CHAPTER VI.
While so much of argument and eloquence was expended upon Episcopacy in the abstract, it is natural to ask what became of the bishops themselves? At the opening of the Long Parliament a committee had been formed to prepare charges against Laud. The Scotch busied themselves with the same matter as soon as they reached London, being exasperated by the attempts of the prelate to force Episcopacy upon their countrymen. On the 18th of December the Commons voted the Archbishop a traitor, and sent up a message to the Lords desiring that he might be committed to custody, stating also that their accusation would be established in convenient time.[205]
On the 24th of February articles were voted, and then presented to the Lords by Mr. Pym. He charged the Archbishop with subverting the constitution, by publications which he had encouraged; by influence he had used with ministers of justice; by his conduct both in the High Commission Court and in reference to the canons; by his tyrannical power in ecclesiastical and temporal matters; by setting up Popish superstition and idolatry; by abusing trust reposed in him by his Majesty; by choosing chaplains disaffected to the reformed religion; by attempting to reconcile the Church of England and the Church of Rome; by persecuting orthodox ministers; by causing division in England, and between the two kingdoms; and, finally, by subverting the rights of Parliament. Mr. Pym read these articles, and supported them. A few days afterwards the Archbishop was sent to the Tower.[206]
Bishops.
Bishop Wren, who, according to a witticism of the age, is called the least of all these birds, and the most unclean among them, was early arrested (December 22), yet he was allowed to remain at large on bail. On the 20th of July the articles of his impeachment were presented by Sir Thomas Widdrington. The bishop—it was alleged, amongst other things—had ordered that the Communion-table should be placed altar-wise with steps and rails, and that communicants should kneel as they received the sacrament. He had enjoined the reading of the "Book of Sports," and had deprived godly ministers for refusing to submit to that unscriptural injunction. Prayers had been forbidden by him before sermon; and clergymen had been required to preach in hood and surplice. He had also been the means of excommunicating as many as fifty faithful pastors, and had been guilty of appointing Popishly-affected chaplains.[207]
1641.
One bishop escaped the enquiry of the Long Parliament by being called to appear before a higher tribunal. We refer to Richard Montague, a man of learning, well read in the Fathers, an ecclesiastical antiquary, but a thorough Anglo-Catholic. Adopting Arminian views, supporting the encroachments of ecclesiastical power, loving ceremonial worship, and hating Puritanism with a perfect hatred, this prelate was just the person to please Archbishop Laud and Charles I. He had written, as early as 1623, a book against Popery, entitled "A new gag for the old goose," in which he was considered by many Protestants to have betrayed the cause he pretended to serve. For publishing this book, containing sundry propositions tending to the disturbance of Church and State, the author had been cited before the bar of the Commons, and, on the same account—and for the contents of his "Appeal to Cæsar," and his "Treatise upon the Invocation of the Saints"—articles of impeachment had afterwards been presented against him. He was charged with fomenting the King's hatred of the Puritans, abusing them as "Saint-seeming," "Bible-bearing," and "Hypocritical;" representing their churches as "Conventicles," and their ministrations as mere "prating:" and also with sneering at Reformers as well as Puritans, affirming that the Church of Rome was the spouse of Christ. Yet, notwithstanding Montague's Popish tendencies and his unpopularity with all but very High Churchmen, Charles elevated him to the see of Chichester—the worst episcopal appointment he ever made, next to his promotion of Laud to the Archiepiscopate. The death of this bishop, in April, 1641, alone prevented Parliament from instituting very severe proceedings respecting his conduct.
Davenant, who presided over the diocese of Salisbury, died the same month. Totally unlike Montague, he had fallen into trouble for contempt of King James's injunctions relative to preaching on predestination. His humble and peaceable life, his strict observance of the Sabbath, his condemnation of clerical pomp and luxury, and his disapproval of certain court proceedings, had secured for him the sympathies of the Puritans, and excited the displeasure of the High Church party. His death corresponded with his life; for in his last illness "he thanked God for this Fatherly correction," because in all his life-time he never before had one heavy affliction; which made him often much suspect with himself whether he was a true child of God or no, until this his last sickness. "Then," says Fuller—whose words we have followed—"he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we softly drew the curtains about him."[208]
Bishops.
On the 4th of August, 1641, Serjeant Wylde carried up to the House of Peers a series of articles prepared by a Committee of the House of Commons, impeaching thirteen bishops of certain crimes and misdemeanours. The accused were allowed till the 10th of November to prepare their answer, when they put in a Demurrer; after which the prosecution was superseded by other events hereafter to be described.
1641, July.
Shortly before the impeachment of the thirteen prelates, a remarkable correspondence took place between certain Presbyterian clergymen of London and their brethren beyond the Tweed. It shows the high spirits of the former excited by recent events, their expectation of a speedy union with their neighbours in ecclesiastical polity, and the inspiration of fear from quarters opposite to those which had given them alarm a few months before. In a letter dated 12th July, 1641, the London ministers observe, that Almighty God having now of His infinite goodness raised their hopes of removing the yoke of Episcopacy, under which they had so long groaned, sundry other forms of Church government were projected to be set up in the room thereof; one of which was, that all power, whether of electing and ordaining ministers, or of admitting or excommunicating members, centred in every particular congregation, and was bounded by its extent. Independency in fact is meant by this passage, and the writers wished to know the judgment of their Scotch compeers on the point, as this would conduce by God's blessing to the settlement of the question. All the more earnestly was this entreated, because of a rumour that some famous and eminent brethren in the North were inclined to that form of government. In reply to this, an epistle arrived from the General Assembly, in which that reverend body assured their London brethren, that since the Reformation—especially since the union of the two kingdoms—the Scotch had deplored the evil of Great Britain having two kirks, and did fervently desire one confession and one directory for both countries. This they considered would be a foundation for durable peace, and the two Churches welded into one would be strong in God against dissensions amongst themselves, and also against the invasion of foreign enemies. The Assembly grieved to learn that any godly minister should be found not agreeing with other reformed kirks in point of government as well as doctrine and worship; and they feared that if the hedge of discipline were altered, what it contained would not long preserve its character. After laying down Presbyterian principles, the writers conclude by declaring themselves to be of one heart and of one soul; and to be no less persuaded that Presbyterianism is of God than that Episcopacy is of men.[209]
Other circumstances about the same period encouraged the Scotch. Their army was to be disbanded, and their troops were to be paid—a point respecting which the commissioners had been very solicitous—and a promising treaty between the two countries appeared on the eve of ratification. To the desire of the northern brethren respecting unity of religion, it was answered in the treaty, that his Majesty, with the advice of both Houses, approved of the desire of ecclesiastical conformity; and since Parliament had already taken it into their consideration, they would proceed in a manner conducive to the glory of God and the peace of the two kingdoms.[210] This passage is equivocal, for it might signify conformity to Episcopal or conformity to Presbyterian government. The King, no doubt, meant in his heart the former, but was quite willing at the same time that his subjects in the North should understand the latter.
Royal Visit to Scotland.
When affairs were coming into this posture, Charles determined to visit his native land. Into his political motives for so doing this is not the place to enter—whether he hoped thereby to procure an adjournment of Parliament; or thought that he should break up the combination between the northern and southern patriots; or expected to obtain evidence and assistance against the latter by conference and co-operation with the antiCovenanters under Montrose. But most certainly his intention in reference to religion, as appears from his conduct, was to conciliate his countrymen and to throw them off their guard by veiling his strong attachment to Episcopacy, under an assumed friendliness for Presbyterianism.
1641, August.
Charles had determined to start on the 10th of August, and therefore, having passed certain bills on Saturday, the 7th, he then bid his Parliament farewell. The House of Commons greatly disliked this expedition. On the same day they requested the Lords to join them in petitioning his Majesty to delay his departure at least a fortnight longer. Only a strong reason could have induced Puritans to meet for business on the following day, being Sunday, but they did so meet. On that summer morning the members went down to Westminster, first to worship at St. Margaret's, and then to debate at St. Stephen's. But before entering on political affairs they were careful to guard against this Sunday sitting being drawn into a precedent. Often likened to the Pharisees for rigid formalism, these men, on this occasion, really shewed that—with their devout reverence for the holy season—they had caught the spirit of Him who said, the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath. Their attempt—on a day they so much loved to honour by religious exercises—at staying the King's journey northward, showed how much mischief they apprehended from that visit. But their effort did not succeed. On Tuesday, the 10th, Charles came to the House of Lords, and sending for the Commons, gave his assent to the Scotch Treaty and to certain Bills; after which he again took leave of the Houses, and started for Edinburgh, at two o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by the Elector Palatine and the Duke of Lennox. On the 18th the Commons despatched commissioners to watch the ratification of the treaty, and "keep up a good correspondence between the two kingdoms." Mr. Hume calls them spies; their public appointment and legal credentials refute that representation; yet it cannot be a question that their intended business was to keep a sharp eye on his Majesty's proceedings, and to thwart any sinister design of his which they might be able to discover.
Royal Visit to Scotland.
By the help of certain letters from Sidney Bere—afterwards Under Secretary of State, who formed one of the royal suite during this Scotch visit—we are able to follow the King into some of the religious and social scenes of the northern capital, which the courtier watched with much curiosity, and in his own fashion thus describes:—
"The chaplains' places are supplied by Mr. Henderson and another, who say grace, but I cannot say read prayers, they being likewise extemporary, one in the beginning, then a chapter or two, after that another prayer, then a psalm, and so the benediction. This is in the Chamber of Presence at the usual hours; the sermons have been hitherto in the parish church, though the chapel here be fitted up, but after their fashion, without altar or organs."[211]
"His Majesty is neither wanting in pains nor affection, going every morning to their Parliament, and this Sunday was in two of their churches, and daily takes the prayer and preachings according to their form, which gains much on the people. In a word, his Majesty is wholly disposed to settle both Church and State before he leaves this place."[212]
1641, August.
"I will only add a relation of a feast, made by this town unto the King and the Lords in the Great Hall of the Parliament this day, August 30th. The King and the Prince Elector sat at one table, the Lords at another, but both in one room. The Duke of Richmond on one side, General Leslie over against, and next him the Marquis Hamilton, who gives him the place ordinarily, in respect, (I take it), that his commission of General is not yet delivered up. The mayor of the town, like a plain Dutch host, bestirred himself bravely, drank a health to the King, to the Queen, and the royal Children, and afterwards insisted with his Majesty to pledge; and so, in this Scotch familiar way, but with a great deal of familiarity, bid the King and the Lords welcome, with such hearty expressions as it served both for mirth and satisfaction. The glasses went liberally about, and the entertainment was great; indeed, over the whole town there was nothing but joy and revelling, like a day of jubilee; and this in token of the union, which, doubtless, is more firm than ever, by reason of the happy intervention of the unity of form of religion, at least for the present; and in the King's own practice, which wins much upon this people. Yesterday his Majesty was again at the great church at sermon, where the bishops were not spared, but put down in such language as would a year ago have been at the least a Star Chamber business, imputing still all that was amiss to ill counsellors, and so ingratiated his Majesty with his people, who indeed show a zeal and affection beyond all expression."[213]
Royal Visit to Scotland.
While reading these extracts we cannot help noticing that the services in Edinburgh, attended by the Anglo-Catholic King, in 1641, were as different as possible from the ceremonial exhibitions arranged for Holyrood in 1633, by an Anglo-Catholic bishop, when the musical servants, with their chapel goods and paraphernalia were despatched by the Dreadnought for the Firth of Forth.[214] Experience since then had taught some little wisdom in such matters. Defiance having failed, conciliation was now attempted, and it would seem that the whole political bearing of Charles whilst in Scotland was in keeping with his social and religious conduct at that time. He ratified the Acts of June, 1640, by which Presbyterianism had become the established religion of the country; he bestowed fresh titles and dignities on certain noblemen who had opposed him at the council table, and arrayed themselves against him in the field; and he consented to the partition of ecclesiastical revenues amongst Presbyterian claimants, when, as it was said, "leading men, cities, and universities cast lots for the garments which had clothed the Episcopal establishment." Such was the conduct of the Sovereign on the whole, that he alarmed his friends and encouraged his foes; some on both sides concluding that he meant to establish Presbyterianism throughout his dominions; but of that idea, however, he took care to disabuse "his servants," assuring them of his remaining "constant to the discipline and doctrine of the Church of England established by Queen Elizabeth and his father," and his resolution "by the grace of God to die in the maintenance of it."[215]
1641, September.
When the pacification had been effected, the English Parliament solemnly celebrated the event on the 7th of September, by attending divine worship.[216] But the two Houses did not agree in the manner of service. Bishop Williams, as Dean of Westminster, had prepared for the occasion a form of prayer. The Commons pronounced this to be beyond his power, and ordered the prayer not to be read in the liberties of Westminster or elsewhere. When the Lords met in the Abbey, the Commons went to Lincoln's Inn Chapel, where Burgess and Marshall preached, and prayers were offered extempore.
Proceedings of the Commons.
The Commons, conscious of strength, perhaps a little over-estimating it, were not slow in pressing Church reforms, though they proceeded with some caution. At the end of August, they resolved that churchwardens should remove communion-tables from the east end of churches where they had stood altar-wise, and that they should take away the rails, level the chancel floors, and altogether place the buildings in the same state as they were in before the recent innovations. Perhaps excitement in our own day, respecting usages adopted at St. George's in the East, may serve as an illustration of the feeling awakened in the middle of the seventeenth century, by Anglican worship. Only it is to be remembered that instead of one St. George's in the East at that time, there were a hundred in different parts of the country. In villages and towns with High Church clergymen, and Low Church congregations, where semi-Popish arrangements had been adopted in the chancel, while rigid and ultra-Protestant Puritans sat in the nave, or absented themselves altogether—such feuds arose, that, to preserve the peace, as well as to check "innovations," the Lower House deemed it necessary to interfere. The opposition to Sunday afternoon lecturing, and the refusal of incumbents to admit lecturers into their pulpits, increased the strife; and, in reference to this, the Commons interfered by declaring it lawful for the people to set up a lecturer at their own charge.[217] Bishops inhibited such proceedings; but the Commons declared the inhibition void. As bishops were members of the Upper House, all this tended to make the breach between the two branches of the legislature wider than before.
1641, September.
The question of worship could not be allowed to rest. "Innovations" were still discussed; it was resolved in the Lower House, on the 1st September, that scandalous pictures and images should be removed from sacred edifices, and candlesticks and basins from the Communion-table, that there should be no "corporal bowing" at the name of Jesus, and that the Lord's Day should be duly observed.[218] The Peers did not agree with the other House in all these proceedings; they were prepared to command, that no rails should be erected where none existed already; that chancels should be levelled if they had been raised within the last fifteen years; that all images of the Trinity should be abolished; and that any representation of the Virgin set up within twenty years should be pulled down. But the Lords declined to forbid bowing at the name of Jesus; and—omitting any direct reply to the message on the subject from the Lower House—they simply resolved to print and publish the order of the 16th of January, commanding that divine service should be performed according to Act of Parliament; that those who disturbed "wholesome order" should be punished; and that clergymen should introduce no ceremonies which might give offence.[219] The Commons were highly displeased at this, and immediately published their own resolution on their own authority, adding, that they hoped their proposed reformations might be perfected; and that, in the mean time, the people "should quietly attend the reformation intended," without any disturbance of God's worship and the public peace.[220]
The Houses, on the 9th of September, adjourned their sittings for six weeks. When the conflicting orders of Parliament respecting worship came before the nation, the Anglicans adhered to the one issued by the Lords for preserving things as they were, the Puritans upheld the other published by the Commons in favour of reformation: party strife consequently increased, leading to fresh disturbances of the peace. Resistance to the order of the Commons burst out in St. Giles' Cripplegate, St. George's Southwark, and other parishes. There the High Church party defended the threatened communion-rails, as though they had been the outworks of a beleaguered citadel. On the other hand, where Puritanism had the ascendancy, violent opposition was made to the reading of the liturgy, service books were torn and surplices rent.[221]
Reaction.
A considerable reaction in the state of public feeling began to appear in many quarters. There were persons who, having hailed with gratitude and delight the earlier measures of the Long Parliament, now felt disappointed at the results, and at the further turn which affairs were taking. Always, in great revolutions, a multitude of persons may be found in whose minds sanguine hope has been inspired by the inauguration of change; but, being moderate in their opinions and quiet in their habits, they are so terribly alarmed at popular excitement, and by the apprehension of impending extravagances of procedure, that they call on the drivers of the chariot of reform to pull up, as soon as ever the horses have galloped a few yards and a little dust begins to rise around the vehicle. Want of skill, reckless haste, even mischievous intentions, are sure to be imputed to those who hold the reins, and the conviction gains ground that speedily the coach will be overturned.
1641, September.
So it happened in this instance. People who had cheered on Pym and his compatriots a few months before, were now becoming thoroughly frightened. Semi-Puritans, and other good folks, who wished to see matters mended very quietly, thought changes were going a great deal too far; also self-interest aided the reaction. Bishops had been assailed, but bishops as yet had neither been dethroned in the cathedral nor dismissed from the Upper House. They were provoked without being deprived of power, irritated without being divested of influence. They still lived in palaces, and had the establishments of noblemen, and at the same time they retained the means of attaching to them such of the clergy as waited for preferment. Persons of the latter description naturally dreaded the impoverishment of the prelates, and deprecated taking away the rewards of learning and piety.
They did what they could to make Parliament odious. Many, too, were "daily poisoned by the discourses of the friends, kindred, and retainers to so many great delinquents, as must needs fear such a Parliament." This is stated by a candid contemporary, Thomas May, secretary to the Parliament, who dwells at large upon the reaction at this period, and points out its causes. Besides those now mentioned, he adds: "daily reports of ridiculous conventicles, and preachings made by tradesmen and illiterate people of the lowest rank, to the scandal and offence of many, which some in a merry way would put off, considering the precedent times, that these tradesmen did but take up that which prelates and the great doctors had let fall,—preaching the Gospel; that it was but a reciprocal invasion of each other's calling, that chandlers, salters, weavers, and such like, preached, when the archbishop himself, instead of preaching, was daily busied in projects about leather, salt, soap, and such commodities as belonged to those tradesmen."
Reaction.
He then proceeds: "but I remember within the compass of a year after, (when this civil war began to break out over all the kingdom, and men in all companies began to vent their opinions in an argumentative way, either opposing or defending the Parliament cause, and treatises were printed on both sides,) many gentlemen who forsook the Parliament were very bitter against it for the proceedings in religion, in countenancing, or not suppressing, the rudeness of people in churches—acting those things which seemed to be against the discipline of the English Church, and might introduce all kinds of sects and schisms. Neither did those of the Parliament side agree in opinions concerning that point; some said it was wisely done of the Parliament not to proceed against any such persons for fear of losing a considerable party; others thought and said, that by so doing, they would lose a far more considerable party of gentlemen than could be gained of the other sort. They also affirmed, that laws and liberties having been so much violated by the King, if the Parliament had not so far drawn religion also into their cause, it might have sped better; for the Parliament frequently at that time, in all their expressions, whensoever they charged the corrupt statesmen of injustice and tyranny, would put Popery, or a suspicion of it, into the first place against them."[222]
This reaction should be kept in mind, as it will serve to explain some things which followed.
