FOOTNOTES:
[1] Plechanov never formally joined the Menshevik faction, I believe, but his writings showed that he favored that faction and the Mensheviki acknowledged his intellectual leadership.
[2] They had gained one member since the election.
[3] Quoted by Litvinov, The Bolshevik Revolution: Its Rise and Meaning, p. 22. Litvinov, it must be remembered, was the Bolshevik Minister to Great Britain. His authority to speak for the Bolsheviki is not to be questioned.
[4] The date is Russian style—March 12th, our style.
[5] The State in Russia—Old and New, by Leon Trotzky; The Class Struggle, Vol. II, No. 2, pp. 213-221.
[6] This document is printed in full at the end of the volume as Appendix. I
[7] The author of the present study is responsible for the use of italics in this document.
[8] Litvinov, The Bolshevik Revolution: Its Rise and Meaning, p. 30.
[9] Lenine is not quite accurate in his statement of Marx's views nor quite fair in stating the position of the "opportunists." The argument of Marx in The Civil War in France is not that the proletariat must "break down" the governmental machinery, but that it must modify it and adapt it to the class needs. This is something quite different, of course. Moreover, it is the basis of the policy of the "opportunists." The Mensheviki and other moderate Socialists in Russia were trying to modify and adapt the political state.
[10] The reference is to Karl Kautsky, the great German exponent of Marxian theory.
[11] The New International (American Bolshevik organ), June 30, 1917.
[12] The New International, July 23, 1917.
[13] Litvinov, op. cit., p. 31.
[14] The New International, April, 1918.
[15] See, e.g., the article by Lenine, New International, April, 1918, and Litvinov, op. cit.
[16] See my Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism, and Socialism for the I.W.W. philosophy.
[17] Bryant, Six Months in Red Russia, p. 141.
[18] This appeal is published as Appendix I at the end of this volume.
[19] Certain Soviets of Soldiers at the Front had decided that they would stay in their trenches for defensive purposes, but would obey no commands to go forward, no matter what the military situation.
[20] Figures supplied by the Russian Information Bureau.
[21] "It was with a deep and awful sense of the terrible failure before us that I consented to become Premier at that time," Kerensky told the present writer.
[22] The story was reproduced in New Europe (London), September, 1917.
[23] The New International, April, 1918.
[24] See p. 254.
[25] See the letter of E. Roubanovitch, Appendix II, p. 331.
[26] Justice, London, January 31, 1918.
[27] Justice, London, May 16, 1918.
[28] Vide Special Memorandum to the International Socialist Bureau on behalf of the Revolutionary Socialist party of Russia.
[29] See Appendix III.
[30] Pravda, July 5, 1918.
[31] February, 1918, Protest Against Recognition of Bolshevik Representative by British Labor Party Conference.
[32] Proclamation to People of the Northern Province, etc., December, 1918
[33] The New International, April, 1918.
[34] The dates given are according to the Russian calendar.
[35] See the Rakitnikov Memorandum—Appendix.
[36] The New International, April, 1918.
[37] The number of votes was over 36,000,000.
[38] Vide Rakitnikov report.
[39] Twenty-three members of the Executive Committee were arrested and, without any trial, thrown into the Fortress of Peter and Paul.
[40] From a Declaration of Protest by the Executive Committee of the Third National Congress of Peasants' Delegates (anti-Bolshevist), sent to the Bolshevik Congress of Soviets of Workmen, Soldiers, and Peasants, but not permitted to be read to that assembly.
[41] L'Ouorier Russe, May, 1918.
[42] Idem.
[43] Izvestya, July 28, 1918.
[44] Pravda, October 8, 1918 (No. 216).
[45] "Agents-Provocateurs and the Russian Revolution," article in Justice,, August 16, 1916, by J. Tchernoff.
[46] Most of the information in this paragraph is based upon an article in the Swiss newspaper Lausanne Gazette by the well-known Russian journalist, Serge Persky, carefully checked up by Russian Socialist exiles in Paris.
[47] Joseph Martinek, in the Cleveland Press.
[48] Justice (London), January 23, 1919.
[49] Justice, London, January 31, 1918.
[50] Jean Jaurès, Studies in Socialism.
[51] F. Engels, 1895, Preface to Marx's Civil War in France.
[52] The reader is referred to my Sidelights on Contemporary Socialism and my Karl Marx: His Life and Works for a fuller account of these struggles.
[53] Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, p. 12.
[54] Editorial entitled "Bolshevik Problems," in The Liberator, April, 1918.
[55] The article by Lenine quoted by Mr. Eastman appeared in The New International, February, 1918.
[56] The Bolsheviks and the Soviets, by Albert Rhys Williams, p. 6.
[57] Ansprache der Centralbehorde an den Bund, vom Marz, 1850: Anhang IX der Enthullerngen über den Kommunisten-process Zu Koln, p. 79.
[58] Lenine, The Soviets at Work.
[59] Wilhelm Liebknecht, No Compromise, No Political Trading, p. 30.
[60] Socialism: a Summary and Interpretation of Socialist Principles, by John Spargo, p. 215 (1st edition Macmillan, 1916).
[61] Liebknecht, No Compromise, No Political Trading, p. 16.
[62] Liebknecht, No Compromise, No Political Trading, p. 28.
[63] This subject is treated in the following, among others, of my books:
Socialism: a Summary and Interpretation of Socialist Principles; Applied Socialism; Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism, and Socialism; Elements of Socialism (Spargo and Arner), and Social Democracy Explained.
[64] The New International, July 23, 1917.
[65] Conversation with Trotzky reported by E.A. Ross, Russia in Upheaval, p. 208.
[66] Kautsky, The Social Revolution, p. 137.
[67] Lenine, The Soviets at Work.
[68] Lenine, op. cit.
[69] Lenine, op. cit.
[70] The best expositions of Guild Socialism are Self-Government in Industry, by G.D.H. Cole, and National Guilds, by S.G. Hobson, edited by A.R. Orage.
[71] Lenine, op. cit.
[72] Lenine, op. cit.
[73] Lenine, op. cit.
[74] Lenine, op. cit.
[75] Lenine, op. cit.
[76] Of course, Trotzky's statement to Professor Ross about paying the capitalists "5 or 6 per cent. a year" was frankly a compromise.
[77] E.A. Ross, Russia in Upheaval, pp. 206-207.
[78] Litvinov, The Bolshevik Revolution: Its Rise and Meaning, p. 39.
[79] Marx and Engels speak of the "idiocy of rural life" from which capitalism, through the concentration of agriculture and the abolition of small holdings, would rescue the peasant proprietors (Communist Manifesto). In Capital Marx speaks of the manner in which modern industry "annihilates the peasant, the bulwark of the old society" (Vol. I, p. 513). Liebknecht says that in 1848 it was the city which overthrew the corrupt citizen king and the country which overthrew the new republic, chose Louis Bonaparte and prepared the way for the Empire. "The French peasantry created an empire through their blind fear of proletarian Socialism" (Die Grund und Bodenfrage). Kautsky wrote, "Peasants who feel that they are not proletarians, but true peasants, are not only not to be won over to our cause, but belong to our most dangerous adversaries" (Dat Erfurter Programm und die Land-agitation). It would be easy to compile a volume of such utterances.
[80] Walling, Russia's Message, p. 118. The italics are mine.
[81] "Cabinet lands" are the crown lands, property of the Czar and royal family.
[82] Ross, op. cit., pp. 206-207.
[83] Justice, London, August 1, 1917.
[84] The figures given are quoted by Sack, in The Birth of Russian Democracy, and were originally published by the Bolshevist Commissaire of Commerce.
[85] Parvus et le Parti Socialiste Danois, by P.G. La Chesnais.
[86] La Chesnais, op. cit.
[87] In "L'Humanité," article condensed in Justice, January 31, 1918.
[88] International Notes, Justice, January 3, 1918.
[89] The Disarmament Cry, by N. Lenine, in The Class Struggle, May-June, 1918.
[90] The "Disarmament" Cry, by N. Lenine, The Class Struggle, May-June, 1918.
[91] Most, if not all, dates in this document are given as in the Russian calendar, which is thirteen days behind ours.
[92] This refers, doubtless, to the different basis for voting applied to the peasants and the industrial workers, as provided in the Soviet Constitution.