors, and without the addition of those other pieces by Skelton which were known to be extant,—observed, that “an editor who should be competent to the task could[vi] not more worthily employ himself than by giving a good and complete edition of his works.”[2] Prompted by this remark, I commenced the present edition,—perhaps with too much self-confidence, and certainly without having duly estimated the difficulties which awaited me. After all the attention which I have given to the writings of Skelton, they still contain corruptions which defy my power of emendation, and passages which I am unable to illustrate; nor is it, therefore, without a feeling of reluctance that I now offer these volumes to the very limited class of readers for whom they are intended. In revising my Notes for press, I struck out a considerable portion of conjectures and explanations which I had originally hazarded, being unwilling to receive from any one that equivocal commendation which Joseph Scaliger bestowed on a literary labourer of old; “Laudo tamen studium tuum; quia in rebus obscuris ut errare necesse est, ita fortuitum non errare.”[3]
Having heard that Ritson had made some collections[vii] for an edition of our author, I requested the use of those papers from his nephew, the late Joseph Frank, Esq., who most obligingly put them into my hands: they proved, however, to be only a transcript of Vox Populi, vox Dei (from the Harleian MS.), and a few memoranda concerning Skelton from very obvious sources.
The individual to whom I have been the most indebted for assistance and encouragement in this undertaking has not survived to receive my acknowledgments; I mean the late Mr. Heber, who not only lent me his whole collection of Skelton’s works, but also took a pleasure in communicating to me from time to time whatever information he supposed might be serviceable. Indeed, without such liberality on the part of Mr. Heber, a complete edition of the poet’s extant writings could not have been produced; for his incomparable library (now unfortunately dispersed) contained some pieces by Skelton, of which copies were not elsewhere to be found.
To Miss Richardson Currer; the Right Hon. Thomas Grenville; the Hon. and Rev. G. N. Grenville, Master of Magdalene College, Cambridge; Sir Harris Nicolas; Sir Francis Palgrave; Rev. Dr. Bandinel; Rev. Dr. Bliss; Rev. John[viii] Mitford; Rev. J. J. Smith of Caius College, Cambridge; Rev. Joseph Hunter; Rev. Joseph Stevenson; W. H. Black, Esq.; Thomas Amyot, Esq.; J. P. Collier, Esq.; Thomas Wright, Esq.; J. O. Halliwell, Esq.; Albert Way, Esq.; and David Laing, Esq.;—I have to return my grateful thanks for the important aid of various kinds which they so readily and courteously afforded me.
ALEXANDER DYCE.
London, Gray’s Inn,
Nov. 1st, 1843.
[1] “Mr. A. Chalmers,” says Haslewood, “has since given place [sic] to Skelton’s name among the English poets [vol. ii. p. 227]: and having had an opportunity to compare the original edition [that of Marshe, 1568] with Mr. Chalmers’s volume, I can pronounce the text verbally accurate, although taken from the reprint of 1736.” Brit. Bibliogr. iv. 389. As Haslewood was generally a careful collator, I am greatly surprised at the above assertion: the truth is, that the reprint of 1736 (every word of which I have compared with Marshe’s edition—itself replete with errors) is in not a few places grossly inaccurate.—The said reprint is without the editor’s name; but I have seen a copy of it in which Gifford had written with a pencil, “Edited by J. Bowle, the stupidest of all two-legged animals.”
[2] Q. Rev. xi. 485. The critique in question was written by Mr. Southey,—who, let me add, took a kind interest in the progress of the present edition.
[3] Joanni Isacio Pontano—Epist. p. 490. ed. 1627.
The preceding Preface was already in type, when Mr. W. H. Black discovered, among the Public Records, an undoubted poem by Skelton (hitherto unprinted), which I now subjoin.
A LAWDE AND PRAYSE MADE FOR OUR SOUEREIGNE LORD THE KYNG.[4]
Candida, punica, &c.
The Rose both White and Rede
In one Rose now dothe grow;
Thus thorow every stede[5]
Thereof the fame dothe blow:
Grace the sede did sow:
England, now gaddir flowris,
Exclude now all dolowrs.
Nobilis Henricus, &c.
Noble Henry the eight,
Thy loving souereine lorde,
Of kingis line moost streight,
His titille dothe recorde:
In whome dothe wele acorde
Alexis yonge of age,
Adrastus wise and sage.
Sedibus ætheriis, &c.
Astrea, Justice hight,
That from the starry sky
Shall now com and do right,
This hunderd yere scantly
A man kowd not aspy
That Right dwelt vs among,
And that was the more wrong:
Arcebit vulpes, &c.
Right shall the foxis chare,[6]
The wolvis, the beris also,
That wrowght have moche care,
And browght Englond in wo:
They shall wirry no mo,[7]
By extort trechery:
Ne tanti regis, &c.
Of this our noble king
The law they shall not breke;
They shall com to rekening;
No man for them wil speke:
The pepil durst not creke
Theire grevis to complaine,
They browght them in soche paine:
Ecce Platonis secla, &c.
Therfor no more they shall
The commouns ouerbace,
That wont wer ouer all
Both lorde and knight to face;[10]
For now the yeris of grace
And welthe ar com agayne,
That maketh England faine.[11]
Rediit jam pulcher Adonis, &c.
Adonis of freshe colour,
Of yowthe the godely flour,
Our prince of high honour,
Our paves,[12] our succour,
Our king, our emperour,
Our Priamus of Troy,
Our welth, our worldly joy;
Anglorum radians, &c.
Vpon vs he doth reigne,
That makith our hartis glad,
As king moost soueraine
That ever Englond had;
Demure, sober, and sad,[13]
And Martis lusty knight;
God save him in his right!
Amen.
Bien men souient.[14]
Per me laurigerum Britonum Skeltonida vatem.
[4] A lawde and prayse made for our souereigne lord the kyng] Such (in a different handwriting from that of the poem) is the endorsement of the MS., which consists of two leaves, bound up in the volume marked B. 2. 8 (pp. 67-69), among the Records of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, now at the Rolls House.—Qy. is this poem the piece which, in the catalogue of his own writings, Skelton calls “The Boke of the Rosiar,” Garlande of Laurell, v. 1178, vol. i. 408?
[5] stede] i. e. place.
[6] chare] i. e. chase, drive away (see Prompt. Parv. i. 70. Camden Soc. ed.).
[7] mo] i. e. more.
[8] wrote] i. e. root.
[9] Rosary] i. e. Rose-bush.
[10] face] See Notes, vol. ii. 216.
[11] faine] i. e. glad.
[12] paves] i. e. shield (properly, a large shield covering the body).
[13] sad] i. e. grave—discreet.
[14] Bien men souient] These words are followed in the MS. by a sort of flourished device, which might perhaps be read—“Deo (21ͦ) gratias.”
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
| PAGE | |
| Some Account of Skelton and his Writings | [v] |
| Appendix I. Merie Tales of Skelton, and Notices of Skelton from various sources | [liii] |
| Appendix II. List of Editions, &c. | [lxxxix] |
| Appendix III. Extracts from pieces which are written in, or which contain examples of, the metre called Skeltonical | [cv] |
| Of the death of the noble prince, Kynge Edwarde the Forth | [1] |
| Poeta Skelton laureatus libellum suum metrice alloquitur | [6] |
| Vpon the doulourus dethe and muche lamentable chaunce of the most honorable Erle of Northumberlande | [6] |
| Tetrastichon ad Magistrum Rukshaw | [14] |
| Agaynste a comely coystrowne, that curyowsly chawntyd, and curryshly cowntred, &c. | [15] |
| Contra alium cantitantem et organisantem asinum, &c. | [17] |
| Vppon a deedmans hed, that was sent to hym from an honorable jentyllwoman for a token, &c. | [18] |
| “Womanhod, wanton, ye want,” &c. | [20] |
| Dyuers Balettys and Dyties solacyous:— | |
| “My darlyng dere, my daysy floure,” &c. | [22] |
| “The auncient acquaintance, madam, betwen vs twayn,” &c. | [23] |
| “Knolege, aquayntance, resort, fauour with grace,” &c. | [25] |
| “Cuncta licet cecidisse putas discrimina rerum,” &c. | [26] |
| “Though ye suppose all jeperdys ar paste,” &c. | [26] |
| “Go, pytyous hart, rasyd with dedly wo,” &c. | [27] |
| Manerly Margery Mylk and Ale | [28] |
| The Bowge of Courte | [30] |
| Phyllyp Sparowe | [51] |
| The tunnyng of Elynour Rummyng | [95] |
| Poems against Garnesche | [116] |
| Against venemous tongues, &c. | [132] |
| How euery thing must haue a tyme | [137] |
| Prayer to the Father of Heauen | [139] |
| To the Seconde Parson | [139] |
| To the Holy Gooste | [140] |
| “Woffully araid,” &c. | [141] |
| “Now synge we, as we were wont,” &c. | [144] |
| “I, liber, et propera, regem tu pronus adora,” &c. | [147] |
| The maner of the world now a dayes | [148] |
| Ware the Hauke | [155] |
| Epithaphe. A Deuoute Trentale for old John Clarke, &c. | [168] |
| “Diligo rustincum cum portant,” &c. | [174] |
| Lamentatio urbis Norvicen | [174] |
| In Bedel, &c. | [175] |
| “Hanc volo transcribas,” &c. | [175] |
| “Igitur quia sunt qui mala cuncta fremunt,” &c. | [176] |
| “Salve plus decies quam sunt momenta dierum,” &c. | [177] |
| Henrici Septimi Epitaphium | [178] |
| Eulogium pro suorum temporum conditione, tantis principibus non indignum | [179] |
| Tetrastichon veritatis | [181] |
| Against the Scottes | [182] |
| Vnto diuers people that remord this rymynge, &c. | [188] |
| Chorus de Dis contra Scottos, &c. | [190] |
| Chorus de Dis, &c. super triumphali victoria contra Gallos, &c. | [191] |
| Vilitissimus Scotus Dundas allegat caudas contra Angligenas | [192] |
| Elegia in Margaretæ nuper comitissæ de Derby funebre ministerium | [195] |
| Why were ye Calliope embrawdred with letters of golde? | [197] |
| Cur tibi contexta est aurea Calliope? | [198] |
| The Boke of Three Fooles | [199] |
| A replycacion agaynst certayne yong scolers abiured of late, &c. | [206] |
| Magnyfycence, a goodly interlude and a mery | [225] |
| Colyn Cloute | [311] |
| A ryght delectable tratyse vpon a goodly Garlande or Chapelet of Laurell, &c. | [361] |
| Admonet Skeltonis omnes arbores dare locum viridi lauro juxta genus suum | [425] |
| En Parlament a Paris | [426] |
| Out of Frenshe into Latyn | [426] |
| Owt of Latyne into Englysshe | [426] |
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.
| PAGE | |
| Speke, Parrot | 1 |
| Why come ye nat to Courte | 26 |
| Howe the douty Duke of Albany, lyke a cowarde knyght, ran awaye shamfully, &c. | 68 |
| Notes to Volume I. | 85 |
| Notes to Volume II. | 338 |
| POEMS ATTRIBUTED TO SKELTON. | |
| Verses presented to King Henry the Seventh at the feast of St. George, &c. | 387 |
| The Epitaffe of the moste noble and valyaunt Jaspar late Duke of Beddeforde | 388 |
| Elegy on King Henry the Seventh | 399 |
| Vox populi, vox Dei | 400 |
| The Image of Ipocrysy | 413 |
| Corrigenda and Addenda | 449 |
| Index to the Notes | 457 |
SOME ACCOUNT
OF
SKELTON AND HIS WRITINGS.
John Skelton[15] is generally said to have been descended from the Skeltons of Cumberland;[16] but there is some reason to believe that Norfolk was his native county. The time of his birth, which is left to conjecture, cannot well be carried back to an earlier year than 1460.
The statement of his biographers, that he was educated at Oxford,[17] I am not prepared to contradict: but if he studied there, it was at least after he had gone through an academical course at the sister university; for he has himself expressly declared,
“Alma parens O Cantabrigensis,
...
...tibi quondam carus alumnus eram;”
adding in a marginal note, “Cantabrigia Skeltonidi laureato primam mammam eruditionis pientissime propinavit.”[18] Hence it is probable that the poet was the “one Scheklton,” who, according to Cole, became M.A. at Cambridge in 1484.[19]
Of almost all Skelton’s writings which have descended to our times, the first editions[20] have perished; and it is impossible to determine either at what period he commenced his career as a poet, or at what dates his various pieces were originally printed. That he was the author of many compositions which are no longer extant, we learn from the pompous enumeration of their titles in the Garlande of Laurell[21]. The lines Of the death of the noble prince, ynge Edwarde the forth[22], who deceased in 1483, were probably among his earliest attempts in verse.
In 1489 Skelton produced an elegy Vpon the doulourus dethe and muche lamentable chaunce of the most honorable Erle of Northumberlande,[23] who was slain during a popular insurrection in Yorkshire. His son Henry Algernon Percy, the fifth earl, who is there mentioned as the “yonge lyon, but tender yet of age,”[24] appears to have afterwards extended his patronage to the poet:[25] at a time when persons of the highest rank were in general grossly illiterate, this nobleman was both a lover and a liberal encourager of letters.
Skelton had acquired great reputation as a scholar, and had recently been laureated at Oxford,[26] when Caxton, in 1490, published The boke of Eneydos compyled by Vyrgyle,[27] in the Preface to which is the following passage: “But I praye mayster John Skelton, late created poete laureate in the vnyuersite of oxenforde, to ouersee and correcte this sayd booke, And taddresse and expowne where as shalle be founde faulte to theym that shall requyre it. For hym I knowe for suffycyent to expowne and englysshe euery dyffyculte that is therin. For he hath late translated the epystlys of Tulle,[28] and the boke of dyodorus syculus,[29] and diuerse other werkes oute of latyn in to englysshe, not in rude and olde langage, but in polysshed and ornate termes craftely, as he that hath redde vyrgyle, ouyde, tullye, and all the other noble poetes and oratours, to me vnknowen: And also he hath redde the ix. muses and vnderstande theyr musicalle scyences, and to whom of theym eche scyence is appropred. I suppose he hath dronken of Elycons well. Then I praye hym & suche other to correcte adde or mynysshe where as he or they shall fynde faulte,”[30] &c. The laureatship in question, however, was not the office of poet laureat according to the modern acceptation of the term: it was a degree in grammar, including rhetoric and versification, taken at the university, on which occasion the graduate was presented with a wreath of laurel.[31] To this academical honour Skelton proudly alludes in his fourth poem Against Garnesche;
“A kyng to me myn habyte gaue:
At Oxforth, the vniversyte,
Auaunsid I was to that degre;
By hole consent of theyr senate,
I was made poete lawreate.”[32]
Our laureat, a few years after, was admitted ad eundem at Cambridge: “An. Dom. 1493, et Hen. 7 nono. Conceditur Johī Skelton Poete in partibus transmarinis atque Oxon. Laurea ornato, ut apud nos eadem decoraretur;” again, “An. 1504-5, Conceditur Johi Skelton, Poetæ Laureat. quod possit stare eodem gradu hic, quo stetit Oxoniis, et quod possit uti habitu sibi concesso a Principe.” Warton, who cites both these entries,[33] remarks, “the latter clause, I believe, relates to some distinction of habit, perhaps of fur or velvet, granted him by the king.” There can be no doubt that Skelton speaks of this peculiar apparel in the lines just quoted, as also in his third poem Against Garnesche, where he says,
“Your sworde ye swere, I wene,
So tranchaunt and so kene,
Xall kyt both wyght and grene:
Your foly ys to grett
The kynges colours to threte;”[34]
from which we may infer that he wore, as laureat, a dress of white and green, or, perhaps, a white dress with a wreath of laurel. It was most probably on some part of the same habit that the word Calliope was embroidered in letters of silk and gold:
“Calliope,
As ye may se,
Regent is she
Of poetes al,
Whiche gaue to me
The high degre
Laureat to be
Of fame royall;
Whose name enrolde
With silke and golde
I dare be bolde
Thus for to were,”[35] &c.
In the following passage Barclay perhaps glances at Skelton, with whom (as will afterwards be shewn) he was on unfriendly terms;
“But of their writing though I ensue the rate,
No name I chalenge of Poete laureate:
That name vnto them is mete and doth agree
Which writeth matters with curiositee.
Mine habite blacke accordeth not with grene,
Blacke betokeneth death as it is dayly sene;
The grene is pleasour, freshe lust and iolite;
These two in nature hath great diuersitie.
Then who would ascribe, except he were a foole,
The pleasaunt laurer vnto the mourning cowle?”[36]
Warton has remarked, that some of Skelton’s Latin verses, which are subscribed—“Hæc laureatus Skeltonis, regius orator”—“Per Skeltonida laureatum, oratorem regium,”—seem to have been written in the character of royal laureate;[37] and perhaps the expression “of fame royall” in Skelton’s lines on Calliope already cited, may be considered as strengthening this supposition. There would, indeed, be no doubt that Skelton was not only a poet laureated at the universities, but also poet laureat or court poet to Henry the Eighth, if the authenticity of the following statement were established; “la patente qui declare Skelton poète laureat d’Henry viii. est datée de la cinquième année de son règne, ce qui tombe en 1512 ou 1513:” so (after giving correctly the second entry concerning Skelton’s laureation at Cambridge) writes the Abbé du Resnel in an essay already mentioned; having received, it would seem, both these statements concerning Skelton from Carte the historian,[38] who, while he communicated to Du Resnel one real document, was not likely to have forged another for the purpose of misleading the learned Frenchman. On this subject I can only add, that no proof has been discovered of Skelton’s having enjoyed an annual salary from the crown in consequence of such an office.
The reader will have observed that in the first entry given above from the Cambridge Univ. Regist., Skelton is described as having been laureated not only at Oxford but also “transmarinis partibus.” That the foreign seat of learning at which he received this honour was the university of Louvaine,[39] may be inferred from the title of a poem which I subjoin entire, not only because it occurs in a volume of the greatest rarity, but because it evinces the celebrity which Skelton had attained.
“IN CLARISSIMI SCHELTONIS LOUANIENSIS POETÆ LAUDES EPIGRAMMA.
Quum terra omnifero lætissima risit amictu,
Plena novo fœtu quælibet arbor erat;
Vertice purpurei vultus incepit honores
Extensis valvis pandere pulchra rosa;
Et segetum tenero sub cortice grana tumescunt,
Flavescens curvat pendula spica caput.
Vix Cancri tropicos æstus lustravit anhelans
Pythius, et Nemeæ vertit ad ora feræ,
Vesper solis equos oriens dum clausit Olympo,
Agmina stellarum surgere cuncta jubet:
Hic primo aspiceres ut Cynthia vecta sereno
Extulerat surgens cornua clara polo;
Inde Hydram cernas, stravit quam clava trinodis
Alcidæ, nitidis emicuisse comis;
Tum[40] Procyon subiit, præpes Lepus, hinc Jovis ales,
Arctos, et Engonasus, sidus et Eridani;
Ignivomis retinet radiis quæ stellifer orbis
(Quid multis remorer?) sidera cuncta micant.
Nutat Atlanteum convexum pondus, ocellis
Dum lustro hæc ægris, vergit et oceano.
Tum furtim alma quies repens mihi membra soporat,
Curaque Lethæo flumine mersa jacet:
O mihi quam placidis Icelos tulit aurea somnis
Somnia, musiphilis non caritura fide!
Nuncia percelebris Polyhymnia blanda salutans
Me Clarii ut visam numina sacra citat.
Ut sequar hanc lætus, mihi visus amœna vireta
Et nemorum umbrosos præteriisse sinus:
Scilicet hæc montes monstraverat inter eundum
Et fontes Musæ quos coluere sacros;
Castalios latices, Aganippidos atque Medusei
Vidimus alipedis flumina rupta pede;
Antra hinc Libethri monstrat Pimpleidos undas,
Post vada Cephisi, Phocidos atque lacus;
Nubifer assurgit mons Pierus atque Cithæron,
Gryneumque nemus dehinc Heliconque sacer;
Inde et Parnasi bifidi secreta subimus,
Tota ubi Mnemosynes sancta propago manet.
Turba pudica novem dulce hic cecinere sororum;
Delius in medio plectra chelynque sonat:
Aurifluis laudat modulis monumenta suorum
Vatum, quos dignos censet honore poli:
De quo certarunt Salamin, Cumæ, vel Athenæ,
Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, primus Homerus erat;
Laudat et Orpheum, domuit qui voce leones,
Eurydicen Stygiis qui rapuitque rogis;
Antiquum meminit Musæum Eumolpide natum,
Te nec Aristophanes Euripidesque tacet;
Vel canit illustrem genuit quem Teia tellus,
Quemque fovit dulci Coa camena sinu;
Deinde cothurnatum celebrem dat laude Sophoclem,
Et quam Lesbides pavit amore Phaon;
Æschylus, Amphion, Thespis nec honore carebant,
Pindarus, Alcæus, quem tuleratque Paros;
Sunt alii plures genuit quos terra Pelasga,
Daphnæum cecinit quos meruisse decus:
Tersa Latinorum dehinc multa poemata texit,
Laude nec Argivis inferiora probat;
Insignem tollit ter vatem, cui dedit Andes
Cunas urbs, clarum Parthenopæa taphum;
Blanda Corinna, tui Ponto religatus amore,
Sulmoni natus Naso secundus erat;
Inde nitore fluens lyricus genere Appulus ille
Qui Latiis primus mordica metra tulit;
Statius Æacidem sequitur Thebaida pingens,
Emathio hinc scribens prælia gesta solo;
Cui Verona parens hinc mollis scriptor amorum,
Tu nec in obscuro, culte Tibulle, lates;
Haud reticendus erat cui patria Bilbilis, atque
Persius hinc mordax crimina spurca notans;
Eximius pollet vel Seneca luce tragœdus,
Comicus et Latii bellica præda ducis;
Laudat et hinc alios quos sæcula prisca fovebant;
Hos omnes longum jam meminisse foret.
Tum[41] Smintheus, paulo spirans, ait, ecce, sorores,
Quæ clausa oceano terra Britanna nitet!
Oxoniam claram Pataræa ut regna videtis,
Aut Tenedos, Delos, qua mea fama viret:
Nonne fluunt istic nitidæ ut Permessidos undæ,
Istic et Aoniæ sunt juga visa mihi?
Alma fovet vates nobis hæc terra ministros,
Inter quos Schelton jure canendus adest:
Numina nostra colit; canit hic vel carmina cedro
Digna, Palatinis et socianda sacris;
Grande decus nobis addunt sua scripta, linenda
Auratis, digna ut posteritate, notis;
Laudiflua excurrit serie sua culta poesis,
Certatim palmam lectaque verba petunt;
Ora lepore fluunt, sicuti dives fagus auro,
Aut pressa Hyblæis dulcia mella favis;
Rhetoricus sermo riguo fecundior horto,
Pulchrior est multo puniceisque rosis,
Unda limpidior, Parioque politior albo,
Splendidior vitro, candidiorque nive,
Mitior Alcinois pomis, fragrantior ipso
Thureque Pantheo, gratior et violis;
Vincit te, suavi Demosthene, vincit Ulyxim
Eloquio, atque senem quem tulit ipse Pylos;
Ad fera bella trahat verbis, nequiit quod Atrides
Aut Brisis, rigidum te licet, Æacides;
Tantum ejus verbis tribuit Suadela Venusque
Et Charites, animos quolibet ille ut agat,
Vel Lacedæmonios quo Tyrtæus pede claudo
Pieriis vincens martia tela modis,
Magnus Alexander quo belliger actus ab illa
Mæonii vatis grandisonante tuba;
Gratia tanta suis virtusque est diva camenis,
Ut revocet manes ex Acheronte citos;
Leniat hic plectro vel pectora sæva leonum,
Hic strepitu condat mœnia vasta lyræ;
Omnimodos animi possit depellere morbos,
Vel Niobes luctus Heliadumque truces;
Reprimat his rabidi Saulis sedetque furores,
Inter delphinas alter Arion erit;
Ire Cupidineos quovis hic cogat amores,
Atque diu assuetos hic abolere queat;
Auspice me tripodas sentit, me inflante calores
Concipit æthereos, mystica diva canit;
Stellarum cursus, naturam vasti et Olympi,
Aeris et vires hic aperire potest,
Vel quid cunctiparens gremio tellus fovet almo,
Gurgite quid teneat velivolumque mare;
Monstratur digito phœnice ut rarior uno,
Ecce virum de quo splendida fama volat!
Ergo decus nostrum quo fulget honorque, sorores,
Heroas laudes accumulate viro;
Laudes accumulent Satyri, juga densa Lycæi,
Pindi, vel Rhodopes, Mænala quique colunt;
Ingeminent plausus Dryades facilesque Napææ,
Oreadum celebris turba et Hamadryadum;
Blandisonum vatem, vos Oceanitidesque atque
Naiades, innumeris tollite præconiis;
Æterno vireat quo vos celebravit honore,
Illius ac astris fama perennis eat:
Nunc maduere satis vestro, nunc prata liquore
Flumina, Pierides, sistite, Phœbus ait.
Sat cecinisse tuum sit, mi Schelton, tibi laudi
Hæc Whitintonum: culte poeta, vale.
Ex capitalibus hexametrorum litteris solerter compositis emergit hoc distichon;
Quæ Whitintonus canit ad laudes tibi, Schelton,
Anglorum vatum gloria, sume libens.”[42]
Another laudatory notice of Skelton by a contemporary writer will not here be out of place;
“To all auncient poetes, litell boke, submytte the,
Whilom flouryng in eloquence facundious,
And to all other whiche present nowe be;
Fyrst to maister Chaucer and Ludgate sentencious,
Also to preignaunt Barkley nowe beying religious,
To inuentiue Skelton and poet laureate;
Praye them all of pardon both erly and late.”[43]
Skelton frequently styles himself “orator regius;”[44] but the nature of the office from which he derived the title is not, I believe, understood. The lines in which, as we have just seen, Whittington so lavishly praises his “rhetoricus sermo,” allude most probably to his performances in the capacity of royal orator.
In 1498 Skelton took holy orders. The days on which, during that year, he was ordained successively subdeacon, deacon, and priest, are ascertained by the following entries:
“[In ecclesia conuentuali domus siue hospitalis sancti Thome martiris de Acon ciuitatis London. per Thomam Rothlucensem episcopum vltimo die mensis Marcii]
M. Johannes Skelton London, dioc. ad titulum Mon. beate Marie de Graciis iuxta Turrim London.”
“[In cathedra sancti Pauli London. apud summum altare eiusdem per Thomam permissione diuina London, episcopum in sabbato sancto viz. xiiii die mensis Aprilis]
Johannes Skelton poete [sic] laureatus Lond. dioc. ad titulum Mon. de Graciis juxta turrim London.”
“[In ecclesia conuentuali hospitalis beate Marie de Elsyng per Thomam Rothlucensem episcopum ix die mensis Iunii]
M. Johannes Skelton poeta lureatus [sic] London. dioc. ad titulum Mon. de Graciis iuxta turrim London.”[45]
When Arthur, the eldest son of Henry the Seventh, was created Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester, in 1489,[46] Skelton celebrated the event in a composition (probably poetical) called Prince Arturis Creacyoun,[47] of which the title alone remains; and when Prince Henry, afterwards Henry the Eighth, was created Duke of York, in 1494,[48] he was hailed by our author in some Latin verses—Carmen ad principem, quando insignitus erat ducis Ebor. titulo,—a copy of which (not to be found at present) was once among the MSS. in the Library of Lincoln Cathedral, having been seen by Tanner, who cites the initial words,—“Si quid habes, mea Musa.”[49]
As at the last-mentioned date Prince Henry was a mere infant, there can be no doubt that the care of his education had not yet been entrusted to our poet. It must have been several years after 1494 that Skelton was appointed tutor to that prince,—an appointment which affords a striking proof of the high opinion entertained of his talents and learning, as well as of the respectability of his character. He has himself recorded that he held this important situation:
“The honor of Englond I lernyd to spelle,
In dygnyte roialle that doth excelle:
Note and marke wyl[50] thys parcele;
I yaue hym drynke of the sugryd welle
Of Eliconys waters crystallyne,
Aqueintyng hym with the Musys nyne.
Yt commyth thé wele me to remorde,
That creaunser[51] was to thy sofre[yne] lorde:
It plesyth that noble prince roialle
Me as hys master for to calle
In hys lernyng primordialle.”[52]
And in another poem he informs us that he composed a treatise for the edification of his royal pupil:
“The Duke of Yorkis creauncer whan Skelton was,
Now Henry the viii. Kyng of Englonde,
A tratyse he deuysid and browght it to pas,
Callid Speculum Principis, to here in his honde,
Therin to rede, and to vnderstande
All the demenour of princely astate,
To be our Kyng, of God preordinate.”[53]
The Speculum Principis has perished: we are unable to determine whether it was the same work as that entitled Methodos Skeltonidis laureati, sc. Præcepta quædam moralia Henrico principi, postea Henr. viii, missa. Dat. apud Eltham A.D. MDI., which in Tanner’s days[54] was extant (mutilated at the beginning) among the MSS. in the Lincoln-Cathedral Library, but which (like the Latin verses mentioned in a preceding page) has since been allowed to wander away from that ill-guarded collection.
When Prince Henry was a boy of nine years old, Erasmus dedicated to him an ode De Laudibus Britanniæ, Regisque Henrici Septimi ac Regiorum Liberorum. The Dedication contains the following memorable encomium on Skelton; “Et hæc quidem interea tamquam ludicra munuscula tuæ pueritiæ dicavimus, uberiora largituri ubi tua virtus una cum ætate accrescens uberiorem carminum materiam suppeditabit. Ad quod equidem te adhortarer, nisi et ipse jamdudum sponte tua velis remisque (ut aiunt) eo tenderes, et domi haberes Skeltonum, unum Britannicarum literarum lumen ac decus, qui tua studia possit, non solum accendere, sed etiam consummare;” and in the Ode are these lines;
“Jam puer Henricus, genitoris nomine lætus,
Monstrante fonteis vate Skeltono sacros,
Palladias teneris meditatur ab unguibus arteis.”[55]
The circumstances which led to the production of this Ode are related by Erasmus in the following curious passage: “Is erat labor tridui, et tamen labor, quod jam annos aliquot nec legeram nec scripseram ullum carmen. Id partim pudor a nobis extorsit, partim dolor. Pertraxerat me Thomas Morus,[56] qui tum me in prædio Montjoii[57] agentem inviserat, ut animi causa in proximum vicum[58] expatiaremur. Nam illic educabantur omnes liberi regii, uno Arcturo excepto, qui tum erat natu maximus. Ubi ventum est in aulam, convenit tota pompa, non solum domus illius, verum etiam Montjoiicæ. Stabat in medio Henricus annos natus novem, jam tum indolem quandam regiam præ se ferens, h. e. animi celsitudinem cum singulari quadam humanitate conjunctam. A dextris erat Margareta, undecim ferme annos nata, quæ post nupsit Jacobo Scotorum Regi. A sinistris, Maria lusitans, annos nata quatuor. Nam Edmondus adhuc infans, in ulnis gestabatur. Morus cum Arnoldo sodali salutato puero Henrico, quo rege nunc floret Britannia, nescio quid scriptorum obtulit. Ego, quoniam hujusmodi nihil expectabam, nihil habens quod exhiberem, pollicitus sum aliquo pacto meum erga ipsum studium aliquando declaraturum. Interim subirascebar Moro, quod non præmonuisset; et eo magis, quod puer Epistolio inter prandendum ad me misso, meum calamum provocaret. Abii domum, ac vel invitis Musis, cum quibus jam longum fuerat divortium, Carmen intra triduum absolvi. Sic et ultus sum dolorem meum, et pudorem sarsi.”[59]
The mother of Henry the Seventh, the Countess of Richmond and Derby, is well known to have used her utmost exertions for the advancement of literature: she herself translated some pieces from the French; and, under her patronage, several works (chiefly works of piety) were rendered into English by the most competent scholars of the time. It is to her, I apprehend, that Skelton alludes in the following passage of the Garlande of Laurell, where he mentions one of his lost performances;
“Of my ladys grace at the contemplacyoun,
Owt of Frenshe into Englysshe prose,
Of Mannes Lyfe the Peregrynacioun,
He did translate, enterprete, and disclose.”[60]
According to Churchyard, Skelton was “seldom out of princis grace:”[61] yet among the Actes, Orders, and Decrees made by the King and his Counsell, remaining amongst the Records of the Court, now commonly called the Court of Requests, we find, under anno 17. Henry vii.; “10 Junii apud Westminster Jo. Skelton commissus carceribus Janitoris Domini Regis.”[62] What could have occasioned this restraint, I cannot even conjecture: but in those days of extra-judicial imprisonments he might have been incarcerated for a very slight offence. It is, however, by no means certain that the “Jo. Skelton” of the above entry was the individual who forms the subject of the present essay;[63] and it is equally doubtful whether or not the following entry, dated the same year, relates to the mother of the poet;
| (Easter term, 17. Henry vii.) | “Johanne Skelton vidue de regard. Domini Regis[64] | iij. li. vj. s. viij. d.” |
It has been already shewn that Skelton took holy orders in 1498.[65] How soon after that period he became rector of Diss in Norfolk, or what portion of his life was spent there in the exercise of his duties, cannot be ascertained. He certainly resided there in 1504 and 1511,[66] and, as it would seem from some of his compositions,[67] in 1506, 1507, and 1513; in the year of his decease he was, at least nominally, the rector of Diss.[68]
We are told[69] that for keeping, under the title of a concubine, a woman whom he had secretly married, Skelton was called to account, and suspended from his ministerial functions by his diocesan, the bloody-minded and impure Richard Nykke (or Nix),[70] at the instigation of the friars, chiefly the Dominicans, whom the poet had severely handled in his writings. It is said, too, that by this woman he had several children, and that on his death-bed he declared that he conscientiously regarded her as his wife, but that such had been his cowardliness, that he chose rather to confess adultery (concubinage) than what was then reckoned more criminal in an ecclesiastic,—marriage.
It has been supposed that Skelton was curate of Trumpington near Cambridge[71] (celebrated as the scene of Chaucer’s Milleres Tale), because at the end of one of his smaller poems are the following words:
“Auctore Skelton, rectore de Dis.
Finis, &c. Apud Trumpinton scriptum[72] per Curatum ejusdem, quinto die Januarii Anno Domini, secundum computat. Angliæ, MDVII.”[73]
But the meaning evidently is, that the curate of Trumpington had written out the verses composed by the rector of Diss; and that the former had borrowed them from the latter for the purpose of transcription, is rendered probable by two lines which occur soon after among some minor pieces of our author;
“Hanc volo transcribas, transcriptam moxque remittas
Pagellam; quia sunt qui mea scripta sciunt.”[74]
Anthony Wood affirms that “at Disse and in the diocese” Skelton “was esteemed more fit for the stage than the pew or pulpit.”[75] It is at least certain that anecdotes of the irregularity of his life, of his buffoonery as a preacher, &c. &c. were current long after his decease, and gave rise to that tissue of extravagant figments which was put together for the amusement of the vulgar, and entitled the Merie Tales of Skelton.[76]
Churchyard informs us that Skelton’s “talke was as he wraet [wrote];”[77] and in this propensity to satire, as well in conversation as in writing, originated perhaps those quarrels with Garnesche, Barclay, Gaguin, and Lily, which I have now to notice.
As the four poems Against Garnesche were composed “by the kynges most noble commaundement,” we may conclude that the monarch found amusement in the angry rhymes with which Skelton overwhelmed his opponent. Garnesche, it appears, was the challenger in this contest;[78] and it is to be regretted that his verses have perished, because in all probability they would have thrown some light on the private history of Skelton. The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy[79] bears a considerable resemblance to the verses against Garnesche; but the two Scottish poets are supposed to have carried on a sportive warfare of rude raillery, while a real animosity seems to have existed between our author and his adversary.[80] At the time of this quarrel (the exact date of which cannot be determined) Christopher Garnesche was gentleman-usher to Henry the Eighth, and dignified with knighthood;[81] and (if Skelton may be credited) had risen from the performance of very menial offices to the station which he then occupied. As he had no claims on the remembrance of posterity, little is known concerning him; but since we have evidence that his services were called for on more than one occasion of importance, he must have been a person of considerable note. He is twice incidentally mentioned in connexion with the royal sisters of Henry the Eighth. In 1514, when the Princess Mary embarked for France, in order to join her decrepit bridegroom Louis the Twelfth, Garnesche formed one of the numerous retinue selected to attend her, and had an opportunity of particularly distinguishing himself during that perilous voyage: “The ii. daye of October at the hower of foure of the clocke in the morenynge thys fayre ladye tooke her ship with all her noble compaignie: and when they had sayled a quarter of the see, the wynde rose and seuered some of the shyppes to Caleys, and some in Flaunders, and her shippe with greate difficultie was brought to Bulleyn, and with great ieopardy at the entryng of the hauen, for the master ran the ship hard on shore, but the botes were redy and receyued this noble lady, and at the landyng Sir Christopher Garnyshe stode in the water, and toke her in his armes, and so caryed her to land, where the Duke of Vandosme and a Cardynall with many estates receyued her and her ladyes,”[82] &c. Again, in a letter, dated Harbottle 18th Oct. 1515, from Lord Dacre of Gillesland and T. Magnus to Henry the Eighth, concerning the confinement in childbed of Margaret widow of James the Fourth, &c. we find; “Sir Christofer Garneis came to Morpeth immediatly vpon the queneis delyueraunce, and by our aduice hath contynued there with suche stuff as your grace hath sent to the said quene your suster till Sondaye laste paste, whiche daye he delyuered your letter and disclosed your credence, gretely to the quenes comforte. And for somiche as the quene lieth as yet in childe bedde, and shall kepe her chambre these thre wookes at the leiste, we haue aduised the said sir Christofer Garneis to remaigne at Morpeth till the queneis comyng thidder, and then her grace may order and prepare euery parte of the said stuf after her pleasure and as her grace semeth moste conuenient,” &c.[83] A few particulars concerning Garnesche may be gleaned from the Books in the Public Record Office:
| (Easter Term, 18 Hen. vii.) “Cristofero Garneys de regardo de denariis per Johannem Crawford et al. per manuc. for.[84] | xl. li.” |
(i. e. in reward out of moneys forfeited by John Crawford and another upon bail-bond.)
| (1st Henry viii.) “Item to Christofer Garnisshe for the kinges offring at S. Edwardes shiryne the next day after the Coronacion[85] | vj. s. viij. d.” |
| (Easter Term, 1-2 Henry viii.) “Cristofero Garneys vni generosorum hostiariorum regis [one of the king’s gentlemen-ushers] de annuitate sua durante regis beneplacito per annum | x. li. |
| Eidem Cristofero de feodo suo ad xx. li. per annum pro termino vite sue[86] | xx. li.” |
and we find that afterwards by letters patent dated 21st May, 7th Henry viii., in consideration of his services the king granted him an annuity of thirty pounds for life, payable half-yearly at the Exchequer.[87]
| (11th Henry viii.) “Item to Sir Christofer Garnisshe knight opon a warraunt for the hyre of his howse at Grenewyche[88] at x. li. by the yere for one half a yere due at Ester last and so after half yerely during x yeres[89] | c. s.” |
| (20th Henry viii.) “Cristofero Garnyshe militi de annuitate sua ad xxx l. per annum per breve currens Rec. den. pro festo Michīs ult. pret. viz. pro vno anno integro per manus Ricardi Alen[90] | xxx. li.” |
see above: this entry is several times repeated, and occurs for the last time in 26th Henry viii.[91]
Bale mentions among the writings of Alexander Barclay a piece “against Skelton.”[92] It has not come down to us; but the extant works of Barclay bear testimony to the hearty dislike with which he regarded our author. At the conclusion of The Ship of Fooles is this contemptuous notice of one of Skelton’s most celebrated poems;
“Holde me excused, for why my will is good,
Men to induce vnto vertue and goodnes;
I write no ieste ne tale of Robin Hood,
Nor sowe no sparkles ne sede of viciousnes;
Wise men loue vertue, wilde people wantonnes;
It longeth not to my science nor cunning,
For Philip the Sparow the Dirige to singe:”[93]
a sneer to which Skelton most probably alludes, when, enumerating his own productions in the Garlande of Laurell, he mentions,
“Of Phillip Sparow the lamentable fate,
The dolefull desteny, and the carefull chaunce,
Dyuysed by Skelton after the funerall rate;
Yet sum there be therewith that take greuaunce,
And grudge therat with frownyng countenaunce;
But what of that? hard it is to please all men;
Who list amende it, let hym set to his penne.”[94]
That a portion of the following passage in Barclay’s Fourth Egloge was levelled at Skelton, appears highly probable;
“Another thing yet is greatly more damnable:
Of rascolde poetes yet is a shamfull rable,
Which voyde of wisedome presumeth to indite,
Though they haue scantly the cunning of a snite;[95]
And to what vices that princes moste intende,
Those dare these fooles solemnize and commende.
Then is he decked as Poete laureate,
When stinking Thais made him her graduate:
When Muses rested, she did her season note,
And she with Bacchus her camous[96] did promote.
Such rascolde drames, promoted by Thais,
Bacchus, Licoris, or yet by Testalis,
Or by suche other newe forged Muses nine,
Thinke in their mindes for to haue wit diuine;
They laude their verses, they boast, they vaunt and iet,
Though all their cunning be scantly worth a pet:
If they haue smelled the artes triuiall,
They count them Poetes hye and heroicall.
Such is their foly, so foolishly they dote,
Thinking that none can their playne errour note:
Yet be they foolishe, auoyde of honestie,
Nothing seasoned with spice of grauitie,
Auoyde of pleasure, auoyde of eloquence,
With many wordes, and fruitlesse of sentence;
Unapt to learne, disdayning to be taught,
Their priuate pleasure in snare hath them so caught;
And worst yet of all, they count them excellent,
Though they be fruitlesse, rashe and improuident.
To such ambages who doth their minde incline,
They count all other as priuate[97] of doctrine,
And that the faultes which be in them alone,
Also be common in other men eche one.”[98]
In the Garlande of Laurell we are told by Skelton, that among the famous writers of all ages and nations, whom he beheld in his vision, was
“a frere of Fraunce men call sir Gagwyne,
That frownyd on me full angerly and pale;”[99]
and in the catalogue of his own writings which is subsequently given in the same poem, he mentions a piece which he had composed against this personage,
“The Recule ageinst Gaguyne of the Frenshe nacyoun.”[100]
Robert Gaguin was minister-general of the Maturines, and enjoyed great reputation for abilities and learning.[101] He wrote various works; the most important of which is his Compendium supra Francorum gestis from the time of Pharamond to the author’s age. In 1490 he was sent by Charles the Eighth as ambassador to England, where he probably became personally acquainted with Skelton.
That Skelton composed certain Latin verses against the celebrated grammarian William Lily, we are informed by Bale,[102] who has preserved the initial words, viz.
“Urgeor impulsus tibi, Lilli, retundere:”
and that Lily repaid our poet in kind, we have the following proof;
“Lilii Hendecasyllabi in Scheltonum ejus
carmina calumniantem.[103]
“Quid me, Scheltone, fronte sic aperta
Carpis, vipereo potens veneno?
Quid versus trutina meos iniqua
Libras? dicere vera num licebit?
Doctrinæ tibi dum parare famam
Et doctus fieri studes poeta,
Doctrinam nec habes, nec es poeta.”
It would seem that Skelton occasionally repented of the severity of his compositions, and longed to recall them; for in the Garlande of Laurell, after many of them have been enumerated, we meet with the following curious passage;
“Item Apollo that whirllid up his chare,
That made sum to snurre and snuf in the wynde;
It made them to skip, to stampe, and to stare,
Whiche, if they be happy, haue cause to beware
In ryming and raylyng with hym for to mell,
For drede that he lerne them there A, B, C, to spell.
With that I stode vp, halfe sodenly afrayd;
Suppleyng to Fame, I besought her grace,
And that it wolde please her, full tenderly I prayd,
Owt of her bokis Apollo to rase.
Nay, sir, she sayd, what so in this place
Of our noble courte is ones spoken owte,
It must nedes after rin all the worlde aboute.
God wote, theis wordes made me full sad;
And when that I sawe it wolde no better be,
But that my peticyon wolde not be had,
What shulde I do but take it in gre?
For, by Juppiter and his high mageste,
I did what I cowde to scrape out the scrollis,
Apollo to rase out of her ragman rollis.”[104]
The piece which commenced with the words “Apollo that whirllid vp his chare,” and which gave such high displeasure to some of Skelton’s contemporaries, has long ago perished,—in spite of Fame’s refusal to erase it from her books!
The title-page of the Garlande of Laurell,[105] ed. 1523, sets forth that it was “studyously dyuysed at Sheryfhotton Castell,” in Yorkshire; and there seems no reason to doubt that it was written by Skelton during a residence at that mansion. The date of its composition is unknown; but it was certainly produced at an advanced period of his life;[106] and the Countess of Surrey, who figures in it so conspicuously as his patroness, must have been Elizabeth Stafford, daughter of Edward Duke of Buckingham, second wife of Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey, and mother of that illustrious Surrey “whose fame for aye endures.” Sheriff-Hutton Castle was then in the possession of her father-in-law, the Duke of Norfolk,[107] the victor of Flodden Field; and she was probably there as his guest, having brought Skelton in her train. Of this poem, unparalleled for its egotism, the greater part is allegorical; but the incident from which it derives its name,—the weaving of a garland for the author by a party of ladies, at the desire of the Countess, seems to have had some foundation in fact.
From a passage in the poem just mentioned, we may presume that Skelton used sometimes to reside at the ancient college of the Bonhommes at Ashridge;
“Of the Bonehoms of Ashrige besyde Barkamstede,
That goodly place to Skelton moost kynde,
Where the sank royall is, Crystes blode so rede,
Whervpon he metrefyde after his mynde;
A pleasaunter place than Ashrige is, harde were to fynde,” &c.[108]
That Skelton once enjoyed the patronage of Wolsey, at whose desire he occasionally exercised his pen, and from whose powerful influence he expected preferment in the church, we learn from the following passages in his works:
“Honorificatissimo, amplissimo, longeque reverendissimo in Christo patri, ac domino, domino Thomæ, &c. tituli sanctæ Ceciliæ, sacrosanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ presbytero, Cardinali meritissimo, et apostolicæ sedis legato, a latereque legato superillustri, &c. Skeltonis laureatus, ora. reg., humillimum dicit obsequium cum omni debita reverentia, tanto tamque magnifico digna principe sacerdotum, totiusque justitiæ æquabilissimo moderatore, necnon præsentis opusculi fautore excellentissimo, &c., ad cujus auspicatissimam contemplationem, sub memorabili prelo gloriosæ immortalitatis, præsens pagella felicitatur, &c.”[109]
“Ad serenissimam Majestatem Regiam, pariter cum Domino Cardinali, Legato a latere honorificatissimo, &c.
Lautre Enuoy.
Perge, liber, celebrem pronus regem venerare
Henricum octavum, resonans sua præmia laudis.
Cardineum dominum pariter venerando salutes,
Legatum a latere, et fiat memor ipse precare
Prebendæ, quam promisit mihi credere quondam,
Meque suum referas pignus sperare salutis
Inter spemque metum.
Twene hope and drede
My lyfe I lede,
But of my spede
Small sekernes;
Howe be it I rede
Both worde and dede
Should be agrede
In noblenes:
Or els, &c.”[110]
“To my Lorde Cardynals right noble grace, &c.
Lenuoy.
Go, lytell quayre, apace,
In moost humble wyse,
Before his noble grace,
That caused you to deuise
This lytel enterprise;
And hym moost lowly pray,
In his mynde to comprise
Those wordes his grace dyd saye
Of an ammas gray.
Ie foy enterment en sa bone grace.”[111]
We also find that Skelton “gaue to my lord Cardynall” The Boke of Three Fooles.[112]
What were the circumstances which afterwards alienated the poet from his powerful patron, cannot now be discovered: we only know that Skelton assailed the full-blown pride of Wolsey with a boldness which is astonishing, and with a fierceness of invective which has seldom been surpassed. Perhaps, it would have been better for the poet’s memory, if the passages just quoted had never reached us; but nothing unfavourable to his character ought to be hastily inferred from the alteration in his feelings towards Wolsey while the cause of their quarrel is buried in obscurity. The provocation must have been extraordinary, which transformed the humble client of the Cardinal into his “dearest foe.”
We are told by Francis Thynne, that Wolsey was his father’s “olde enymye, for manye causes, but mostly for that my father had furthered Skelton to publishe his Collin Cloute againste the Cardinall, the moste parte of whiche Booke was compiled in my fathers howse at Erithe in Kente.”[113] But though Colyn Cloute contains passages which manifestly point at Wolsey, it cannot be termed a piece “againste the Cardinall:” and I have no doubt that the poem which Thynne had in view, and which by mistake he has mentioned under a wrong title, was our author’s Why come ye nat to Courte. In Colyn Cloute Skelton ventured to aim only a few shafts at Wolsey: in Why come ye nat to Courte, and in Speke, Parrot, he let loose against him the full asperity of reproach.
The bull appointing Wolsey and Campeggio to be Legates a latere jointly, is dated July 27th, 1518, that appointing Wolsey to be sole Legate a latere, 10th June, 1519;[114] and from the first two passages which I have cited above (pp. xl, xli) we ascertain the fact, that Wolsey continued to be the patron of Skelton for at least some time after he had been invested with the dignity of papal legate. If the third passage cited above (p. xli), “Go, lytell quayre, apace,” &c. really belong to the poem How the douty Duke of Albany, &c., to which it is appended in Marshe’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes, 1568, our author must have been soliciting Wolsey for preferment as late as November 1523: but his most direct satire on the Cardinal, Why come ye nat to Courte, was evidently composed anterior to that period; and his Speke, Parrot (which would require the scholia of a Tzetzes to render it intelligible) contains seeming allusions to events of a still earlier date. The probability (or rather certainty) is, that the L’Envoy, “Go, lytell quayre,” &c. has no connexion with the poem on the Duke of Albany: in Marshe’s volume the various pieces are thrown together without any attempt at arrangement; and it ought to be particularly noticed that between the poem against Albany and the L’Envoy in question, another L’Envoy is interposed.[115] Wolsey might have forgiven the allusions made to him in Colyn Cloute; but it would be absurd to imagine that, in 1523, he continued to patronise the man who had written Why come ye nat to Courte.
The following anecdote is subjoined from Hall: “And in this season [15 Henry viii.], the Cardinall by his power legantine dissolued the Conuocacion at Paules, called by the Archebishop of Cantorbury [Warham], and called hym and all the clergie to his conuocacion to Westminster, which was neuer seen before in Englande, wherof master Skelron, a mery Poet, wrote,
Gentle Paule, laie doune thy sweard,[116]
For Peter of Westminster hath shauen thy beard.”[117]
From the vengeance of the Cardinal,[118] who had sent out officers to apprehend him, Skelton took sanctuary at Westminster, where he was kindly received and protected by the abbot Islip,[119] with whom he had been long acquainted. In this asylum he appears to have remained till his death, which happened June 21st, 1529. What he is reported to have declared on his death-bed concerning the woman whom he had secretly married, and by whom he left several children, has been already mentioned:[120] he is said also to have uttered at the same time a prophecy concerning the downfal of Wolsey.[121] He was buried in the chancel of the neighbouring church of St. Margaret’s; and, soon after, this inscription was placed over his grave,
Joannes Skeltonus, vates Pierius, hic situs est.[122]
Concerning the personal appearance of Skelton we are left in ignorance;[123] for the portraits which are prefixed to the old editions of several of his poems must certainly not be received as authentic representations of the author.[124]
The chief satirical productions of Skelton (and the bent of his genius was decidedly towards satire) are The Bowge of Courte, Colyn Cloute, and Why come ye nat to Courte.—In the first of these, an allegorical poem of considerable invention, he introduces a series of characters delineated with a boldness and discrimination which no preceding poet had displayed since the days of Chaucer, and which none of his contemporaries (with the sole exception of the brilliant Dunbar) were able to attain: the merit of those personifications has been allowed even by Warton, whose ample critique on Skelton deals but little in praise;[125] and I am somewhat surprised that Mr. D’Israeli, who has lately come forward as the warm eulogist of our author,[126] should have passed over The Bowge of Courte without the slightest notice.—Colyn Cloute is a general satire on the corruptions of the Church, the friars and the bishops being attacked alike unsparingly; nor, when Skelton himself pronounced of this piece that “though his ryme be ragged, it hath in it some pyth,”[127] did he overrate its vigour and its weighty truth: Colyn Cloute not only shews that fearlessness which on all occasions distinguished him, but evinces a superiority to the prejudices of his age, in assailing abuses, which, if manifest to his more enlightened contemporaries, few at least had as yet presumed to censure.—In Why come ye nat to Courte the satire is entirely personal, and aimed at the all-powerful minister to whom the author had once humbly sued for preferment. While, throughout this remarkable poem, Skelton either overlooks or denies the better qualities, the commanding talents, and the great attainments of Wolsey, and even ungenerously taunts him with the meanness of his origin; he fails not to attack his character and conduct in those particulars against which a satirist might justly declaim, and with the certainty that invectives so directed would find an echo among the people. The regal pomp and luxury of the Cardinal, his insatiate ambition, his insolent bearing at the council-board, his inaccessibility to suitors, &c. &c. are dwelt on with an intensity of scornful bitterness, and occasionally give rise to vivid descriptions which history assures us are but little exaggerated. Some readers may perhaps object, that in this poem the satire of Skelton too much resembles the “oyster-knife that hacks and hews” (to which that of Pope was so unfairly likened[128]); but all must confess that he wields his weapon with prodigious force and skill; and we know that Wolsey writhed under the wounds which it inflicted.
When Catullus bewailed the death of Lesbia’s bird, he confined himself to eighteen lines (and truly golden lines); but Skelton, while lamenting for the sparrow that was “slayn at Carowe,” has engrafted on the subject so many far-sought and whimsical embellishments, that his epicede is really what the old editions term it,—a “boke.” Phyllyp Sparowe exhibits such fertility and delicacy of fancy, such graceful sportiveness, and such ease of expression, that it might well be characterised by Coleridge as “an exquisite and original poem.”[129]
In The Tunnyng of Elynour Rummyng, which would seem to have been one of Skelton’s most popular performances, we have a specimen of his talent for the low burlesque;—a description of a real ale-wife, and of the various gossips who keep thronging to her for liquor, as if under the influence of a spell. If few compositions of the kind have more coarseness or extravagance, there are few which have greater animation or a richer humour.
The Garlands of Laurell, one of Skelton’s longest and most elaborate pieces, cannot also be reckoned among his best. It contains, however, several passages of no mean beauty, which shew that he possessed powers for the higher kind of poetry, if he had chosen to exercise them; and is interspersed with some lyrical addresses to the ladies who weave his chaplet, which are very happily versified. In one respect the Garlande of Laurell stands without a parallel: the history of literature affords no second example of a poet having deliberately written sixteen hundred lines in honour of himself.
Skelton is to be regarded as one of the fathers of the English drama. His Enterlude of Vertue[130] and his Comedy callyd Achademios[131] have perished; so perhaps has his Nigramansir;[132] but his Magnyfycence is still extant. To those who carry their acquaintance with our early play-wrights no farther back than the period of Peele, Greene, and Marlowe, this “goodly interlude” by Skelton will doubtless appear heavy and inartificial; its superiority, however, to the similar efforts of his contemporaries, is, I apprehend, unquestionable.[133]
If our author did not invent the metre which he uses in the greater portion of his writings, and which is now known by the name Skeltonical, he was certainly the first who adopted it in poems of any length; and he employed it with a skill, which, after he had rendered it popular, was beyond the reach of his numerous imitators.[134] “The Skeltonical short verse,” observes Mr. D’Israeli, speaking of Skelton’s own productions, “contracted into five or six, and even four syllables, is wild and airy. In the quick-returning rhymes, the playfulness of the diction, and the pungency of new words, usually ludicrous, often expressive, and sometimes felicitous, there is a stirring spirit which will be best felt in an audible reading. The velocity of his verse has a carol of its own. The chimes ring in the ear, and the thoughts are flung about like coruscations.”[135]
Skelton has been frequently termed a Macaronic poet, but it may be doubted if with strict propriety; for the passages in which he introduces snatches of Latin and French are thinly scattered through his works. “This anomalous and motley mode of versification,” says Warton, “is, I believe, supposed to be peculiar to our author. I am not, however, quite certain that it originated with Skelton.”[136] He ought to have been “quite certain” that it did not.[137]
[15] Sometimes written Schelton: and Blomefield says, “That his Name was Shelton or Skelton, appears from his Successor’s Institution, viz. ‘1529, 17 July, Thomas Clerk, instituted on the Death of John Shelton, last Rector [Lib. Inst. No. 18].’” Hist. of Norfolk, i. 20. ed. 1739.
[16] “John Skelton was a younger branch of the Skeltons of Skelton in this County [Cumberland]. I crave leave of the Reader, (hitherto not having full instructions, and) preserving the undoubted Title of this County unto him, to defer his character to Norfolk, where he was Beneficed at Diss therein.” Fuller’s Worthies, p. 221 (Cumberland), ed. 1662. “John Skelton is placed in this County [Norfolk] on a double probability. First, because an ancient family of his name is eminently known long fixed therein. Secondly, because he was beneficed at Dis,” &c. Id. p. 257 (Norfolk).—“John Skelton ... was originally, if not nearly, descended from the Skeltons of Cumberland.” Wood’s Ath. Oxon. i. 49. ed. Bliss. See also Tanner’s Biblioth. p. 675. ed. 1748.—“I take it, that Skelton was not only Rector, but a Native of this Place [Diss], being son of William Skelton, and Margaret his Wife, whose Will was proved at Norwich, Nov. 7, 1512 [Regr. Johnson].” Blomefield’s Hist. of Norfolk, i. 20. ed. 1739. Through the active kindness of Mr. Amyot, I have received a copy of the Will of William Skelton (or Shelton), who, though perhaps a relation, was surely not the father of the poet; for in this full and explicit document the name of John Skelton does not once occur.—From an entry which will be afterwards cited, it would seem that the Christian name of Skelton’s mother was Johanna.—In Skelton’s Latin lines on the city of Norwich (see vol. i. 174) we find,
“Ah decus, ah patriæ specie pulcherrima dudum!
Urbs Norvicensis,” &c.
Does “patriæ” mean his native county?
[17] “Having been educated in this university, as Joh. Baleus attests.” Wood’s Ath. Oxon. i. 50. ed. Bliss. Wood’s reference in the note is “In lib. De Scriptoribus Anglicis, MS. inter cod. MSS. Selden, in bib. Bodl. p. 69 b.” The printed copy of Bale’s work contains no mention of the place of Skelton’s education. Part of Bale’s information concerning Skelton, as appears from the still extant MS. collections for his Script. Illust. Brit., was received “Ex Guilhelmo Horman,” the author of the Vulgaria.—See also Tanner’s Biblioth. p. 675. ed. 1748.—Warton says that Skelton “studied in both our universities.” Hist. of E. P. ii. 336. ed. 4to.
[18] A Replycacion, &c. vol. i. 207.
[19] “Wood reckons him of Ox. on the author. of Bale in a MS. in the Bodleian Libr., but with much better reason he may be called ours; for I find one Scheklton M.A. in the year 1484, at which time allowing him to be 24 years of age, he must be at his death A.D. 1529, 68 or 69 years old, which ’tis probable he might be. v. Bale 653.” Cole’s Collections,—Add. MSS. (Brit. Mus.) 5880, p. 199.
[20] I suspect that, during Skelton’s lifetime, two of his most celebrated pieces, Colyn Cloute (see v. 1239, vol. i. 359), and Why come ye nat to Courte, were not committed to the press, but wandered about in manuscript among hundreds of eager readers. A portion of Speke, Parrot, and the Poems Against Garnesche, are now for the first time printed.
[21] Vol. i. 408 sqq. No poetical antiquary can read the titles of some of the lighter pieces mentioned in that catalogue,—such as The Balade of the Mustarde Tarte, The Murnyng of the mapely rote (see Notes, vol. ii. 330), &c.—without regretting their loss. “Many of the songs or popular ballads of this time,” observes Sir John Hawkins, “appear to have been written by Skelton.” Hist. of Music, iii. 39.
I take the present opportunity of giving from a MS. in my possession a much fuller copy than has hitherto appeared of the celebrated song which opens the second act of Gammer Gurtons Nedle, and which Warton calls “the first chanson à boire or drinking-ballad, of any merit, in our language.” Hist. of E. P. iii. 206. ed. 4to. The comedy was first printed in 1575: the manuscript copy of the song, as follows, is certainly of an earlier date:
“backe & syde goo bare goo bare
bothe hande & fote goo colde
but belly god sende the good ale inowghe
whether hyt be newe or olde.
but yf that I
maye have trwly
goode ale my belly full
I shall looke lyke one
by swete sainte Johnn
were shoron agaynste the woole
thowthe I goo bare
take yow no care
I am nothynge colde
I stuffe my skynne
so full within
of joly goode ale & olde.
I cannot eate
but lytyll meate
my stomacke ys not goode
but sure I thyncke
that I cowde dryncke
with hym that werythe an hoode
dryncke ys my lyfe
althowgthe my wyfe
some tyme do chyde & scolde
yete spare I not
to plye the potte
of joly goode ale & olde.
backe & syde, &c.
I love noo roste
but a browne toste
or a crabbe in the fyer
a lytyll breade
shall do me steade
mooche breade I neuer desyer
Nor froste nor snowe
Nor wynde I trow
Canne hurte me yf hyt wolde
I am so wrapped
within & lapped
with joly goode ale & olde.
backe & syde, &c.
I care ryte nowghte
I take no thowte
for clothes to kepe me warme
have I goode dryncke
I surely thyncke
nothynge canne do me harme
for trwly than
I feare noman
be he neuer so bolde
when I am armed
& throwly warmed
with joly good ale & olde.
backe & syde, &c.
but nowe & than
I curse & banne
they make ther ale so small
god geve them care
& evill to faare
they strye the malte & all
sooche pevisshe pewe
I tell yowe trwe
not for a c[r]ovne of golde
ther commethe one syppe
within my lyppe
whether hyt be newe or olde.
backe & syde, &c.
good ale & stronge
makethe me amonge
full joconde & full lyte
that ofte I slepe
& take no kepe
frome mornynge vntyll nyte
then starte I vppe
& fle to the cuppe
the ryte waye on I holde
my thurste to staunche
I fyll my paynche
with joly goode ale & olde.
backe & syde, &c.
and kytte my wyfe
that as her lyfe
lovethe well good ale to seke
full ofte drynkythe she
that ye maye se
the tears ronne downe her cheke
then dothe she troule
to me the bolle
as a goode malte worme sholde
& saye swete harte
I have take my parte
of joly goode ale & olde.
backe & syde, &c.
They that do dryncke
tyll they nodde & wyncke
even as good fellowes shulde do
they shall notte mysse
to have the blysse
that good ale hathe browghte them to
& all poore soules
that skowre blacke bolles
& them hathe lustely trowlde
god save the lyves
Of them & ther wyves
wether they be yonge or olde.
backe & syde,” &c.
[22] Vol. i. 1.
[23] Vol. i. 6: see Notes, vol. ii. 89.
[24] He was only eleven years old at his father’s death. See more concerning the fifth earl in Percy’s Preface to The Northumberland Household Book, 1770, in Warton’s Hist. of E. P. ii. 338. ed. 4to, and in Collins’s Peerage, ii. 304. ed. Brydges.—Warton says that the Earl “encouraged Skelton to write this Elegy,” an assertion grounded, I suppose, on the Latin lines prefixed to it.
[25] A splendid MS. volume, consisting of poems (chiefly by Lydgate), finely written on vellum, and richly illuminated, which formerly belonged to the fifth earl, is still preserved in the British Museum, MS. Reg. 18. D ii.: at fol. 165 is Skelton’s Elegy on the earl’s father.
[26] For a notice of Skelton’s laureation at Oxford, the Rev. Dr. Bliss obligingly searched the archives of that university, but without success: “no records,” he informs me, “remain between 1463 and 1498 that will give a correct list of degrees.”
[27] This work (a thin folio), translated by Caxton from the French, is a prose romance founded on the Æneid. It consists of 65 chapters, the first entitled “How the ryght puyssant kynge pryamus edyfyed the grete Cyte of Troye,” the last, “How Ascanyus helde the royalme of Ytalye after the dethe of Eneas hys fader.” Gawin Douglas, in the Preface to his translation of Virgil’s poem, makes a long and elaborate attack on Caxton’s performance;
“Wylliame Caxtoun had no compatioun
Of Virgill in that buk he preȳt in prois,
Clepand it Virgill in Eneados,
Quhilk that he sayis of Frensche he did translate;
It has na thing ado therwith, God wate,
Nor na mare like than the Deuil and sanct Austin,” &c.
Sig. B iii. ed. 1553.
[28] A work probably never printed, and now lost: it is mentioned by Skelton in the Garlande of Laurell;
“Of Tullis Familiars the translacyoun.”
vol. i. 409.
[29] A work mentioned in the same poem;
“Diodorus Siculus of my translacyon
Out of fresshe Latine into owre Englysshe playne,
Recountyng commoditis of many a straunge nacyon;
Who redyth it ones wolde rede it agayne;
Sex volumis engrosid together it doth containe.”
vol. i. 420.
It is preserved in MS. at Cambridge: see Appendix II. to this Memoir.
[30] Sig. A ii.
[31] For more about poet laureat, both in the ancient and modern acceptation, see Selden’s Titles of Honor, p. 405. ed. 1631; the Abbé du Resnel’s Recherches sur les Poètes Couronnez,—Hist. de l’Acad. des Inscript. (Mém. de Littérature), x. 507; Warton’s Hist. of E. P. ii. 129. ed. 4to; Malone’s Life of Dryden (Prose Works), p. 78; Devon’s Introd. to Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham, p. xxix., and his Introd. to Issues of the Exchequer, &c., p. xiii.—Churchyard in his verses prefixed to Marshe’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes, 1568, says,
“Nay, Skelton wore the lawrell wreath,
And past in schoels, ye knoe.”
see Appendix I. to this Memoir.
[32] Vol. i. 128.
[33] Hist. of E. P. ii. 130 (note), ed. 4to.—The second entry was printed in 1736 by the Abbé du Resnel (who received it from Carte the historian) in Recherches sur les Poètes Couronnez,—Hist. de l’Acad. des Inscript. (Mém. de Littérature), x. 522. Both entries were given in 1767 by Farmer in the second edition of his Essay on the Learning of Shakespeare, p. 50.—The Rev. Joseph Romilly, registrar of the University of Cambridge, has obligingly ascertained for me their correctness.
[34] Vol. i. 124.
[35] Vol. i. 197.
[36] Prologe to Egloges, sig. A 1. ed. 1570.
[37] Hist. of E. P. ii. 132 (note), ed. 4to, where Warton gives the subscription of the former as the title of the latter poem: his mistake was occasioned by the reprint of Skelton’s Works, 1736. See the present edition, vol. i. 190, 191.
[38] Du Resnel expressly says that he was made acquainted with the Cambridge entry by “M. Carte, autrement M. Phillips.” Recherches sur les Poètes Couronnez,—Hist. de l’Acad. des Inscript. (Mém. de Littérature), x. 522.—Carte assumed the name of Phillips when he took refuge in France.
[39] A gentleman resident at Louvaine obligingly examined for me the registers of that university, but could find in them no mention of Skelton.
[40] The original has “Cum:” but the initial letters of the lines were intended to form a distich; see the conclusion of the poem.
[41] Here again the original has “Cum.”
[42] From the 4to volume entitled Opusculum Roberti Whittintoni in florentissima Oxoniensi achademia Laureati. At the end, Expliciūt Roberti Whitintoni Oxonie Protouatis Epygrammata: una cū quibusdā Panegyricis. Impressa Lōdini per me wynandū de worde. Anno post virgineū partū. M. ccccc xix. decimo vero kalēdas Maii.
[43] Henry Bradshaw’s Lyfe of Saynt Werburghe, l. ii. c. 24. printed by Pynson 1521, 4to.
[44] See the two subscriptions already cited, p. xiv.; and vol. i. 132, 206, vol. ii. 25.—“Clarus & facundus in utroque scribendi genere, prosa atque metro, habebatur.” Bale, Script. Illust. Brit. &c. p. 651. ed. 1559. “Inter Rhetores regius orator factus.” Pits, De Illust. Angl. Script. p. 701. ed. 1619. “With regard to the Orator Regius,” says Warton, “I find one John Mallard in that office to Henry the eighth, and his epistolary secretary,” &c. Hist. of E. P. ii. 132 (note), ed. 4to.
[45] Register Hill 1489-1505, belonging to the Diocese of London.
[46] 1st Octr.: see Sandford’s Geneal. Hist. p. 475. ed. 1707.
[47] See the Garlande of Laurell, vol. i. 408.
[48] Henry was created Duke of York 31st Octr. an. 10. Hen. vii. [1494]; see Sandford’s Geneal. Hist. p. 480. ed. 1707. See also The Creation of Henry Duke of Yorke, &c. (from a Cottonian MS.) in Lord Somers’s Tracts, i. 24. ed. Scott.
[49] Biblioth. p. 676. ed. 1748.
[50] i. e. well.
[51] i. e. tutor: see Notes, vol. ii. 193.—When ladies attempt to write history, they sometimes say odd things: e. g. “It is affirmed that Skelton had been tutor to Henry [viii.] in some department of his education. How probable it is that the corruption imparted by this ribald and ill-living wretch laid the foundation for his royal pupil’s grossest crimes!” Lives of the Queens of England by Agnes Strickland, vol. iv. 104.
[52] Fourth Poem Against Garnesche, vol. i. 129.
[53] Garlande of Laurell, vol. i. 410.—After noticing that while Arthur was yet alive, Henry was destined by his father to be archbishop of Canterbury, “it has been remarked,” says Mrs. Thomson, “that the instructions bestowed upon Prince Henry by his preceptor, Skelton, were calculated to render him a scholar and a churchman, rather than an enlightened legislator.” Mem. of the Court of Henry the Eighth, i. 2. But the description of the Speculum Principis, quoted above, is somewhat at variance with such a conclusion. The same lady observes in another part of her work, “To Skelton, who in conjunction with Giles Dewes, clerk of the library to Henry the Seventh, had the honour of being tutor to Henry the Eighth, this king evinced his approbation,” ii. 590, and cites in a note the Epistle to Henry the Eighth prefixed to Palsgrave’s Lesclarcissement de la Langue Francoyse, 1530, where mention is made of “the synguler clerke maister Gyles Dewes somtyme instructour to your noble grace in this selfe tong.” Though Dewes taught French to Henry, surely it by no means follows that he was “his tutor in conjunction with Skelton:” a teacher of French and a tutor are very different.
[54] Biblioth. p. 676. ed. 1748.
[55] Erasmi Opera, i. 1214, 1216, ed. 1703.—The Ode is appended to Erasmus’s Latin version of the Hecuba and Iphigenia in Aulide of Euripides, printed by Aldus in 1507; and in that edition the second line which I have quoted is found with the following variation,
“Monstrante fonteis vate Laurigero sacros.”
“It is probable,” says Granger, “that if that great and good man [Erasmus] had read and perfectly understood his [Skelton’s] ‘pithy, pleasaunt, and profitable works,’ as they were lately reprinted, he would have spoken of him in less honourable terms.” Biog. Hist. of Engl. i. 102. ed. 1775. The remark is sufficiently foolish: in Skelton’s works there are not a few passages which Erasmus, himself a writer of admirable wit, must have relished and admired; and it was not without reason that he and our poet have been classed together as satirists, in the following passage; “By what meanes could Skelton that laureat poet, or Erasmus that great and learned clarke, have vttered their mindes so well at large, as thorowe their clokes of mery conceytes in wryting of toyes and foolish theames: as Skelton did by Speake parrot, Ware the hauke, the Tunning of Elynour Rumming, Why come ye not to the Courte? Philip Sparrowe, and such like: yet what greater sense or better matter can be, than is in this ragged ryme contayned? Or who would haue hearde his fault so playnely tolde him, if not in such gibyng sorte? Also Erasmus, vnder his prayse of Folly, what matters hath he touched therein?” &c. The Golden Aphroditis, &c. by John Grange, 1577 (I quote from Censura Liter. vol. i. 382. ed. 1815).
[56] Then a student of Lincoln’s Inn.
[57] The country-seat of Lord Mountjoy.
[58] Probably Eltham.
[59] Catal. (Primus) Lucubrationum, p. 2. prefixed to the above-cited vol. of Erasmi Opera.—In Turner’s Hist. of the Reign of Henry the Eighth, it is erroneously stated that Erasmus “had the interview which he thus describes, at the residence of Lord Mounjoy,” i. 11. ed. 8vo.
[60] Vol. i. 410.
[61] Lines prefixed to Marsh’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes, 1568: see Appendix I. to this Memoir.
[62] p. 30,—1592, 4to.
[63] According to the xivᵗʰ of the Merie Tales of Skelton (see Appendix I. to the present Memoir), he was “long confined in prison at Westminster by the command of the cardinal:” but the tract is of such a nature that we must hesitate about believing a single statement which it contains. Even supposing that at some period or other Skelton was really imprisoned by Wolsey, that imprisonment could hardly have taken place so early as 1502. As far as I can gather from his writings, Skelton first offended Wolsey by glancing at him in certain passages of Colyn Cloute, and in those passages the cardinal is alluded to as being in the fulness of pomp and power.
[64] By Writ of Privy Seal—Auditor’s Calendar of Files from 1485 to 1522, fol. 101 (b.), in the Public Record Office.
[65] Ritson (Bibliog. Poet. p. 102) says that Skelton was “chaplain to king Henry the eighth:” qy. on what authority?
[66] “He ... was Rector and lived here [at Diss] in 1504 and in 1511, as I find by his being Witness to several Wills in this year. (Note) 1504, The Will of Mary Cowper of Disse, ‘Witnesses Master John Skelton, Laureat, Parson of Disse, &c.’ And among the Evidences of Mr. Thomas Coggeshall, I find the House in the Tenure of Master Skelton, Laureat ... Mr. Le-Neve says, that his [Skelton’s] Institution does not appear in the Books, which is true, for often those that were collated by the Pope, had no Institution from the Bishop, many Instances of which in those Books occur; but it is certain from abundance of Records and Evidences that I have seen, that he was Rector several years.” Blomefield’s Hist. of Norfolk, i. 20. ed. 1739.—The parish-register of Diss affords no information concerning Skelton; for the earliest date which it contains is long posterior to his death.
[67] See A deuoute trentale for old John Clarke, who died in 1506, vol. i. 168; Lamentatio urbis Norvicen., written in 1507, p. 174; and Chorus de Dis, &c. in 1513, p. 190.
[68] I may notice here, that in an Assessment for a Subsidy, temp. Henry viii., we find, under “Sancte Helenes Parishe within Bisshoppisgate,”—
| “Mr Skelton in goodes | xl. li.” |
Books of the Treasury of the Exchequer, B. 4. 15, fol. 7,—Public Record Office. Qy. was this our author?
[69] “Cum quibusdam blateronibus fraterculis, præcipue Dominicanis, bellum gerebat continuum. Sub pseudopontifice Nordouicensi Ricardo Nixo, mulierem illam, quam sibi secreto ob Antichristi metum desponsauerat, sub concubinæ titulo custodiebat. In ultimo tamen uitæ articulo super ea re interrogatus, respondit, se nusquam illam in conscientia coram Deo nisi pro uxore legitima tenuisse ... animam egit ... relictis liberis.” Bale, Script. Illust. Brit. pp. 651, 2. ed. 1559.—“In Monachos præsertim Prædicatores S. Dominici sæpe stylum acuit, & terminos prætergressus modestiæ, contra eos scommatibus acerbius egit. Quo facto suum exasperauit Episcopum Richardum Nixum, qui habito de vita & moribus eius examine, deprehendit hominem votam Deo castitatem violasse, imo concubinam domi suæ diu tenuisse.” Pits, De Illust. Angl. Script. p. 701. ed. 1619.—“The Dominican Friars were the next he contested with, whose vitiousness lay pat enough for his hand; but such foul Lubbers fell heavy on all which found fault with them. These instigated Nix, Bishop of Norwich, to call him to account for keeping a Concubine, which cost him (as it seems) a suspension from his benefice.... We must not forget, how being charged by some on his death-bed for begetting many children on the aforesaid Concubine, he protested, that in his Conscience he kept her in the notion of a wife, though such his cowardliness that he would rather confess adultery (then accounted but a venial) than own marriage esteemed a capital crime in that age.” Fuller’s Worthies, p. 257 (Norfolk), ed. 1662.—Anthony Wood, with his usual want of charity towards the sons of genius, says that Skelton “having been guilty of certain crimes, (as most poets are,) at least not agreeable to his coat, fell under the heavy censure of Rich. Nykke bishop of Norwich his diocesan; especially for his scoffs and ill language against the monks and dominicans in his writings.” Ath. Oxon. i. 50. ed. Bliss, who adds in a note, “Mr. Thomas Delafield in his MS. Collection of Poets Laureate, &c. among Gough’s MSS. in the Bodleian, says it was in return for his being married, an equal crime in the ecclesiastics of those days, bishop Nykke suspended him from his church.”—Tanner gives as one of the reasons for Skelton’s taking sanctuary at Westminster towards the close of his life, “propter quod uxorem habuit.” Biblioth. p. 675. ed. 1748.—In the xiiiᵗʰ of the Merie Tales (see Appendix I. to the present Memoir) Skelton’s wife is mentioned.
[70] “Cui [Nixo] utcunque a nive nomen videatur inditum, adeo nihil erat nivei in pectore, luxuriosis cogitationibus plurimum æstuante, ut atro carbone libidines ejus notandæ videantur, si vera sunt quæ de illo a Nevillo perhibentur.” Godwin De Præsul. Angl. p. 440. ed. 1743.
[71] “In the Edition of his Workes in 8vo. Lond. 1736, which I have, at p. 272 he mentions Trumpinton, and seems to have been Curate there, 5. Jan. 1507. At p. 54 he also mentions Swafham and Soham, 2 Towns in Cambridgeshire, in The Crowne of Lawrell.” Cole’s Collections,—Add. MSS. (Brit. Mus.) 5880, p. 199. To conclude from the mention of these towns that Skelton resided in Cambridgeshire is the height of absurdity, as the reader will immediately perceive on turning to the passage in question, Garlande of Laurell, v. 1416, vol. i. 417.—Chalmers, on the authority of a MS. note by Kennet, a transcript of which had been sent to him, states that “in 1512, Skelton was presented by Richard, abbot of Glastonbury, to the vicarage of Daltyng.” Biog. Dict. xxviii. 45: if Chalmers had consulted Wood’s account of the poet, he might have learned that the rector of Diss and the vicar of Dultyng were different persons.
[72] The old ed. has “scripter.”
[73] vol. i. 173.
[74] vol. i. 175.
[75] Ath. Oxon. i. 50. ed. Bliss.
[76] Reprinted in Appendix I. to this Memoir; where see also the extracts from A C mery Talys, &c.—The biographer of Skelton, in Eminent Lit. and Scient. Men of Great Britain, &c. (Lardner’s Cyclop.), asserts that “he composed his Merie Tales for the king and nobles”!!! i. 279.
[77] Lines prefixed to Marsh’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes, 1568: see Appendix I. to this Memoir.
[78] “Sithe ye haue me chalyngyd, M[aster] Garnesche,” &c.; see vol. i. 116.
[79] In the Notes on the poems Against Garnesche I have cited several parallel expressions from The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy. That curious production may be found in the valuable edition of Dunbar’s Poems (ii. 65) by Mr. D. Laing, who supposes it to have been written between 1492 and 1497 (ii. 420). It therefore preceded the “flyting” of Skelton and Garnesche. I may add, that the last portion of our author’s Speke, Parrot bears a considerable resemblance to a copy of verses attributed to Dunbar, and entitled A General Satyre (Poems, ii. 24); and that as the great Scottish poet visited England more than once, it is probable that he and Skelton were personally acquainted.
[80] At a later period there was a poetical “flyting” between Churchyard and a person named Camel, who had attacked a publication of the former called Davie Dicars Dreame; and some other writers took a part in the controversy: these rare pieces (known only by their titles to Ritson, Bibliog. Poet. p. 151, and to Chalmers, Life of Churchyard, p. 53) are very dull and pointless, but were evidently put forth in earnest.
[81] In the first poem Against Garnesche he is called “Master:” but see Notes, vol. ii. 177.
[82] Hall’s Chron. (vi. yere Hen. viii.), fol. xlviii. ed. 1548.
[83] MS. Cott. Calig. B. vi. fol. 112.
[84] Auditor’s Calendar of Files from 1485 to 1522, fol. 108 (b).
[85] Privy Purse Accounts, A. 5. 16. p. 21.
[86] Auditor’s Calendar, &c. fol. 162 (b).
[87] Auditor’s Patent Book, No. 1. fol. 6 (b).
[88] In an account of the visit of the Emperor Charles the Fifth to England in June 1522, among the lodgings which were occupied on that occasion at Greenwich we find mention of “Master Garnyshe house.” See Rutland Papers, p. 82 (printed for the Camden Society). That a knight was frequently called “Master,” I have shewn in Notes, vol. ii. 178.
[89] Privy Purse Accounts, A. 5. 17. p. 175.
[90] Teller’s Book, A. 3. 24. p. 293.
[91] To these notices of Garnesche I may add the following letter, the original of which is in the possession of Mr. J. P. Collier:
“Pleas it your grace, We haue Receyued the Kyngs most graciouse letres dated at his manour of grenwich the xᵗʰ day of Aprill, Wherby we perceyue his high pleasour is that we shulde take some substanciall direccion for the preparacion and furnyshing of all maner of vitailles aswell for man as for horse, to bee had in Redynesse against the commyng of his grace, his nobles with ther trayn; Like it your grace, so it is We haue not been in tymes past so greatly and sore destitute this many yeres past of all maner of vitailles both for man and beist as we be now, not oonly by reason of a gret murryn of catall which hath ben in thies partes, but also for that the Kings takers, lieng about the borders of the see coste next adionyng vnto vs, haue takyn and made provision therof contrarie to the olde ordnannce, so that we be vtterly destitute by reason of the same, and can in no wise make any substanciall provision for his highnes nor his trayn in thies partes, for all the bochers in this toun haue not substaunce of beoffs and motones to serue vs, as we be accompanyed at this day, for the space of iii wekes att the most. And also as now ther is not within this toun of Calais fewell sufficient to serue vs oon hole weke, the which is the great daunger and vnsuretie of this the Kings toun. Wherfore we most humbly besuch your grace, the premisses considered, that we by your gracious and fauorable helpe may haue not oonly Remedy for our beiffs and motones with other vitailles, but also that all maner of vitaillers of this toun may repair and resorte with ther shippes from tyme to tyme to make ther purueyance of all maner of fewell from hensfurth for this toun oonly, without any let or Interrupcionn of the kings officers or takers, any commandment hertofore giffen to the contrarie not withstanding, for without that both the Kings Highnes, your grace, and all this toun shalbe vtterly disappoynted and disceyved both of vitailles and fewell, which god defend. At Calais, the xviiiᵗʰ day of Aprill,
By your seruants,
- John Peache,
- Wyllm Sandys,
- Robert Wotton,
- Edward Guldeferd,
- Crystoffyr Garneys.
To my Lorde cardynalls grace,
Legate a Latere and chanceler
of England.”
In Proceed. and Ordin. of the Privy Council (vol. vii. 183, 196), 1541, mention is made of a Lady Garnishe (probably the widow of Sir Christopher) having had a house at Calais; and in Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary (p. 120) we find under June 1543,
| “Item my lady garnyshe seruaunt for bringing cherys | xii d.” |
[92] “Contra Skeltonum, Lib. i.” Script. Illust. Brit. p. 723. ed. 1559.
[93] fol. 259. ed. 1570.
[94] vol. i. 411.
[95] i. e. snipe.
[96] See Notes, vol. ii. 159. If this line alludes to Skelton, it preserves a trait of his personal appearance.
[97] i. e. deprived, devoid.
[98] sig. c. v. ed. 1570.
[99] Vol. i. 376.
[100] Vol. i. 409.
[101] In a volume of various pieces by Gaguin, dated 1498, is a treatise on metre, which shews no mean acquaintance with the subject.
[102] “Inuectiuam In Guil. Lilium, Lib. i.” Script. Illust. Brit., &c. p. 652. ed. 1559. The reader must not suppose from the description, “Lib. i.,” that the invective in question extended to a volume: it was, I presume, no more than a copy of verses. Wood mentions that this piece was “written in verse and very carping.” Ath. Ox. i. 52. ed. Bliss: but most probably he was acquainted with it only through Bale. He also informs us (i. 34) that Lily wrote a tract entitled
| “Apologia ad | { Joh. Skeltonum. |
| { Rob. Whittington.” |
for a copy of which I have sought in vain.
[103] See Weever’s Fun. Monum. p. 498. ed. 1631; Stowe’s Collections, MS. Harl. 540. fol. 57; and Fuller’s Worthies (Norfolk), p. 257. ed. 1662. “And this,” says Fuller, “I will do for W. Lilly, (though often beaten for his sake,) endeavour to translate his answer:
“With face so bold, and teeth so sharp,
Of viper’s venome, why dost carp?
Why are my verses by thee weigh’d
In a false scale? may truth be said?
Whilst thou to get the more esteem
A learned Poet fain wouldst seem,
Skelton, thou art, let all men know it,
Neither learned, nor a Poet.”
[104] Vol. i. 419.
[105] See vol. i. 361.
[106] See Notes, vol. ii. 318.
[107] It was granted to him by the king for life.
[108] Vol. i. 419. Concerning this college, see Notes, vol. ii. 334.
[109] A Replycacion agaynst certayne yong scolers abiured of late, &c. vol. i. 206. In Typograph. Antiq. ii. 539. ed. Dibdin, where the Replycacion is described and quoted from Heber’s copy, we are told that it has “a Latin address to Thomas —— who [sic] he [Skelton] calls an excellent patron,” &c. That the editor should have read the address without discovering that the said Thomas was Cardinal Wolsey, is truly marvellous.
[110] Garlande of Laurell, vol. i. 424.
[111] See vol. ii. 83, where this Lenuoy (which will be more particularly noticed presently) is appended to the poem Howe the douty Duke of Albany, &c.
[112] Vol. i. 199.
[113] Animadversions vppon the annotacions and correctōns of some imperfectōns of impressōnes of Chaucers Workes, &c. p. 13,—in Todd’s Illust. of Gower and Chaucer.
I may notice here, that among the Harleian MSS. (2252, fols. 156, 158) are two poems on the Cardinal, which in the Catalogue of that collection Wanley has described as “Skelton’s libels;” but they are evidently not by him.
[114] Wolsey had previously been named a Cardinal in 1515.—Fiddes (Life of Wolsey, p. 99. ed. 1726) says that he became Legate a latere in 1516: but see State Papers (1830), i. 9 (note). Lingard’s Hist. of Engl. vi. 57. ed. 8vo, &c.—Hoping to ascertain the exact date of the Replycacion, &c. (which contains the first of the passages now under consideration), I have consulted various books for some mention of the “young hereticks” against whom that piece was written; but without success.
[115] We cannot settle this point by a comparison of old editions, the poem against Albany and the two L’Envoys which follow it being extant only in the ed. of Marshe.—It may be doubted, too, if the L’Envoy which I have cited at p. xli, “Perge, liber,” &c. belongs to the Garlande of Laurell, to which it is affixed in Marshe’s edition as a second L’Envoy: in Faukes’s edition of that poem, which I conceive to be the first that was printed, it is not found: the Cott. MS. of the Garlande is unfortunately imperfect at the end.
[116] i. e. sword.
[117] Chron. (Hen. viii.) fol. cx. ed. 1548.
[118] “Ob literas quasdam in Cardinalem Vuolsium inuectiuas, ad Vuestmonasteriense tandem asylum confugere, pro uita seruanda, coactus fuit: ubi nihilominus sub abbate Islepo fauorem inuenit.” Bale, Script. Illust. Brit. p. 651. ed. 1559.—“Vbi licet Abbatis Islepi fauore protegeretur, tamen vitam ibi, quantumuis antea iucunde actam, tristi exitu conclusit.” Pits, De Illust. Angl. Script. p. 701. ed. 1619.—“But Cardinal Wolsey (impar congressus, betwixt a poor Poet and so potent a Prelate) being inveighed against by his pen, and charged with too much truth, so persecuted him, that he was forced to take Sanctuary at Westminster, where Abbot Islip used him with much respect,” &c. Fuller’s Worthies (Norfolk), p. 257. ed. 1662.—“He [Skelton] was so closely pursued by his [Wolsey’s] officers, that he was forced to take sanctuary at Westminster, where he was kindly entertained by John Islipp the abbat, and continued there to the time of his death.” Wood’s Ath. Oxon. i. 51. ed. Bliss, who adds in a note; “The original MS. register of this sanctuary, which must have been a great curiosity, was in Sir Henry Spelman’s library, and was purchased at the sale of that collection by Wanley for Lord Weymouth. MS. note in Wanley’s copy of Nicholson’s Historical Library in the Bodleian.”
[119] John Islip was elected abbot in 1500, and died in 1532: see Widmore’s Hist. of West. Abbey, 119, 123. “John Skelton ... is said by the late learned Bishop of Derry, Nicholson (Hist. Lib. chap. 2.) to have first collected the Epitaphs of our Kings, Princes, and Nobles, that lie buried at the Abbey Church of Westminster: but I apprehend this to be no otherwise true, than that, when he, to avoid the anger of Cardinal Wolsey, had taken sanctuary at Westminster, to recommend himself to Islip, the Abbot at that time, he made some copies of verses to the memories of King Henry the Seventh and his Queen, and his mother the Countess of Richmond, and perhaps some other persons buried in this church.” Account of Writers, &c., p. 5, appended to Widmore’s Enquiry into the time of the found. of West. Abbey.—Widmore is mistaken: neither in Marshe’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes, 1568, nor in the Reges, Reginæ, Nobiles, &c., 1603, is there any copy of verses by our author on the Queen of Henry the Seventh: see in vol. i. 178, 179, 195, the three pieces which I have given from those sources: two of them at least were composed before the poet had sought refuge at Westminster, for one (written at Islip’s request) is dated 1512, and another, 1516; the third has no date.
[120] See p. xxix.
[121] “De morte Cardinalis uaticinium edidit: & eius ueritatem euentus declarauit.” Bale, Script. Illust. Brit. p. 652. ed. 1559.—“The word Vates being Poet or Prophet, minds me of this dying Skeltons prediction, foretelling the ruine of Cardinal Wolsey. Surely, one unskilled in prophecies, if well versed in Solomons Proverbs, might have prognosticated as much, that Pride goeth before a fall.” Fuller’s Worthies (Norfolk), p. 257. ed. 1662.—Did not this anecdote originate in certain verses of Cotyn Cloute? See the fragment from Lansdown MSS., vol. i. 329, note.
[122] “Vuestmonasterii tandem, captiuitatis suæ tempore, mortuus est: & in D. Margaritæ sacello sepultus, cum hac inscriptione alabastrica: Johannes Skeltonus, uates Pierius, hic situs est. Animam egit 21 die Junii, anno Dn̄i 1529, relictis liberis.” Bale, Script. Illust. Brit., p. 652. ed. 1559. See also Pits (De Illust. Angl. Script., p. 703. ed. 1619) and Fuller (Worthies, Norfolk, p. 257. ed. 1662), who give Joannes Sceltonus vates Pierius hic situs est as the whole of Skelton’s epitaph. Weever, however (Fun. Momum., p. 497. ed. 1631), makes “animam egit, 21 Junii 1529” a portion of it, and in a marginal note substitutes “ejicit” for “egit,” as if correcting the Latinity!! So too Wood (Ath. Oxon. i. 52. ed. Bliss.), who places “ejicit” between brackets after “egit,” and states (what the other writers do not mention) that the inscription was put on the tomb “soon after” Skelton’s death.
In the Church-Wardens Accompts of St. Margaret’s, Westminster (Nichols’s Illust. of Manners and Expences, &c. 4to. p. 9), we find this entry;
| £. | s. | d. | |
| “1529. Item, of Mr. Skelton for viii tapers | 0 | 2 | 8” |
The institution of the person who succeeded Skelton as rector of Diss is dated 17th July: see first note on the present Memoir.
[123] See note, p. xxxvi.
[124] e. g. the portrait on the title-page of Dyuers Balettys and Dyties solacyous (evidently from the press of Pynson; see Appendix II. to this Memoir) is given as a portrait of “Doctor Boorde” in the Boke of Knowledge (see reprint, sig. I); and (as Mr. F. R. Atkinson of Manchester obligingly informed me by letter some years ago) the strange fantastic figure on the reverse of the title-page of Faukes’s ed. of the Garlande of Laurell, 1523 (poorly imitated in The Brit. Bibliogr. iv. 389) is a copy of an early French print.
[125] “Warton has undervalued him [Skelton]; which is the more remarkable, because Warton was a generous as well as a competent critic. He seems to have been disgusted with buffooneries, which, like those of Rabelais, were thrown out as a tub for the whale; for unless Skelton had written thus for the coarsest palates, he could not have poured forth his bitter and undaunted satire in such perilous times.” Southey,—Select Works of Brit. Poets (1831), p. 61.
[126] Amen. of Lit. ii. 69.
[127] Vol. i. 313.
“Satire should, like a polish’d razor, keen,
Wound with a touch that’s scarcely felt or seen:
Thine is an oyster-knife that hacks and hews,” &c.
Verses addressed to the imitator of the First Satire of the Second Book of Horace (the joint-composition of Lord Hervey and Lady M. W. Montagu).
[129] Remains, ii. 163.
“Of Vertu also the souerayne enterlude.”
Garlande of Laurell, vol. i. 408.
“His commedy, Achademios callyd by name.”
Id. p. 409.
[132] See Appendix II. to this Memoir.—Mr. Collier is mistaken in supposing Skelton’s “paiauntis that were played in Ioyows Garde” to have been dramatic compositions: see Notes, vol. ii. 330.
[133] A writer, of whose stupendous ignorance a specimen has been already cited (p. xxx, note 3), informs us that Magnyfycence “is one of the dullest plays in our language.” Eminent Lit. and Scient. Men of Great Britain, &c. (Lardner’s Cyclop.), i. 281.
[134] See Appendix III. to this Memoir, and Poems attributed to Skelton, vol. ii. 385.
[135] Amen. of Lit. ii. 69.
[136] Hist. of E. P. ii. 356.
“In hevyn blyse ye xalle wyn to be
Amonge the blyssyd company omnium supernorum
Ther as is alle merth joye and glee
Inter agmina angelorum
In blyse to abyde.”
Coventry Mysteries,—MS. Cott. Vesp. D. viii. fol. 112.
A reprint of Marshe’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes having appeared in 1736, Pope took occasion, during the next year, to mention them in the following terms,—casting a blight on our poet’s reputation, from which it has hardly yet recovered;
“Chaucer’s worst ribaldry is learn’d by rote,
And beastly Skelton Heads of Houses quote”—
Note—“Skelton, Poet Laureat to Hen. 8. a Volume of whose Verses has been lately reprinted, consisting almost wholly of Ribaldry, Obscenity, and Billingsgate Language.” The First Epistle of the Second Book of Horace imitated, 1737. But Pope was unjust to Skelton; for, though expressions of decided grossness occur in his writings, they are comparatively few; and during his own time, so far were such expressions from being regarded as offensive to decency, that in all probability his royal pupil would not have scrupled to employ them in the presence of Anne Bulleyn and her maids of honour.
Since the Memoir of Skelton was sent to press, Mr. W. H. Black (with his usual kindness) has pointed out to me the following entry;
23d Feb. 12 Edw. iv. [1473]. “Tribus subclericis, videlicet Roberto Lane, Nicholao Neubold, et Johanni Skelton, videlicet prædicto Roberto l.s. et prædictis Nicholao et Johanni cuilibet eorum xl.s.” (A like payment was made to John Skelton on the 9th of Dec. preceding, when he is mentioned with others under the general denomination of clerks.) Books of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer,—A 4. 38. fols. 26, 27. (Public Record Office).
There is, Mr. Black thinks, a possibility that Skelton had been employed, while a youth, as an under-clerk in the Receipt of the Exchequer; and observes, that it would seem to have been a temporary occupation, as there is no trace of any person of that name among the admissions to offices in the Black Book.
APPENDIX I.
MERIE TALES OF SKELTON
(see Memoir, p. xxx.);
AND NOTICES OF SKELTON FROM VARIOUS SOURCES.
MERIE TALES
Newly Imprinted
& made by Master
Skelton
Poet
Laureat.
¶ Imprinted at London
in Fleetstreat beneath the
Conduit at the signe of S.
John Euangelist,
by Thomas
Colwell.
[12ᵐᵒ. n. d.]
Here begynneth certayne merye tales of Skelton, Poet Lauriat.
¶ How Skelten came late home to Oxford from Abington. Tale i.
Skelton was an Englysheman borne as Skogyn was, and hee was educated & broughte vp in Oxfoorde: and there was he made a poete lauriat. And on a tyme he had ben at Abbington to make mery, wher that he had eate salte meates, and hee did com late home to Oxforde, and he did lye in an ine named yᵉ Tabere whyche is now the Angell, and hee dyd drynke, & went to bed. About midnight he was so thyrstie or drye that hee was constrained to call to the tapster for drynke, & the tapster harde him not. Then hee cryed to hys oste & hys ostes, and to the ostler, for drinke; and no man wold here hym: alacke, sayd Skelton, I shall peryshe for lacke of drynke! what reamedye? At the last he dyd crie out and sayd, Fyer, fyer, fyer! When Skelton hard euery man bustled hymselfe vpward, & some of them were naked, & some were halfe asleepe and amased, and Skelton dyd crye, Fier, fier, styll, that euerye man knewe not whether to resorte; Skelton did go to bed, and the oste and ostis, & the tapster with the ostler, dyd runne to Skeltons chamber with candles lyghted in theyr handes, saying, Where, where, where is the fyer? Here, here, here, said Skelton, & poynted hys fynger to hys moouth, saying, Fetch me some drynke to quenche the fyer and the heate and the drinesse in my mouthe: & so they dyd. Wherfore it is good for euerye man to helpe hys owne selfe in tyme of neede wythe some policie or crafte, so bee it there bee no deceit nor falshed vsed.
¶ How Skelton drest the Kendallman in the sweat time. [Tale ii.]
On a time Skelton rode from Oxforde to London with a Kendalman, and at Uxbridge they beyted. The Kendallman layd hys cap vpon the borde in the hall, and he went to serue hys horse. Skelton tooke yᵉ Kendalmans cappe, and dyd put betwixte the linyng & the vtter syde a dishe of butter: and when the Kendalman had drest hys horse, hee dyd come in to diner, and dyd put on hys cappe (that tyme the sweating sycknes was in all Englande); at the last, when the butter had take heate of the Kendallmans heade, it dyd begynne to run ouer hys face and aboute hys cheekes. Skelton sayde, Syr, you sweate soore: beware yᵗ you haue not the sweatynge sycknesse. The Kendalman sayde, By the mysse, Ise wrang; I bus goe tyll bed. Skelton sayd, I am skild on phisicke, & specially in the sweatynge sycknesse, that I wyll warant any man. In gewd faith, saith the Kendallman, do see, and Ise bay for your skott to London. Then sayde Skelton, Get you a kerchiefe, and I wyll bryng you abed: the whiche was donne. Skelton caused the capp to bee sod in hoat lee, & dryed it: in the mornyng Skelton and the Kendalman dyd ride merely to London.
¶ Howe Skelton tolde the man that Chryst was very busye in the woodes with them that made fagots. Tale iii.
When Skelton did cum to London, ther were manye men at the table at diner. Amongest all other there was one sayde to Skelton, Be you of Oxforde or of Cambridge a scoler? Skelton sayd, I am of Oxford. Syr, sayde the man, I will put you a question: you do know wel that after Christ dyd rise from death to life, it was xl. days after ere he dyd ascend into heauen, and hee was but certaine times wyth hys discyples, and when that he did appeare to them, hee dyd neuer tary longe amongest them, but sodainely vanished from them; I wold fayne know (saith the man to Skelton) where Chryste was all these xl. dayes. Where hee was, saythe Skelton, God knoweth; he was verye busye in the woods among hys labourers, that dyd make fagottes to burne heretickes, & such as thou art the whych doest aske such diffuse questions: but nowe I wyll tell thee more; when hee was not with hys mother & hys disciples, hee was in Paradyce, to comforte the holye patriarches and prophets soules, the which before he had fet out of hell. And at the daye of hys ascencion, hee tooke them all vp wyth him into heauen.
¶ Howe the Welshman dyd desyre Skelton to ayde hym in hys sute to the kynge for a patent to sell drynke. The iiii. Tale.
Skelton, when he was in London, went to the kynges courte, where there did come to hym a Welshman, saying, Syr, it is so, that manye dooth come vpp of my country to the kyngs court, and some doth get of the kyng by patent a castell, and some a parke, & some a forest, and some one fee and some another, and they dooe lyue lyke honest men; and I shoulde lyue as honestly as the best, if I myght haue a patyne for good dryncke: wherefore I dooe praye you to write a fewe woords for mee in a lytle byll to geue the same to the kynges handes, and I wil geue you well for your laboure. I am contented, sayde Skelton. Syt downe then, sayde the Welshman, and write. What shall I wryte? sayde Skelton. The Welshman sayde, Wryte, dryncke. Nowe, sayd the Welshman, wryte, more dryncke. What now? sayde Skelton. Wryte nowe, a great deale of dryncke. Nowe, sayd the Welshman, putte to all thys dryncke a littell crome of breade, and a great deale of drynke to it, and reade once agayne. Skelton dyd reade, Dryncke, more dryncke, & a great deale of dryncke, and a lytle crome of breade, and a great deale of dryncke to it. Then the Welsheman sayde, Put out the litle crome of breade, and sett in, all dryncke, and no breade: and if I myght haue thys sygned of the kynge, sayde the Welsheman, I care for no more as longe as I dooe lyue. Well then, sayde Skelton, when you haue thys signed of the kyng, then wyll I labour for a patent to haue bread, that you wyth your drynke, and I with the bread, may fare well, and seeke our liuinge with bagge and staffe.
¶ Of Swanborne the knaue, that was buried vnder Saint Peters wall in Oxford. [Tale v.]
There was dwelling in Oxford a stark knaue, whose name was Swanborn; and he was such a notable knaue that, if any scoler had fallen out thone wyth thother, the one woulde call thother Swanborn, the whyche they dyd take for a worser woorde then knaue. Hys wife woulde diuers tymes in the weeke kimbe his head with a iii. footed stoole: then hee woulde runne out of the doores wepinge, and if anye man had asked hym what he dyd aile, other whyle he woulde saye hee had the megrym in hys head, or ells, there was a great smoke wythin the house: & if the doores were shut, hys wyfe woulde beate him vnder the bed, or into the bench hole, and then he woulde looke out at the cat hole; then woulde his wife saye, Lookest thou out, whoreson? Yea, woulde he saye, thou shalt neuer let me of my manly lookes. Then with her distaff she would poore in at hym. I knewe him when that he was a boye in Oxforde; hee was a littell olde fellowe, and woulde lye as fast as a horse woulde trotte. At last hee dyed, and was buried vnder the wall of S. Peters church. Then Skelton was desyred to make an epitaphe vppon the churche wall, & dyd wryte wyth a role, saying, Belsabub his soule saue, Qui iacet hic hec a knaue: Jam scio[138] mortuus est, Et iacet hic hec a beast: Sepultus[139] est amonge the weedes: God forgiue him his misdeedes!
¶ Howe Skelton was complayned on to the bishop of Norwich. Tale vi.
Skelton dyd keepe a musket at Dys, vpon the which he was complayned on to the bishop of Norwych. The byshoppe sent for Skelton. Skelton dyd take two capons, to geue theym for a presente to the byshop. And as soone as hee had saluted the byshopp, hee sayde, My lorde, here I haue brought you a couple of capons. The byshop was blynde, and sayde, Who bee you? I am Skelton, sayd Skelton. The byshop sayd, A hoare head! I will none of thy capons: thou keepest vnhappye rule in thy house, for the whyche thou shalt be punished. What, sayde Skelton, is the winde at that doore? and sayd, God be with you, my lorde! and Skelton with his capons went hys way. The byshop sent after Skelton to come agayne. Skelton sayde, What, shal I come[140] agayne to speake wythe a madde man? At last hee retourned to the byshop, whyche sayde to hym, I would, sayd the byshop, that you shoulde not lyue suche a sclaunderouse lyfe, that all your parisshe shoulde not wonder & complaine on you as they dooe; I pray you amende, and hereafter lyue honestlye, that I heare no more suche woordes of you; and if you wyll tarye dynner, you shall be welcome; and I thanke you, sayde the byshoppe, for your capons. Skelton sayde, My lord, my capons haue proper names; the one is named Alpha, the other is named Omega: my lorde, sayd Skelton, this capon is named Alpha, thys is the fyrst capon that I dyd euer geue to you; and this capon is named Omega, and this is the last capon that euer I wil giue you: & so fare you well, sayd Skelton.
¶ Howe Skelton, when hee came from the bishop, made a sermon. Tale vii.
Skelton the nexte Sondaye after wente into the pulpet to prech, and sayde, Vos estis, vos estis, that is to saye, You be, you be. And what be you? sayd Skelton: I saye, that you bee a sorte of knaues, yea, and a man might saye worse then knaues; and why, I shall shew you. You haue complayned of mee to the bysop that I doo keepe a fayre wench in my house: I dooe tell you, if you had any fayre wiues, it were some what to helpe me at neede; I am a man as you be: you haue foule wyues, and I haue a faire wenche, of the whyche I haue begotten a fayre boye, as I doe thinke, and as you all shall see. Thou wyfe, sayde Skelton, that hast my childe, be not afraid; bring me hither my childe to me: the whyche was doone. And he, shewynge his childe naked to all the parishe, sayde, How saye you, neibours all? is not this child as fayre as is the beste of all yours? It hathe nose, eyes, handes, and feete, as well as any of your: it is not lyke a pygge, nor a calfe, nor like no foule nor no monstruous beast. If I had, sayde Skelton, broughte forthe thys chylde without armes or legges, or that it wer deformed, being a monstruous thyng, I woulde neuer haue blamed you to haue complayned to the bishop of me; but to complain without a cause, I say, as I said before in my antethem, vos estis, you be, and haue be, & wyll and shall be knaues, to complayne of me wythout a cause resonable. For you be presumptuous, & dooe exalte yourselues, and therefore you shall be made low: as I shall shewe you a famyller example of a parish priest, the whiche dyd make a sermon in Rome. And he dyd take that for hys antethem, the which of late dayes is named a theme, and sayde, Qui se exaltat humiliabitur, et qui se[141] humiliat exaltabitur, that is to say, he that doth exalte himselfe or dothe extoll hymselfe shalbe made meke, & he that doth humble hymselfe or is meke, shalbe exalted, extoulled, or eleuated, or sublimated, or such lyke: and that I will shewe you by this my cap. This cappe was fyrste my hoode, when that I was studente in Jucalico, & then it was so proude that it woulde not bee contented, but it woulde slippe and fall from my shoulders. I perceyuynge thys that he was proude, what then dyd I? shortly to conclude, I dyd make of hym a payre of breches to my hose, to brynge hym lowe. And when that I dyd see, knowe, or perceyue that he was in that case, and allmoste worne cleane oute, what dyd I then to extoll hym vppe agayne? you all may see that this my cap was made of it that was my breches. Therefore, sayde Skelton, vos estis, therfore you bee, as I dyd saye before: if that you exalte yourselfe, and cannot be contented that I haue my wenche still, some of you shall weare hornes; and therfore vos estis: and so farewell. It is merye in the hall, when beardes wagge all.
¶ How the fryer asked leaue of Skelton to preach at Dys, which Skelton wold not grant. Tale viii.
There was a fryer yᵉ whych dydde come to Skelton to haue licence to preach at Dys. What woulde you preache there? sayde Skelton: dooe not you thynke that I am sufficiente to preache there in myne owne cure? Syr, sayde the freere, I am the limyter of Norwych, and once a yeare one of our place dothe vse to preache wyth you, to take the deuocion of the people; and if I may haue your good wil, so bee it, or els I will come and preach against your will, by the authoritie of the byshope of Rome, for I haue hys bulles to preache in euerye place, and therfore I wyll be there on Sondaye nexte cummyng. Come not there, freere, I dooe counsell thee, sayd Skelton. The Sundaye nexte followynge Skelton layde watch for the comynge of the frere: and as sone as Skelton had knowledge of the freere, he went into the pulpet to preache. At last the freere dyd come into the churche with the bishoppe of Romes bulles in hys hande. Skelton then sayd to all hys parishe, See, see, see, and poynted to thee fryere. All the parish gased on the frere. Then sayde Skelton, Maisters, here is as wonderfull a thynge as euer was seene: you all dooe knowe that it is a thynge daylye seene, a bulle dothe begette a calfe; but here, contrarye to all nature, a calfe hathe gotten a bulle; for thys fryere, beeynge a calfe, hath gotten a bulle of the byshoppe of Rome. The fryere, beynge ashamed, woulde neuer after that time presume to preach at Dys.
¶ How Skelton handled the fryer that woulde needes lye with him in his inne. Tale ix.
As Skelton ryd into yᵉ countre, there was a frere that hapened in at an alehouse wheras Skelton was lodged, and there the frere dyd desire to haue lodgyng. The alewife sayd, Syr, I haue but one bed whereas master Skelton doth lye. Syr, sayd the frere, I pray you that I maye lye with you. Skelton said, Master freere, I doo vse to haue no man to lye with me. Sir, sayd the frere, I haue lyne with as good men as you, and for my money I doo looke to haue lodgynge as well as you. Well, sayde Skelton, I dooe see than that you wyll lye with me. Yea, syr, sayd the frere. Skelton did fill all the cuppes in the house, and whitled the frere, that at the last, the frere was in myne eames peason. Then sayde Skelton, Mayster freere, get you to bed, and I wyll come to bed within a while. The frere went, and dyd lye vpright, and snorted lyke a sowe. Skelton wente to the chaumber, and dyd see that the freere dyd lye soe; sayd to the wyfe, Geue me a washyng betle. Skelton then caste downe the clothes, and the freere dyd lye starke naked: then Skelton dyd shite vpon the freeres nauil and bellye; and then he did take the washyng betle, and dyd strike an harde stroke vppon the nauill & bellye of the freere, and dyd put out the candell, and went out of the chaumber. The freere felt hys bellye, & smelt a foule sauour, had thought hee had ben gored, and cried out and sayde, Helpe, helpe, helpe, I am kylled! They of the house with Skelton wente into the chaumber, and asked what the freere dyd ayle. The freere sayde, I am kylled, one hathe thrust me in the bellye. Fo, sayde Skelton, thou dronken soule, thou doost lye; thou haste beshytten thyselfe. Fo, sayde Skelton, let vs goe oute of the chaumber, for the knaue doothe stynke. The freere was ashamed, and cryed for water. Out with the whoreson, sayd Skelton, and wrap the sheetes togyther, and putte the freere in the hogge stye, or in the barne. The freere said, geue me some water into the barne: and there the freere dyd wasshe himselfe, and dydde lye there all the nyght longe. The chaumber and the bedde was dressed, and the sheetes shyfted; and then Skelton went to bed.
¶ Howe the cardynall desyred Skelton to make an epitaphe vpon his graue. Tale x.
Thomas Wolsey, cardynall and archbyshop of Yorke, had made a regall tombe to lye in after hee was deade: and he desyred Master Skelton to make for his tombe an epytaphe, whyche is a memoriall to shewe the lyfe with the actes of a noble man. Skelton sayde, If it dooe lyke your grace, I canne not make an epytaphe vnlesse that I do se your tombe. The cardynall sayde, I dooe praye you to meete wyth mee to morowe at the West Monesterye, and there shall you se my tombe a makynge. The pointment kept, and Skelton, seyng the sumptuous coste, more pertaynyng for an emperoure or a maxymyous kynge, then for suche a man as he was (although cardynals wyll compare wyth kyngs), Well, sayd Skelton, if it shall like your grace to creepe into thys tombe whiles you be alyue, I can make an epitaphe; for I am sure that when that you be dead you shall neuer haue it. The whyche was verifyed of truthe.
¶ Howe the hostler dyd byte Skeltons mare vnder the tale, for biting him by the arme. Tale xi.
Skelton vsed muche to ryde on a mare; and on a tyme hee happened into an inne, wher there was a folish ostler. Skelton said, Ostler, hast thou any mares bread? No, syr, sayd the ostler: I haue good horse bread, but I haue no mares bread. Skelton saide, I must haue mares bread. Syr, sayde the ostler, there is no mares bred to get in all the towne. Well, sayd Skelton, for this once, serue my mare wyth horse bread. In the meane time Skelton commaunded the ostler to sadle his mare; & the hosteler dyd gyrde the mare hard, and the hostler was in hys ierkyn, and hys shirte sleues wer aboue his elbowes, and in the girding of the mare hard the mare bitte the hostler by the arme, and bitte him sore. The hostler was angry, and dyd bite the mare vnder the tayle, saying, A whore, is it good byting by the bare arme? Skelton sayde then, Why, fellowe, haste thou hurt my mare? Yea, sayde the hostler, ka me, ka thee: yf she dooe hurte me, I wyll displease her.
¶ Howe the cobler tolde maister Skelton, it is good sleeping in a whole skinne. Tale xii.
In the parysshe of Dys, whereas Skelton was person, there dwelled a cobler, beyng halfe a souter, which was a tall man and a greate slouen, otherwyse named a slouche. The kynges maiestye hauynge warres byyonde the sea, Skelton sayd to thys aforsayd doughtie man, Neybour, you be a tall man, and in the kynges warres you must bere a standard. A standerd! said the cobler, what a thing is that? Skelton saide, It is a great banner, such a one as thou dooest vse to beare in Rogacyon weeke; and a lordes, or a knyghtes, or a gentlemannes armes shall bee vpon it; and the souldiers that be vnder the aforesayde persons fayghtynge vnder thy banner. Fayghtynge! sayde the cobbeler; I can no skil in faighting. No, said Skelton, thou shalte not fayght, but holde vp, and aduaunce the banner. By my fay, sayd the cobler, I can no skill in the matter. Well, sayd Skelton, there is no reamedie but thou shalte forthe to dooe the kynges seruice in hys warres, for in all this countrey theare is not a more likelier manne to dooe suche a[142] feate as thou arte. Syr, sayde the cobbeler, I wyll geue you a fatte capon, that I maye bee at home. No, sayde Skelton, I wyll not haue none of thy capons; for thou shalte doe the kyng seruice in his wars. Why, sayd the cobler, what shuld I doo? wyll you haue me to goe in the kynges warres, and to bee killed for my labour? then I shall be well at ease, for I shall haue my mendes in my nown handes. What, knaue, sayd Skelton, art thou a cowarde, hauyng so great bones? No, sayde the cobler, I am not afearde: it is good to slepe in a whole skinne. Why, said Skelton, thou shalte bee harnessed to keepe away the strokes from thy skynne. By my fay, sayde the cobler, if I must needes forthe, I will see howe yehe shall bee ordered. Skelton dyd harnesse the doughtye squirell, and dyd put an helmet on his head; and when the helmet was on the coblers heade, the cobler sayde, What shall those hoales serue for? Skelton sayd, Holes to looke out to see thy enemyes. Yea, sayde the cobler, then am I in worser case then euer I was; for then one may come and thrust a nayle into one of the holes, and prycke out myne eye. Therfore, said the cobler to Master Skelton, I wyll not goe to warre: my wyfe shall goe in my steade, for she can fyghte and playe the deuell wyth her distaffe, and with stole, staffe, cuppe, or candlesticke; for, by my fay, I cham sicke; I chill go home to bed; I thinke I shall dye.
¶ How Master Skeltons miller deceyued hym manye times by playinge the theefe, and howe he was pardoned by Master Skelton, after the stealinge awaye of a preest oute of his bed at midnight. Tale xiii.
When Maister Skelton dyd dwell in the countrey, hee was agreede with a miller to haue hys corne grounde tolle free; and manye tymes when hys mayden shoulde bake, they wanted of their mele, and complained to their mystres that they could not make their stint of breade. Mystres Skelton, beeynge verye angrye, tolde her husbande of it. Then Master Skelton sent for his miller, and asked hym howe it chansed that hee deceyued hym of his corne. I! saide John miller; nay, surely I neuer deceyued you; if that you can proue that by mee, do with mee as you lyste. Surely, sayd Skelton, if I doe fynde thee false anye more, thou shalt be hanged up by the necke. So Skelton apoynted one of hys seruauntes to stand at the mill whyle the corne was a grindyng. John myller, beyng a notable theefe, would feyn haue deceued him as he had don before, but beyng afrayd of Skeltons seruaunte, caused his wyfe to put one of her chyldren into yᵉ myll dam, and to crye, Help, help, my childe is drowned! With that, John myller and all went out of the myll; & Skeltons seruaunte, being dilygent to helpe the chylde, thought not of the meale, and the while the myllers boye was redy wyth a sacke, and stole awaye the corne; so, when they had taken vp the childe, and all was safe, they came in agayne; & so the seruaunt, hauynge hys gryste, went home mistrustyng nothynge; and when the maydes came to bake againe, as they dyd before, so they lacked of theyr meale agayne. Master Skelton calde for hys man, and asked him howe it chaunced that he was deceaued; & hee sayd that hee coulde not tell, For I dyd your commaundement. And then Master Skelton sent for the myller, and sayde, Thou hast not vsed mee well, for I want of my mele. Why, what wold you haue me do? sayde the miller; you haue set your own man to watche mee. Well, then, sayd Skelton, if thou doest not tell me whych waye thou hast played the theefe wyth mee, thou shalt be hanged. I praye you be good master vnto me, & I wyll tell you the trutthe: your seruaunt wold not from my myll, & when I sawe none other remedye, I caused my wyfe to put one of my chyldren into the water, & to crie that it was drowned; and whiles wee were helpyng of the chylde out, one of my boyes dyd steale your corne. Yea, sayde Skelton, if thou haue suche pretie fetchis, you can dooe more then thys; and therfore, if thou dooeste not one thynge that I shall tell thee, I wyll folow the lawe on thee. What is that? sayd the myller. If that thou dooest not steale my cuppe of the table, when I am sette at meate, thou shalt not eskape my handes. O good master, sayd John miller, I pray you forgeue me, and let me not dooe thys; I am not able to dooe it. Thou shalt neuer be forgeuen, sayde Skelton, withoute thou dooest it. When the miller saw no remedye, he went & charged one of hys boyes, in an euenyng (when that Skelton was at supper) to sette fyre in one of hys hogges sties, farre from any house, for doyng any harme. And it chaunced, that one of Skeltons seruauntes came oute, and spied the fire, and hee cryede, Helpe, helpe! for all that my master hath is lyke to be burnt. Hys master, hearing this, rose from hys supper with all the companie, and went to quenche the fyre; and the while John miller came in, and stole away hys cuppe, & went hys way. The fire being quickly slaked, Skelton cam in with his frendes, and reasoned wyth hys frendes which way they thought the fyre shoulde come; and euerye man made answer as thei thought good. And as they wer resonyng, Skelton called for a cup of beare; and in no wise his cuppe whyche hee vsed to drynke in woulde not be founde. Skelton was verye angrie that his cup was mysynge, and asked whiche waye it shoulde bee gone; and no manne coulde tell hym of it. At last he bethought him of the miller, & sayd, Surely, he, that theefe, hath done this deede, and he is worthye to be hanged. And hee sent for the miller: so the miller tolde hym all howe hee had done. Truely, sayd Skelton, thou art a notable knaue; and withoute thou canste do me one other feate, thou shalte dye. O good master, sayde the miller, you promised to pardon me, and wil you now breake your promise? I, sayd Skelton; wythout thou canste steale the sheetes of my bed, when my wyfe and I am aslepe, thou shalte be hanged, that all suche knaues shall take ensample by thee. Alas, sayd the miller, whych waye shall I dooe this thinge? it is vnpossible for me to get theym while you bee there. Well, sayde Skelton, withoute thou dooe it, thou knowest the daunger. The myller went hys way, beyng very heauy, & studyed whiche waye he myght doo thys deede. He hauynge a little boy, whyche knewe all the corners of Skeltons house & where hee lay, vpon a night when they were all busie, the boie crepte in vnder his bed, wyth a potte of yeste; and when Skelton & hys wyfe were fast aslepe, hee all to noynted the sheetes with yeste, as farre as hee coulde reache. At last Skelton awaked, & felt the sheetes all wete; waked his wife, and sayd, What, hast thou beshitten the bed? and she sayd, Naye, it is you that haue doone it, I thynke, for I am sure it is not I. And so theare fel a great strife betweene Skelton and his wyfe, thinkyng that the bedd had ben beshitten; and called for the mayde to geue them a cleane payre of shetes. And so they arose, & the mayde tooke the foule sheetes and threw them vnderneath the bed, thinkynge the nexte morning to haue fetched them away. The next time the maydes shuld goe to washynge, they looked all about, and coulde not fynde the sheetes; for Jacke the myllers boy had stollen them awaye. Then the myller was sent for agayne, to knowe where the sheetes were become: & the myller tolde Mayster Skelton all how he deuised to steale the sheetes. Howe say ye? sayde Skelton to hys frendes; is not this a notable theef? is he not worthy to be hanged that canne dooe these deedes? O good maister, quoth the miller, nowe forgeue mee accordynge to youre promyse; for I haue done all that you haue commaunded mee, and I trust now you wyll pardon me. Naye, quoth Skelton, thou shalt doo yet one other feate, and that shall bee thys; thou shalte steale maister person out of hys bed at midnight, that he shall not know where he is become. The miller made great mone and lamented, saying, I can not tel in the world howe I shall dooe, for I am neuer able to dooe this feate. Well, sayde Skelton, thou shalt dooe it, or els thou shalt fynde no fauour at my hands; and therfore go thy way. The miller, beynge sorye, deuysed with himselfe which way he might bryng this thing to passe. And ii. or iii. nyghtes after, gathered a number of snailes, & greed with the sexten of the churche to haue the key of the churche dore, and went into the churche betwene the houres of a xi. and xii. in the night, & tooke the snayles, and lyghted a sorte of little waxe candles, & set vppon euerie snayle one, & the snayles crepte about the churche wyth the same candels vpon their backes; and then he went into the vestrey, and put a cope vppon hys backe, & stoode very solemnely at the hye alter with a booke in hys hand; and afterwarde tolled the bell, that the preest lyinge in the churche yard might heare hym. The preest, hearyng the bell tolle, starte oute of his slepe, and looked out of hys windowe, and sawe suche a lyght in the church, was very muche amased, and thought surely that the churche had ben on fire, and wente for to see what wonder it shoulde be. And when he came there, he founde the church dore open, and went vp into the quier; and see the miller standyng in hys vestementes, and a booke in hys hand, praying deuoutly, & all the lyghtes in the church, thought surely with hymselfe it was some angeil come downe from heauen, or some other great miracle, blessed hymselfe and sayde, In the name of the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghoste, what arte thou that standest here in thys hollye place? O, sayde the myller, I am saynt Peter, whych kepe[143] the keyes of heauen gate, and thou knowest that none can enter into heauen excepte I let hym in; and I am sent oute from heauen for thee. For mee! quoth the preest: good saynt Peter, worship maye thou be! I am glad to heare that newes. Because thou hast done good deedes, sayd the myller, and serued God, hee hath sent for thee afore domes day come, that thou shalt not knowe the troubles of yᵉ worlde. O, blessed be God! sayde the preest; I am very well contented for to goe: yet if it woulde please God to let me go home and distrybute such things as I haue to the poore, I woulde bee verye glad. No, sayde the miller; if thou dooest delite more in thy goodes then in the joyes of heauen, thou art not for God; therefore prepare thyselfe, and goe into this bagge which I have brought for thee. The miller hauyng a great quarter sacke, the poore priest wente into it, thynkyng verylye hee had gon to heauen, yet was very sory to parte from hys goodes; asked saynt Peter how long it wold be ere he came there. The miller sayd he should be there quickly; and in he got the priest, and tied vp the sacke, and put out the lightes, & layed euery thynge in their place, and tooke the preest on his backe, & locked the church dores, & to go: and when he came to go ouer the church stile, the preest was verye heauye, and the miller caste hym ouer the stile that the priest cryed oh. O good seint Peter, sayde the preeste, whyther goe I nowe? O, sayde the myller, these bee the panges that ye must abyde before you come to heauen. O, quoth the preest, I would I were there once! Vp he got the priest agayn, & caried hym tyll hee came to the toppe of an hye hyll, a litle from hys house, and caste hym downe the hyll, that hys head had many shrewde rappes, that hys necke was almost burst. O good saynt Peter, said the priest, where am I nowe? You are almost nowe at heauen; & caried hym with much a doo, tyll hee came to hys owne house, and then the miller threwe him ouer the thresholde. O good saynte Peter, sayde the preeste, where am I nowe? thys is the soreste pange that euer I bydde. O, sayd the[144] myller, geue God thankes that thou haste had pacience to abide all thys payne, for nowe thou arte goyng vppe into heauen; and tyed a rope aboute the sacke, and drewe hym vppe to the toppe of the chymnye, and there let him hange. O good S. Peter, tell me nowe where I am, sayde the preest. Marye, sayd he, thou art now in the tope of John millers chimney. A vengeaunce on thee, knaue! sayde the preeste: hast thou made me beleue al this while that I was goyng vp into heauen? well, nowe I am here, & ever I come downe again, I wil make thee to repent it. But John myller was gladd that he had brought hym there. And in the mornyng the sexten rang all in to seruise; & when the people were come to churche, the preest was lackynge. The parish asked the sexten wher the preest was; and the sexten sayd, I can not tell: then the parrishe sent to master Skelton, and tolde howe their prieste was lacking to saye them seruice. Mayster Skelton meruayled at that, and bethought hym of the crafty dooyng of the miller, sent for John myller; and when the miller was come, Skelton sayd to the miller, Canst thou tell wher the parish preest is? The myller vp and told him all togither how he had doone. Maister Skelton, considering the matter, sayde to the miller, Why, thou vnreuerent knaue, hast thou hanled the poore preest on this fashion, and putte on the holy ornaments vpon a knaues backe? thou shalte be hanged, & it coste me all the good I haue. John miller fell vppon his knees, and desyred maister Skelton to pardon hym; For I dyd nothynge, sayd the miller, but that you sayd you woulde forgeue me. Nay, not so, sayd Skelton; but if thou canst steale my gelding out of my stable, my two men watching him, I will pardon thee; and if they take thee, they shall strike of thy heade; for Skelton thoughte it better that such a false knaue shoulde lose hys head then to liue. Then John miller was very sad, & bethought him how to bring it to passe. Then he remembred that ther was a man left hangyng vppon the galowes the day before, went preuely in the nyght and tooke him downe, and cut of his head, and put it vpon a pole, & brake a hole into the stable, and put in a candle lighted, thrustyng in the head a lytle & a lytle. The men watching the stable, seynge that, got them selues neare to the hole (thinkinge that it was his head), & one of them wyth hys sworde cutte it of. Then they for gladnesse presented it vnto theyr master, leauynge the stable doore open: then John miller went in, and stole away the gelding. Master Skelton, lookyng vppon the head, sawe it was the theues head that was left hangyng vpon the galowes, sayd, Alas, how ofte hath this false knaue deceiued vs! Go quickly to the stable agayne, for I thinke my geldyng is gone. Hys men, goyng backe agayn, found it euen so. Then they came agayn, and told their maister hys horse was gone. Ah, I thought so, you doltish knaues! said Skelton; but if I had sent wise men about it, it had not ben so. Then Skelton sent for the miller, and asked hym if hee coulde tell where hys horse was. Safe ynough, maister, sayde the miller: for hee tolde Skelton all the matter how hee had done. Well, sayd Skelton, consyderyng hys tale, sayd, that he was worthie to bee hanged, For thou doost excell all the theeues that euer I knew or heard of; but for my promise sake I forgeue thee, vpon condition thou wilte become an honest man, & leaue all thy crafte & false dealyng. And thus John miller skaped vnpunished.
¶ How Skelton was in prison at the commaundement of the cardinall. [Tale xiv.]
On a tyme Skelton did meete with certain frendes of hys at Charyng crosse, after that hee was in prison at my lord cardynals commaundement: & his frende sayd, I am glad you bee abrode amonge your frendes, for you haue ben long pent in. Skelton sayd, By the masse, I am glad I am out indeede, for I haue ben pent in, like a roche or fissh, at Westminster in prison. The cardinal, hearing of those words, sent for him agayne. Skelton kneling of hys knees before hym, after long communication to Skelton had, Skelton desyred the cardinall to graunte hym[145] a boun. Thou shalt haue none, sayd the cardynall. Thassistence desirid that he might haue it graunted, for they thought it should be some merye pastime that he wyll shewe your grace. Say on, thou hore head, sayd the cardynall to Skelton. I pray your grace to let me lye doune and wallow, for I can kneele no longer.
¶ Howe the vinteners wife put water into Skeltons wine. Tale xv.
Skelton did loue wel a cup of good wyne. And on a daye he dyd make merye in a tauerne in London: and the morow after hee sent to the same place againe for a quart of yᵉ same wine he drunke of before; the whiche was clene chaunged & brued again. Skelton perceiuing this, he went to the tauerne, & dyd sytte down in a chaire, & dyd sygh very sore, and made great lamentacion. The wife of the house, perceiuinge this, said to master Skelton, Howe is it with you, master Skelton? He answered and said, I dyd neuer so euill; and then he dyd reache another greate syghe, sayinge, I am afraide that I shal neuer be saued, nor cum to heauen. Why, said the wife, shuld you dispaire so much in Goddes mercy? Nay, said he, it is past all remedye. Then said the wife, I dooe praye you breake your mind vnto mee. O, sayd Skelton, I would gladlye shewe you the cause of my dolour, if that I wist that you would keepe my counsell. Sir, said shee, I haue ben made of councel of greater matters then you can shew me. Naye, nay, said Skelton, my matter passeth all other matters, for I think I shal sinke to hell for my great offences; for I sent thys daye to you for wyne to saye masse withall; and wee haue a stronge lawe that euery priest is bounde to put into hys chalice, when hee doth singe or saye masse, some wyne and water; the which dothe signifye the water & bloude that dyd runne oute of Chrystes syde, when Longeous the blynde knyght dyd thrust a speare to Christes harte; & thys daye I dyd put no water into my wyne, when that I did put wine into my chalys. Then sayd the vintiners wife, Be mery, maister Skelton, and keepe my counsell, for, by my faythe, I dyd put into the vessell of wyne that I did send you of to day x. gallandes of water; and therfore take no thought, master Skelton, for I warraunt you. Then said Skelton, Dame, I dooe beshrewe thee for thy laboure, for I thought so muche before; for throughe such vses & brewyng of wyne maye men be deceyued, and be hurte by drynkinge of suche euell wyne; for all wines must be strong, and fayre, and well coloured; it must haue a redolent sauoure; it must be colde, and sprinkclynge in the peece or in the glasse.
¶ Thus endeth the merie Tales of Maister Skelton, very pleasaunt for the recreacion of the minde.
[138] scio] Old ed. “sci.”
[139] Sepultus] Old ed. “Sepuitus.”—This epitaph is made up from portions of Skelton’s verses on John Clarke and Adam Uddersal: see vol. i. 169, 172.
[140] shal I come] Old ed. “shall I I come.”
[141] Qui se exaltat humiliabitur, et qui se] Old ed. “Que se exaltat humilabitui, et quese.”
[142] a] Old ed. “as.”
[143] kepe] Old ed. “kepte.”
[144] the] Old ed. “that.”
[145] hym] Old ed. “gym.”
NOTICES OF SKELTON
FROM VARIOUS SOURCES.
From the imperfect copy of A C. Mery Talys, small fol., printed by John Rastell. (See Singer’s reprint, p. 55.)
“Of mayster Skelton that broughte the bysshop of Norwiche ii fesauntys. xl.
It fortuned ther was a great varyance bitwen the bysshop of Norwych and one mayster Skelton a poyet lauryat; in so much that the bysshop commaundyd hym that he shuld not come in his gatys. Thys mayster Skelton dyd absent hymselfe for a long seson. But at the laste he thought to do hys dewty to hym, and studyed weys how he myght obtayne the bysshopys fauour, and determynyd hemself that he wold come to hym wyth some present, and humble hymself to the byshop; and gat a cople of fesantes, and cam to the bysshuppys place, and requyryd the porter he myghte come in to speke wyth my lord. This porter, knowyng his lordys pleasure, wold not suffer him to come in at the gatys; wherfor thys mayster Skelton went on the baksyde to seke some other way to come in to the place. But the place was motyd that he cowlde se no way to come ouer, except in one place where there lay a long tree ouer the motte in maner of a brydge, that was fallyn down wyth wynd; wherfore thys mayster Skelton went along vpon the tree to come ouer, and whan he was almost ouer, hys fote slyppyd for lak of sure fotyng, and fel into the mote vp to myddyll; but at the last he recoueryd hymself, and, as well as he coud, dryed hymself ageyne, and sodenly cam to the byshop, beyng in hys hall, than lately rysen from dyner: whyche, whan he saw Skelton commyng sodenly, sayd to hym, Why, thow caytyfe, I warnyd the thow shuldys neuer come in at my gatys, and chargyd my porter to kepe the out. Forsoth, my lorde, quod Skelton, though ye gaue suche charge, and though your gatys by neuer so suerly kept, yet yt ys no more possible to kepe me out of your dorys than to kepe out crowes or pyes; for I cam not in at your gatys, but I cam ouer the mote, that I haue ben almost drownyd for my labour. And shewyd hys clothys how euyll he was arayed, whych causyd many that stode therby to laughe apace. Than quod Skelton, Yf it lyke your lordeshyp, I haue brought you a dyshe to your super, a cople of fesantes. Nay, quod the byshop, I defy the and thy fesauntys also, and, wrech as thou art, pyke the out of my howse, for I wyll none of thy gyft how [something lost here] Skelton than, consyderynge that the bysshoppe called hym fole so ofte, sayd to one of hys famylyers thereby, that thoughe it were euyll to be christened a fole, yet it was moche worse to be confyrmyd a fole of suche a bysshoppe, for the name of confyrmacyon muste nedes abyde. Therfore he ymagened howe he myghte auoyde that confyrmacyon, and mused a whyle, and at the laste sayde to the bysshope thus, If your lordeshype knewe the names of these fesantes, ye wold [be] contente to take them. Why, caytefe, quod the bisshoppe hastly and angrey, [what] be theyr names? Ywys, my lorde, quod Skelton, this fesante is called Alpha, which is, in primys the fyrst, and this is called O, that is, novissimus the last; and for the more playne vnderstandynge of my mynde, if it plese your lordeshype to take them, I promyse you, this Alpha is the fyrste that euer I gaue you, and this O is the laste that euer I wyll gyue you whyle I lyue. At which answere all that were by made great laughter, and they all de[sired the bishoppe] to be good lorde vnto him for his merye conceytes: at which [earnest entrety, as it] wente, the bysshope was contente to take hym vnto his fauer agayne.
By thys tale ye may se that mery conceytes dothe From Tales, and quicke answeres, very mery, and pleasant to rede. 4to. n. d., printed by Thomas Berthelet. (See Singer’s reprint, p. 9.) “Of the beggers answere to M. Skelton the poete. xiii. A poure begger, that was foule, blacke, and lothlye to beholde, cam vpon a tyme vnto mayster Skelton the poete, and asked him his almes. To whom mayster Skelton sayde, I praye the gette the awaye fro me, for thou lokeste as though thou camest out of helle. The poure man, perceyuing he wolde gyue him no thynge, answerd, For soth, syr, ye say trouth; I came oute of helle. Why dyddest thou nat tary styl there? quod mayster Skelton. Mary, syr, quod the begger, there is no roume for suche poure beggers as I am; all is kepte for suche gentyl men as ye be.” Prefixed to Pithy pleasaunt and profitable workes of maister Skelton, Poete Laureate. Nowe collected and newly published. Anno 1568. 12mo. “If slouth and tract of time (That wears eche thing away) Should rust and canker worthy artes, Good works would soen decay. If suche as present are Forgoeth the people past, Our selu[e]s should soen in silence slepe, And loes renom at last. No soyll nor land so rude But som odd men can shoe: Than should the learned pas unknowne, Whoes pen & skill did floe? God sheeld our slouth[146] wear sutch, Or world so simple nowe, That knowledge scaept without reward, Who sercheth vertue throwe, And paints forth vyce aright, And blames abues of men, And shoes what lief desarues rebuke, And who the prayes of pen. You see howe forrayn realms Aduance their poets all; And ours are drowned in the dust, Or flong against the wall. In Fraunce did Marrot raigne; And neighbour thear vnto Was Petrark, marching full with Dantte, Who erst did wonders do; Among the noble Grekes Was Homere full of skill; And where that Ouid norisht was The soyll did florish still With letters hie of style; But Virgill wan the fraes,[147] And past them all for deep engyen, And made them all to gaes Upon the bookes he made: Thus eche of them, you see, Wan prayse and fame, and honor had, Eche one in their degree. I pray you, then, my friendes, Disdaine not for to vewe The workes and sugred verses fine Of our raer poetes newe; Whoes barborus language rued Perhaps ye may mislike; But blame them not that ruedly playes If they the ball do strike, Nor skorne not mother tunge, O babes of Englishe breed! I haue of other language seen, And you at full may reed Fine verses trimly wrought, And coutcht in comly sort; But neuer I nor you, I troe, In sentence plaine and short Did yet beholde with eye, In any forraine tonge, A higher verse, a staetly[er] style, That may be read or song, Than is this daye indeede Our Englishe verse and ryme, The grace wherof doth touch yᵉ gods, And reatch the cloudes somtime. Thorow earth and waters deepe The pen by skill doth passe, And featly nyps the worldes abuse, And shoes vs in a glasse The vertu and the vice Of eury wyght alyue: The hony combe that bee doth make Is not so sweete in hyue As are the golden leues That drops from poets head, Which doth surmount our common talke As farre as dros doth lead: The flowre is sifted cleane, The bran is cast aside, And so good corne is knowen from chaffe, And each fine graine is spide. Peers Plowman was full plaine, And Chausers spreet was great; Earle Surry had a goodly vayne; Lord Vaus the marke did beat, And Phaer did hit the pricke In thinges he did translate, And Edwards had a special gift; And diuers men of late Hath helpt our Englishe toung, That first was baes and brute:— Ohe, shall I leaue out Skeltons name, The blossome of my frute, The tree wheron indeed My branchis all might groe? Nay, Skelton wore the lawrell wreath, And past in schoels, ye knoe; A poet for his arte, Whoes iudgment suer was hie, And had great practies of the pen, His works they will not lie; His terms to taunts did lean, His talke was as he wraet, Full quick of witte, right sharp of words, And skilfull of the staet; Of reason riep and good, And to the haetfull mynd, That did disdain his doings still, A skornar of his kynd; Most pleasant euery way, As poets ought to be, And seldom out of princis grace, And great with eche degre. Thus haue you heard at full What Skelton was indeed; A further knowledge shall you haue, If you his bookes do reed. I haue of meer good will Theas verses written heer, To honour vertue as I ought, And make his fame apeer, That whan the garland gay Of lawrel leaues but laet: Small is my pain, great is his prayes, That thus sutch honour gaet. Finis quod Churchyarde.” [146] slouth] Old ed. “sloulth.” [147] fraes] i. e. phrase.—In the Muses Library, 1737, p. 138, this word is altered to “bayes.” From Johannis Parkhvrsti Ludicra siue Epigrammata Juuenilia. 1573, 4to. “De Skeltono vate & sacerdote. Skeltonus grauidam reddebat forte puellam, Insigni forma quæ peperit puerum. Illico multorum fama hæc pervenit ad aures, Esse patrem nato sacrificum puero. Skeltonum facti non pœnitet aut pudet; ædes Ad sacras festo sed venit ipse die: Pulpita conscendit facturus verba popello; Inque hæc prorupit dicta vir ille bonus; Quid vos, O scurræ, capit admiratio tanta? Non sunt eunuchi, credite, sacrifici: O stolidi, vitulum num me genuisse putatis? Non genui vitulum, sed lepidum puerum; Sique meis verbis non creditis, en puer, inquit; Atque e suggesto protulit, ac abiit.” p. 103. From A Treatise Against Jvdicial Astrologie. Dedicated to the Right Honorable Sir Thomas Egerton Knight, Lord Keeper of the Great Seale, and one of her Maiesties most honorable priuie Councell. Written by John Chamber, one of the Prebendaries of her Maiesties free Chappell of Windsor, and Fellow of Eaton College. 1601. 4to. “Not much vnlike to merrie Skelton, who thrust his wife out at the doore, and receiued her in againe at the window. The storie is well known how the bishop had charged him to thrust his wife out of the doore: but that which was but a meriment in Skelton,” &c. p. 99. “So that the leape yeare, for any thing I see, might well vse the defence of merie Skelton, who being a priest, and hauing a child by his wife, euerie one cryed out, Oh, Skelton hath a child, fie on him, &c. Their mouthes at that time he could not stop: but on a holy day, in a mery mood, he brought the child to church with him, and in the pulpit stript it naked, and held it out, saying, See this child: is it not a pretie child, as other children be, euen as any of yours? hath it not legs, armes, head, feet, limbes, proportioned euery way as it shuld be? If Skelton had begot a monster, as a calfe, or such like, what a life should poore Skelton haue had then? So we say for the leape yeare, if it had changed the nature of things, as it is charged, how should it haue done then to defende itselfe?” p. 113. From The Life of Long Meg of Westminster: containing the mad merry prankes she played in her life time, not onely in performing sundry quarrels with diuers ruffians about London: But also how valiantly she behaued her selfe in the warres of Bolloingne. 1635. 4to. (Of this tract there is said to have been a much earlier edition. I quote from the reprint in Miscellanea Antiqua Anglicana, 1816.) “Chap. II. Containing how he [the carrier] placed her in Westminster, and what shee did at her placing. After the carrier had set vp his horse, and dispatcht his lading, hee remembred his oath, and therefore bethought him how he might place these three maides: with that hee called to minde that the mistresse at the Eagle in Westminster had spoken diuers times to him for a seruant; he with his carriage passed ouer the fields to her house, where he found her sitting and drinking with a Spanish knight called sir James of Castile, doctor Skelton, and Will Sommers; told her how hee had brought vp to London three Lancashire lasses, and seeing she was oft desirous to haue a maid, now she should take her choyce which of them she would haue. Marry, quoth shee (being a very merry and a pleasant woman), carrier, thou commest in good time; for not onely I want a maid, but heere bee three gentlemen that shall giue me their opinions, which of them I shall haue. With that the maids were bidden come in, and she intreated them to giue their verdict. Streight as soone as they saw Long Meg, they began to smile; and doctor Skelton in his mad merry veine, blessing himselfe, began thus: Domine, Domine, vnde hoc? What is she in the gray cassock? Me thinkes she is of a large length, Of a tall pitch, and a good strength, With strong armes and stiffe bones; This is a wench for the nones: Her lookes are bonny and blithe, She seemes neither lither nor lithe, But young of age, And of a merry visage, Neither beastly nor bowsie, Sleepy nor drowsie, But faire fac’d and of a good size; Therefore, hostesse, if you be wise, Once be ruled by me, Take this wench to thee; For this is plaine, Shee’l doe more worke than these twaine: I tell thee, hostesse, I doe not mocke; Take her in the gray cassocke. What is your opinion? quoth the hostesse to sir James of Castile. Question with her, quoth he, what she can do, and then Ile giue you mine opinion: and yet first, hostesse, aske Will Sommers opinion. Will smiled, and swore that his hostesse should not haue her, but king Harry should buy her. Why so, Will? quoth doctor Skelton. Because, quoth Will Sommers, that she shall be kept for breed; for if the king would marry her to long Sanders of the court, they would bring forth none but souldiers. Well, the hostesse demanded what her name was. Margaret, forsooth, quoth she. And what worke can you doe? Faith, little, mistresse, quoth she, but handy labour, as to wash and wring, to make cleane a house, to brew, bake, or any such drudgery: for my needle, to that I haue beene little vsed to. Thou art, quoth the hostesse, a good lusty wench, and therefore I like thee the better: I haue here a great charge, for I keepe a victualling house, and diuers times there come in swaggering fellowes, that, when they haue eat and dranke, will not pay what they call for: yet if thou take the charge of my drinke, I must be answered out of your wages. Content, mistresse, quoth she; for while I serue you, if any stale cutter comes in, and thinkes to pay the shot with swearing, hey, gogs wounds, let me alone! Ile not onely (if his clothes be worth it) make him pay ere hee passe, but lend him as many bats as his crag will carry, and then throw him out of doores. At this they all smiled. Nay, mistresse, quoth the carrier, ’tis true, for my poore pilch here is able with a paire of blew shoulders to sweare as much; and with that he told them how she had vsed him at her comming to London. I cannot thinke, quoth sir James of Castile, that she is so strong. Try her, quoth Skelton, for I haue heard that Spaniards are of wonderfull strength. Sir James in a brauery would needs make experience, and therefore askt the maide if she durst change a box on the eare with him. I, sir, quoth she, that I dare, if my mistresse will giue me leaue. Yes, Meg, quoth she; doe thy best. And with that it was a question who should stand first: Marry, that I will, sir, quoth she; and so stood to abide sir James his blow; who, forcing himselfe with all his might, gaue her such a box that she could scarcely stand, yet shee stirred no more than a post. Then sir James he stood, and the hostesse willed her not spare her strength. No, quoth Skelton; and if she fell him downe, Ile giue her a paire of new hose and shoone. Mistresse, quoth Meg (and with that she strooke vp her sleeue), here is a foule fist, and it hath past much drudgery, but, trust me, I thinke it will giue a good blow: and with that she raught at him so strongly, that downe fell sir James at her feet. By my faith, quoth Will Sommers, she strikes a blow like an oxe, for she hath strooke down an asse. At this they all laught. Sir James was ashamed, and Meg was entertained into seruice.” “Chap. IV. Containing the merry skirmish that was betweene her and sir James of Castile, a Spanish knight, and what was the end of their combat. There was a great suter to Meg’s mistresse, called sir James of Castile, to winne her loue: but her affection was set on doctor Skelton; so that sir James could get no grant of any fauour. Whereupon he swore, if hee knew who were her paramour, hee would runne him thorow with his rapier. The mistresse (who had a great delight to bee pleasant) made a match betweene her and Long Meg, that she should goe drest in gentlemans apparell, and with her sword and buckler goe and meet sir James in Saint Georges field Scogan and Skelton, 1600, a play by Richard Hathwaye and William Rankins, is mentioned in Henslowe’s MSS.: see Malone’s Shakespeare (by Boswell), iii. 324. Notices of Skelton may also be found in:— A Dialogue bothe pleasaunt and pietifull, wherein is a godlie regiment against the Feuer Pestilence, with a consolation and comforte againste death. Newlie corrected by William Bullein, the authour thereof. 1573, 8vo. Of this piece I have seen only the above ed.: but it appeared originally in 1564. It contains notices of several poets, introduced by way of interlude or diversion in the midst of a serious dialogue; and (at p. 17) Skelton is described as sitting “in the corner of a Piller, with a frostie bitten face, frownyng,” and “writyng many a sharpe Disticons” against Wolsey— “How the Cardinall came of nought, And his Prelacie solde and bought,” &c. (15 verses chiefly made up from Skelton’s works).—The Rewarde of Wickednesse, discoursing the sundrye monstrous abuses of wicked and vngodly Wordelings, &c. Newly compiled by Richard Robinson, seruaunt in householde to the right honorable Earle of Shrewsbury, &c. 4to, n. d. (The Address to the Reader dated 1574), at sig. Q 2.—A Discourse of English Poetrie, &c., By William Webbe, Graduate, 1586, 4to, at sig. c iii.—The Arte of English Poesie, &c. (attributed to one Puttenham: but see D’Israeli’s Amen. of Lit. ii. 278, sqq.), 1589, 4to, at pp. 48, 50, 69.—Fovre Letters, and certaine Sonnets: Especially touching Robert Greene, &c. (by Gabriell Harvey), 1592, 4to, at p. 7.—Pierces Supererogation or a New Prayse of the Old Asse, &c. [by] Gabriell Haruey, 1593, 4to, at p. 75.—Palladis Tamia. Wits Treasvry Being the Second part of Wits Commonwealth. By Francis Meres, &c., 1598, 12mo, at p. 279.—Virgidemiarvm. The three last Bookes. Of byting Satyres (by Joseph Hall), 1598, 12mo, at p. 83.—The Downfall of Robert Earle of Huntington, Afterward called Robin Hood of merrie Sherwodde, &c. (by Anthony Munday), 1601, 4to. In this play, which is supposed to be a rehearsal previous to its performance before Henry the Eighth, Skelton acts the part of Friar Tuck.—In The Death of Robert, Earle of Hvntington, &c. (by Anthony Munday and Henry Chettle), 1601, 4to, which forms a Second Part to the drama just described, Skelton, though his name is not mentioned throughout it, is still supposed to act the Friar.—Miscellanea, written out by “Joħnes Mauritius” between 1604 and 1605—MS. Reg. 12. B. v.—contains (at fol. 14), and attributes to Skelton, a well-known indelicate jeu d’esprit.—Pimlyco, or Runne Red-Cap. Tis a mad world at Hogsdon, 1609, 4to. Besides a notice of Skelton, this poem contains two long quotations from his Elynour Rummyng.—Cornv-copiæ. Pasquils Night-Cap: Or Antidot for the Head-ache (by Samuel Rowlands), 1612, 4to, at sig. O 2 and sig. Q 3. The second notice of Skelton in this poem is as follows; “And such a wondrous troupe the Hornpipe treads, One cannot passe another for their heads, That shortly we shall haue (as Skelton iests) A greater sort of horned men than beasts:” but I recollect nothing in his works to which the allusion can be applied.—An Halfe-pennyworth of Wit, in a Penny-worth of Paper. Or, The Hermites Tale. The third Impression. 1613, 4to. At p. 16 of this poem is a tale said to be “in Skeltons rime”—to which, however, it bears no resemblance.—The Shepheards Pipe (by Browne and Withers), 1614, 12mo, in Eglogue i., at sig. C 7.—Hypercritica; or A Rule of Judgment for writing, or reading our History’s, &c. By Edmund Bolton, Author of Nero Cæsar (published by Dr. Anthony Hall together with Nicolai Triveti Annalium Continuatio, &c.), 1722, 8vo, at p. 235. At what period Bolton wrote this treatise is uncertain: he probably completed it about 1618; see Haslewood’s Preface to Anc. Crit. Essays, &c. ii. xvi.—Poems: By Michael Drayton Esqvire, n. d. folio, at p. 283.—The Golden Fleece Diuided into three Parts, &c., by Orpheus Junior [Sir William Vaughan], 1626, 4to, at pp. 83, 88, 93, of the Third Part. In this piece “Scogin and Skelton” figure as “the chiefe Aduocates for the Dogrel Rimers by the procurement of Zoilus, Momus, and others of the Popish Sect.”—The Fortunate Isles, and their Union. Celebrated in a Masque designed for the Court, on the Twelfth-night, 1626, by Ben Jonson. In this masque are introduced “Skogan and Skelton, in like habits as they lived:” see Jonson’s Works, viii. ed. Gifford: see also his Tale of a Tub (licensed 1633), Works, vi. 231.—Wit and Fancy In a Maze. Or the Incomparable Champion of Love and Beautie. A Mock-Romance, &c. Written originally in the British Tongue, and made English by a person of much Honor. Si foret in terris rideret Democritus.[148] 1656, 12mo. In this romance (p. 101) we are told that “[In Elysium] the Brittish Bards (forsooth) were also ingaged in quarrel for Superiority; and who think you threw the Apple of Discord amongst them, but Ben Johnson, who had openly vaunted himself the first and best of English Poets ... Skelton, Gower, and the Monk of Bury were at Daggers-drawing for Chawcer:” and a marginal note on “Skelton” informs us that he was “Henry 4. his Poet Lawreat, who wrote disguises for the young Princes”! [148] Such is the title-page of the copy now before me: but some copies (see Restituta, iv. 196) are entitled Don Zara del Fogo, &c. 1656; and others Romancio-Mastix, or a Romance of Romances, &c. By Samuel Holland. Gent. 1660. Here begynneth a lytell treatyse named the bowge of courte. Colophon, Thus endeth the Bowge of courte. Enprynted at Westmynster By me Wynkyn the Worde. 4to, n. d. On the title-page is a woodcut of a fox and a bear. Here begynneth a lytell treatyse named the bowge of courte. Colophon, Thus endeth the Bowge of courte Enprynted at London By Wynken de Worde in flete strete, at the sygne of the sonne. 4to, n. d. On the title-page is a woodcut of three men and a woman. Here folowythe dyuers Balettys and dyties solacyous deuysyd by Master Skelton Laureat. Colophon, Cum priuilegio. 4to, n. d., and without printer’s name, but evidently from the press of Pynson. (Consisting of 4 leaves.) On the title-page is a woodcut representing Skelton seated in his study, crowned with a laurel wreath, and over his head, “Arboris omne genus viridi concedite lauro” (see Memoir, p. xlvi. note). It contains— The ballad, “My darlyng dere, my daysy floure,” &c. The verses, “The auncient acquaintance, madam, betwen vs twayne,” &c. The verses, “Knolege, acquayntance, resort, fauour with grace,” &c. The Latin verses, “Cuncta licet cecidisse putas,” &c., with an English translation, “Though ye suppose,” &c. The verses, “Go, pytyous hart, rasyd with dedly wo,” &c. Skelton Laureate agaynste a comely Coystrowne that curyowsly chawntyd And curryshly cowntred, And madly in hys Musykkys mokkyshly made, Agaynste the .ix. Musys of polytyke Poems & Poettys matryculat. Colophon, Cum priuilegio. 4to, n. d., and without printer’s name, but evidently from the press of Pynson. (Consisting of 4 leaves.) On the title-page is a woodcut, the same as in the last mentioned tract, but with a different border. It contains— The verses mentioned in the title-page. “Contra aliū Cātitātē & Organisantē Asinum, qui impugnabat Skeltonida pierium Sarcasmos.” “Skelton Laureat uppon a deedmans hed yᵗ was sent to hym from an honorable Jētyllwoman for a token Deuysyd this gostly medytacyon in Englysh Couenable in sentence Comēdable, Lamētable, Lacrymable, Profytable for the soule.” The verses, “Womanhod, wanton, ye want,” &c. Honorificatissimo, Amplissimo, longeque reuerendissimo in Christo patri: Ac domino, domino Thomæ &c. Tituli sanctæ Ceciliæ, sacrosanctæ; Romanæ ecclesiæ presbytero Cardinali meritissimo, et Apostolicæ sedis legato. A latereque legato superillustri &c. Skeltonis laureatus Ora, reg. Humillimum, dicit obsequium cum omni debita reuerentia, tanto tamque magnifico digna principe sacerdotum, totiusque iustitiæ equabilissimo moderatore. Necnon presentis opusculi fautore excellentissimo &c. Ad cuius auspicatissimam contemplationem, sub memorabili prelo gloriose immortalitatis presens pagella felicitatur &c. A replycacion agaynst certayne yong scolers, abiured of late &c. Argumentum. Crassantes nimium, Nimium sterilesque labruscas (Vinea quas domini sabaot non sustinet ultra Laxius expandi) nostra est resecare uoluntas. Cum priuilegio a rege indulto. Colophon, Thus endeth the Replicacyon of Skel. L. &c. Imprinted by Richard Pynson, printer to the kynges most noble grace. 4to, n. d. A ryght delectable tratyse vpon a goodly Garlande or Chapelet of Laurell by mayster Skelton Poete laureat studyously dyuysed at Sheryfhotton Castell. In yᵉ foreste of galtres, wher in ar cōprysyde many & dyuers solacyons & ryght pregnant allectyues of syngular pleasure, as more at large it doth apere in yᵉ proces folowynge. Colophon, Here endith a ryght delectable tratyse vpon a goodly garlonde or chapelet of laurell dyuysed by mayster Skelton Poete laureat. Inpryntyd by me Rycharde faukes dwellydg [sic] in durā rent or els in Powlis chyrche yarde at the sygne of the A.B.C. The yere of our lorde god .M.CCCCC.XXIII. The .iii. day of Octobre, 4to. On the title-page is a woodcut representing Skelton seated in his study, and on the reverse of the title-page a woodcut (copied from a French print—see Memoir, p. xlvii. note),—a whole-length figure of a man holding a branch in one hand and a flower in the other,—having at top the words “Skelton Poeta,” and at bottom the following verses; Eterno mansura die dum sidera fulgent Equora dumq; tument hec laurea nostra virebit. Hinc nostrum celebre et nomē referetur ad astra Vndiq; Skeltonis memorabitur altera donis [alter Adonis]. On the reverse of A ii. are small woodcuts of “The quene of Fame” and “Dame Pallas.” After the colophon is the device of the printer, “Richard Fakes.” Magnyfycence, A goodly interlude and a mery deuysed and made by mayster Skelton poet laureate late deceasyd. Colophon, Cum priuilegio. folio, n. d., and without printer’s name. In a note, vol. i. 225, I have (following Ritson and others) stated positively that this ed. was “printed by Rastell:” I ought to have said, that in all probability it was from Rastell’s press. Here after foloweth the boke of Phyllyp Sparowe compyled by mayster Skelton Poete Laureate. Colophon, Prynted at London at the poultry by Rychard Kele. 12mo, n. d. On reverse of the last leaf is a woodcut representing Phyllyp Sparowe’s tomb. An edition by Kele, 4to, n. d., is mentioned in Typogr. Antiq. iv. 305, ed. Dibdin: but qy.? Here after foloweth a litle booke of Phillyp Sparow, compiled by Mayster Skeltō Poete Laureate. Colophon, Imprynted at London in paules churche yerde by Robert Toy. 12mo, n. d. On reverse of the last leaf is the same woodcut as in the ed. last described. Here after foloweth a litle boke of Phillip sparow. Compyled by mayster Skelton Poete Laureate. Colophon, Imprinted at London in poules churchyard, at the sygne of the Sunne, by Antony Kitson. Colophon in some copies, Imprinted at London in poules churchyard at the sygne of the Lamb, by Abraham Weale [sic]. Colophon in some other copies, Imprinted at London in Foster-lane by Ihon Walley. 12mo, n. d. An edition Imprinted at London in paules churche yerde by John Wyght, with a woodcut of “Phyllyp Sparowes tomb” on the last page, is mentioned in Typogr. Antiq. iv. 379. ed. Dibdin. Here after foloweth certaine bokes cōpyled by mayster Skeltō, Poet Laureat, whose names here after shall appere. Colophon, Thus endeth these lytle workes compyled by maister Skelton Poet Laureat. Imprynted at London, in Crede Lane, by John Kynge and Thomas Marche. 12mo, n. d. Heare after foloweth certain bokes Compiled by Master Skelton, Poet Laureat, whose names here after doth appere. (Enumeration of pieces as above.) Imprynted at London by Ihon Day. Colophon, Thus endeth these litle works compiled by maister Skelton Poet Laureat. 12mo, n. d. Here after foloweth certayne bokes, cōpyled by mayster Skelton, Poet Laureat, whose names here after shall appere. (Enumeration of pieces as above.) Printed at London by Richard Lant, for Henry Tab, dwelling in Pauls churchyard, at the sygne of Judith. Colophon, Thus endethe these lytell workes compyled by mayster Skelton Poet Laureat. And prynted by Richard Lant, for Henry Tab, dwellyng in Poules churche yard at the sygne of Judith. 12mo, n. d. On the fly-leaf of the copy which I used, but perhaps not belonging to it, was pasted a woodcut representing the author, with the words “Skelton Poet” (copied from Pynson’s ed. of Dyuers Balettys, &c., and the same as that on the reverse of the last leaf of Kele’s ed. of Why come ye nat to Courte). An edition printed for W. Bonham, 1547, 12mo, is mentioned by Warton, Hist. of E.P. ii. 336 (note), ed. 4to. The various editions of these “certaine bokes” contain, besides the pieces specified on the title-page, the following poems— Here after foloweth a litel boke called Colyn Cloute compyled by mayster Skelton poete Laureate. Quis cōsurgat mecū adversus malignantes, aut quis stabit mecū adversus operantes iniquitatem. Nemo domine. Colophon, Imprinted at London by me Rycharde Kele dwellyng in the powltry at the long shop vnder saynt Myldredes chyrche. 12mo, n. d. An edition by Kele, 4to, n. d., is mentioned in Typogr. Antiq. iv. 305. ed. Dibdin: but qy.? Here after foloweth a litle booke called Colyn Clout compiled by master Skelton Poete Laureate. Quis cōsurgat, &c. (as above.) Colophon, Inprinted at London in Paules Churche yarde at the Sygne of the Rose by Iohn Wyghte. 12mo, n. d. Here after foloweth a litle boke called Colyn Clout compiled by master Skelton Poete Laureate. Quis consurgat, &c. (as above.) Colophon, Imprynted at London in Paules Churche yarde at the Sygne of the Sunne by Anthony Kytson. Colophon in some copies, Imprynted at London in Paules Churche yarde at the Sygne of the Lambe by Abraham Veale. 12mo, n. d. An edition Imprynted at London by —— [Thomas Godfray]. Cum priuilegio regali, is mentioned in Typogr. Antiq. iii. 71. ed. Dibdin. Here after foloweth a lytell boke, whiche hath to name, Why come ye nat to courte, compyled by mayster Skelton poete Laureate. Colophon, Imprinted at london by me Richard kele dwellīg in the powltry at the longe shop vnder saynt myldredes chyrch. 12mo, n. d. On the reverse of the title-page is a woodcut representing two figures, one of them perhaps meant for Wolsey, the other headed “Skelton;” and on the reverse of the last leaf is a woodcut (copied from Pynson’s ed. of Dyuers Balettys, &c.) with the words “Skylton poyet.” An edition by Kele, 4to, n. d., is mentioned in Typogr. Antiq. iv. 305. ed. Dibdin: but qy.? Here after foloweth a little booke, whiche hath to name Whi come ye not to courte, compiled by mayster Skeltō Poete Laureate. Colophon, Imprynted at London in Paules churche yarde at the Sygne of the Rose by John Wyght. 12mo, n. d. On the reverse of the title-page is a woodcut, which I am unable to describe, because in the copy used by me it was much damaged as well as pasted over. Here after foloweth a litle boke whyche hathe to name, whye come ye not to Courte. Compyled by mayster Skelton Poete Laureate. Colophon, Imprynted at London in Poules church yard at the syne of the sunne by Anthony Kytson. Colophon in some copies, Imprynted at London in Poules church yard at the syne of the Lamb by Abraham Veale. Colophon in some other copies, Imprynted at London in Foster lane by John Wallye. 12mo, n. d. An edition, Imprynted at London, in Paules church yarde at the Sygne of the Bell by Robert Toy, is mentioned in Typogr. Antiq. iii. 576. ed. Dibdin. Pithy pleasaunt and profitable workes of maister Skelton, Poete Laureate. Nowe collected and newly published. Anno 1568. Imprinted at London in Fletestreate, neare vnto saint Dunstones churche by Thomas Marshe. 12mo. On the reverse of the title-page are the Latin lines, “Salve, plus decies,” &c. (see vol. i. 177); next, Churchyard’s verses, “If slouth and tract of time,” &c. (see Appendix I. p. lxxvi.); and then the contents of the volume are thus enumerated; “Workes of Skelton newly collected by I.S. as foloweth. How the very dull poem (31) by William Cornishe came to be inserted in this collection, I know not: but I may just observe that it is found (with a better text) in MS. Reg. 18. D ii. where it immediately precedes Skelton’s verses on the Death of the Earl of Northumberland. “Now synge we, as we were wont,” &c.—in an imperfect volume (or fragments of volumes) of black-letter Christmas Carolles,—Bibliograph. Miscell. (edited by the Rev. Dr. Bliss), 1813, 4to, p. 48. The Maner of the World now a dayes—Imprinted at London in Flete Strete at the signe of the Rose Garland by W. Copland, n. d.—known to me only from Old Ballads, 1840, edited by Mr. J.P. Collier for the Percy Society. I now greatly doubt if this copy of verses be by Skelton: see Notes, vol. ii. 199. Concerning the comparatively modern edition of Elynour Rummynge, 1624, 4to (celebrated for the imaginary portrait of Elynour), see Notes, vol. ii. 152 sqq. Wood mentions as by Skelton (Ath. Oxon. i. 52. ed. Bliss)— Poetical Fancies and Satyrs, Lond. 1512, oct. Tanner mentions (Biblioth. p. 676)— Miseries of England under Henry vii. Lond.... 4to. [Qy. is it the same piece as Vox Populi, Vox Dei?] Warton mentions (Hist. of E.P. ii. 336, note, ed. 4to)— A collection of Skelton’s pieces printed for A. Scolocker, 1582, 12mo. Bliss mentions (add. to Wood’s Ath. Oxon. i. 53)— A collection of Skelton’s pieces printed in 12mo by A. Scholoker, n. d., and Another by John Wight in 8vo, 1588. Of Skelton’s drama, The Nigramansir, the following account is given by Warton:— “I cannot quit Skelton, of whom I yet fear too much has been already said, without restoring to the public notice a play, or Morality, written by him, not recited in any catalogue of his works, or annals of English typography; and, I believe, at present totally unknown to the antiquarians in this sort of literature. It is, The Nigramansir, a moral Enterlude and a pithie written by Maister Skelton laureate and plaid before the king and other estatys at Woodstoke on Palme Sunday. It was printed by Wynkin de Worde in a thin quarto, in the year 1504.[149] It must have been presented before king Henry the seventh, at the royal manor or palace, at Woodstock in Oxfordshire, now destroyed. The characters are a Necromancer or conjuror, the devil, a notary public, Simonie, and Philargyria or Avarice. It is partly a satire on some abuses in the church; yet not without a due regard to decency, and an apparent respect for the dignity of the audience. The story, or plot, is the tryal of Simony and Avarice: the devil is the judge, and the notary public acts as an assessor or scribe. The prisoners, as we may suppose, are found guilty, and ordered into hell immediately. There is no sort of propriety in calling this play the Necromancer: for the only business and use of this character, is to open the subject in a long prologue, to evoke the devil, and summon the court. The devil kicks the necromancer, for waking him so soon in the morning: a proof that this drama was performed in the morning, perhaps in the chapel of the palace. A variety of measures, with shreds of Latin and French, is used: but the devil speaks in the octave stanza. One of the stage-directions is, Enter Balsebub with a Berde. To make him both frightful and ridiculous, the devil was most commonly introduced on the stage wearing a visard with an immense beard. Philargyria quotes Seneca and saint Austin: and Simony offers the devil a bribe. The devil rejects her offer with much indignation: and swears by the foule Eumenides, and the hoary beard of Charon, that she shall be well fried and roasted in the unfathomable sulphur of Cocytus, together with Mahomet, Pontius Pilate, the traitor Judas, and king Herod. The last scene is closed with a view of hell, and a dance between the devil and the necromancer. The dance ended, the devil trips up the necromancer’s heels, and disappears in fire and smoke.” Hist. of E.P. ii. 360. ed. 4to. [149] “My lamented friend Mr. William Collins, whose Odes will be remembered while any taste for true poetry remains, shewed me this piece at Chichester, not many months before his death: and he pointed it out as a veryrare and valuable curiosity. He intended to write the HISTORY OF THE RESTORATION OF LEARNING UNDER LEO THE TENTH, and with a view to that design, had collected many scarce books. Some few of these fell into my hands at his death. The rest, among which, I suppose, was this INTERLUDE, were dispersed.” In the Garlande of Laurell (vol. i. 408, sqq.) Skelton enumerates many of his compositions which are no longer extant. Verses presented to King Henry the Seventh at the feast of St. George celebrated at Windsor in the third year of his reign—first printed by Ashmole (see vol. ii. 387 of the present work). The Epitaffe of the moste noble and valyaunt Jaspar late Duke of Beddeforde, printed by Pynson, 4to, n. d. (see vol. ii. 388.) Elegy on King Henry the Seventh—an imperfect broadside (see vol. ii. 399). Merie Tales Newly Imprinted & made by Master Skelton Poet Laureat. Imprinted at London in Fleetstreat beneath the Conduit at the signe of S. John Euangelist, by Thomas Colwell, 12mo, n. d. (see the preceding Appendix.) Warton, Hist. of E.P. ii. 336 (note), gives the date 1575 to these Tales,—on what authority I know not. Other pieces might be mentioned. Of the death of the noble prince, Kynge Edwarde the forth. In a vol. belonging to Miss Richardson Currer, which has furnished a stanza hitherto unprinted (vol. i. 1). Vpon the doulourus dethe and muche lamentable chaunce of the most honorable Erle of Northumberlande. MS. Reg. 18 D ii. fol. 165 (vol. i. 6). Manerly Margery Mylk and Ale. Fairfax MS.,—Add. MSS. (Brit. Mus.) 5465, fol. 109 (vol. i. 28). Poems against Garnesche. MS. Harl. 367, fol. 101. Now for the first time printed (vol. i. 116). “Wofully araid,” &c. Fairfax MS.,—Add. MSS. 5465, fol. 76 and fol. 86 (Brit. Mus.): and MS. copy in a very old hand on the fly-leaves of Boetius de Discip. Schol. cum notabili commento, Daventrie, 1496, 4to (in the collection of the late Mr. Heber), which has supplied several stanzas hitherto unprinted (vol. i. 141). “I, liber, et propera, regem tu pronus adora,” &c. MS. C.C.C.—No. ccccxxxii. of Nasmith’s Catal. p. 400 (vol. i. 147). “Salve plus decies quam sunt momenta dierum,” &c. Add. MSS. (Brit. Mus.) 4787, fol. 224 (vol. i. 177). Colyn Cloute. MS. Harl. 2252, fol. 147 (vol. i. 311).—In MS. Lansdown 762, fol. 75, is a fragment of this poem, “The profecy of Skelton” (vol. i. 329). Garlande of Laurell. MS. Cott. Vit. E X. fol. 200; very imperfect (vol. i. 361). Speke, Parrot. MS. Harl. 2252, fol. 133, which has supplied much now for the first time printed (vol. ii. 1). Diodorus Siculus translated into English [by Skelton poet-laureat]. MS. C.C.C.—No. ccclvii. of Nasmith’s Catal. p. 362. For the following account of this MS. I am indebted to Mr. Thomas Wright:— “MS. Corp. Chr. Camb. No. 357. At the head of the first folio—‘Interpretatio Skeltoni poetæ Laureati,’ written in a different hand from the MS. (by Nasmith said to be by Archb. Parker himself) over something which has been erased, but which seems to have been ‘Prohemye of Poggius.’ At the end of this preface is written in the same hand as MS. ‘Thus endeth the prohemye of Poggius.’ fol. 2 verso. At fol. 3 begins ‘The prohemy of Diodorus thauctour.’ This ends at fol. 7 thus,— ¶ ‘Now we wyll enforce to begynne our processe historyall. quod Skelton. ¶ Here endeth the prohemy of all the hole processe.’ The words ‘quod Skelton’ are written in rather a different hand, and with different ink, but apparently contemporary. I think it not impossible that they may have been added by the original hand at another time. It is imperfect at the end: but on a leaf bound up with it is written in a much later hand (perhaps by Parker), ‘Hec charta de industria vacua relicta est, ut occasio daretur juveni in litteris exercitato aggrediendi translationem historiæ que hic diminuta est, ut sic humeri sui vires experiatur quid ferre valeant, quidve recusent, tum cognoscet quid hic translator prestiterit, fortassis non ita facile in hoc genere a multis superandus.’” Tanner (Biblioth. p. 676. ed. 1748) mentions the following two pieces as extant in his day among the MSS. of Lincoln Cathedral Library (see Memoir, pp. xxi, xxiii.)— Methodos Skeltonidis laureati, sc. Præcepta quædam moralia Henrico principi, postea Henr. viii, missa, Dat. apud Eltham A.D. MDI. Principium deest. Carmen ad principem, quando insignitus erat ducis Ebor. titulo. Pr. “Si quid habes, mea Musa.” Vox Populi, vox Dei. MS. 2567 Cambridge Public Library. MS. Harl. 367. fol. 130 (see vol. ii. 400). The Image of Ipocrysy. MS. Lansdown 794 (see vol. ii. 413). Other pieces might be mentioned. The Genealogye of Heresye. Compyled by Ponce Pantolabus. Imprynted at London In Pater noster rowe. At the signe of our ladye pytye [some copies, our fadyr Pyte] By Johan Redman. Ad imprimendum solum, 1542: another edition was printed by Robert Wyer: vide Typograph. Antiq. iii. 59, 182. ed. Dibdin (the size of them not mentioned). The author was John Huntingdon. These editions I have not seen: the whole of the tract, however, seems to be quoted in A mysterye of inyquyte contayned within the heretycall Genealogye of Ponce Pantolabus, is here both dysclosed & confuted By Johan Bale An. M.D.XLII. 12mo, Geneva, 1545, from which I subjoin the following passages: “Blynde obstynacye Begate heresye, By a myschaunce, Of dame ignoraunce. Heresye begate Stryfe and debate. Debate and ambycyon Begate supersticyon. Supersticion playne Begate disdayne. Dysdayne of trowthe Begate slowthe. Slowthe & sluggyshnesse Begate wylfulnesse. Wylfulnesse, verelye Nygh cosyne to heresye, Begate myschefe, Father of Wyclefe, Which ded bringe inne His grandfather synne. After this brother Came forth an other; His name to discusse, Menne called him Husse; He and his cumpanye Began in Germanye. And after that Came in a gnat Of the same kynde, Whose sowle is blynde; His name you shall here, Menne call him Luthere. He by his meane Hath bannyshed cleane Out of that coste The Holye Ghoste, And hath brought inne Lyberte and synne. Next after him, Is his chefe lym One Melanchtonus, Nequaquam bonus. Next after this whelpe Came in to helpe One Oecolampadius, With his brother Zuinglius. ... And for this tyme Here endeth my ryme, The Genealogye Of stynkynge heresye: Wherin I requyre And humblye desyre All menne ywys That shall rede this, Aboue all thinge To praye for our kynge, And the quene also Where so euer she go, And for the sauegarde Of our prince Edwarde, Whom I praye Jesu Longe to contynewe! Amen.” From A pore helpe. The bukler and defence Of mother holy kyrke, And weapē to driue hence Al that against her wircke. 12mo, without date or printer’s name. “Wyll none in all this lande Step forth, and take in hande These felowes to withstande, In nombre lyke the sande, That with the Gospell melles, And wyll do nothynge elles But tratlynge tales telles Agaynst our holy prelacie And holy churches dygnitie, Sayinge it is but papistrie, Yea, fayned and hipocrisy, Erronious and heresye, And taketh theyr aucthoritie Out of the holy Euangelie, All customes ceremoniall And rytes ecclesiasticall, Not grounded on Scripture, No longer to endure? And thus, ye maye be sure, The people they alure And drawe them from your lore, The whiche wyll greve you sore; Take hede, I saye, therfore, Your nede was neuer more. But sens ye be so slacke, It greueth me, alacke, To heare behynde your backe Howe they wyll carpe and cracke, And none of you that dare With[150] one of them compare. Yet some there be that are So bolde to shewe theyr ware, And is no priest nor deacon, And yet wyll fyre his becone Agaynst suche fellowes frayle, Make out with tothe and nayle, And hoyste vp meyne sayle, And manfully to fyght, In holy prelates ryght, With penne and ynke and paper, And lyke no triflynge iaper To touche these felowes indede With all expedient spede, And not before it nede: And I indede am he That wayteth for to se Who dare so hardy be To encounter here with me; I stande here in defence Of some that be far hence, And can both blysse and sence, And also vndertake Ryght holy thynges to make, Yea, God within a cake; And who so that forsake His breade shall be dowe bake; I openly professe The holy blyssed masse Of strength to be no lesse Then it was at the fyrst: But I wolde se who durst Set that amonge the worst, For he shulde be accurst With boke, bell, and candell, And so I wolde hym handell That he shulde ryght well knowe Howe to escape, I trowe, So hardy on his heade, Depraue our holy breade, Or els to prate or patter Agaynst our holy watter. This is a playne matter, It nedeth not to flatter: They be suche holy thynges As hath ben vsed with kynges; And yet these lewde loselles, That bragge vpon theyr Gospelles, At ceremonies swelles, And at our christined belles, And at our longe gownes, And at your shauen crownes, And at your typttes fyne, The iauelles wyll repyne. They saye ye leade euyll lyues With other mennes wyues, And wyll none of your owne, And so your sede is sowne In other mennes grounde, True wedlocke to confounde: Thus do they rayle and raue, Callynge euery priest knaue, That loueth messe to saye, And after ydle all daye: They wolde not haue you playe To dryue the tyme awaye, But brabble on the Byble, Whiche is but impossible To be learned in all your lyfe; Yet therin be they ryfe, Whiche maketh all this stryfe,” &c. From The Vpcheringe of the Messe: Inprinted at Lōdon by John Daye and Willyam Seres, 12mo, n. d. “Who hath not knowen or herd How we were made afeard That, magre of our beard, Our messe shulde cleane awaye, That we did dayly saye, And vtterly decaye For euer and for aye? So were we brought in doubte That all that are deuout Were like to go withoute The messe that hath no peere, Which longe hath taried here, Yea, many an hundreth yere, And to be destitute Of that whiche constitute Was of the highe depute Of Christe and his apostles; Althoughe none of the Gospels No mention maketh or tells, We must beleue (what ells?) Of things done by councells, Wherein the high professours, Apostlique successours, Take holde to be possessours; And some were made confessours; Some of them were no startars, But were made holi marters: Yet plowmen, smythes, & cartars, With such as be their hartars, Will enterprise to taxe Thes auncyent mens actes And holy fathers factes. Thoughe messe were made bi men, As popes nyne or ten, Or many more, what then? Or not of Scripture grounded, Is yt therfore confounded To be a supersticion? Nay, nay, they mysse the quission: Make better inquyssicion; Ye haue an euyll condicion To make suche exposicion; Ye thinke nothing but Scripture Is only clene and pure; Yes, yes, I you ensure, The messe shalbe hir better, As light as ye do set hir. The Scripture hath nothing Wherby profyte to bryng, But a lytyll preaching, With tattling and teaching; And nothing can ye espie Nor se with outwarde eye, But must your ears applie To learnyng inwardlye; And who so it will folowe, In goods though he may walow, If Scripture once him swalowe, She wyll vndo him holowe; Wherfore no good mes singers Will come within hir fyngers, But are hir vnder styngers, For she wolde fayne vndo All such as lyueth so. To the messe she is an enymye, And wolde distroye hir vtterlye, Wer not for sum that frendfully In time of nede will stand hir by. Yet is the messe and she as lyke As a Christian to an heretike: The messe hath holy vestures, And many gay gestures, And decked with clothe of golde, And vessells many folde, Right galaunt to beholde, More then may well be tolde, With basen, ewer, and towell, And many a prety jwelle, With goodly candellstyckes, And many proper tryckys, With cruetts gilt and chalys, Wherat some men haue malice, With sensers, and with pax, And many other knackys, With patent, and with corporas, The fynest thing that euer was. Alasse, is it not pitie That men be no more wittye But on the messe to iest, Of all suche thinge the best? For if she were supprest, A pyn for all the rest. ... A, good mestres Missa, Shal ye go from vs thissa? Wel, yet I muste ye kissa: Alacke, for payne I pyssa, To se the mone here issa, Because ye muste departe! It greueth many an herte That ye should from them start: But what then? tushe, a farte! Sins other shifte is none, But she must neades be gone, Nowe let vs synge eche one, Boeth Jak and Gyll and Jone, Requiem eternam, Lest penam sempiternam For vitam supernam, And vmbram infernam For veram lucernam, She chaunce to enherite, According to hir merite. Pro cuius memoria Ye maye wel be soria; Full smale maye be your gloria, When ye shal heare thys storia; Then wil ye crie and roria, We shal se[151] hir no moria: Et dicam vobis quare She may no longer stare, Nor here with you regnare, But trudge ad vltra mare, And after habitare In regno Plutonico Et euo acronyco, Cum cetu Babilonico Et cantu diabolico, With pollers and piller And al hir well willers, And ther to dwel euer: And thus wil I leaue hir.” From Phylogamus, 12mo, without date or printer’s name—of which the title-page and five leaves are preserved in a volume of Ballads and Fragments in the British Museum. The late Mr. Douce has written below the title-page “Probably by Skelton;” but it is certainly not his. “Gyue place, ye poetes fine, Bow doune now & encline; For nowe yᵉ Muses nyne, So sacred and diuine, In Parnase holy hyll Haue wrought theyr worthy wyll. And by theyr goodly skyll Vppon that myghty mountayne In Hellycons fountayne, &c. ... O poete so impudent, Whyche neuer yet was studente, To thee the goddes prudente Minerua is illudente! Thou wrytest thynges dyffuse, Incongrue and confuse, Obfuscate and obtuse; No man the lyke doth use Among the Turckes or Jewes; Alwayes inuentyng newes That are incomparable, They be so fyrme and stable: Lyke as a shyppe is able, Wythout ancre and cable, Roother, maste, or sayle, Pully, rope, or nayle, In wynde, weather, or hayle, To guyde both top and tayle, And not the course to fayle; So thys our poet maye, Wythout a stopp or staye, In cunnynge wend the way, As wel by darke as day, And neuer go astray, Yf yt be as they saye. O poet rare and recent, Dedecorate and indecent, Insolent and insensate, Contendyng and condensate, Obtused and obturate, Obumbylate, obdurate, Sparyng no priest or curate, Cyuylyan or rurate, That be alredy marryed, And from theyr vow bene varyed, Wherto the Scrypture them caried! They myght as wel haue taryed; I sweare by the north doore rood, That stowte was whyle he stood, That they had bene as good To haue solde theyr best blew hood; For I am in suche a moode, That for my power and parte, Wyth al my wyt and arte, Wyth whole intent and harte, I wyl so at them darte,” &c. The Copye of a letter, sent by John Bradford to the right honorable lordes the Erles of Arundel, Darbie, Shrewsbury, & Penbroke, declarīg the nature of spaniardes, and discouering the most detestable treasons, whiche they haue pretended moste falselye againste oure moste noble kyngdome of Englande. Whereunto is added a tragical blast of the papisticall trōpet for mayntenaunce of the Popes kingdome in Englande. by. T.E. If ye beleue the trueth, ye saue your liues, &c. 12mo, and without date or printer’s name on the title-page: the copy now before me is imperfect at the end, where perhaps both are given. According to Herbert’s Ames’s Typ. Antiq. iii. 1582, this piece was printed in 1555. In the two subjoined passages (perhaps in more) of this tract, the author adopts the Skeltonic metre, though the whole is printed as prose:— “There be many other noble menne [among the Spaniards, besides the duke of Medena-zelie] vndoubtedly very wise and politik, which can throughe their wisdome binde themselues for a time from their nature, and applye their condicions to the maners of those menne with whom they would gladlye bee frended; whose mischeuouse maners a man shal neuer knowe, till he come vnder their subiection. But then shall ye perceiue perfectly their puffed pride, with many mischeffes beside, their prowling and poling, their bribinge and shauing, their most deceitfull dealing, their braging and bosting, their flatteringe and faininge, their abominable whorehuntynge, with most rufull ruling, | their doings vniust, | with insaciate lust, | their stout stubbernnes, | croked crabbednes, | and vnmeasurable madnes, | in enui, pride, and lecherie, | which, thei saie, God loueth hartelie, | vaineglorie and hipocrisie, | with al other vilanie | of what kinde soeuer it be; | supersticion, desolacion, extorcion, adulacion, dissimulacion, exaltacion, suppression, inuocacion, and all abominacion; with innumerable moe mischeues, whiche I coulde plainlie declare, that no nacion in the world can suffer. Their masking and mumbling | in the holi time of lent | maketh many wiues brente, | the king being present, | nighte after nighte, | as a prince of moste mighte, | which hath power in his hande | that no man dare withstande: | yet if that were the greatest euil, | we might suffer it wel, | for there is no man liuing | but would suffer the king | to haue wife, sister, doughter, maide and all, | bothe great & smal, | so many as he liste, | no man would him resist; | but the worst of all the companie | muste haue my wife priuelie, | when I am present bi; | this is more vilanie, | that one muste kepe the dore; | will not that greue you sore? | & dare not speake for your life, | when another hath youre wife,” | &c. Sig. B i. “Ye wil say, the Spaniards kepe their olde rentaking: how can that be, when euery poore man must pay yerely for euery chimney in his house, and euery other place that is to make fire in, as ouen, fornes, and smithes forge, a Frenche crowne? wil Englishmen, or can thei, suffer to be poled and pilled moste miserably, in payeng continually suche poling pence and intollerable tollages for all maner graine and breade, befe, beare and mutton, goose, pigge and capone, henne, mallard and chicken, milk, butter and chese, egges, apples & peares, | wine white and reade, | with all other wines beside, | salt white and graye? | al thinges must pay; | small nuttes and wallnuttes, | cheries and chestnuttes, | plumbes, damassens, philbeardes, and al | both gret & smal, | whatsoeuer thei maye se, | to fede the pore commenalte; | salmon and hearing; | this is a shamefull thing; | tench, ele or conger; | this shall kepe vs vnder, | and make vs die for hunger; | flounders, floucke, plaice or carpe; | here is a miserable warke | that Englande must abide | to maintaine Spanishe pride,” &c. Sig. F ii. From Doctour Doubble Ale,—12mo, without printer’s name or date. “Although I lacke intelligence, And can not skyll of eloquence, Yet wyll I do my diligence To say sumthing or I go hence, Wherein I may demonstrate The figure, gesture, and estate Of one that is a curate, That harde is and endurate, And ernest in the cause Of piuish popish lawes, That are not worth two strawes, Except it be with dawes, That knoweth not good from euels, Nor Gods worde from the deuels, Nor wyll in no wise heare The worde of God so cleare, But popishnes vpreare, And make the pope Gods peare. ... Now let vs go about To tell the tale out Of this good felow stout, That for no man wyll dout, But kepe his olde condicions For all the newe comyssions, And vse his supersticions, And also mens tradycions, And syng for dead folkes soules, And reade hys beaderolles, And all such thinges wyll vse As honest men refuse: But take hym for a cruse, And ye wyll tell me newes; For if he ons begyn, He leaueth nought therin; He careth not a pyn How much ther be wythin, So he the pot may wyn, He wyll it make full thyn; And wher the drinke doth please There wyll he take his ease, And drinke therof his fyll, Tyll ruddy be his byll; And fyll both cup and can, Who is so glad a man As is our curate than? I wolde ye knewe it, a curate Not far without Newgate; Of a parysh large The man hath mikle charge, And none within this border That kepeth such order, Nor one a this syde Nauerne Louyth better the ale tauerne: But if the drinke be small, He may not well withall; Tush, cast it on the wall! It fretteth out his gall; Then seke an other house, This is not worth a louse, As dronken as a mouse, Monsyre gybet a vous! And ther wyll byb and bouse, Tyll heuy be his brouse. ... Thus may ye beholde This man is very bolde, And in his learning olde Intendeth for to syt: I blame hym not a whyt, For it wolde vexe his wyt, And cleane agaynst his earning, To folow such learning As now a dayes is taught; It wolde sone bryng to naught His olde popish brayne, For then he must agayne Apply hym to the schole, And come away a fole, For nothing shulde he get, His brayne hath bene to het And with good ale so wet; Wherefore he may now set In feldes and in medes, And pray vpon his beades, For yet he hath a payre Of beades that be right fayre, Of corall, gete, or ambre, At home within his chambre; For in matins or masse Primar and portas, And pottes and beades, His lyfe he leades: But this I wota, That if ye nota How this idiota Doth folow the pota, I holde you a grota Ye wyll rede by rota That he may were a cota In Cocke Lorels[152] bota. Thus the durty doctour, The popes oune proctour, Wyll bragge and boost Wyth ale and a toost, And lyke a rutter Hys Latin wyll vtter, And turne and tosse hym, Wyth tu non possum Loquere Latinum; This alum finum Is bonus then vinum; Ego volo quare Cum tu drinkare Pro tuum caput, Quia apud Te propiciacio, Tu non potes facio Tot quam ego; Quam librum tu lego, Caue de me Apponere te: Juro per Deum Hoc est lifum meum, Quia drinkum stalum Non facere malum. Thus our dominus dodkin Wyth ita vera bodkin Doth leade his lyfe, Which to the ale wife Is very profitable: It is pytie he is not able To mayntayne a table For beggers and tinkers And all lusty drinkers, Or captayne or beddle Wyth dronkardes to meddle. Ye cannot, I am sure, For keping of a cure Fynde such a one well, If ye shulde rake hell: And therefore nowe No more to you, Sed perlegas ista, Si velis, papista; Farewell and adewe, With a whirlary whewe, And a tirlary typpe; Beware of the whyppe.” [150] With] Old ed. “Whiche.” [151] se] Old ed. “so.” [152] Lorels] Old ed. “losels.” From A Commemoration or Dirige of Bastarde Edmonde Boner, alias Sauage, vsurped Bisshoppe of London. Compiled by Lemeke Auale. Episcopatum eius accipiet alter. Anno Domini. 1569. Imprinted by P. O. 8vo (a tract, chiefly in verse and of various metres: see Notes, vol. ii. 121.) “The fifte lesson. Homo natus. “Homo natus Came to heauen gatus. Sir, you doe come to latus, With your shorne patus: Frequentia falsa Euangelii, For the loue of your bealie, Cum auro & argento, You loued the rules of Lento, Whiche the Pope did inuento: You are spurius de muliere. Not legittimate nor lawful here: O quam[153] venenosa pestis, Fur, periurus, latro, mechus, Homicidis[154] tantum decus! De salute animarum, Of Christes flocke thou hadest small carum: Thou art filius populi: Go, go to Constantinopoli, To your maister the Turke; There shall you lurke Emong the heathen soules. Somtyme your shorne brethren of Poules Were as blacke as moules, With their cappes fower forked, Their shoes warme corked; Nosed like redde grapes, Constant as she apes, In nature like blacke monkes, And shoote in sparowes trunkes, And boule when thei haue dinde, And kepe them from the winde; And thei whiche are not able Doe sitte still at the table, With colour scarlet pale, So small is their good ale: Thus from God thei did tourne, Long before their church did burne. Then when riche men wer sicke, Either dedde or quicke, Valde diligenter notant Vbi diuites egrotant; Ibi currunt, nec cessabunt Donec ipsos tumilabunt; Oues alienas tondunt, Et perochias confundunt. These felowes pilde as ganders, Muche like the friers of Flanders, Whiche serue Sathan about the cloisters, Thei loue red wine and oisters. Qui vult Satanæ seruire, Claustrum debet introire, And euer haue suche an hedde As bastarde Boner that is dedde. He would for the Pope take pain; Therfore help, you friers of Spain, You enquisiters, take paine: It is a greate maine Vnto the Pope, your hedde, That Boner is thus dedde, And buried in a misers graue, Like a common k[naue]. Lo, lo, now is he dedde, That was so well fedde, And had a softe bedde! Estote fortis in bello, Good Hardyng and thy fellowe; If you be papistes right, Come steale hym awaie by night, And put hym in a shrine; He was the Popes deuine; Why, shall he be forgotten, And lye still and rotten? Come on, and doe not fainte; Translate with spede your sainct, And put hym in a tombe: His harte is now at Rome. Come forth, you loughtes of Louen, And steale awaie this slouen: You are so full of ire, And popishe desire, And Romishe derision, And hellishe deuision, Therefore I am sure Your kyngdome will not dure.” Sig. B iii. ... “Responde. Ne recorderis peccata, But open heauen gata, Sainct Peter, with your kaies; Shewe my lorde the right waies: He dwelt ones at Poules, And had cure of our soules: I wisse, he was not a baste, But holie, meke, and chaste; It is a greate pitie That he is gone from our citie; A man of greate honor; O holy sainct Boner! You blessed friers That neuer wer liers, And you holy nunnes That neuer had sonnes, Set this child of grace In some angelles place.” Sig. B vii. [153] O quam, &c.] A line which ought to have rhymed with this one is wanting. [154] Homicidis] Old ed. “Homicidus.” From A Skeltonicall Salutation, Or condigne gratulation, And iust vexation Of the Spanish Nation, That in a bravado, Spent many a Crusado, In setting forth an Armado England to invado. Imprinted at London for Toby Cooke. 1589, 4to. “O king of Spaine, Is it not a paine To thy heart and braine And euery vaine, To see thy traine For to sustaine, Withouten gaine, The worlds disdaine, Which doth dispise As toies and lies, With shoutes and cries, Thy enterprise, As fitter for pies And butter-flies, Then men so wise? O waspish king, Wheres now thy sting, Thy dart or sling, Or strong bow-string, That should vs wring, And vnderbring, Who euery way Thee vexe and pay, And beare the sway By night and day, To thy dismay, In battle aray, And every fray? O pufte with pride, What foolish guide Made thee provide To over-ride This land so wide From side to side, And then, vntride, Away to slide, And not to abide, But all in a ring Away to fling? O conquering, O vanquishing, With fast flying, And no replying, For feare of frying! ... But who but Philippus, That seeketh to nip vs, To rob vs, and strip vs, And then for to whip vs, Would ever haue ment, Or had intent, Or hither sent Such ships of charge, So strong and so large, Nay, the worst barge, Trusting to treason, And not to reason, Which at that season To him was geson, As doth appeare Both plaine and cleare To far and neere, To his confusion, By this conclusion, Which thus is framed, And must be named Argumentum a minore, Cum horrore et timore? If one Drake o, One poore snake o, Make vs shake o, Tremble and quake o, Were it not, trow yee, A madnes for me To vndertake A warre to make With such a lande, That is so mande, Wherein there be Of certaintie As hungrie as he Many a thousand more, That long full sore For Indian golde, Which makes men bolde?” &c. See also—Jacke of the Northe, &c. printed (most incorrectly) from C.C.C. MS. in Hartshorne’s Anc. Met. Tales, p. 288.—A recantation of famous Pasquin of Rome. An. 1570. Imprinted at London by John Daye, 8vo, which (known to me only from Brit. Bibliog. ii. 289) contains Skeltonical passages.—The Riddles of Heraclitus and Democritus. Printed at London by Ann Hatfield for John Norton, 1598, 4to, which (known to me only from Restituta, i. 175) has Skeltonical rhymes on the back of the title-page.—The Wisdome of Doctor Dodypoll. As it hath bene sundrie times Acted by the Children of Powles, 1600, 4to, which has some Skeltonical lines at sig. C 4.—The Downfall of Robert Earle of Huntington, &c. (by Anthony Munday), 1601, 4to, and The Death of Robert, Earle of Hvntington, &c. (by Anthony Munday and Henry Chettle), 1601, 4to, (two plays already noticed, p. lxxxvi.), in which are various Skeltonical passages.—Hobson’s Horse-load of Letters, or a President for Epistles. The First Part, 1617, 4to, which concludes with three epistles in verse, the last entitled “A merry-mad Letter in Skeltons rime,” &c.—Poems: By Michael Drayton Esqvire, &c., n. d., folio, which contains at p. 301 a copy of verses entitled “A Skeltoniad.”—The Fortunate Isles, &c. 1626, a masque by Ben Jonson (already noticed, p. lxxxvii.), in which are imitations of Skelton’s style.—All The Workes of John Taylor The Water-poet, &c. 1630, folio, which contains, at p. 245, “A Skeltonicall salutation to those that know how to reade, and not marre the sense with hacking or mis-construction” (printed as prose).—Hesperides: or, The Works Both Humane & Divine of Robert Herrick Esq., 1648, 8vo, among which, at pp. 10, 97, 268, are verses in Skelton’s favourite metre.—The Works of Mr. John Cleveland, Containing his Poems, Orations, Epistles, Collected into One Volume, 1687, 8vo, in which may be found, at p. 306, a piece of disgusting grossness (suggested by Skelton’s Elynour Rummynge), entitled “The Old Gill.” A poem called Philargyrie of greate Britayne, 1551, printed (and no doubt written) by Robert Crowly, has been frequently mentioned as a “Skeltonic” composition, but improperly, as the following lines will shew; “Geue eare awhyle, And marke my style, You that hath wyt in store; For wyth wordes bare I wyll declare Thyngs done long tyme before. Sometyme certayne Into Britayne, A lande full of plentie, A gyaunte greate Came to seke meate, Whose name was Philargyrie,” &c. “See also,” says Warton (Hist. of E. P. ii. 358, note, ed. 4to), “a doggrel piece of this kind, in imitation of Skelton, introduced into Browne’s Sheperd’s Pipe,”—a mistake; for the poem of Hoccleve (inserted in Eglogue i.), to which Warton evidently alludes, is neither doggrel nor in Skelton’s manner. Miseremini mei, ye that be my frendis! This world[156] hath formed me downe to fall: How may[157] I endure, when that eueri thyng endis? What creature is borne to be eternall? Now there[158] is no more but pray for me all: Thus say I Edward, that late was youre kynge, And twenty two[159] yeres ruled this imperyall, Some vnto pleasure, and some to no lykynge: Mercy I aske of my mysdoynge; What auayleth it,[160] frendes, to be my foo, 10 Sith I can not resyst, nor amend your complaining? Quia, ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio! I slepe now in molde, as it is naturall That[161] erth vnto erth hath his reuerture: What ordeyned God to be terestryall, Without recours to the erth[162] of nature? Who to lyue euer may himselfe assure?[163] What is it[164] to trust on mutabilyte, Sith that in this world nothing may indure? For now am I gone, that late was in prosperyte: 20 To presume thervppon, it is but a vanyte, Not certayne, but as a cheryfayre[165] full of wo: Reygned not I of late in greate felycite? Et, ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio! Where was in my lyfe such one as I, Whyle lady Fortune with me had continuaunce? Graunted not she me to haue victory, In England to rayne, and to contribute Fraunce? She toke me by the hand and led me a daunce, And with her sugred lyppes on me she smyled; 30 But, what for her dissembled countenaunce, I coud not beware tyl I was begyled: Now from this world she hath me excyled, When I was lothyst hens for to go, And I am in age but, as who sayth, a chylde, Et, ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio! I se wyll,[166] they leve that doble my ȝeris: This[167] dealid this world with me as it lyst,[168] And hathe me made, to ȝow that be my perys, Example to thynke on Had I wyst: 40 I storyd my cofers and allso my chest[169] With taskys takynge of the comenalte; I toke ther tresure, but of ther prayȝeris mist; Whom I beseche with pure humylyte For to forgeve and have on me pety; I was ȝour kynge, and kept ȝow from ȝowr foo: I wold now amend, but that wull not be, [Quia,] ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio! I had ynough, I held me not content, Without remembraunce that I should dye; 50 And more euer to incroche[170] redy was I bent, I knew not how longe I should it occupy: I made the Tower stronge, I wyst not why; I knew not to whom I purchased Tetersall; I amendid Douer on the mountayne hye, And London I prouoked to fortify the wall; I made Notingam a place full[171] royall, Wyndsore, Eltam,[172] and many other mo: Yet at the last I went from them all, Et, ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio! 60 Where is now my conquest and victory? Where is my riches and my royal aray? Wher be my coursers and my horses hye? Where is my myrth, my solas, and my[173] play? As vanyte, to nought al is wandred[174] away. O lady Bes, longe for me may ye call! For I[175] am departed tyl domis day; But loue ye that Lorde that is soueraygne of all. Where be my castels and buyldynges royall? But Windsore alone, now I haue no mo, 70 And of Eton the prayers perpetuall, Et, ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio! Why should a man be proude or presume hye? Sainct Bernard therof nobly doth trete, Seyth a man is but[176] a sacke of stercorry, And shall returne vnto wormis mete. Why, what cam of Alexander the greate? Or els of stronge Sampson, who can tell? Were not[177] wormes ordeyned theyr flesh to frete? And of Salomon, that was of wyt the well? 80 Absolon profferyd his heare for to sell, Yet for al his bewte wormys ete him also; And I but late in honour dyd excel, Et, ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio! I haue played my pageyond, now am I past; Ye wot well all I was of no great yeld: This[178] al thing concluded shalbe at the last, When death approchyth, then lost is the felde: Then sythen this world me no longer vphelde, Nor nought[179] would conserue me here in my place, 90 In manus tuas, Domine, my spirite vp I yelde, Humbly[180] beseching thé, God, of thy[181] grace! O ye curtes commyns, your hertis vnbrace Benyngly now to pray for me also; For ryght wel you know your kyng I was, Et, ecce, nunc in pulvere dormio! [155] Of the death, &c.] From the ed. by Kynge and Marche of Certaine bokes compyled by Mayster Skelton, n. d.—collated with the same work, ed. Day, n. d., and ed. Lant, n. d.; with Marshe’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes, 1568; occasionally with the Mirrour for Magistrates, 1587 (in the earlier eds. of which the poem was incorporated), and with a contemporary MS. in the possession of Miss Richardson Currer, which last has furnished a stanza hitherto unprinted. [156] This world, &c.] MS.: “For the world hathe conformid me to fall.” [157] may] MS. “myzt.” [158] Now there, &c.] MS.: “Now is ther no helpe but pray for my sovle.” [159] twenty-two] So MS. and Mir. for Mag. Eds. “xxiii.;” see notes. [160] it] So other eds. Ed. of Kynge and Marche, “hit.” [161] That] So MS. Eds. “As.” [162] the erth] MS. “dethe.” [163] himselfe assure] So Mir. for Mag. Eds. and MS., “be sure.” [164] What is it, &c.] MS.: “What ys it to trust the mutabylyte Of this world whan no thyng may endure.” [165] cheryfayre] MS. “cheyfeyre.” [166] I se wyll, &c.] This stanza only found in MS. [167] This] See notes. [168] lyst] MS. “lust”—against the rhyme. [169] chest] MS. “chestys”—against the rhyme. [170] euer to incroche] Eds. of Day, and Marshe, “ouer to,” &c. MS. gives this line and the next thus: “And more to encrese was myne entent And not beynge ware who shuld it ocupye.” [171] full] So Mir. for Mag. Not in eds. or MS. [172] Wyndsore, Eltam, &c.] This line and the next given thus in MS.: “Wynsore and eton and many oder mo As Westmynster Eltham and sone went I from all.” And so, with slight variation, in Nash’s Quaternio: see notes. [173] my] So Mir. for Mag. Not in eds. or MS. [174] wandred] Mir. for Mag. “wythered.” [175] For I, &c.] MS.: “Now are we departid [i. e. parted] onto domys day.” [176] Seyth a man is but, &c.] Day’s ed. “Seeth a man is nothing but,” &c. Marshe’s ed. “Sythe a man is nothing but,” &c. Mir. for Mag. “Saying a man is but,” &c. MS. “Seinge a man ys a sak of sterqueryte.” [177] Were not] So Lant’s ed. and Mir. for Mag. Ed. of Kynge and Marche, “Where no.” Eds. of Day, and Marshe, “Wher no.” MS. “Was not.” [178] This] Mir. for Mag. “Thus;” but see note. [179] Nor nought, &c.] Mir. for Mag.: “For nought would conserue mee here in this place.” MS.: “Ne nougt wold concerue me my place.” [180] Humbly] So other eds. Kynge and Marche’s ed. “Humble.” [181] thy] Other eds. “his.” Ad dominum properato meum, mea pagina, Percy, Qui Northumbrorum jura paterna gerit; Ad nutum celebris tu prona repone leonis Quæque suo patri tristia justa cano.[183] Ast ubi perlegit, dubiam sub mente volutet Fortunam, cuncta quæ malefida rotat. Qui leo sit felix, et Nestoris occupet annos; Ad libitum, cujus ipse paratus ero. [182] Poeta Skelton, &c.] From Marshe’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes, 1568, collated with a copy of the poem in a MS. vol now in the British Museum (MS. Reg. 18. D ii. fol. 165), which formerly belonged to the fifth Earl of Northumberland, son of the nobleman whose fate is here lamented: vide Account of Skelton, &c. This elegy was printed by Percy in his Reliques of An. Engl. Poet. (i. 95, ed. 1794), from the MS. just mentioned. [183] cano] So MS. Not in Marshe’s ed. I wayle, I wepe, I sobbe, I sigh ful sore The dedely fate, the dolefulle desteny Of hym that is gone, alas, without restore, Of the bloud royall descending nobelly; Whose lordshyp doutles was slayne lamentably Thorow treson, again him compassed and wrought, Trew to his prince in word, in dede, and thought. Of heuenly poems, O Clyo, calde by name In the colege of Musis goddes hystoriall, Adres thé to me, whiche am both halt and lame 10 In elect vteraunce to make memoryall! To thé for souccour, to thé for helpe I call, Mine homely rudnes and dryghnes to expell With the freshe waters of Elyconys well. Of noble actes aunciently enrolde Of famous pryncis and lordes of astate, By thy report ar wont to be extold, Regestringe trewly euery formare date; Of thy bountie after the vsuall rate Kyndell in me suche plenty of thy nobles, 20 These sorowfulle dites that I may shew expres. In sesons past, who hath herde or sene Of formar writyng by any presidente That vilane hastarddis in their furious tene, Fulfylled with malice of froward entente, Confetered togeder of commonn[184] concente Falsly to slee[185] theyr moste singuler good lord? It may be regestrede of shamefull recorde. So noble a man, so valiaunt lord and knyght, Fulfilled with honor, as all the world[186] doth ken; 30 At his commaundement which had both day and nyght Knyghtes and squyers, at euery season when He calde vpon them, as meniall houshold men: Were not[187] these commons vncurteis karlis of kind To slo their owne lord? God was not in their mynd. And were not they to blame, I say, also, That were aboute him, his o[w]ne[188] seruants of trust, To suffre him slayn of his mortall fo? Fled away from hym, let hym ly in the dust; They bode not till the reckenyng were discust: 40 What shuld I flatter? what shuld I glose or paint? Fy, fy for shame, their hartes were to faint. In England and Fraunce which gretly was redouted, Of whom both Flaunders and Scotland stode in drede, To whom great estates obeyed and lowted, A mayny of rude villayns made hym for to blede; Unkyndly they slew him, that holp[189] them oft at nede: He was their bulwark, their paues, and their wall, Yet shamfully they slew hym; that shame mot them befal! I say, ye comoners, why wer ye so stark mad? 50 What frantyk frensy fyll in your brayne? Where was your wit and reson ye should haue had? What wilful foly made yow to ryse agayne Your naturall lord? alas, I can not fayne: Ye armyd you with will, and left your wit behynd; Well may you[190] be called comones most vnkynd. He was your chefteyne, your shelde, your chef defence, Redy to assyst you in euery time of nede; Your worshyp depended of his excellence: Alas, ye mad men, to far ye did excede; 60 Your hap was vnhappy, to ill was your spede: What moued you againe him to war or to fyght? What alyde you to sle[191] your lord again all ryght? The ground of his quarel was for his souerain lord, The well concerning of all the hole lande, Demandyng suche duties as nedes most acord To the ryght of his prince, which shold not be withstand; For whose cause ye slew him with your owne hand: But had his noble men done wel that day, Ye had not bene able to haue sayd hym nay. 70 But ther was fals packing, or els I am begylde; How be it the mater was euydent and playne, For if they had occupied their spere and their shilde, This noble man doutles had not bene[192] slayne. But men say they wer lynked with a double chaine, And held with the comones vnder a cloke, Which kindeled the wild fyr that made al this smoke. The commons renyed ther taxes to pay, Of them demaunded and asked by the kynge; With one voice importune they plainly sayd nay; 80 They buskt them on a bushment themselfe in baile to bring, Againe the kyngs plesure to wrestle or to wring; Bluntly as bestis with boste and with crye They sayd they forsed not, nor carede not to dy. The nobelnes of the north, this valiant lord and knight, As man that was innocent of trechery or traine, Presed forth boldly to withstand the myght, And, lyke marciall Hector, he faught them agayne, Vygorously vpon them with might and with maine, Trustyng in noble men that were with him there; 90 But al they fled from hym for falshode or fere. Barones, knyghtes, squiers, one[193] and all, Together with seruauntes of his famuly, Turned their backis,[194] and let their master fal, Of whos [life] they[195] counted not a flye; Take vp whose wold, for ther[196] they let him ly. Alas, his gold, his fee, his annual rent Upon suche a sort was ille bestowd and spent! He was enuirond aboute on euery syde With his enemyes, that wer starke mad and wode; 100 Yet[197] while[198] he stode he gaue them woundes wyde: Allas for ruth! what thoughe his mynd wer gode, His corage manly, yet ther he shed his blode: Al left alone, alas, he foughte in vayne! For cruelly[199] among them ther he was slayne. Alas for pite! that Percy thus was spylt, The famous Erle of Northumberland; Of knyghtly prowes the sword, pomel, and hylt, The myghty lyon doutted by se and lande;[200] O dolorus chaunce of Fortunes froward hande! 110 What man, remembryng howe shamfully he was slaine, From bitter weping himself can restrain? O cruell Mars, thou dedly god of war! O dolorous tewisday, dedicate to thy name, When thou shoke thy sworde so noble a man to mar! O ground vngracious, vnhappy be thy fame, Which wert endyed with rede bloud of the same Most noble erle! O foule mysuryd ground, Whereon he gat his finall dedely wounde! O Atropos, of the fatall systers iii 120 Goddes most cruel vnto the lyfe of man, All merciles, in thé is no pite! O homicide, which sleest all that thou can, So forcibly vpon this erle thou ran, That with thy sword, enharpit of mortall drede, Thou kit asonder his perfight vitall threde! My wordes vnpullysht be, nakide and playne, Of aureat poems they want ellumynynge; But by them to knowlege ye may attayne Of this lordes dethe and of his murdrynge; 130 Which whils he lyued had fuyson of euery thing, Of knights, of squyers, chyf lord of toure and towne, Tyl fykkell Fortune began on hym to frowne: Paregall to dukes, with kynges he might compare, Surmountinge in honor al erlis he did excede; To all countreis aboute hym reporte me I dare; Lyke to Eneas benigne in worde and dede, Valiant as Hector in euery marciall nede, Prouydent,[201] discrete, circumspect, and wyse, Tyll the chaunce ran agayne hym of Fortunes duble dyse. 140 What nedeth me for to extoll his fame With my rude pen enkankered all with rust, Whose noble actes show worshiply his name, Transendyng far[202] myne homly Muse, that muste Yet somwhat wright supprised with herty[203] lust, Truly reportyng his right noble estate, Immortally whiche is immaculate? His noble blode neuer destayned was, Trew to his prince for to defend his ryght, Doblenes hatyng fals maters to compas, 150 Treytory and treason he banysht out of syght, With truth to medle was al his holl delyght, As all his countrey can testyfy the same: To sle[204] suche a lorde, alas, it was great shame! If the hole quere of the Musis nyne In me all onely wer set and comprysed, Enbrethed with the blast of influence deuyne, As perfytly as could be thought or deuised; To me also allthough it were promised Of laureat Phebus holy the eloquence, 160 All were to lytell for his magnificence. O yonge lyon, but tender yet of age, Grow and encrese, remembre thyn estate; God thé assyst unto thyn herytage, And geue thé grace to be more fortunate! Agayn rebellyones arme thé[205] to make debate; And, as the lyone, whiche is of bestes kynge, Unto thy subiectes be curteis and benygne. I pray God sende thé prosperous lyfe and long, Stable thy mynde constant to be and fast, 170 Ryght to mayntayn, and to resyst all wronge: All flateryng faytors abhor and from thé cast; Of foule detraction God kepe thé from the blast! Let double delyng in thé haue no place, And be not lyght of credence in no case. With heuy chere, with dolorous hart and mynd, Eche man may sorow in his inward thought This lordes[206] death, whose pere is hard to fynd, Algife Englond and Fraunce were thorow saught. Al kynges, all princes, al dukes, well they ought, 180 Both temporall and spiritual, for to complayne This noble man, that crewelly was slayne: More specially barons, and those knygtes bold, And al other gentilmen with him enterteyned In fee, as menyall men of his housold, Whom he as lord worshyply mainteyned; To sorowful weping they ought to be constreined, As oft as they call to theyr remembraunce Of ther good lord the fate and dedely chaunce. O[207] perlese Prince of heuen emperyall! 190 That with one word formed al thing of noughte; Heuen, hell, and erthe obey unto thy call; Which to thy resemblaunce wondersly hast wrought All mankynd, whom thou full dere hast bought, With thy bloud precious our finaunce thou did pay, And vs redemed from the fendys pray; To thé pray we, as Prince incomparable, As thou art of mercy and pyte the well, Thou bring unto thy joye eterminable The soull of this lorde from all daunger of hell, 200 In endles blys with thé to byde and dwell In thy palace aboue the orient, Where thou art Lord and God omnipotent. O quene of mercy, O lady full of grace, Mayden most pure, and Goddes moder dere, To sorowful hartes chef comfort and solace, Of all women O flowre withouten[208] pere! Pray to thy Son aboue the sterris clere, He to vouchesaf, by thy mediacion, To pardon thy seruaunt, and brynge to saluacion. 210 In joy triumphaunt the heuenly yerarchy,[209] With all the hole sorte of that glorious place, His soull mot receyue into theyr company, Thorow bounty of Hym that formed all solace; Wel of pite, of mercy, and of grace, The Father, the Sonn, and the Holy Ghost, In Trinitate one God of myghtes[210] moste! Non sapit, humanis qui certam ponere rebus Spem cupit: est hominum raraque ficta fides. [184] commonn] So MS. Marshe’s ed. “cominion.” [185] slee] MS. “slo,”—as in v. 35 (yet both Marshe’s ed. and MS. have “sleest” in v. 123). [186] world] So MS. Marshe’s ed. “wold.” [187] not] MS. “no.” [188] o[w]ne] MS. “awne” (yet Percy gives “owne”). [189] holp] MS. “help” (yet Percy gives “holp”). [190] you] MS. “ye” (yet Percy gives “you”). [191] sle] MS. “slo.” [192] bene] MS. “be.” [193] one] So MS. Not in Marshe’s ed. [194] backis] So MS. Marshe’s ed. “backe.” [195] Of whos [life] they, &c.] So Percy. Marshe’s ed. “Of whome they,” &c. MS. “Of whos they,” &c. [196] ther] So both Marshe’s ed. and MS. Percy printed the line thus; “Take up whos wolde for them, they let hym ly.” [197] Yet] So MS. Marshe’s ed. “Ye.” [198] while] MS. “whils.” [199] cruelly] MS. “cruell” (yet Percy gives “cruelly”). [200] lande] MS. “sande” (yet Percy gives “lande”). [201] Prouydent] So MS. Marshe’s ed. “Prudent.” [202] far] So Percy. MS. and Marshe’s ed. “for.” [203] herty] MS. “hartly.” [204] sle] MS. “slo.” [205] the] Omitted by Percy, though both in MS. and Marshe’s ed. [206] lordes] So MS. rightly, making the word a dissyllable (yet Percy prints “lords”). Marshe’s ed. “lords.” [207] O] So MS. Not in Marshe’s ed. [208] withouten] So MS. Marshe’s ed. “without.” [209] yerarchy] So Percy. Both Marshe’s ed. and MS. “gerarchy.” [210] myghtes] So MS. (yet Percy prints “myghts”). Marshe’s ed. “myghts.” Accipe nunc demum, doctor celeberrime Rukshaw, Carmina, de calamo quæ cecidere[212] meo; Et quanquam[213] placidis non sunt modulata camenis,[214] Sunt tamen ex nostro pectore prompta pio. Vale feliciter, virorum laudatissime. [211] Tetrastichon, &c.] Follows the elegy on the Earl of Northumberland both in Marshe’s ed. and in the MS. [212] cecidere] Marshe’s ed. and MS. “occidere.” [213] quanquam] Marshe’s ed. and MS. “quaqua.” [214] camenis] So MS. Marshe’s ed. “carmenis.” Of all nacyons vnder the heuyn, These frantyke foolys I hate most of all; For though they stumble in the synnys seuyn, In peuyshnes yet they[216] snapper and fall, Which men the viii dedly syn[217] call. This peuysh proud, thys prendergest, When he is well, yet can he not rest. A swete suger lofe and sowre bayardys bun Be sumdele lyke in forme and shap, The one for a duke, the other for dun, 10 A maunchet for morell theron to snap. Hys hart is to hy to haue any hap; But for in his gamut carp that he can, Lo, Jak wold be a jentylman! Wyth, Hey, troly, loly, lo, whip here, Jak, Alumbek sodyldym syllorym ben! Curyowsly he can both counter and knak Of Martyn Swart and all hys mery men. Lord, how Perkyn is proud of hys pohen! But ask wher he fyndyth among hys monacordys 20 An holy water clarke a ruler of lordys. He can not fynd it in rule nor in space: He solfyth to haute, hys trybyll is to hy; He braggyth of his byrth, that borne was full bace; Hys musyk withoute mesure, to sharp is hys my; He trymmyth in hys tenor to counter pyrdewy; His dyscant is besy, it is withoute a mene; To fat is hys fantsy, hys wyt is to lene. He lumbryth on a lewde lewte, Roty bully joyse, Rumbyll downe, tumbyll downe, hey go, now, now! 30 He fumblyth in hys fyngeryng an vgly good noyse, It semyth the sobbyng of an old sow: He wold be made moch of, and he wyst how; Wele sped in spyndels and turnyng of tauellys; A bungler, a brawler, a pyker of quarellys. Comely he clappyth a payre of clauycordys; He whystelyth so swetely, he makyth me to swete; His descant is dasshed full of dyscordes; A red angry man, but easy to intrete: An vssher of the hall fayn wold I get, 40 To poynte this proude page a place and a rome, For Jak wold be a jentylman, that late was a grome. Jak wold jet, and yet Jyll sayd nay; He counteth in his countenaunce to checke with the best: A malaperte medler that pryeth for his pray, In a dysh dare he rush at the rypest; Dremyng in dumpys to wrangyll and to wrest: He fyndeth a proporcyon in his prycke songe, To drynk at a draught a larg and a long. Nay, iape not with hym, he is no small fole, 50 It is a solemnpne syre and a solayne; For lordes and ladyes lerne at his scole; He techyth them so wysely to solf and to fayne, That neyther they synge wel prycke songe nor playne: Thys docter Deuyas[218] commensyd in a cart, A master, a mynstrell, a fydler, a farte. What though ye can cownter Custodi nos? As well it becomyth yow, a parysh towne clarke, To syng Sospitati[219] dedit ægros: Yet bere ye not to bold, to braule ne to bark 60 At me, that medeled nothyng with youre wark: Correct fyrst thy self; walk, and be nought! Deme what thou lyst, thou knowyst not my thought. A prouerbe of old, say well or be styll: Ye are to vnhappy occasyons[220] to fynde Vppon me to clater, or els to say yll. Now haue I shewyd you part of your proud mynde; Take thys in worth, the best is behynde. Wryten at Croydon by Crowland in the Clay, On Candelmas euyn, the Kalendas of May. 70 [215] Skelton Laureate, &c.] This poem, and the three pieces which follow it, are given from a tract of four leaves, n. d., and without printer’s name (but evidently from the press of Pynson), collated with Marshe’s ed. of Skelton’s Workes, 1568. [216] they] So Marshe’s ed. Pynson’s ed. “the.” [217] syn] Marshe’s ed. “sins.” [218] Deuyas] Marshe’s ed. “dellias.” [219] Sospitati] Pynson’s ed. “suspirari.” Marshe’s ed. “Supitati,” which the editor of 1736 changed into “supinitati.” [220] occasyons] Marshe’s ed. “occasion.”; if she beat him, she should for her labour haue a new petticote. Let me alone, quoth Meg; the deuill take me if I lose a petticote. And with that her mistris deliuered her a suit of white sattin, that was one of the guards that lay at her house. Meg put it on, and tooke her whinyard by her side, and away she went into Saint Georges fields to meet sir James. Presently after came sir James, and found his mistris very melancholy, as women haue faces that are fit for all fancies. What aile you, sweetheart? quoth he; tell me; hath any man wronged you? if he hath, be he the proudest champion in London, Ile haue him by the eares, and teach him to know, sir James of Castile can chastise whom he list. Now, quoth she, shall I know if you loue me: a squaring long knaue, in a white sattin doublet, hath this day monstrously misused me in words, and I haue no body to reuenge it; and in a brauery went out of doores, and bad the proudest champion I had come into Saint Georges fields and quit my wrong, if they durst: now, sir James, if euer you loued mee, learne the knaue to know how he hath wronged me, and I will grant whatsoeuer you will request at my hands. Marry, that I will, quoth he; and for that you may see how I will vse the knaue, goe with me, you and master doctor Skelton, and be eye-witnesses of my manhood. To this they agreed; and all three went into Saint Georges fields, where Long Meg was walking by the wind-mils. Yonder, quoth she, walkes the villain that abused me. Follow me, hostesse, quoth sir James; Ile goe to him. As soone as hee drew nigh, Meg began to settle herselfe, and so did sir James: but Meg past on as though she would haue gone by. Nay, sirrah, stay, quoth sir James; you and I part not so, we must haue a bout ere we passe; for I am this gentlewomans champion, and flatly for her sake will haue you by the eares. Meg replied not a word; but only out with her sword: and to it they went. At the first bout Meg hit him on the hand, and hurt him a little, but endangered him diuers times, and made him giue ground, following so hotly, that shee strucke sir James’ weapon out of his hand; then when she saw him disarm’d, shee stept within him, and, drawing her ponyard, swore all the world should not saue him. Oh, saue mee, sir! quoth hee; I am a knight, and ’tis but for a womans matter; spill not my blood. Wert thou twenty knights, quoth Meg, and were the king himselfe heere, hee should not saue thy life, vnlesse thou grant mee one thing. Whatsoeuer it bee, quoth sir James. Marry, quoth shee, that is, that this night thou wait on my trencher at supper at this womans house; and when supper is done, then confesse me to be thy better at weapon in any ground in England. I will do it, sir, quoth he, as I am a true knight. With this they departed, and sir James went home with his hostesse sorrowfull and ashamed, swearing that his adversary was the stoutest man in England. Well, supper was prouided, and sir Thomas Moore and diuers other gentlemen bidden thither by Skeltons means, to make vp the jest; which when sir James saw inuited, hee put a good face on the matter, and thought to make a slight matter of it, and therefore beforehand told sir Thomas Moore what had befallen him, how entring in a quarrell of his hostesse, hee fought with a desperate gentleman of the court, who had foiled him, and giuen him in charge to wait on his trencher that night. Sir Thomas Moore answered sir James, that it was no dishonour to be foyled by a gentleman [of England?], sith Cæsar himselfe was beaten backe by their valour. As thus they were discanting of the valour of Englishmen, in came Meg marching in her mans attire: euen as shee entered in at the doore, This, sir Thomas Moore, quoth sir James, is that English gentleman whose prowesse I so highly commend, and to whom in all valour I account myselfe so inferiour. And, sir, quoth shee, pulling off her hat, and her haire falling about her eares, hee that so hurt him to day is none other but Long Meg of Westminster; and so you are all welcome. At this all the company fell in a great laughing, and sir James was amazed that a woman should so wap him in a whinyard: well, hee as the rest was faine to laugh at the matter, and all that supper time to wait on her trencher, who had leaue of her mistris that shee might be master of the feast; where with a good laughter they made good cheere, sir James playing the proper page, and Meg sitting in her maiesty. Thus was sir James disgraced for his loue, and Meg after counted for a proper woman.”APPENDIX II.
LIST OF EDITIONS, &c.PIECES ATTRIBUTED TO SKELTON.
MSS.
MSS. OF PIECES ATTRIBUTED TO SKELTON.
APPENDIX III.
EXTRACTS FROM PIECES WHICH ARE WRITTEN IN, OR WHICH CONTAIN EXAMPLES OF, THE METRE CALLED SKELTONICAL.EXAMPLES
OF
THE METRE CALLED SKELTONICAL.,POETICAL WORKS
OF
JOHN SKELTON.OF THE DEATH[155]
OF THE NOBLE PRINCE, KYNGE EDWARDE THE FORTH,
PER SKELTONIDEM LAUREATUM.POETA SKELTON[182] LAUREATUS LIBELLUM SUUM METRICE ALLOQUITUR.
SKELTON LAUREAT
VPON THE
DOULOUR[U]S DETHE AND MUCHE LAMENTABLE CHAUNCE OF THE MOST HONORABLE ERLE OF NORTHUMBERLANDE.TETRASTICHON[211] SKELTON. LAUREATI AD MAGISTRUM RUKSHAW, SACRÆ THEOLOGIÆ EGREGIUM PROFESSOREM.
SKELTON LAUREATE[215]
AGAYNSTE
A comely coystrowne, that curyowsly chawntyd, and curryshly cowntred, and madly in hys musykkys mokkyshly made agaynste the ix Musys of polytyke poems and poettys matryculat.