CHAPTER IX.
As Congregational Churches were in theory select Societies, they shewed great care in the admission of members; and as they believed that all pastoral authority under Christ was communicated not through apostolical succession in the ministry itself, but through the community which invited some Christian teacher to preside over it, the members, at least in some cases, themselves performed the service of ordination. Met together in the name of their Divine Lord, they solemnly elected their Bishop by holding up their hands, and then by fasting and prayer they appointed him to his work. They also made a detailed confession of their faith in the doctrines of Christianity—the chosen minister also on his part doing the same—after which the representatives of other and neighbouring Churches who were present, and who were affectionately welcomed on the occasion, united in approving what had been done, and in giving the right hand of fellowship to the assembled brethren and to their new spiritual overseer.[200]
There were officers in these societies of a description not found in Congregational Churches of the present day. Frequent mention is made in Nonconformists' records of persons called Teachers—who appear to have assisted the pastor in his pulpit labours and in his spiritual oversight of the flock, without being exactly on a level with him in his position as President of the community. Mention also is made of Ruling Elders, who must have resembled the Presbyterian order so denominated, and who were distinguished from Preaching Elders by the circumstance of their not being public teachers, and of their not administering the Sacraments. Deacons were chosen in the same manner as were Bishops; and the exercise of gifts, in the way of occasional exhortation by the former, received encouragement from the latter; one of whom quaintly said to his people that if this exercise of prophesying were not maintained, they would be justly regarded by other Churches as in a state of decline, and the gifts of the Spirit bestowed upon them "would dry up and prove unprofitable." Deaconesses or widows also occupied a permanent official position in these communities, and accounts exist of meetings assembled for choosing Christian helpers of that kind.
The Churches sought advice of each other, and when important religious questions agitated the public mind they held convocations for the interchange of opinion and for the expression of a common judgment. For example:—that phase of the millenarian controversy which related to the opinions of the Fifth Monarchists, and which exercised a strange fascination over minds of a particular cast, secured the greatest attention, and excited extraordinary interest.[201]
When cases of scandal occurred, they were subjected to careful investigation. The accused party was summoned to appear before his fellow-members; the Elders, after giving him notice, read to him the charges which were brought against him; and upon his failing to offer a satisfactory explanation, the Church unanimously voted that, according to Scripture, he should be accounted a heathen man and a publican.[202]
Congregational Churches.
To comprehend clearly the relation in which Congregational pastors and their flocks stood to the civil government of the country, it is necessary to study a number of minute and—to the majority of readers—unimportant, if not uninteresting particulars. Such pastors were also Rectors, Vicars, City lecturers, and Preachers in Cathedrals. They are described in municipal records as "town preachers," and as "our ministers." In some cases there were four persons so united—two of them being Presbyterians, and the other two Independents. Assistance was sought from Government for paying these public instructors, and a salary of one hundred pounds per annum was in some cases voted out of the impropriation funds. Applications were occasionally made for Acts of Parliament to authorize the levying of contributions for the support of such ministers, and for the repair of their churches. When indeed attempts were made at Yarmouth to impose rates upon the town for these purposes, the Congregational pastors formally protested against it, as contrary to the Gospel, and as injurious to the Church; the members desiring that none of the brethren "might have any hand in the acting of the same." That this resolution however only referred to the rating as an objectionable mode of obtaining assistance, and not to the appropriation of existing revenues for religious purposes, is apparent from the circumstance, that one of the ministers of that very Church was at the time receiving a salary from a source of the latter kind. In numerous cases no scruple existed with regard to the sustenance derived from tithes; and the extinction of this impost fell under the strong condemnation of the same persons who deprecated the collection of municipal rates for the support of the ministry.[203]
Congregational city lecturers preached before civic assemblies at feasts and fasts and thanksgivings; and it is perhaps worth while to observe in passing how careful the Puritans and even the Independents were to maintain, on such occasions, a considerable measure of ancient pomp: strict injunctions being given at Norwich, when the Corporation went to public worship, that the aldermen should "be in their scarlet," and that the livery should "attend upon the sword in gowns and tippets." Old formalities, savouring of superstition, were, of course, carefully dropped, and it was ordered, for instance, in the city just mentioned, that on guild-day there should be neither any beating of drums or sounding of trumpets—nor any snap-dragon, or fellows dressed up in fools' coats and caps—nor any standard carried with the George thereon—nor any hanging of tapestry or pictures in the streets. But with these prohibitions, allowance was given for the firing of guns; and the Corporation wended its way in solemn state down London-lane to the Dutch Church, where the Independent city lecturer preached to the municipal magnates, clad in red cloaks, with embroidered scarfs, and a full complement of lace collar—as may be seen in their portraits, still hanging in the Guildhall Council Chamber. At Yarmouth, also, the members of the Corporation marched in state to the Congregational place of worship, and were liable to a shilling fine, if at the service they neglected to wear their gowns.
Congregationalism and the State.
The instances here afforded of the relation then existing between Church and State refer exclusively to the position occupied by individual ministers, through their occupancy of certain public ecclesiastical offices. As Rectors, Vicars, Lecturers, and Town preachers, they had a political status which did not and could not pertain to them as Bishops of Congregational communities. It was in their parish, or public relation, not in their merely pastoral office—which sometimes bore a very private character—that clerical Independents obtained recognition from the political authorities of the land.
Churches frequently met in private houses, although the pastors were parochial incumbents. Over their proceedings in that capacity the secular power, according to the principles of the Protectorate government, could exercise no control so long as the members conducted themselves like other loyal citizens. The theory evidently was, that in purely spiritual affairs these churches were not subject to State interference, because in their Congregational capacity they did not receive State support.[204]
Congregationalism and the State.
But a difficulty arose. A Congregational pastor, holding an incumbency, might be regarded by some of his parishioners, who did not adopt his views, as bound to administer the sacraments to them, as well as to the members of the select community which he had chosen to organize. If he refused to do what they demanded, they would be likely to assert what they considered to be their legal rights. A case of this very kind was submitted to Justice Wyndham whilst he was conducting the Derby assizes, in the year 1658. Certain inhabitants in the parish of Aston-upon-Trent complained that their minister, Thomas Palmer,[205] would not administer the Holy Sacrament. He at once admitted the fact, and then there ensued a conversation between the Judge and the accused, which the latter has happened to leave upon record. And it is easy to give some colouring and life to the whole of this singular transaction—which the disinterment of an old paper has brought to our knowledge—if we exercise our imagination a little so as to paint his lordship in scarlet and ermine, occupying an ancient kind of judicial chair, ornamented with the arms of the Commonwealth—and a number of counsellors, in full costume, arranged before him—the jury sitting in their box—with a large attendance of people, in cloth cloaks, or leather jerkins, crowding the space available for spectators, when the following colloquy took place:—
Judge. "But do you not know that you are bound by the law to administer the sacraments to your parishioners?"
Palmer. "No, my Lord. I know no such law in force compelling me to administer the holy sacraments to my parishioners; neither are ministers now enjoined any such thing when inducted into any living. Yet, I humbly suppose if any such law were still unrepealed, it ought to be repealed, when so much against the law of Jesus Christ."
Judge. "Oh, you will teach Parliaments, &c. But if you do not know there is such a law in force you shall know it. Clerk, read the statute of the 1st of Edward VI., &c. What say you to this?"
Palmer. "My Lord, I will not dispute the law read, but humbly pray your Lordship to inform me whether ignorant, profane, and scandalous persons be included in the statute?"
Judge. "No."
Palmer. "Then I may deny to administer to such."
Judge. "What have you to do to exercise an arbitrary power over other men's consciences? Let a man examine himself, &c."
Palmer. "No, my Lord, I have no such sole power in me as a minister, but I conceive it is in the Church, and that is the reason I have not administered these holy ordinances, as not having visible godly people to join with me in approving who are fit and who are not fit."
Judge. "But why did you not give the people liberty to get another to administer the sacrament to them, and when you promised it?"
Palmer. "My promise and their desire was (in words) with limitation of a godly orthodox Divine. But my parishioners nominated and offered to me such old, malignant ministers, formerly of the King's party, as I could not approve of, and I would not approve of; and this sorely displeased."
Judge. "You, and such as you are, are the causes of the divisions of the nation. But I say if I be upon my journey, and coming to an inn, if the innkeeper refuse to lodge me I have my action against him, and I know not but the like will hold in this case."
Houlden (parishioner). "But, my Lord, what must we do?"
Judge. "I know not; but if you will bring it before us we will do you right."
The Judge advised the complainants to withhold the tithes, because the incumbent did not administer the sacrament, and they immediately entered into a combination for that purpose.[206]
Congregationalism and the State.
The facts now related are only such as were likely to occur under a system intended to unite two things so perfectly incompatible as the independent position of a Congregational minister and his acceptance of a parochial cure. What were considered as rights of conscience on the one hand, necessarily came into collision with what were considered on the other hand as rights of law.[207]
Churches in some instances consisted of more than one congregation. For a considerable period the Independents of Norwich and Yarmouth formed a single community; the members travelling from one place to the other to celebrate the Lord's Supper, although they had distinct religious services on other occasions in their respective localities. It frequently happened that old Churches were requested to assist in the formation of new ones. Indeed, they sprung one out of another, like the branches of a banyan tree, covering whole districts with their shadow and their fruit. This happened especially in Norfolk and Suffolk; the Church records in those counties containing numerous passages illustrative of the culture of such off-shoots. But it may be observed, that this multiplication of fellowships, which was the result of zeal, also appears to have been under the control of wisdom; a reverential regard being paid to the customs of primitive Christianity. The members had a salutary dread of schism; they did not delight in needless separation, but kept together as long as they could, and were exceedingly unwilling to break their mutual bonds, and only entered into new organizations when the increase of their numbers, or some local circumstances, rendered the step unquestionably desirable. On the same principle of promoting the greatest good, existing communities were, under peculiar circumstances, dissolved, that the elements might enter into more effective combinations.[208]
In London and the suburbs Independent ministers holding parish preferments formed a small minority. Joseph Caryl, a grave-looking man, well-known now as the author of an "Exposition of the Book of Job," and well-known then as the principal Congregational pastor within the city walls, occupied the Rectory of St. Mary Magnus. His position and influence may be inferred from his having been sent to attend upon Charles I., at Holdenby, and also to assist in the treaty of Newport, from his accompanying Oliver Cromwell in his expedition to Scotland, and from his afterwards becoming one of the ministerial triers under the Protectorate. A friend, who knew him well, observed, that his labours were great, and his studies incessant; and that his sincerity, faith, zeal, and wisdom, imparted fragrancy to his name amongst the Churches and servants of Jesus Christ.
Nye—Greenhill.
Philip Nye, who has been repeatedly mentioned in these volumes, held, together with the living of Acton, the rectory of St. Bartholomew by the Exchange; and William Greenhill, who wrote a volume on the prophecy of Ezekiel, was incumbent of the village of Stepney. He had been chaplain to the King's children—the Dukes of York and Gloucester, and the Lady Henrietta Maria—and was, in this respect, like Philip Nye, one of the members of the Westminster Assembly. His faithfulness as a preacher, his rebukes of prevalent iniquity, and above all his intense appeals to the citizens of London respecting their immoralities, remind us of Chrysostom; not, however, as to his golden eloquence, but as it regards his faithful ministrations at Antioch and Constantinople. "Let our great city and citizens look to it," exclaims Greenhill, "there is scum in the city, and not a little. Is it gone out or boiled in? Was not the sword lately at your gates? Was there not yesterday great sickliness within your walls? Is not trading diminished? Have there not been strange murders amongst you? Have not many sad fires been kindled, broke out, and consumed your habitations? Was there not a plot, which hath cost some their lives, to fire your city? God hath been warning you by these judiciary dispensations, and are you bettered by them? Have all you have seen, feared, or felt, caused your scum to depart from you? If so, it is well; well will it be with you, well with your city, and well with your undertakings, and well with your posterity; but if it be boiled in, and you are the worse for all the boiling judgments and providences you have been in and under, know that some dreadful calamity, if not destruction itself, hastens, and will certainly take hold of you and your city, without speedy repentance."[209]
Matthew Mead, who, after the death of Jeremiah Burroughs, became associated with Greenhill in the parish of Stepney as morning Lecturer, may be numbered amongst the Independent clergymen in the neighbourhood of London. He was distinguished by a large-hearted catholicity, which induced him to reject any conditions of ecclesiastical fellowship beyond such as consist in the maintenance of a pure and holy life. "He took little pleasure," as we are informed by his congenial friend, John Howe, "in embroiling himself or his hearers in needless and fruitless controversies. The great, substantial doctrines of the Gospel were his principal study and delight; such as lay nearest the vitals and heart of religion and godliness." The subjects which he insisted upon in the course of his ministry indicated this to be his spirit and design. Being constantly moderate and unexceptionably sound he continued ever remote from rigorous and indefensible extremities, and drove at his mark without diversion; not so much aiming to proselyte souls to a party as to win his fellow-men to the service of Christ.[210]
In the provinces perhaps there might be a much larger proportion of Independent Rectors, Vicars, and Lecturers than there was in London, since nothing is clearer than the fact of a general increase of Independency during the Protectorate.
Mead—Bridge.
William Bridge filled the office of town lecturer at Yarmouth, and, whilst he was absent from home during the sittings of the Westminster Assembly, the Corporation allowed him fifty pounds a year. At the same time he continued pastor of the Congregational Church in the Norfolk sea-port; frequently returning to his charge, and constantly attending to their affairs. We also find him preaching in the Metropolis and its neighbourhood, and also before the House of Commons. So acceptable were his services, that the Council of State in November, 1649, unanimously elected him to be their chaplain, promising two hundred pounds per annum for his discharge of the duties of the office. The prospect of a doubled salary and of enlarged influence would have been a strong temptation to a man of mercenary or ambitious views; but Bridge's only question seems to have been how he could best accomplish his Divine Master's will. He consulted his congregation upon the subject, and they, with a disinterestedness akin to his own, recommended him to confer with the Council of State, and then to act as the finger of Providence might seem to direct. The conference ended in his declining the chaplainship; a decision which bound him still closer than ever to the hearts of his people.
John Flavel, the author of "Spiritual Husbandry," and Joseph Alleine, the author of "The Alarm to the Unconverted," were so moderately Presbyterian in their views, and were, from the circumstances in which they were placed, so unable to carry out a Presbyterian form of Church polity, that in point of fact they may be reckoned as Congregationalists. But we must pass by these to notice particularly another person, superior in intellect and learning to these excellent men, and one who, though he cannot be numbered with rigid Congregationalists any more than they, certainly adopted Congregational opinions.
John Howe.
John Howe was a man of such comprehensive mind, and of such all-embracing affection, that he instinctively shrank from every form of ecclesiastical division except such as is required by Christian conscientiousness. He held schism in the utmost abhorrence, and panted for the realization of the broadest possible union; and whilst parish minister of Torrington, in Devonshire, he promoted meetings with neighbouring pastors for mutual edification and fellowship, which formed a miniature of that more extensive scheme which Baxter was, throughout his life, toiling in vain to carry into execution. In the little town just mentioned "some of the happiest years of his life were spent; here his labours were rendered signally useful, and here he preached those discourses, the substance of which was afterwards embodied in two of his most useful and impressive treatises: his 'Delighting in God,' and his 'Blessedness of the Righteous.' Though when he first went to Great Torrington he could have been little more than twenty-four years of age, his persuasive style of preaching, and his still more persuasive example, soon secured him the esteem and affection of his people. A striking proof of his influence over them, is afforded in the fact (incidentally mentioned in one of the letters extracted from the Baxter MSS.) that though, at his first coming to Torrington, he found the Church divided into two parties, he succeeded, 'through God's blessing on his endeavours,' in restoring union.[211]
Howe came up from Torrington to London in the winter of 1656, and went to hear a certain preacher at Whitehall, on the Sunday before the day on which he intended to return home. His noble figure and expressive face struck the Protector, who already had Milton for a secretary, and Hale for a judge, and he wished to listen to the proclamation of the Gospel from a young man of such remarkable promise. After having heard a sermon from Howe, Cromwell would not allow of his returning to his country cure, but insisted upon his becoming a court chaplain, and undertook to provide a suitable minister for the Church which he had left in Devonshire. Howe unwillingly acceded to the request, and remained in office until after the Protector's death. It will throw light upon the relative position of Independents and Episcopalians at that time; upon the intimacies existing amongst them, and the friendly services sometimes performed by the one for the other; as well as serve to illustrate the liberality of Cromwell towards those who differed from him, if we may be allowed to mention the following circumstance:—Seth Ward, afterwards Bishop of Exeter, was candidate for the principalship of Jesus College, at Oxford. His opponent was Francis Howel, who had obtained from his Highness a promise of the appointment. Ward, through the help of his friend the chaplain, secured an audience with the Protector, being commended to him by the same friend as a man of extraordinary learning and worth. Cromwell, embarrassed by his promise to Howel, called Howe aside, and further consulted him respecting the merit of his University companion. The issue was, that he told Ward, on such a recommendation as he had received, he was disposed to shew him some token of regard, at the same time pleasantly asking what he thought the principalship of Jesus College might be worth. On being informed respecting the amount of the income, he promised he would allow him annually just that sum. As this incident illustrates the influence of the chaplain with the Protector, the regard of the Protector for the chaplain, and the liberality of both towards one of a different "denomination," another incident may also fittingly be introduced, to shew the faithful preaching which there was at Whitehall, and how it was regarded by the "magnanimous usurper," even when it crossed his own prejudices. Cromwell believed that spiritually-minded men in answer to prayer received Divine intimations, indicating their requests to be according to the Divine will, and also testifying how they were about to be fulfilled. This "particular faith in prayer," as it was termed, extensively prevailed amongst the people who formed Cromwell's Court, and received much encouragement from what was taught them in the Whitehall pulpit. John Howe, who saw plainly that such an idea opened the door to fanatical excesses, determined to expose the error, and therefore delivered a calm and thoughtful discourse upon its fallacy and mischief. Cromwell's brow darkened, and he looked uneasy. A person of distinction came up to the preacher on leaving the pulpit, and enquired whether he knew what he had done. "My duty," replied Howe, "and I can trust the issue with God." He informed Calamy that he observed Cromwell was cooler in his behaviour afterwards than he had been before, and that he sometimes seemed as if he wished to speak on the subject, but never did. The courage on the one side; with the annoyance felt, and yet the forbearance manifested on the other; the prevalence of enthusiasm at Whitehall; and the checks which it received from men commonly identified with its upholders, are conspicuously demonstrated in this incident, and they reveal in a very striking way the mingled good and evil of those eventful days.
John Howe.
The correspondence of Howe at that time with Richard Baxter, and the replies of the Catholic Presbyterian to the Catholic Independent place in a clear light the views which they entertained with regard to union. Baxter, in one of his letters written in a suspicious temper, wished to awaken Howe's jealousy to a careful but very secret and silent observation of the "infidels and Papists, who were very high and busy under several garbs, especially of Seekers, Vanists, Behmenists;" in the same letter he praised the Lord Protector as a man of a Catholic spirit, and "desirous of the unity and peace of all the servants of Christ." The writer also expressed his own wish, that the ruler of England would take some healing principles into consideration and expound them to one or two leading Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Erastians, and Anabaptists. Baxter thus indicated where he himself thought of drawing the line of comprehension, and with great significance (and it shews liberality and prudence combined), added, by way of postscript, "I pray you persuade men not to despise those they call Royalists and Episcopalians, either because they are now under them, or because of contrariety of worldly interests, for these signify less than carnal hearts imagine, and who knows what a day (and a righteous God) may bring forth." Howe agreed with Baxter's object in the main. But as to means, he was more prudent, and thought it best to bring Presbyterians and Congregationalists together before proceeding any further. Philip Nye is referred to in the correspondence by Howe, as a person of so much importance "that he would either be consulted with, or, at least, would in some way hear of (the proposal), and if he disliked, hinder it;" and Nye's views of Christian fellowship appear to have been much narrower than those of either Howe or Baxter. The designs and efforts of the two last named individuals came to nothing. Ripeness could not be found in court or country, in this party or in that, for any such comprehension as Baxter clearly prefigured in his mind, and Howe, with less definiteness of view, but with equal if not greater catholicity of affection, most ardently and anxiously desired. To attempt an organic union of divers sects is but a Utopian dream. Even to attempt plans of co-operation, correspondence, and mutual harmony before sympathy of feeling, and a close attraction of hearts has been engendered in the Church of Christ, is unwise and useless; but it is not Quixotic to endeavour to establish and increase friendly intercourse and brotherly interchanges of sentiment between those who divide our Protestant Christendom—to draw towards one another in kindly fellowship while mutually conceding the full rights of conscience—and to hope that a day will come when, rising above ancient prejudices and traditional walls of separation, sects and parties who share in the profession of a common faith, may enjoy in this world full intercommunion of instruction and of worship.
Congregationalism in Scotland.
Following for a moment the fortunes of Independency beyond the bounds of England, we remark that Congregationalism did not take root in Scotland. Robert Browne travelled thither in the year 1584, and dwelt in lodgings by the Canongate. He inveighed against the Reformed Church of Scotland and the Presbyterian ministers of Edinburgh; it is said not without protection and encouragement from the Court. John Penry, too, crossed the Tweed; and King James afterwards complained that such men having "sown their popple," certain brain-sick and heady preachers caught their spirit. Yet up to the period of the civil wars no traces of Independency can be found amongst the Scotch. A person named Orthro Ferrendail, an Irishman, preached in a private house, in the city of Aberdeen, in the year 1642, "at night, within closed doors," what was curiously stigmatized as "nocturnal doctrine or Brownism." Congregational principles were adopted by only a few individuals, yet this created no small stir amongst the Presbyterians. The General Assembly of the year 1647 prohibited the reading of Independent and Baptist books, and the harbouring of people who were infected with their errors; and further they instigated the magistrates of the country to assist ministers in resisting all schismatical innovations. Independent officers and soldiers belonging to the English army could not so easily be dismissed or silenced, and one of the military chaplains wrote a little book on Independency, describing it as "A Little Stone out of the Mountain." To this quaint publication an answer was returned by a theological professor, bearing a title of corresponding quaintness, "A Little Stone pretended to be out of the Mountain, tried and found to be a Counterfeit." The English Commissioners pleaded with the General Assembly on behalf of toleration and of Congregational discipline, but the plea met with an indignant reply. Yet a few ministers, including Patrick Gillespie,[212] were favourable to the condemned tenets, and Independent Divines are mentioned as discharging their ministry within the parishes of Kilbride, in Lanarkshire, and of Kirkintilloch, in the county of Dumbarton. Persecution appeared in some quarters, and sectaries were excommunicated, imprisoned, and hunted from place to place so that their lives were embittered. These scanty facts indicate at least that Congregationalism found no congenial soil in regions north of the border.[213]
Congregationalism in Ireland.
The Brownists are reported to have visited Ireland, with some success. Dr. Owen, when in Dublin, lamented the ignorance of religion prevalent in that city, but found "a numerous multitude of as thirsty a people after the Gospel" as he had ever met with.[214] Certain distinguished Independents went over after the completion of Cromwell's conquests, of whom one was Dr. Samuel Winter, appointed to the provostship of Trinity College. Dr. Thomas Harrison accompanied Henry Cromwell, and preached for some years in Christ Church, Dublin. Samuel Mather, a member of the well-known Mather family, also an Independent, became a minister in Ireland; and being a man of singular moderation, when commissioned by the Lord Deputy to displace the Episcopal clergy, he declined the office, on the ground that he had come to Ireland to preach the Gospel, not to hinder others from doing so. Stephen Charnock also spent some time in the island. John Rogers, a Dublin pastor in 1651, may be added to the list, for he thus expresses his ecclesiastical opinions:—"Concerning the Church of Christ, I know that it is one body universal and catholic, and that it is of all saints, past, present, and to come, invisible and visible, yea spiritual and formal. But this I also believe, that God hath left rule in His word for particular congregations here upon earth, as the visible to make up His one entire and universal body."[215] John Murcot, an extraordinary young man, who occupied one of the Dublin pulpits, was another Congregational preacher.[216] Churches of this denomination existed in Youghall, Carrickfergus, Limerick, Tredagh, and other Irish towns.[217] Most of the Irish Independents accepted State support, but a few were averse to maintenance by tithes. The difference between the latter and their brethren is mentioned by the Lord Deputy, who also alludes rather sarcastically to the mutual jealousies of Independents and Anabaptists.[218]
Cathedral Worship.
Before quitting the subject of the connexion between Independents and the Commonwealth establishment, it is interesting to notice that whilst the cathedrals and principal churches in England were in the hands of the Presbyterians, a few of those magnificent edifices were occupied by them in common with the Congregationalists. This was the case with Exeter Cathedral, the edifice being divided into two parts by a brick wall, as are some of the large churches in Scotland and on the continent at the present day. The choir called "East Peter's" was used by the Presbyterians. Under the vaulted roof—upon which, among the fruits and tendrils of the filbert and the vine, the Presbyterian worshipper might have seen a coronation of the Virgin, and angels censing the mother and child—Robert Atkins, their minister, esteemed one of the best preachers in that part of England, fulfilled the ministerial office with eminent popularity and success. At the same time the exquisitely-stained glass of the east perpendicular window—all radiant with the glory of Roman Catholic saints—shed on him its tinted lights while he stood in the pulpit, in his Genevan gown, with the hour-glass at his side. The nave called "West Peter's" was occupied by a congregation of Independents, who under similarly incongruous circumstances entered the gorgeous porch—decorated with crowds of images—to listen to the ministry, and to follow the devotions of their pastor, Lewis Stukely. There he preached and prayed, while the beautiful minstrels' gallery—with its array of winged angels, having citterns, trumpets, guitars, and all manner of instruments of music—retained its position untouched, and preserved its adornments unharmed. Wells Cathedral—still shewing on its proud front the three hundred magnificent sculptured figures, which form a Bible in stone—was used by the Presbyterian, Dr. Cornelius Burgess; but it was ordered that the inhabitants of St. Cuthbert's parish, forming, it may be presumed, an Independent congregation, should make use of it also as their place of worship.[219]
The noble church of the Holy Trinity at Hull was also used jointly by Presbyterians and Independents, as well as the less noble, but scarcely less interesting church of St. Nicholas, in the town of Great Yarmouth.[220]
