CHAPTER VI.
Upon the dissolution of the first Protectorate Parliament, the supreme management of affairs once more relapsed into the hands of Cromwell and his Council. They constituted an ultimate tribunal, before which all ecclesiastical, as well as all secular matters had to be brought, if any doubt arose respecting the decisions of inferior authorities. Notices of questions referred to them, or of matters in which they saw it proper to interfere, are found in such of the Minute Books as are still extant. But, excepting these occasional and revisionary interpositions, the Commissioners for approving godly preachers, and the Commissioners for ejecting scandalous ones, undertook the entire superintendence and discipline of the Clergy.
Commissioners at Whitehall.
The former sat at Whitehall. There country ministers, summoned from various parts, were obliged to attend; and, in numerous cases, where the benefice was distant and the living poor, the hardship of travelling all the way up to the metropolis became very great. As might be expected, men forced to pass through the ordeal complained of arbitrariness and oppression. There were frequent grumblings about "super-metropolitan" and "hyper-archiepiscopal" tyranny, and of despotism worse than the Bishops'—even "overtopping Laud." Clergymen, out of all sympathy with their judges, entered the Court full of prejudices; and by their known character were likely to excite a corresponding prejudice on the part of those who decided their destiny. They walked into the room full of suspicion; they met at the Board with abundant annoyance; and then came out irritated at the judgment pronounced upon their case. Often-times they complained of delay, and said they had "to wait the leisure of the underlings, clerks, or registrars"—a complaint which probably was not without foundation, for much business was thrown into a few hands, to be transacted far away from the residence of the parties most interested.
Tales respecting the alleged ignorance and malignity of the Triers met with extensive currency; and, coloured as they might be by the parties themselves who complained of their wrongs, they were more deeply coloured still by the prejudice or the carelessness of those who afterwards repeated these stories to their neighbours. Hence, after passing from one Episcopalian to another, they assumed the darkest hues and the most monstrous proportions. Some of them, which have been reduced to writing, exhibit the examiners in a ridiculous light—pressing points connected with Election, Perseverance, the Work of Grace, and the marks of the New Birth, after a fashion the most absurd which can be imagined. One clergyman, for instance, declared that he was asked whether Regeneration were a substance or an accident, and in what predicament it ought to be placed? Mystical questions were put touching the life of grace, to which mystical answers were returned, about the breath and the heat and the sense of the soul. It was said, that enquiries of this nature were continued until sacred themes were dishonoured by the merest trifling. But, it must be remembered, these are only ex parte statements made by accused persons and their friends; and such reports, even where there was no intention to deceive, can never be trusted.[100]
1655.
To ascertain whether the teachers of religion were truly religious, and acquainted with the truths of Christianity, was the task assigned to these extraordinary Commissioners; and apart from the political relations of the tribunal over which they presided, such a proceeding must be pronounced right and wise. Whether the Triers adopted the best method to arrive at what they wished to know is another question. Unfortunately, the minutes of their meetings have perished, and no records of their proceedings exist endorsed by themselves. Could they be heard in their own defence, what now appears to their disadvantage might, in many cases, be considerably mitigated, if not entirely removed. Constituted as the Commission was, the justice of the conclusions reached depended entirely on the wisdom and goodness of those who pronounced them. We should certainly not congratulate men of intelligent piety, of delicate feeling, and of a wide charity, who happened to fall into the hands of a Cheynell or a Peters; and there were others also who might be mentioned not likely to prove impartial judges. We should conclude, further, that ignorant, wild, and enthusiastic spirits would be very likely to pass muster before certain of the members. Still, the requirement of nine of their number in any vote of rejection operated as a check upon injustice; and the character of such men as Dr. Owen, Dr. Goodwin, and others, afforded a guarantee that nothing dishonourable would be met with at their hands. The fact, too, should be mentioned that the Commissioners, though opposed to Episcopacy, allowed certain clergymen to retain their incumbencies, notwithstanding their Episcopalian opinions.[101]
Ejection of Scandalous Ministers.
Besides the commission of Triers, there was the commission for ejecting scandalous, ignorant, and insufficient Ministers. Perhaps few cases occurred in which the accusation of ignorance and insufficiency was simply made. Commonly, a rather long array of charges was presented, on the principle, it would appear, of catching the criminal on a second count of the indictment if the first should fail. The same person was accused of profaning the Sabbath, of frequenting alehouses, of using the Prayer Book, of playing at cards, of living an unholy life, and of being disaffected to the Government. We cannot help believing—much as we may honour the character of the Puritans—that in some cases they, like their adversaries, yielded to the besetting sin of priding themselves upon their orthodoxy and their virtue; and that they took it for granted that the men who differed from them in creed, and whom therefore they considered intellectually wrong, must also differ from them in life, and could not be reckoned morally right. Two kinds of injustice would arise from placing such dissimilar charges in the same category. Those put out of office for immorality would be sure to say they were ejected because of their loyalty to the Church—a circumstance which would reflect upon the character of the Commissioners; and those who were really ejected for using the Prayer Book, when scandals alleged against them remained unproved, would almost inevitably incur the disgrace of being reputed as vicious—a circumstance which involved unrighteousness towards the accused.
Ejection of Scandalous Ministers.
In small country towns, whilst these ecclesiastical assizes were being held, there would be no little excitement in the streets, and many a knot would gossip round the doors of the little inn where the tribunal sat. From what is preserved of such proceedings, however doubtful may be the minute details, we conclude that there was plenty of cross-swearing, and that the character of witnesses on one side was treated by the parties on the other much after the worst fashion of Old Bailey practice. Men of low reputation were special pleaders in their own case, and when charged with intemperance they cunningly mooted the question, what really was meant by drinking in excess; and then proceeded to bring forward boon companions, who proved that in no conviviality had the reverend gentleman ever been seen intoxicated! Very unwisely in the course of a trial for what was truly scandalous, discontented parishioners were allowed to come forward, and declare that they had never profited under the ministry of the accused—a fact which might by no means be the minister's fault. Charges of gross vice might sometimes break down, although there remained quite enough to satisfy the Commissioners of the utter unfitness of the individual in question to be continued any longer as a minister of religion; but in such cases ample room was left, owing to the medley of indictments, for imputing injustice to the members of these judicial boards, however equitable might be the final award. It should be added that there was also some tempering of justice, or of injustice, with a shew of mercy. To the widow and children of the ejected was assigned the fifth of the income of the living.[102] Also sufficient time was allowed for those whose preferment was sequestered to move out of the parsonage; but then all this was followed by the cruel severity of forbidding such persons from becoming schoolmasters in the place of their ejectment. The vacancies made by expulsions were to be filled up by lawful patrons, unless those patrons became disqualified by acts of delinquency, in which case the presentation lapsed to the Lord Protector.
1655.
The treatment of Dr. Edward Pocock has been frequently mentioned by historians. He held the living of Childrey, in Berkshire, twelve miles from the city of Oxford, and was greatly troubled by disaffected parishioners. Articles were presented to the Commissioners, charging him with using the Prayer Book, and with similar offences. The trial came on before the Commissioners, first at Abingdon, and then at Wantage; and for some months this learned man was abominably worried by ignorant enemies. Chiefly through the interference of his friend, Dr. Owen, he was at length delivered out of their clutches.[103]
Proceedings against Royalist Episcopalians.
The antipathy of Oliver the Puritan to the Common Prayer Book, as a rag of Popery, is apparent from the terms of the ordinance against scandalous Ministers, and from the whole tenor of his life. But Oliver the Protector had other and still stronger grounds of dislike to the Episcopal Clergy, which led him to bind such suspicions around the use of the liturgy as made it to his mind symbolical of treason and rebellion. The Episcopalian Royalists would not be quiet. No sooner had turbulent Anabaptists been put under lock and key, than people who wished to see both Church and King restored were discovered all over his Highness's dominions busy with their plots. Cavalier horsemen were galloping to a rendezvous in Sherwood Forest. Carts full of arms and ammunition were grinding along the ruts of Yorkshire roads. Divers of the old gentry were scheming to seize the city of York for Charles Stuart. Four thousand men were expected to meet on Marston Moor, to try and reverse the decision of arms given there in 1644. Reports were circulated of designs upon Newcastle, upon Shrewsbury, and upon Winchester. Much more than talk occurred at Salisbury, where Royalist insurgents, on Sunday night in the spring assize week, actually seized the judges and the high sheriff, and endeavoured to proclaim King Charles at the Market Cross.[104] Plots abounded amongst Royalists; and people at home, eagerly turning their hopes into facts, wrote to friends on the Continent, telling them that Salisbury, and Plymouth, and Portsmouth, and Yarmouth, had all been surprised and taken. Rumour abroad proceeded so far as to affirm that England had declared for the King, and that the gates of the city of London had been shut against the Protector; and that Charles was waiting in the North till it should be safe for him publicly to appear.[105] This plot, after blazing up in the county town of Wilts, went out through a timely and decisive extinguishment of the first flames, and nothing remained of it but a few dead ashes. Yet it exasperated his Highness against the Royalists; and—entertaining the idea that ejected clergymen were still plotting his overthrow, that they entered families to foment treason, that, under pretence of teaching religion, they promoted disaffection, that meeting for common prayer meant meeting to upset the Commonwealth—he issued a most unrighteous declaration in the month of October, 1655. Grounds for suspecting the revolutionary character of certain gatherings did exist, and a regard for the safety of government and the order of society required that particular individuals should be watched; but the conduct of some was no more reason for punishing all who used the Prayer Book, than Venner's insurrection, at a later date, was a reason for prohibiting all Nonconformist worship. The policy of Cromwell, in forbidding clergymen to become schoolmasters, however great might be his subsequent leniency, closely resembles the policy of the government after the Restoration. The decree declared that no delinquents after the 1st of January, 1655-6, should keep as chaplain or schoolmaster any sequestered minister, or permit their children to be taught by him. Nor should an ejected clergyman keep a school, or preach publicly or privately, or baptize, or administer the Lord's Supper, or celebrate marriages, or use the Prayer Book.
This declaration was intended to strike terror into the Royalist party; and so it did. And it would appear that with this effect the Protector was satisfied. The last clause in the document plainly shewed that he did not mean to carry it out in the case of persons who were disposed to remain quiet; and in point of fact, we know that, after this declaration had been published, the worship of Episcopalians continued, in some instances, to be winked at. The document ended in these words: "Nevertheless, his Highness doth declare that, towards such of the said persons as have, since their ejection or sequestration, given, or shall hereafter give, a real testimony of their godliness and good affection to the present government, so much tenderness shall be used as may consist with the safety and good of the nation."[106]
Major-Generals.
Between the first and second Protectorate Parliaments, Cromwell ruled England by Major-Generals. The country was divided into ten districts, each superintended by one of these military satraps. In short, the whole realm was placed under martial law; as we should say in modern phrase, the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended. Such a step, perhaps, had become a political necessity. Of course, the proceeding laid Cromwell open to the awkward charge of absolutism, tyranny, and espionage; and all he could urge in reply was the logic of a cruel necessity, "If not good, yet best." The carrying out of such a policy made England look for awhile too much like France and Austria in our own times, and it sanctioned the practice of employing spies—a practice which prevailed after the Restoration.
1655.
As religious affairs had become inextricably woven with secular ones, these Major-Generals looked after the Church as well as after the world. The principle of such an interference rested upon the fact of the union between Church and State. Teachers of religion supported by the State must be watched by the State. Teachers of religion not so supported, but interfering with the business of the State, must be checked by the State. So men reasoned. Yet, although these officers were so many military bishops, they did not aim at establishing any kind of religious uniformity. They left Presbyterianism and Congregationalism to work their own way amongst the English people; yet, under pretence of curbing political disaffection and preventing social disorder, they did what has been often done under colour of the same pretext—they persecuted many perfectly harmless persons. Their reports, conveyed to head quarters, place in a strong light some phases of the religious condition of the country.
Many references are made in general terms to the zeal and diligence which were exhibited in the ejectment of scandalous ministers and schoolmasters. Major-General Whalley informed Secretary Thurloe that this kind of business was going on well in the county of Lincoln; but Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire had deferred entering upon the duty until he could render them assistance, and he assured the Secretary that his Highness might in that matter calculate upon the efficient services of the learned Recorder of the two county towns.[107]
Major-Generals.
Such persons as sympathized with the Papists were ferreted out with a very keen scent. Major-General Haynes informed the President of the Council, that he had sent to the garrison at Yarmouth a man named Cleveland, simply because he had lodged in a family where Papists resorted; and wore a genteel garb, although professing to have only fifty pounds a year income, and could give no good account of himself; and, besides, was possessed of such abilities as enabled him to do a great deal of mischief.[108] Major-General Boteler also wrote to say that, as he was passing through Rockingham Forest, he overtook a gentleman, whom he found to be a Roman Catholic priest, wandering up and down the country without any settled home; upon which he took him into custody, seized his Agnus Dei and his beads, his medal of the Virgin, his crucifix, and his books; and this functionary wished to know what was to be done with such a dangerous person.[109]
The same officer was equally keen in the detection of disaffected Episcopalians, and therefore apprehended one Sherman, an Episcopalian minister, who, though of a sober life, held destructive principles, which he preached before the Corporation of Norwich.[110] Thus to preach was so much the worse, as that corporation contained very disaffected persons. Another individual, formerly zealous for the Parliament, had fallen in with Sherman, and was thought to be a still more active agent in strengthening malignity and producing disaffection.
1655.
The Anabaptists also figure in these despatches. Vavasour Powell continued to be strongly suspected; but he made a favourable impression upon Major-General Berry, a staunch Independent. This Fifth Monarchy preacher declared that he and his friends were far from designing to make any disturbance: they only wished, he said, to state their complaints to the Lord Protector. "It would be too large," adds the writer, "to relate the discourse we had about it. Only one terrible thunderbolt he seemed to affright me withal: he told me that my imprisoning of him would give occasion to the enemy to rejoice, and cause the godly to pour forth prayers and tears before the Lord against us. To that I answered, that I did account it a dreadful thing to stand in the way of the tears and prayers of God's people, when they were duly directed against me; but if I were found doing my duty in the way of Providence, and many more than those thousands he spoke of should pour forth their prayers and tears against me, I was confident, and could with comfort lift up my head, and trust that the shield of Providence and faith should repel those as well as other darts, and they should not hurt me." Considerable sympathy in religious feeling existed between these two persons. Berry hoped that they might be of spiritual service to each other. He allowed Powell to preach at Worcester, which he did, "honestly and soberly, in four churches, and had many hearers."[111]
It further appears, from the correspondence of Major-General Goffe, that the minister of the principal congregation in the town of Lewes had adopted Feake's principles, "and bewailed the imprisonment of the Saints." The Anabaptists of Sussex were busy getting up a petition against the Court of Chancery, the tithe system, and the detention of prisoners without trial; but not one of the congregation just mentioned would sign the paper, because, being addressed to the Protector, it recognized his authority.[112]
Major-General Whalley, already mentioned—whose duties extended over the counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Warwick, and Leicester—was much encouraged at witnessing the loyalty of ministers to the Protectorate in those parts; but, like his fellow-commanders in other districts, he dwells much upon the immorality of the population, which, owing to the neglect of the magistrates, was more than he could suppress. He says: "It hath been a general complaint to me in Lincoln and Coventry especially, that wicked magistrates, by reason of their number, overpower the godly magistrates." "I shall give them in charge to put down as many alehouses as shall be judged unnecessary; and present me with a list at my next coming of what they have put down, and what remain, and shall, with Major Beake, and some others that I judge godly, consider further of them."[113]
Scotland.
Other letters of this period, preserved in Thurloe's collection, present some striking phases of ecclesiastical affairs and religious life in Scotland, Wales, and Ireland.
Scotland was still agitated by disputes between the Resolutionists—who had admitted malignants to command and to office, upon their submission to mock discipline—and the Remonstrators, who adhered to their decision of separating from all who were not faithful to the Covenant. Lord Broghill ruled in Scotland as Cromwell's Lieutenant, and laboured hard to bring contending factions into a state of obedience. The absence in the North of any attempt to establish religious uniformity is remarkable. Doctrinal and ecclesiastical peculiarities were largely tolerated, so long as people would live quietly under the Protector's rule. But it was otherwise when they were found guilty of political opposition. His Lordship informs Secretary Thurloe (September the 15th, 1655) of the Remonstrators' Covenant—"wherein they say they do not meddle with any thing of a civil concernment, but only to strengthen themselves in matters of faith and doctrine, in these times of defection and backsliding."[114] But his information, he adds, was not very clear—and he had resolved, if he found the movement of ill tendency, he would put a stop to it. Lord Broghill had long and tedious conferences with the Edinburgh ministers, when he expressed his determination to countenance those most who most deserved it by peaceable submission.[115] At the same time he endeavoured to reconcile the contending factions, and to get the Remonstrators, whom he continued to call "the honester men," to fall in with an ordinance of the Protector "for admitting only of deserving men into the ministry." "Get good and holy men into your pulpits, without looking so closely into their minor peculiarities of opinion and usage," was the advice which Cromwell gave to people on both sides the Tweed; but on both sides the Tweed there were men who disliked all advice of that charitable nature. Conference followed conference, and at last Broghill informs Thurloe (November the 27th), "the meeting of our ministers for a reconciliation is grown hopeless."[116] It may be added, that from another of his letters (April the 15th, 1656) we learn the stern bearing of the Governor in Scotland towards Roman Catholics, for he speaks of a proclamation "which makes it death for any priest to be found in this nation after the next Lord's Day; which possibly may have blown away most birds of that feather."[117]
Wales.
Wales occasioned much trouble. Its spiritual destitution in 1649 had occasioned "An Act for the better propagation and preaching of the Gospel" in the principality, and for redress of certain grievances.[118] To remedy the consequences of long neglect and clerical immorality, Commissioners were appointed to eject scandalous ministers and schoolmasters, and to induct in their room such as were considered godly men. Perhaps this measure has provoked more criticism than any other of the kind. Impeachments have been laboriously drawn up on the one side, and as laboriously answered on the other. We shall not enter on that discussion. Our purpose is simply to indicate what information, as to the religious condition of Wales, is afforded by the correspondence of the Major-Generals. One thing is certain, that, whatever may have been beneficially effected by the Commissioners, Wales remained in a state of melancholy destitution when Major-General Berry thus wrote to Secretary Thurloe, from Wrexham, (December the 21st, 1655)—"Here are very few good ministers or schoolmasters." "The ejected and sequestered ministers and schoolmasters are become like the branch of an unfruitful vine; man cannot make a pin of it to hang a garment on, and they are in a sad condition. One very good school at Ruthin will be dispersed by his Highness's proclamation, and I hear there are many vacancies that want ministers in Anglesea. Methinks Doctor Owen might find some way to supply this defect."[119]
1655.
In the February following, the same writer states that one great evil which he found, and which he knew not how to remedy, was the want of able preachers; so that if some effectual course were not speedily taken, some of the people would become heathens. Brecon—the town where he was staying at the time—had no preacher near it, and the people were sinking into a state of careless contentment without any religion whatever. To this fact of continued spiritual destitution must be added another.[120] Wales lay torn in pieces by the political differences of religious people. The Fifth Monarchists, amongst whom Vavasour Powell played so conspicuous a part, were loud in their complaints of "wickedness in high places." They drew up a paper, signed by above 300 names, which was found in the pocket of one Chapman, imprisoned in the Tower of London. The Lieutenant forwarded the document to Secretary Thurloe, who has printed it in his huge collection.[121] It is a curious production, containing, first, an appeal to Cromwell to peruse and weigh it, and not harden his neck against the truth; and then a second part, called "a word for God," which forms the burden of the testimony introduced. After referring to particular duties in former days—such as witnessing against the Prayer Book, the cross in baptism, and the like—the authors proceeded to deliver their souls. First, they said that this nation resembled Israel after its deliverance from Egypt. Secondly, that the good old cause was laid aside and lost. Thirdly, that the Government had been unwarrantably changed. Fourthly, that as the fruit of this forbidden tree, many of the choice servants of God (rebellious Fifth Monarchy-men) were imprisoned without knowing their accusers. Fifthly, that heavy taxation continued. Sixthly, that under the Protectorate horrible impieties, injustice, and oppression continued to abound "from the head to the tail," witness (they remarked) the receiving of honours, profits, customs, benefits, tenths, and first fruits formerly paid to the Crown: Seventhly, that the expedition to Hispaniola had incurred the loss of much blood and treasure—and, lastly, that the existing Government was not of God's approbation. Here, beyond all question, a flag of revolt is seen in preparation, and no wonder Cromwell did what he could to prevent its being unfurled. Another paper appeared on the opposite side signed by double the number, including most if not all the Independents of Wales.
Ireland.
The sparks of disaffection thus struck out, flew far and wide, and soon lighted on combustible materials in the sister island. We learn from Thurloe that the inflammatory manifesto just described, on reaching the Irish people, found a favourable reception. "It was greatly hugged by some." On the 14th of December, 1655, Edward Wale of Waterford, writing to Dr. Harrison, told him that he heard strange things of the Anabaptists, to the grief of Lord Henry Cromwell. He marvelled what these people would have. His Lordship's demeanour had been such everywhere since his coming, that the godly in general spoke well of him. But the Anabaptists were not pleased. Their pride and uncharitableness would ere long bring them low. He hoped that their schisms, the madness of the Quakers, and the cruelties and insolence of the Roman beast, together with differences and confusions everywhere, would make every one ply the petition more and more, "Thy kingdom come." Henry Cromwell himself dwelt even passionately upon this subject. He asked Thurloe—Could his Highness believe that the Anabaptists, and especially those in Ireland, were his faithful friends, and that when others deserted, they would stand by him? Let sober people be asked, and they would tell, that when others were for owning his Highness, these men did openly deny him, and not only so, but reproached and reviled those who acted differently.[122]
1655.
But far worse, and much more troublesome to the Major-Generals, the Lord Protector, and all good Protestants, were the papistical lawyers and priests—therefore the first were summarily disposed of, and the second closely watched, with a view to more serious punishment. Worsley informed Thurloe of security being taken that all attorneys who were Papists, and had been in arms against the Parliament or the present Government, should act no more in their legal capacity.[123] A report, entitled a "Brief Account of what is observed concerning the Irish," states that there had been a more than ordinary confluence of priests, filling the minds of the discontented Irish with expectations of a change;—that a general and private fast had been held—the same thing having been observed before the late rebellion;—that private meetings of the gentry were also more common than formerly; that Bishop O'Dwyer, and a friar named Bonaventure, in Laghlyn, were appointed to receive intelligence from abroad, and to disperse it, as orderly as possible, according to the direction they received; that, besides, there were two priests, who passed by turns from London to Dublin, and thence sent papers to O'Dwyer and Bonaventure; that having received from them fresh dispatches, they returned to England, and that Bonaventure was now gone into Tipperary, with a letter written in cipher, brought by one of these priests.[124]
Perhaps in these references to Thurloe we have drawn too largely on the reader's patience, but in the tangled thicket of his immense collection of letters, much fruit may be picked out from amidst thorns and briars, by the historian who searches for illustrations of affairs under Cromwell's Major-Generals. Not that anybody can expect to find in their reports an accurate picture of what Catholics, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, or Anabaptists really were; for it is evident these old soldiers were full of prejudice, and must have been oft-times misinformed; but the correspondence clearly reflects the sentiments of those in power with reference to that portion of the English people which gave them so much trouble. We are not able from these letters to determine exactly what was the character of the accused, or what was the treatment they deserved; but we are able to see how they were judged and treated by this class of rulers, who combined in one and the same person the soldier, the magistrate, and the ecclesiastical overseer.
Sir Harry Vane.
Vane, after Cromwell's usurpation of absolute dictatorship, returned to Raby Castle, in the county of Durham—whose old grey towers, rich in Neville memories, still lift up their heads, full of feudal grandeur and picturesque beauty, among the trees of a lordly park, well stocked with deer. There, in rooms far different from the present modernized apartments, this philosophical statesman reflected upon what was going on in England under the administration of Major-Generals, and in some quiet chamber wrote his "Retired Man's Meditations." In the same abode also—when in March, 1656, Cromwell commanded a general fast, that the people might apply themselves to the Lord, to discover the Achan who had so long obstructed the settlement of these distracted kingdoms—Vane wrote his "Healing Question," in which he brings out his doctrine of religious liberty more luminously perhaps than he had ever done before. As it illustrates the progress of opinion in that subject, and is a clearer statement of principles which in our day are widely adopted, than can be found in any other book published during the Protectorate, we cannot resist the temptation to transfer to these pages the following extract:—
"Unto this freedom the nations of the world have right and title by the purchase of Christ's blood, who by virtue of His death and resurrection is become the sole Lord and Ruler in and over the conscience; for to this end Christ died, rose and revived, that He might be Lord both of the dead and of the living, and that every one might give an account of himself, in all matters of God's worship, unto God and Christ alone, as their own Master, unto whom they stand or fall in judgment, and are not in these things to be oppressed or brought before the judgment-seats of men. For why shouldest thou set at naught thy brother in matters of his faith and conscience, and herein intrude into the proper office of Christ, since we are all to stand at the judgment-seat of Christ, whether governors or governed, and by His decision only are capable of being declared with certainty to be in the right or in the wrong?
Sufferings of Vane.
"By virtue, then, of this supreme law, sealed and confirmed in the blood of Christ unto all men (whose souls He challenges a propriety in, to bring under His inward rule in the service and worship of God), it is that all magistrates are to fear and forbear intermeddling with giving rule or imposing in those matters. They are to content themselves with what is plain in their commission, as ordained of God to be His ministers unto men for good, whilst they approve themselves the doers of that which is good in the sight of men, and whereof earthly and worldly judicatures are capable to make a clear and perfect judgment; in which case the magistrate is to be for praise and protection to them. In like manner he is to be a minister of terror and revenge to those that do evil in matters of outward practice, converse, and dealings in the things of this life between man and man, for the cause whereof the judicatures of men are appointed and set up. But to exceed these limits, as it is not safe nor warrantable for the magistrate (in that He who is higher than the highest, regards, and will shew Himself displeased at it), so neither is it good for the people, who hereby are nourished up in a biting, devouring, wrathful spirit one against another, and are found transgressors of that royal law which forbids us to do that unto another, which we would not have them do unto us, were we in their condition.
"This freedom, then, is of high concern to be had and enjoy, as well for the magistrates sake as for the peoples common good; and it consists, as hath been said, in the magistrates forbearing to put forth the power of rule and coercion in things that God hath exempted out of his commission. So that all care requisite for the peoples obtaining this may be exercised with great ease, if it be taken in its proper season; and that this restraint be laid upon the supreme power before it be erected as a fundamental constitution among others, upon which the free consent of the people is given, to have the persons brought into the exercise of supreme authority over them, and on their behalf; and if besides, as a further confirmation hereunto, it be acknowledged the voluntary act of the ruling power, when once brought into a capacity of acting legislatively, that herein they are bound up, and judge it their duty so to be (both in reference to God, the institutor of magistracy, and in reference to the whole body by whom they are entrusted), this great blessing will hereby be so well provided for that we shall have no cause to fear, as it may be ordered.
1655.
"By this means a great part of the outward exercise of anti-Christian tyranny and bondage will be plucked up by the very roots; which, till some such course be held in it, will be always apt to renew and sprout out afresh, under some new form or refined appearances, as by late years' experience we have been taught. For since the fall of the Bishops and persecuting Presbyteries, the same spirit is apt to rise in the next sort of clergy, that can get the ear of the magistrate, and pretend to the keeping and ruling of the conscience of the governors; although this spirit and practice hath been all along decried by the faithful adherents to this cause as a most sore oppression, and insufferable yoke of bondage most unrighteously kept up over the consciences of the people, and therefore judged by them most needful to be taken out of the way; and in this matter the present governors have been willing very eminently to give their testimony in their public declarations, however in practice there is much of grievance yet found among us, though more, in probability, from the officiousness of subordinate ministers, than any clear purpose or design of the chief in power."[125]
In such teaching the rights of conscience are planted on their proper ground. No one, after reading Vane's words, can fail to see the truth and justice of the lines addressed to him by John Milton:
"Besides, to know
Both spiritual power and civil, what each means,
What severs each, thou hast learn'd, which few have done;
The bounds of either sword to thee we owe:
Therefore on thy firm hand Religion leans
In peace, and reckons thee her eldest son."
Suffering Vane.
But views of religious liberty, worthy the admiration of posterity, were coupled in Vane's mind with an impracticable and un-English republican theory, which stripped them of the authority with which otherwise they might have been clothed. It was unfortunate for the interests of freedom that, in an age when it struggled to establish its sway, there were too often in alliance with its advocacy enthusiastic opinions or fanatical practices, impairing it at the time, and affording pretexts for opposing it in the next generation.
Vane acted with characteristic honesty and candour in sending privately to Cromwell a copy of the "Healing Question," containing the sentences we have quoted, before he proceeded to publish what he had written. Perhaps it never reached the Protector's hands. Be that as it might, notwithstanding the moderate tone of the pamphlet—sufficient, one would have thought, to protect the author against any unpleasant interference from the Government—some of the political passages which the pamphlet contained greatly displeased the Protector; a displeasure which was much increased by another violent publication, attributed to Vane's pen, but not with sufficient reason. The republican statesman was summoned before the Council. The Council required him to give a bond for £5,000 that he would not disturb the peace of the Commonwealth, in default whereof he should stand committed. He refused to give the bond, and to the great discredit of both Cromwell and his Council, they sent their honest brother patriot to prison.
