CHAPTER III.
The Presbyterians were the principal instruments in Charles' restoration; and in this they acted as the exponents and instruments of the nation's will. It was not Monk who influenced the Presbyterians—the Presbyterians influenced Monk. Their leaders encouraged his bringing back the King, and conveyed to him that encouragement at a conference which they held with him in the City.[62] The part played by the Presbyterians in this transaction is admitted by members of the Royal family; and in the correspondence of the period a curtain is lifted up, disclosing Court secrets, and illustrating the manner in which the Presbyterians at that moment were overreached. When the Queen Dowager saw Lord Aubony she remarked, "My Lord, I hear you say that the King is to go to England, and that you are glad there is such a (way) laid open for him. Do not you know that the Presbyterians are those that are to invite him?" The nobleman answered that he did not care who they were, but only wished to see His Majesty restored to his own realm. "But the conditions," rejoined the Queen, "may be such as they would have pressed upon the King his father." "Madam," replied his lordship, "a king crowned, and in his own dominions has more reason to insist upon terms than an exiled prince that hath not been accepted by them. What would any one have him do, other than receive his kingdoms by what means soever they were given him? And some better way than this occurs not, what fault is to be found with that which cannot be mended?"[63]
1660.
Baxter informs us respecting schemes adopted by the Episcopalian Royalists, with a view to influence their Presbyterian brethren. Sir Ralph Clare, of Kidderminster, and therefore one of Baxter's parishioners had, before Booth's rising, spoken to his pastor on the subject; and he had replied by expressing fears of prelatical intolerance, and of the danger to the interests of spiritual religion in case of the restoration of the Stuarts. The Knight said, that being acquainted with Dr. Hammond, a correspondent of Dr. Morley, then attending upon His Majesty, he could assure Baxter, the utmost moderation was intended, and that "any episcopacy, how low soever, would serve the turn and be accepted." Letters from France were procured, testifying to the character of the Royal exile. They abounded in eulogies upon his Protestantism. Monsieur Gaches, a famous preacher at Charenton, after flattering Baxter, gave "a pompous character of the King," stating that during his residence in France he never neglected the public profession of the Protestant religion, not even in those places where it seemed prejudicial to his affairs.[64] Baxter's pages bear witness to the fears of others as well as to his own, to lull which dulcet promises were sung. Presbyterians and Episcopalians, it was softly said, were not irreconcilable; union was possible; present incumbents would not be turned out of their livings. Their ordinations would be valid.[65] Episcopalians were resolved to forgive, to bury the remains of rancour, malice, and animosity for ever; having been taught by sufferings from the hand of God, not to cherish violent thoughts against their brother man.[66] Some Presbyterians were pacified, expecting that subscription to the Prayer book would be no longer required. Others, at least, hoped for toleration. Some acted simply from a conviction that it was a duty to bring back the King; others regarded that event as at once ruinous but inevitable.[67] A few could not abandon the idea of restoring Charles on Covenant terms; but only such as lived in a little world of their own dreamt of a thing so preposterous.[68]
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
In coincidence with these circumstances the personal friends of the exiled Prince revolved in their minds the possibilities of the future, and employed themselves in framing suggestions to be laid upon the Royal table. We read in a paper without signature, dated March 28, 1660, "It is most certainly true that Presbytery is a very ill foundation to Monarchy, and therefore it must be said with great care and circumspection. You know what your father suffered by them, and yourself also in Scotland, whither when you went, though all were for it, I was absolutely against it, and gave my reasons to one, who I suppose now attends you, which experience hath proved true." And again, "'Twill be of great consequence that you mainly insist upon a toleration for all, as well Roman Catholics as others, or, at least, to take off the penal statutes against them. There is not anything you can do will be of more advantage than this, for thereby you will satisfy all here and abroad. Moreover, by doing this you will secure yourself against the Presbyterians and Sectaries, by equally poising them with others of contrary judgments, for you may doubt that the Presbyterians and Sectaries will at length fall to their first principles again, and endeavour to make you at the best but a Duke of Venice, if they see not a visible power to defend you. The like course hath many times been used by great princes, and never succeeded ill when they saw one faction rise too high to suffer a quite contrary to grow up to balance it."[69]
1660.
Sir William Killegrew addressing Charles, upon the 8th of April, shrewdly states the difficulties of his new position: "If your Majesty do but think on the numerous clergy with their families, and on the innumerable multitudes of all those that have suffered on your side that will expect a reparation or recompence; nay, Sir, it is evident that all the people in general do look that you should bring them peace and plenty, as well as a pardon for all those who have offended. And I do fear you will find it a harder matter to satisfy those that call themselves your friends, and those who really are so than all those who have been against your Majesty." "Next, Sir, if you come to your crown as freely as you are born to it, how will you settle Church-government at first to please the old true Protestants? And how the Presbyterians, who now call you in, when all other interests have failed to do it? And how the Papists, who do hope for a toleration? How satisfy the Independents, the Congregation, and all the several sorts of violent Sectaries? Whereas if your Majesty be tied up by Articles, none of all these can blame you for not answering their expectations."[70]
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
Two days before the date of this last letter, Secretary Thurloe, at Whitehall, silently watching what was going on around him, conveyed his impressions of the state of religious parties to the English minister at the Hague.
"There are here great thoughts of heart touching the present constitution of affairs. The Sectarians with the Commonwealth's men look upon themselves as utterly lost if the King comes in, and therefore probably will leave no stone unturned to prevent it; but what they will be able to do, I see not, of themselves, unless the Presbyterian joins with them, whereto I see no disposition; yet many of them are alarmed also, and are thinking how to keep him out, and yet not mingle again with the Sectaries. Others of the Presbyterians are studying strict conditions to be put upon the King, especially touching Church-government, hoping to bind him that way; and therein are most severe against all the King's old party, proscribing them which are already beyond sea. Not one of them is to return with him if he comes in upon their terms, and prohibiting his party here to come near him: he must also confirm all sales whatsoever."[71]
1660.
The first decided declaration in favour of the restoration of Charles on the part of Monk, who for months had perplexed everybody, seems to have occurred on the 19th of March, when, in answer to Royal overtures for his assistance, and to Royal promises of high rewards, he said to Sir John Grenville, about to join the little Court at Breda, "I hope the King will forgive what is past, both in my words and actions, according to the contents of his gracious letter, for my heart was ever faithful to him; but I was never in a condition to do him service till this present; and you shall assure His Majesty that I am now not only ready to obey his commands, but to sacrifice my life and fortune in his service."[72]
Thus, the man who had solemnly declared himself in favour of a Commonwealth, now suddenly, with open arms, embraced the Royal cause, as the turn of events began to brighten its fortunes; and, as he had been first an Independent, and then a Presbyterian, so now he became not only a Royalist, but an Episcopalian. Most likely Monk was all the way through a selfish schemer, trimming his sails to the wind, and ready for King or Commonwealth, as he might see it safe and advantageous. If that view of his character be not correct, then the only alternative—one which his admiring biographers adopt, and which he avowed himself—is, that he had long been promoting Royalist interests under the disguise of Republican sentiments,—a conclusion which would justify us in pronouncing him one of the most consummate hypocrites the world ever saw.[73]
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
The dissolution of the Rump had been connected with a determination to call together a new Parliament to meet on the 25th of April. The preparatory elections evoked the efforts of all parties—the Presbyterians, the Episcopalians, and the "sects," as Congregationalists and other Nonconformists were termed. The last of these three parties—mostly anxious for a Republican form of government—did what they could to return representatives holding extreme democratical opinions. The second of them, where they dared to appear, in some cases, from a too fervent zeal, overshot the mark, and by their violence alienated the constituences which they canvassed. The first of these parties, the Presbyterians,—who, after the dissolution of Parliament, had held the administration of affairs in their own hands, and with whom, for the time being, Monk, their betrayer in the end, was in co-operation,—used such methods as their executive powers afforded, to sway the elections in favour of their own views. The Presbyterians, including different shades of opinion, uniting with the more moderate Episcopalians and Cavaliers, succeeded in obtaining a large majority.
1660.
The persons who had been elected members of the Convention began to assemble in St. Stephen's Chapel upon the 25th of April. The Presbyterian leaders, Hollis, Pierrepoint, and Lewis, secured immediately the office of Speaker for Sir Harbottle Grimston, of whose decided Presbyterianism there could be no doubt. This critical movement was accomplished in an irregular manner, before even forty members had taken their seats. The preachers appointed to address the Commons were Gauden, Calamy, and Baxter,—all three at that time Presbyterian Conformists. In the House of Peers, where only ten members at first resumed their places, the Presbyterian Earl of Manchester was chosen to preside. Two Presbyterian ministers, Reynolds and Hardy, were selected to preach to their Lordships.
Before proceeding to describe the revived loyalty displayed by the Convention, we must notice the violent manifestation of opposite feelings by a portion of the Commonwealth Army. Lambert, one of Cromwell's officers, escaped on the 9th of April from the Tower, where he had been imprisoned, and, gathering around him some of his comrades, marched into the Midland Counties, hoping successfully to raise a standard in support of Republicanism. Ludlow and Scott had before this been preparing for such a movement; and, it is said, that despondency of success alone prevented Haselrig from drawing his sword.[74] The French Ambassador, writing on the 3rd of May to Cardinal Mazarin, thus describes the actual outbreak which followed:—[75]
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
"Great alarm," he says, "has been felt about an insurrection of Sectaries in different localities; some had assembled in the neighbourhood of York, with the intention of taking it by surprise; and, at the distance of twenty leagues from London, Colonel Lambert had gathered together a body of cavalry, which the first accounts stated to consist of three hundred men. Orders were immediately given to send against him most of the troops which are in London; the levy of the London militia was directed to hold itself in readiness, and that of several counties, which has not been set on foot, to be placed within the hands of persons considered to be too violent Royalists, was also ordered out. At the same time, some of the most distinguished Sectaries, both in this city and in the country, were arrested, and the General was making preparations to go and attack Lambert before he could increase his forces; but news arrived, at the end of last week, that he had only two or three hundred men; and, this morning, we were informed of his defeat by a party of six hundred horse, without much bloodshed; his troops having abandoned him one after another, he was taken prisoner with a few others who have been officers in the Army, and they are on their way to London. The militia were immediately countermanded, and the universal topic of conversation now is the punishment of the offenders, whose leader was proclaimed a traitor on the day before yesterday.
"His capture seems entirely to ruin all his party, against which the people entertain so great an aversion, that, unless the old troops had mutinied, it could not have met with better fortune. Some Royalists could have wished it to hold out a little longer, in the hope that the present authorities would have been thereby compelled to hasten the return of the King upon more advantageous conditions, whereas they will now have entire liberty to act, and will, perhaps, impose harsher conditions, as they have nothing to fear from the Sectaries."
1660.
It is remarkable that the troops employed by the Council of State to crush Lambert's outbreak were led by Ingoldsby, one of Oliver Cromwell's attached officers; and, amongst those acting under him on this occasion, was the Fifth Monarchist, Colonel Okey. Republicanism, at that moment, was a house divided against itself; and very different were the subsequent fortunes of the two men just mentioned. Ingoldsby's previous support of Cromwell obtained Royal forgiveness on account of his defeating Lambert; the dark fate which befell Okey will be noticed hereafter. The rash attempt thus promptly resisted, and speedily suppressed, was, there can be no doubt, the result of a feeling more widely diffused than the limited action of the Commonwealth soldiery, as just described, would by itself indicate. The Civil Wars had proceeded on the principle that it is justifiable to defend by arms what is deemed the cause of freedom; and, at this juncture, Charles had not yet returned, he was not, in fact, King of England; and, therefore, Republicans might naturally feel all the more satisfied in resisting his restoration, as that restoration, in their opinion, would be a revolutionary act, overthrowing the Commonwealth—a form of English government won by Parliamentary Armies, and established by the decisions of the Legislature.[76]
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
When May-day had arrived—with its vernal memories and hopes stirring the hearts of Royalists all over the country—Mr. Annesley reported to the Commons a letter from the King, unopened, directed to "Our trusty and well-beloved General Monk, to be communicated to the President and Council of State, and to the Officers of the Armies under his command." He stated that Sir John Grenville, a Royal messenger, was at the door. Permitted by a vote to approach the bar, this gentleman proceeded to announce that he had been commanded by the King, his master, to deliver a letter directed to "Our trusty and well-beloved the Speaker of the House of Commons." Inclosed within the letter was a declaration, given under the King's sign-manual and privy signet, at his Court at Breda. When the messenger had withdrawn, both communications were read aloud by Sir Harbottle Grimston. They are entered in the Journals; so also is Monk's letter. Immediately afterwards the same messenger delivered a letter "To the Speaker of the House of Peers, and the Lords there assembled;" that letter inclosing the same declaration as had been communicated to the Commons.[77]
The last-named document, which soon became so famous, states that Charles had never given up the hope of recovering his rights, that he did not more desire to enjoy what was his own, than that his subjects by law might enjoy what was theirs; that he would grant a free pardon under the Great Seal to all who should lay hold of his grace and favour within forty days, save those only who should be excepted by Act of Parliament; and that he desired all notes of discord and separation should be utterly abolished. Then came the following clause:—"And, because the passion and uncharitableness of the times have produced several opinions in religion, by which men are engaged in parties and animosities against each other, which, when they shall hereafter unite in a freedom of conversation, will be composed or better understood; we do declare a liberty to tender consciences, and that no man shall be disquieted or called in question, for differences of opinion in matter of religion which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom, and that we shall be ready to consent to such an Act of Parliament, as, upon mature deliberation, shall be offered to us for the full granting that indulgence." In conclusion, there appeared a promise to refer to Parliament all grants and purchases made by officers and soldiers who might be liable to actions at law, and to pay arrears due to the Army.
1660.
A conference took place the same afternoon between the Lords and Commons, when it was agreed that, according to the ancient and fundamental laws of the kingdom, the Government is and ought to be by King, Lords, and Commons,—a conclusion of the two Houses which formally re-established Monarchy in England.
Amidst all this haste there were not wanting some who, to use Clarendon's words, "thought that the guilt of the nation did require less precipitation than was like to be used, and that the treaty ought first to be made with the King, and conditions of security agreed on before His Majesty should be received." The Presbyterians in Parliament, he further says, were "solicitous that somewhat should be concluded in veneration of the Covenant; and, at least, that somewhat should be inserted in their answer to the discountenance of the Bishops."[78]
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
Sir Matthew Hale moved, that a Committee might be appointed to consider the propositions which had been made to Charles I. at Newport, and the concessions then allowed by him, as affording materials for a constitutional compact with the Prince now about to ascend the throne. But no more attention was paid to the wise lawyer than to the zealous Presbyterians. Monk assured the House that the nation was now quiet, but he could not answer for the public tranquillity should the Restoration be delayed.[79] At the same time, the General was quietly seeking to accelerate the execution of his plans by pressing Sharp, the agent in London of the Scotch Presbyterians, to go over to the King at Breda, "to deal that he might write a letter to Mr. Calamy, to be communicated to the Presbyterian ministers, showing his resolution to own the godly, sober party, and to stand for the true Protestant religion in the power of it."[80]
Upon the 2nd of May the House resolved to send a grateful letter to His Majesty, together with a grant of £50,000 for his immediate use; and, at the same time, it was resolved to proclaim King Charles the following day, a ceremony duly performed in Palace Yard, Westminster, and at Temple Bar, London.
Sermons were delivered before the Houses, and Richard Baxter preached in St. Paul's Cathedral, before the Lord Mayor and the Corporation, one of his most spiritual and earnest discourses, entitled "Right Rejoicing:" with this discourse, the preacher says, the moderate were pleased and the fanatics were offended, whilst the diocesan party thought he did suppress their joy.
1660.
Speedily the Proclamation was repeated throughout the kingdom, and everywhere revived loyalty took a tinge from its ecclesiastical associations. In cities, where Episcopalians retained ascendancy, scarlet gowns, scaffolds covered with red cloth, volleys fired by musqueteers, and cathedral men singing anthems, appeared conspicuously in the arrangements. A diarist of that period thus describes what he witnessed:—
"May 12th.—Mem. This day, at the city of Worcester, were placed on high four scaffolds, one at the Cross, two at the Corn-market, three at the Knole End, four at or near All-Hallow's Well. The scaffold at the Cross was encompassed with green, white, and purple colours; the two first as his own colours, being Prince, the third as King. Mr. Ashby, the Mayor, a Mercer, and all Aldermen in scarlet, the Sheriff of the City, the 24 and 48 in their liveries; each trade and free-man marching with their colours. First went 100 trained city bandmen, after their captain, Alderman Vernon. Then came the Sheriffs, Thos. Coventry, Esq., the Lord Coventry's eldest son, servants; then the two Army companies; then the several livery companies with their showmen or band; then the City Officers; then the Mace and Sword-bearers; then the Mayor, with the High Sheriff and some gentlemen; then all the 24 and 48; then part of a troop of horse of the Army. The Mayor, mounting the scaffold with the gentlemen and Aldermen, Mr. John Ashby, reading softly by degrees the Proclamation of Charles II., to be King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland; the Mayor himself spoke it aloud to all the people; which done, all with a shout said, 'God save the King.' Then all guns went off, and swords drawn and flourishing over their heads, drums beating and trumpets blowing, loud music playing before the Mayor and company, to every scaffold, which was done in the same manner throughout; and all finished, the Mayor and City gave wine and biscuits in the chamber liberally. Bonfires made at night throughout the City, and the King's health with wine was drank freely. Never such a concourse of people seen upon so short a notice, with high rejoicings and acclamations for the restoring of the King. God guard him from his enemies as He ever hath done most miraculously, and send him a prosperous peaceable reign, and long healthful life, for the happiness of his subjects, who is their delight."[81]
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
In places where Presbyterianism prevailed the ceremony differed. At Sherborne the Proclamation followed "solemn prayers, praises, and seasonable premonition in the Church." At Manchester, Henry Newcome went into the pulpit and prayed about half an hour. At Northampton "Mr. Ford, the minister, went with several others to a great bonfire in the Market-place, when, after a suitable exhortation, he joined them in singing the twenty-first Psalm." At Northenbury, Philip Henry preached a discourse, congratulatory and thanksgiving, from the words, "The king's heart is in the hand of the Lord" (Proverbs xxi. 1); but, many years afterwards, he dated a letter 29th of May, as a day in which the bitter was mingled with the sweet.[82]
Every lover of peace will rejoice that the Restoration was a bloodless change; but the mode of deciding upon it suggests grave reflections. After a long period of strife spent in order to bring within limits the prerogatives of the Crown; after the desperate remedies which had been adopted for the cure of evils brought on by Royal aggression; after all which had been done to resist and overcome the intolerance of the High Church party,—the nation invited Charles Stuart back without any condition, and opened the way for the re-establishment of the old order of things, without any provision against the recurrence of mischief. Such a proceeding, to say the least, exposed the country to imminent hazard; and the history of the next eight and twenty years proves that the fears which were entertained by a few were but too well founded. The old Stuart disposition and habits reappeared, the old ecclesiastical intolerance returned, and the Revolution of 1688 was found necessary to supply the defects of the Restoration of 1660.
1660.
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
Yet, after all, the mode of the Restoration excites less surprise than lamentation. For it is easy to understand how natural it was for the Royalist party, even the more moderate portion of it, to feel extremely anxious to accomplish the one thing which at that critical juncture seemed to them so necessary. As in private affairs, as in the exigencies of domestic and social life, people are apt precipitately to adopt a certain course, at the moment appearing indispensable—flattering themselves that afterwards, with proper care, any seriously unpleasant results may be prevented or cured, that matters can be made all right in the end: so the leaders of the English people, at that moment, felt the question to be Restoration or Ruin; and that, the grand prerequisite for renewed prosperity being secured, other desirable things could be afterwards shaped according to pleasure or circumstances. Besides, the Presbyterians clung to the Breda Declaration as a sheet anchor of hope. It was thought then, and is still so thought by some, that however theoretically desirable stipulations might have been, it was practically unwise to insist upon them at the time; that delay in negotiation with the exiled Prince tended to involve the country in fresh confusions, and exposed it to the risk of a military despotism; and that what Parliament could not then safely wait to do might be subsequently effected. After all reasonable excuses and palliations for the course adopted, that course is now seen to have been an enormous mistake. The dangers of a little delay have been assumed, not proved; there could be no probability of losing the chance of restoring Charles, had Parliament determined beforehand to bind him to terms. He would gladly have accepted the Royalty of England, with such guarantees for public liberty as were accorded by William III. And as to the Army, from which chiefly alarm arose, it does not appear how the difficulty of keeping Republican soldiers quiet for a month or so, whilst pacific men were engaged in laying foundations for the stability of their liberties, could be greater than the difficulty of keeping those same soldiers quiet between the decision for the King's return and his actual arrival. Possible evils, in the form of political intrigues, the conflict of parties, the further unsettlement of the country, and the postponement of the Restoration, might be imagined as the result of delay; but over against them we are justified in placing the evil which did come as the consequence of haste. And with regard to expectations resting on a future Parliament—the Parliament now sitting could not calculate upon what the character and proceedings of its successor might be. That which really prevented any conditions from being imposed on the returning Prince, was the want of a few wise heads and a few stout hearts. Who can believe that if Pym or Hampden, or even Falkland, had been members of the Convention, matters would have been managed as they were? We cannot but think that during the infinitely momentous weeks which made up that month of May, such men would have little heeded the voting of jewels to Royal messengers, and decisions respecting State beds and State coaches—things which occupied the Houses for some time—but would rather have thrown themselves heart and soul into the work of building up some safe and sure defence against the return of arbitrary government and ecclesiastical intolerance. But England was wanting in great Statesmen. There remained one wise, good man who proposed a pause for the arrangement of conditions: but another man, selfish and unprincipled, put him down. It is deplorable to think of a Parliament in which Monk silenced Hale.[83]
1660.
Certain Presbyterian ministers—Reynolds, Calamy, Manton, and Case—accompanied a deputation from London to express the loyalty of the citizens. Pepys gives the amusing information, that, as he was posting in a coach to Scheveling, the wind being very high, he "saw two boats overset, and the gallants forced to be pulled on shore by the heels, while their trunks, portmanteaus, hats, and feathers were swimming in the sea;" the ministers that came with the Commissioners—Mr. Case amongst the rest—were "sadly dripped."[84]
The King resided at the Hague, and to that pleasant Dutch town the reverend brethren proceeded without delay; they were graciously received. They assured Charles, that in obedience to the Covenant, they had urged upon the people the duty of restoring him; and, after thanking God for His Majesty's constancy to the Protestant religion, they declared themselves by no means inimical to moderate Episcopacy; they only desired that in religion, things held indifferent by those who used them, should not be imposed upon the consciences of others to whom they appeared unlawful. The first interview seems to have passed off pleasantly; another audience was sought by the clergymen for closer conversation.
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
The Scotch were very earnest for an exclusive Presbyterian Establishment in England. They had frequent correspondence with Sharp, now in Holland, and they urged him to remember the great inconvenience which would ensue if the King used the Prayer Book upon returning to his dominions.[85] Whether or not Sharp (then believed to be a zealous Presbyterian) influenced the London ministers, it is certain they adopted an intolerant policy. Admitted once more to the Royal presence[86] they told His Majesty that the people were unaccustomed to the Common Prayer, and it would be much wondered at, if, as soon as he landed, he should introduce it in his own chapel. They begged, at all events, that he would not use it entirely, but only some parts of it, and permit extempore prayers by his chaplains. The King replied, reasonably enough, and with some warmth, "that whilst they sought liberty, he wished to enjoy the same himself." He professed his strong attachment to the Liturgy, and said, although he would not severely inquire about the use of it elsewhere he would certainly have it in his own chapel. Then they besought him not to have the surplice worn: upon which he declared he would not himself be restrained whilst giving so much liberty to others; a declaration proper enough had he adhered to both parts of it. Whatever the Presbyterian deputation might have said, probably it would have made little difference as to the issue; yet all must see how foolishly they committed themselves at the very commencement of their negotiations—giving Charles and his Court too much ground for meeting the charge of Episcopal intolerance by the accusation of Presbyterian bigotry.
1660.
Upon the following Sunday, Mr. Hardy, one of the ministers, preached before the King at the Hague, when some amusing circumstances occurred. The place appointed for the service was the French Church, and it was arranged that the English worship should begin as soon as the French should end. Crowds came from the neighbouring towns to see the Monarch and his retinue. Precautions were adopted to prevent their admission in a way which might inconvenience the illustrious worshippers, and particular care was taken to reserve for the Court a pew "clothed with black velvet, and covered with a canopy of the same stuff." But another contingency had not been contemplated—the difficulty of dismissing those already in the building before others were admitted. The French congregation wished to wait and witness the subsequent worship, and Dutch persons of distinction, occupying the velvet pew, would not retire. The French ministers urged them to withdraw, but there they were, and there they would remain. The people in possession outwitted the rest, and outwitted themselves too; for the church being crammed, and no more being able to enter, the King gave up the idea of going into it, and attended Divine service in a private room, with as many of the Lords as the place would accommodate. Mr. Hardy preached from Isaiah xxvi. 19, "and made so learned and so pathetic a discourse that there was not any one there which was not touched and edified therewith."[87] After the Liturgy and sermon the King, according to a long and elaborate ceremonial, touched certain persons afflicted with "the evil."
PROGRESS OF RESTORATION.
Whilst the Presbyterians were active the Episcopalians were not idle. The Bishops despatched Mr. Barwick to Breda with a loyal address to His Majesty, and letter of thanks to Hyde, now Chancellor Clarendon. Barwick was instructed to report upon ecclesiastical affairs, and to bring back the Royal commands, particularly as to which of the Bishops should pay their duty upon their Master's landing; and whether they should present themselves in their Episcopal habits; and also as to the appointment of Court Chaplains. Since it had been customary for the Kings of England to return public thanksgivings at St. Paul's Cathedral on great occasions, Barwick inquired what was the Royal pleasure as to the place in which such service should be held, seeing the ruinous condition of the Metropolitan Church at that time? He met with a gracious reception, and on the Sunday after his arrival preached before the King.
The Episcopalians in England very naturally were filled with joy. As early as the month of March one gave expression to it in violent language from the pulpit. The prudent Chancellor at Breda, hearing of these intemperate effusions, had written, in April, begging that the Episcopalian clergy would restrain their tempers. "And truly I hope," he added, "if faults of this kind are not committed that both the Church and the Kingdom will be better dealt with than is imagined; and I am confident those good men will be more troubled that the Church should undergo a new suffering by their indiscretion than for all that they have suffered hitherto themselves."[88]