§ 4.
Closely allied to the foregoing, and constantly referred to in connexion with it by those Fathers who undertook to refute the heresy of Apolinarius, is our Lord's declaration to Nicodemus,—'No man hath ascended up to heaven, but He that came down from heaven, even the Son of Man which is in heaven' (St. John iii. 13). Christ 'came down from heaven' when He became incarnate: and having become incarnate, is said to have 'ascended up to Heaven,' and 'to be in Heaven,' because 'the Son of Man,' who was not in heaven before, by virtue of the hypostatical union was thenceforward evermore 'in heaven.' But the Evangelist's language was very differently taken by those heretics who systematically 'maimed and misinterpreted that which belongeth to the human nature of Christ.' Apolinarius, who relied on the present place, is found to have read it without the final clause ('ο ων εν τω ουρανω); and certain of the orthodox (as Greg. Naz., Greg. Nyssa, Epiphanius, while contending with him,) shew themselves not unwilling to argue from the text so mutilated. Origen and the author of the Dialogus once, Eusebius twice, Cyril not fewer than nineteen times, also leave off at the words 'even the Son of Man': from which it is insecurely gathered that those Fathers disallowed the clause which follows. On the other hand, thirty-eight Fathers and ten Versions maintain the genuineness of the words 'ο ων εν τω ουρανω[561]. But the decisive circumstance is that,—besides the Syriac and the Latin copies which all witness to the existence of the clause,—the whole body of the uncials, four only excepted ([Symbol: Aleph]BLTb), and every known cursive but one (33)—are for retaining it.
No thoughtful reader will rise from a discussion like the foregoing without inferring from the facts which have emerged in the course of it the exceeding antiquity of depravations of the inspired verity. For let me not be supposed to have asserted that the present depravation was the work of Apolinarius. Like the rest, it is probably older by at least 150 years. Apolinarius, in whose person the heresy which bears his name came to a head, did but inherit the tenets of his predecessors in error; and these had already in various ways resulted in the corruption of the deposit.
§ 5[562].
The matter in hand will be conveniently illustrated by inviting the reader's attention to another famous place. There is a singular consent among the Critics for eliminating from St. Luke ix. 54-6, twenty-four words which embody two memorable sayings of the Son of Man. The entire context is as follows:—'Lord, wilt thou that we command fire to come down from heaven and consume them, (as Elias did)? But he turned, and rebuked them, (and said, Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of.) (For the Son of Man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save them.) And they went to another village.' The three bracketed clauses contain the twenty-four words in dispute.
The first of these clauses ('ως και 'ηλιας εποιησε), which claims to be part of the inquiry of St. John and St. James, Mill rejected as an obvious interpolation. 'Res ipsa clamat. Quis enim sanus tam insignia deleverit[563]?' Griesbach retained it as probably genuine.—The second clause (και ειπεν, Ουκ οιδατε 'οιου πνευματος εστε 'υμεις) he obelized as probably not genuine:—the third ('ο γαρ 'υιος του ανθρωπου ουκ ηλθε ψυχας ανθρωπων απολεσαι, αλλα σωσαι) he rejected entirely. Lachmann also retains the first clause, but rejects the other two. Alford, not without misgiving, does the same. Westcott and Hort, without any misgiving about the third clause, are 'morally certain' that the first and second clauses are a Western interpolation. Tischendorf and Tregelles are thorough. They agree, and the Revisers of 1881, in rejecting unceremoniously all the three clauses and exhibiting the place curtly, thus.—Κυριε, θελεις ειπωμεν πυρ καταβηναι απο του ουρανου, και αναλωσαι αυτους; στραφεις δε επετιμησεν αυτοις. και επορευθησαν δησαν εις 'ετεραν κωμην.
Now it may as well be declared at once that Codd. [Symbol: Aleph]BLΞ l g1 Cyrluc[564], two MSS. of the Bohairic (d 3, d 2), the Lewis, and two cursives (71, 157) are literally the only authority, ancient or modern, for so exhibiting the text [in all its bare crudeness]. Against them are arrayed the whole body of MSS. uncial and cursive, including ACD; every known lectionary; all the Latin, the Syriac (Cur. om. Clause 1), and indeed every other known version: besides seven good Greek Fathers beginning with Clemens Alex. (A.D. 190), and five Latin Fathers beginning with Tertullian (A.D. 190): Cyprian's testimony being in fact the voice of the Fourth Council of Carthage, A.D. 253. If on a survey of this body of evidence any one will gravely tell me that the preponderance of authority still seems to him to be in favour of the shorter reason, I can but suggest that the sooner he communicates to the world the grounds for his opinion, the better.
(1) In the meantime it becomes necessary to consider the disputed clauses separately, because ancient authorities, rivalling modern critics, are unable to agree as to which they will reject, which they will retain. I begin with the second. What persuades so many critics to omit the precious words και ειπεν, Ουκ οιδατε 'οιου πνευματος εστε 'υμεις, is the discovery that these words are absent from many uncial MSS.,—[Symbol: Aleph]ABC and nine others; besides, as might have been confidently anticipated from that fact, also from a fair proportion of the cursive copies. It is impossible to deny that prima facie such an amount of evidence against any words of Scripture is exceedingly weighty. Pseudo-Basil (ii. 271) is found to have read the passage in the same curt way. Cyril, on the other hand, seems to have read it differently.
And yet, the entire aspect of the case becomes changed the instant it is perceived that this disputed clause is recognized by Clemens[565] (A.D. 190); as well as by the Old Latin, by the Peshitto, and by the Curetonian Syriac: for the fact is thus established that as well in Eastern as in Western Christendom the words under discussion were actually recognized as genuine full a hundred and fifty years before the oldest of the extant uncials came into existence. When it is further found that (besides Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine,) the Vulgate, the Old Egyptian, the Harkleian Syriac and the Gothic versions also contain the words in question; and especially that Chrysostom in four places, Didymus, Epiphanius, Cyril and Theodoret, besides Antiochus, familiarly quote them, it is evident that the testimony of antiquity in their favour is even overwhelming. Add that in eight uncial MSS. (beginning with D) the words in dispute form part of the text of St. Luke, and that they are recognized by the great mass of the cursive copies,—(only six out of the twenty which Scrivener has collated being without them,)—and it is plain that at least five tests of genuineness have been fully satisfied.
(2) The third clause ('ο γαρ 'υιος του ανθρωπου ουκ ηλθε ψυχας ανθρωπων απολεσαι, αλλα σωσαι) rests on precisely the same solid evidence as the second; except that the testimony of Clemens is no longer available,—but only because his quotation does not extend so far. Cod. D also omits this third clause; which on the other hand is upheld by Tertullian, Cyprian and Ambrose. Tischendorf suggests that it has surreptitiously found its way into the text from St. Luke xix. 10, or St. Matt, xviii. 11. But this is impossible; simply because what is found in those two places is essentially different: namely,—ηλθε γαρ 'ο 'υιος του ανθρωπου ζητησαι και[566] σωσαι το απολωλος.
(3) We are at liberty in the meantime to note how apt an illustration is here afforded of the amount of consensus which subsists between documents of the oldest class. This divergence becomes most conspicuous when we direct our attention to the grounds for omitting the foremost clause of the three, 'ως και Ηλιας εποιησεν: for here we make the notable discovery that the evidence is not only less weighty, but also different. Codexes B and [Symbol: Aleph] are now forsaken by all their former allies except LΞ and a single cursive copy. True, they are supported by the Curetonian Syriac, the Vulgate and two copies of the Old Latin. But this time they find themselves confronted by Codexes ACD with thirteen other uncials and the whole body of the cursives; the Peshitto, Coptic, Gothic, and Harkleian versions; by Clemens, Jerome, Chrysostom, Cyril and pseudo-Basil. In respect of antiquity, variety, respectability, numbers, they are therefore hopelessly outvoted.
Do any inquire, How then has all this contradiction and depravation of Codexes [Symbol: Aleph]ABC(D) come about? I answer as follows:—
It was a favourite tenet with the Gnostic heretics that the Law and the Gospel are at variance. In order to establish this, Marcion (in a work called Antitheses) set passages of the New Testament against passages of the Old; from the seeming disagreement between which his followers were taught to infer that the Law and the Gospel cannot have proceeded from one and the same author[567]. Now here was a place exactly suited to his purpose. The God of the Old Testament had twice sent down fire from heaven to consume fifty men. But 'the Son of Man,' said our Saviour, when invited to do the like, 'came not to destroy men's lives but to save them.' Accordingly, Tertullian in his fourth book against Marcion, refuting this teaching, acquaints us that one of Marcion's 'Contrasts' was Elijah's severity in calling down fire from Heaven,—and the gentleness of Christ. 'I acknowledge the seventy of the judge,' Tertullian replies; 'but I recognize the same severity on the part of Christ towards His Disciples when they proposed to bring down a similar calamity on a Samaritan village[568].' From all of which it is plain that within seventy years of the time when the Gospel was published, the text of St. Luke ix. 54-6 stood very much as at present.
But then it is further discovered that at the same remote period (about A.D. 130) this place of Scripture was much fastened on by the enemies of the Gospel. The Manichaean heretics pressed believers with it[569]. The disciples' appeal to the example of Elijah, and the reproof they incurred, became inconvenient facts. The consequence might be foreseen. With commendable solicitude for God's honour, but through mistaken piety, certain of the orthodox (without suspicion of the evil they were committing) were so ill-advised as to erase from their copies the twenty-four words which had been turned to mischievous account as well as to cause copies to be made of the books so mutilated: and behold, at the end of 1,700 years, the calamitous result!
Of these three clauses then, which are closely interdependent, and as Tischendorf admits[570] must all three stand or all three fall together, the first is found with ACD, the Old Latin, Peshitto, Clement, Chrysostom, Cyril, Jerome,—not with [Symbol: Aleph]B the Vulgate or Curetonian. The second and third clauses are found with Old Latin, Vulgate, Peshitto, Harkleian, six Greek and five Latin Fathers,—not with [Symbol: Aleph]ABCD.
While [Symbol: Aleph] and B are alone in refusing to recognize either first, second or third clause. And this is a fair sample of that 'singular agreement' which is sometimes said to subsist between 'the lesser group of witnesses.' Is it not plain on the contrary that at a very remote period there existed a fierce conflict, and consequent hopeless divergence of testimony about the present passage; of which 1,700 years[571] have failed to obliterate the traces? Had [Symbol: Aleph]B been our only ancient guides, it might of course have been contended that there has been no act of spoliation committed: but seeing that one half of the missing treasure is found with their allies, ACD, Clement Alex., Chrysostom, Cyril, Jerome,—the other half with their allies, Old Latin, Harkleian, Clement, Tertullian, Cyprian, Ambrose, Didymus, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Cyril, Theodoret, Jerome, Augustine[572],—it is clear that no such pretence can any longer be set up.
The endeavour to establish agreement among the witnesses by a skilful distribution or rather dislocation of their evidence, a favourite device with the Critics, involves a fallacy which in any other subject would be denied a place. I trust that henceforth St. Luke ix. 54-6 will be left in undisputed possession of its place in the sacred Text,—to which it has an undoubted right.
A thoughtful person may still inquire, Can it however be explained further how it has come to pass that the evidence for omitting the first clause and the two last is so unequally divided? I answer, the disparity is due to the influence of the Lectionaries.
Let it be observed then that an ancient Ecclesiastical Lection which used to begin either at St. Luke ix. 44, or else at verse 49 and to extend down to the end of verse 56[573], ended thus,—'ως και Ηλιας εποιησε; στραφεις δε επετιμησεν αυτοις. και επορευθησαν εις 'ετεπαν κωμην[574]. It was the Lection for Thursday in the fifth week of the new year; and as the reader sees, it omitted the two last clauses exactly as Codd. [Symbol: Aleph]ABC do. Another Ecclesiastical Lection began at verse 51 and extended down to verse 57, and is found to have contained the two last clauses[575]. I wish therefore to inquire:—May it not fairly be presumed that it is the Lectionary practice of the primitive age which has led to the irregularity in this perturbation of the sacred Text?
FOOTNOTES:
[495] Προς τοις δοκησει τον Χριστον πεφηνεναι λεγοντας.
[496] Το δε παιδιον ηυξανε, και εκραταιουτο πνευματι.
[497] It is the twenty-fourth and the thirtieth question in the first Dialogus of pseudo-Caesarius (Gall. vi. 17, 20).
[498] Opp. iii. 953, 954,—with suspicious emphasis.
[499] Ed. Migne, vol. 93, p. 1581 a, b (Novum Auct. i. 700).
[500] When Cyril writes (Scholia, ed. Pusey, vol. vi. 568),—"Το δε παιδιον ηυξανε και εκραταιουτο ΠΝΕΥΜΑΤΙ, πληρουμενον ΣΟΦΙΑ και ΧΑΡΙΤΙ." καιτοι κατα φυσιν παντελειος εστιν 'ως Θεος και εξ ιδιον πληρωματος διανεμει τοις αγιοις τα ΠΝΕΥΜΑΤΙΚΑ, και αυτος εστιν η ΣΟΦΙΑ, και της ΧΑΡΙΤΟς 'ο δοτηρ,—it is clear that πνευματι must have stood in Cyril's text. The same is the reading of Cyril's Treatise, De Incarnatione (Mai, ii. 57): and of his Commentary on St. Luke (ibid. p. 136). One is surprised at Tischendorf's perverse inference concerning the last-named place. Cyril had begun by quoting the whole of ver. 40 in exact conformity with the traditional text (Mai, ii. 136). At the close of some remarks (found both in Mai and in Cramer's Catena), Cyril proceeds as follows, according to the latter:—'ο Ευαγγελιστης εψη "ηυξανε και εκραταιουτο" ΚΑΙ ΤΑ ΕΞΗΣ. Surely this constitutes no ground for supposing that he did not recognize the word πνευματι, but rather that he did. On the other hand, it is undeniable that in V. P. ii. 138 and 139 (= Concilia iii. 241 d, 244 a), from Pusey's account of what he found in the MSS. (vii. P. i. 277-8), the word πνευματι must be suspected of being an unauthorized addition to the text of Cyril's treatise, De Rectâ fide ad Pulcheriam et Eudociam.
[501] ii. 152: iv. 112: v. 120, 121 (four times).
[502] Ει τελειος εστι Θεος 'ο Χριστος, πως 'ο ευαγγελιστης λεγει, το δε παιδιον Ιησους ηυξανε και εκραταιουτο πνευματι;—S. Caesarii, Dialogus I, Quaest. 24 (ap. Galland. vi. 17 c). And see Quaest. 30.
[503] ii. 36 d.
[504] Fragmenta Syriaca, ed. Sachau, p. 53.—The only other Greek Fathers who quote the place are Euthymius and Theophylact.
[505] 'ην ηκουσα παρα του Θεου. Epiph. i. 463.
[506] Instead of παρα του Θεου.
[507] i. 410: iv. 294, 534. Elsewhere he defends and employs it.
[508] i. 260, 463: ii. 49.
[509] i. 705.
[510] viii. 365.
[511] (Glaph.) i. 18.
[512] iv. 83, 430. But both Origen (i. 705: iv. 320, 402) and Cyril (iv. 554: v. 758) quote the traditional reading; and Cyril (iv. 549) distinctly says that the latter is right, and παρα του πατρος wrong.
[513] Excerpt. Theod. 968.—Heracleon's name is also connected by Origen with this text. Valentinus (ap. Iren. 100) says, ον δη και υιον Μονογενη και Θεον κεκληκεν.
[514] Pp. 627, 630, 466.
[515] P. 956.
[516] 'Deum nemo vidit umquam: nisi unicus filius solus, sinum patris ipse enarravit.'—(Comp. Tertullian:—'Solus filius patrem novit et sinum patris ipse exposuit' (Prax. c. 8. Cp. c. 21): but he elsewhere (ibid. c. 15) exhibits the passage in the usual way.) Clemens writes,—τοτε εποπτευσεις τον κολπον του Πατρυς, 'ον 'ο μονοογενης 'υιος Θεος μονος εξηγησατο (956), and in the Excerpt. Theod. we find ουτος τον κολπον τον Πατρος εξηγησατο 'ο Σωτηρ (969). But this is unintelligible until it is remembered that our Lord is often spoken of by the Fathers as 'η δεξια του 'υψιστου ... κολπος δε της δεξιας 'ο Πατηρ. (Greg. Nyss. i. 192.)
[517] Ps. 440 (—'ο): Marcell. 165, 179, 273.
[518] Marcell. 334: Theoph. 14.
[519] Marcell. 132. Read on to p. 134.
[520] Opp. ii. 466.
[521] Opp. iii. 23, 358.
[522] Greg. Nyss. Opp. i. 192, 663 (Θεος παντως 'ο μονογενης, 'ο εν τοις κολποις ων του Πατρος, ουτως ειποντος του Ιωαννου). Also ii. 432, 447, 450, 470, 506: always εν τοις κολποις. Basil, Opp. iii. 12.
[523] Basil, Opp. iii. 14, 16, 117: and so Eunomius (ibid. i. 623).
[524] Contra Eunom. I have noted ninety-eight places.
[525] Cyril (iv. 104) paraphrases St. John i. 18 thus:—αυτος γαρ Θεος ων 'ο μονογενης, εν κολποις ων του θεου και πατρος, ταυτην προς 'ημας εποιησατο την εξηγησιν. Presently (p. 105), he says that St. John και "μονογενη θεον" αποκαλει τον 'υιον, και "εν κολποισ" ειναι φησι του πατρος. But on p. 107 he speaks quite plainly: "'ο μονογενης," φησι, "Θεος, 'ο ων εις τον κολπον του πατρος, εκεινος εξηγησατο." επειδη γαρ εφη "μονογενη" και "Θεον," τιθησιν ευθυς, "'ο ων εν τοις κολποις του πατρος."—So v. 137, 768. And yet he reads 'υιος in v. 365, 437: vi. 90.
[526] He uses it seventeen times in his Comm. on Isaiah (ii. 4, 35, 122, &c.), and actually so reads St. John i. 18 in one place (Opp. vi. 187). Theodoret once adopts the phrase (Opp. v. 4).
[527] De Trin. 76, 140, 37a:—27.
[528] P. 117.
[529] Traditional Text, p. 113, where the references are given.
[530] Who quoted Arius' words:—'Subsistit ante tempora et aeones plenus Deus, unigenitus, et immutabilis.' But I cannot yet find Tischendorf's reference.
[531] The reading 'υιος is established by unanswerable evidence.
[532] The Gnostics Basilides and Valentinus were the direct precursors of Apolonius, Photinus, Nestorius, &c., in assailing the Catholic doctrine of the Incarnation. Their heresy must have been actively at work when St. John wrote his first (iv. 1, 2, 3) and second (ver. 7) Epistles.
[533] Rev. xxii. 19.
[534] Επιπηδωσιν 'ημιν 'οι 'αιρετικοι λεγοντες; ιδου ουκ ανελαβε σαρκα 'ο Χριστος; 'ο δευτ. γαρ φησιν ανθρ. 'ο κ. εξ ουρανου. Chrys. iii. 114 b.
[535] Την γαρ κατα σαρκα γηννησιν του Χριστου ανελειν βουλομενοι, ενηλλαξαν το, 'ο δευτερος ανθρωπος; και εποιησαν, 'ο δευτερος Κυριος. Dial. [ap. Orig.] i. 868.—Marcion had in fact already substituted Κυριος for ανθρωπος in ver. 45: ('the last Lord became a quickening spirit':) [Tertull. ii. 304]—a fabricated reading which is also found to have been upheld by Marcion's followers:—'ο εσχατος Κυριος εις πν. ζω. Dial. ubi supra. εδει γαρ αυτους, ει γε τα ευανγελια ετιμων, μη περιτεμνειν τα ευαγγελια, μη μερη των ευαγγελιων εξυφελειν, μη 'ετερα προσθηναι, μητε λογω, μητε ιδια γνωμη τα ευαγγελια προσγραφειν.... προσγεγραφηκασι γουν 'οσα βεβουληνται, και εξυφειλαντο 'οσα κεκρικασι. Titus of Bostra c. Manichaeos (Galland. v. 328).
[536] Tertull. ii. 304, (Primus homo de humo terrenus, secundus Dominus de Caelo).
[537] Dial [Orig. i.] 868, ('ο δευτερος Κυριος εξ ουρανου).
[538] Το δε παντων χαλεπωτατον εν ταις εκκλησιαστικαις συμφοραις, 'η των 'Απολιναριστων εστι παρρησια. Greg. Naz. ii. 167.
[539] ii. 168,—a very interesting place. See also p. 87.
[540] i. 831.
[541] ii. 443, 531.
[542] Pp. 180, 209, 260, 289, 307 (primus homo de terrae limo, &c.).
[543] iii. 40.
[544] iii. 114 four times: x. 394, 395. Once (xi. 374) he has 'ο δευτ. ανθρ. ουρανιος εξ ουρανου.
[545] iv. 1051.
[546] Ap. Thdt. v. 1135.
[547] Ap. Galland. viii. 626, 627.
[548] i. 222 (where for ανθρ. he reads Αδαμ), 563. Also ii. 120, 346.
[549] 'Adversus Manichaeos,'—ap. Mai, iv. 68, 69.
[550] ii. 228:—ουχ 'οτι 'ο ανθρωπος, ητοι το ανθρωπινον προσλημμα, εξ ουρανου ην, 'ως 'ο αφρων Απολιναριος εληρει.
[551] Naz. ii. 87 (=Thdt. iv. 62), 168.—Nyss. ii. 11.
[552] Ap. Epiphan. i. 830.
[553] 559 (with the Text. Recept.): iv. 302 not.
[554] Hippolytus may not be cited in evidence, being read both ways. (Cp. ed. Fabr. ii. 30:—ed. Lagarde, 138. 15:—ed. Galland. ii. 483.)—Neither may the expression του δευτερου εξ ουρανου ανθρωπου in Pet. Alex. (ed. Routh, Rell. Sacr. iv. 48) be safely pressed.
[555] Primus homo de terra, terrenus: secundus homo de caelo caelestis.—i. 1168, 1363: ii. 265, 975. And so ps.-Ambr. ii. 166, 437.
[556] ii. 298: iv. 930: vii. 296.
[557] The places are given by Sabatier in loc.
[558] Only because it is the Vulgate reading, I am persuaded, does this reading appear in Orig. interp. ii. 84, 85: iii. 951: iv. 546.
[559] As Philastrius (ap. Galland. vii. 492, 516).—Pacianus (ib. 275).—Marius Mercator (ib. viii. 664).—Capreolus (ib. ix. 493). But see the end of the next ensuing note.
[560] Vol. i. p. 1275,—'ο δευτερος ανθρ. 'ο Κυριος εξ ουρανου ουρανιος:—on which he remarks, (if indeed it be he), ιδου γαρ αμφοτερωθεν ουρανιος ανθρωπος ονομαζεται. And lower down,—Κυριος, δια την μιαν 'υποστασιν; δευτ. μεν ανθρ., κατα την 'ενωμενην ανθρωποτητα. εξ ουρανου δε, κατα την θεοτητα.—P. 448,—'ο δευτερος ανθρ. εξ ουρανου επουρανιος.—Ap. Montf. ii. 13 (= Galland. v. 167),—'ο δευτ. ανθρ. εξ ουρανου.—Note that Maximinus, an Arian bishop, A.D. 427-8 (ap. Augustin. viii. 663) is found to have possessed a text identical with the first of the preceding:—'Ait ipse Paulus, Primus homo Adam de terra terrenus, secundus homo Dominus de Caelo caelestis advenit.'
[561] See Revision Revised, pp. 132-5: and The Traditional Text, p. 114.
[562] This paper is marked as having been written at Chichester in 1877, and is therefore earlier than the Dean's later series.
[563] Proleg. 418.
[564] The text of St. Luke ix. 51-6 prefixed to Cyril's fifty-sixth Sermon (p. 353) is the text of B and [Symbol: Aleph],—an important testimony to what I suppose may be regarded as the Alexandrine Textus Receptus of this place in the fifth century. But then no one supposes that Cyril is individually responsible for the headings of his Sermons. We therefore refer to the body of his discourse; and discover that the Syriac translator has rendered it (as usual) with exceeding licence. He has omitted to render some such words as the following which certainly stood in the original text:—ειδεναι γαρ χρη, 'οτι 'ως μηπω της νεας κεκρατηκοτες χαριτος, αλλ' ετι της προτερας εχομενοι συνηθειας, τουτο ειπον, προς Ηλιαν αφορωντες τον πυρι καταφλεξαντα δις τους πεντηκοντα και τους ηγουμενους αυτων, (Cramer's Cat. ii. p. 81. Cf. Corderii, Cat. p. 263. Also Matthaei. N. T. in loc., pp. 333-4.) Now the man who wrote that, must surely have read St. Luke ix. 54, 55 as we do.
[565] See the fragment (and Potter's note), Opp. p. 1019: also Galland. ii. 157. First in Hippolyt., Opp. ed. Fabric, ii. 71.
[566] In St. Matt. xviii. 11, the words ζητησαι και do not occur.
[567] Bp. Kaye's Tertullian, p. 468. 'Agnosco iudicis severitatem. E contrario Christi in eandem animadversionem destinantes discipulos super ilium viculum Samaritarum.' Marc. iv. 23 (see ii. p. 221). He adds,—'Let Marcion also confess that by the same terribly severe judge Christ's leniency was foretold;' and he cites in proof Is. xlii. 2 and 1 Kings xix. 12 ('sed in spiritu miti').
[568] Augustine (viii. 111-150, 151-182) writes a book against him. And he discusses St. Luke ix. 54-5 on p. 139.
Addas Adimantus (a disciple of Manes) was the author of a work of the same kind. Augustine (viii. 606 c) says of it,—'ubi de utroque Testamento velut inter se contraria testimonia proferuntur versipelli dolositate, velut inde ostendatur utrumque ab uno Deo esse non posse, sed alterum ab altero.' Cerdon was the first to promulgate this pestilential tenet (605 a). Then Marcion his pupil, then Apelles, and then Patricius.
[569] Titus Bostr. adv. Manichaeos (ap. Galland. v. 329 b), leaving others to note the correspondences between the New and the Old Testament, proposes to handle the 'Contrasts': προς αυτας τας αντιθεσεις των λογιων χωρησωμεν. At pp. 339 e, 340 a, b, he confirms what Tertullian says about the calling down of fire from heaven.
[570] Verba 'ως και Η. εποιησε cur quis addiderit, planum. Eidem interpolatori debentur quae verba στρ. δε επετι. αυτοις excipiunt. Gravissimum est quod testium additamentum 'ο γαρ 'υιος, &c. ab eadem manu derivandum est, nec per se solum pro spurio haberi potest; cohaeret enim cum argumento tum auctoritate arctissime cum prioribus. (N. T. ed. 1869, p. 544.)
[571] Secundo iam saeculo quin in codicibus omnis haec interpolatio circumferri consueverit, dubitari nequit. (Ibid.)
[572] The following are the references left by the Dean. I have not had time or strength to search out those which are left unspecified in this MS. and the last.
Jerome.—Apostoli in Lege versati ... ulcisci nituntur iniuriam, et imitari Eliam, &c. Dominus, qui non ad iudicandum venerat, sed ad salvandum, &c. ... increpat eos quod non meminerint doctrinae suae et bonitatis Evangelicae, &c. (i. 857 b, c, d.)
Cyprian, Synodical Epistle.—'Filius hominis non venit animas hominum perdere, sed salvare.' p. 98. A.D. 253.
Tatian.—Veni, inquit, animam salvam facere. (Carn. c. 12 et 10: and Anim. c. 13.)
Augustine gives a long extract from the same letter and thus quotes the words twice,—x. 76, 482. Cp. ii. 593 a.
Και 'ο Κυριος προς τους αποστολους ειποντας εν πυρι κολασαι τους μη δεξαμενους αυτους κατα τον Ηλιαν; Ουκ οιδατε φησι ποιου πνευματος εστε. (p. 1019.)
Theodoret, iii. 1119. (ποιου.)
Epiph. ii. 31. ('οιου.)
Basil, ii. 271 (Eth.) quotes the whole place.
Augustine.—Respondit eis Dominus, dicens eos nescire cuius spiritus filii essent, et quod ipse liberare venisset, non perdere. viii. 139 b. Cp. iii. (2), 194 b.
Cyril Al.—Μηπω της νεας κεκρατηκοτες χαριτος ... τουτο ειπον, τον Ηλιαν αφορωντες τον πυρι κ.τ.λ. Cord. Cat. 263 = Cram. Cat. 81. Also iv. 1017.—By a strange slip of memory, Cyril sets down a reproof found in St. Matthew: but this is enough to shew that he admits that some reproof finds record in the Gospel.
Chrys. vii. 567 e: x. 305 d: vii. 346 a: ix. 677 c.
Opus Imp. ap. Chrys. vi. 211, 219.
Didymus.—Ουκ οιδατε οιου πνευματος εστιν 'ο 'υιος του ανθρωπου. De Trin. p. 188.
[573] Evst. 48 (Matthaei's c): Evst. 150 (Harl. 5598).
[574] See Matthaei, N.T. 1786, vol. ii. p. 17.
[575] [I have been unable to discover this Lection.]