BOOK IV.
P. 623. Burnet. Because Chudleigh the envoy there had openly broken with the Prince [of Orange], (for he not only waited no more on him, but acted openly against him; and once in the Vorhaut had affronted him, while he was driving the Princess upon the snow in a trainau, according to the German manner, and pretending they were masked, and that he did not know them, had ordered his coachman to keep his way, as they were coming towards the place where he drove;) the King recalled him.—Swift. A pretty parenthesis.
P. 626. Burnet. This gave all thinking men a melancholy prospect. England now seemed lost, unless some happy accident should save it. All people saw the way for packing a Parliament now laid open.—Swift. Just our case at the Queen's death.
P. 638. Burnet says that Musgrave and others pretended:—when money was asked for just and necessary ends, to be frugal patriots, and to be careful managers of the public treasure.—Swift. A party remark,
P. 651. Burnet. Goodenough, who had been under-sheriff of London when Cornish was sheriff, offered to swear against Cornish; and also said, that Rumsey had not discovered all he knew. So Rumsey to save himself joined with Goodenough, to swear Cornish guilty of that for which the Lord Russell had suffered. And this was driven on so fast, that Cornish was seized on, tried, and executed within the week.—Swift. Goodenough went to Ireland, practised law, and died there.
Ibid. Burnet. It gave a general horror to the body of the nation: And it let all people see, what might be expected from a reign that seemed to delight in blood.—Swift. The same here since the Queen's death.
P. 654. Burnet. The Archbishop of Armagh[5] [1685,] had continued Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and was in all points so compliant to the court, that even his religion came to be suspected on that account.—Swift. False.
[Footnote 5: Michael Boyle, who, when Archbishop of Dublin, was made chancellor soon after the Restoration (1665), and continued in that office to January, 1686, during which time he was raised to the Archbishopric of Armagh.—SEWARD.]
Ibid Burnet, and yet this archbishop:—was not thought thorough-paced. So Sir Charles Porter, who was a zealous promoter of everything that the King proposed, and was a man of ready wit, and being poor was thought a person fit to be made a tool of, was declared Lord Chancellor of Ireland.—Swift. False and scandalous.
P. 669. Burnet. Solicitor-general Finch ... was presently after turned out. And Powis succeeded him, who was a compliant young aspiring lawyer, though in himself he was no ill natured man.—Swift. Sir Thomas Powis, a good dull lawyer.
P. 670. Burnet, speaking of the power claimed for the King to dispense with the sacramental test, says:—It was an overturning the whole government, ... to say that laws, ... where one of the penalties was an incapacity, which by a maxim of law cannot be taken away even by a pardon, should at the pleasure of the prince be dispensed with: A fine was also set by the Act on offenders, but not given to the King, but to the informer, which thereby became his. So that the King could no more pardon that, than he could discharge the debts of the subjects, and take away property.—Swift. Wrong reasoning.
P. 672. Burnet. Intimations were everywhere given, that the King would not have them [Dissenters], or their meetings, to be disturbed. Some of them began to grow insolent upon this shew of favour.—Swift. The whole body of them grew insolent, and complying to the King.
P. 675. Burnet. Sancroft lay silent at Lambeth. He seemed zealous against Popery in private discourse: But he was of such a timorous temper, and so set on the enriching his nephew, that he shewed no sort of courage.—Swift. False as hell.
P. 681. Burnet, referring to the revived national zeal against Popery, says:—The Episcopal clergy were in many places so sunk into sloth and ignorance, that they were not capable of conducting this zeal: ... But the Presbyterians, though they were now freed from the great severities they had long smarted under, yet expressed on all occasions their unconquerable aversion to Popery.—Swift. Partial dog!
P. 682. Burnet. He made the Earl of Tyrconnell Lord Lieutenant.—Swift. Lord deputy.
P. 688. Burnet. Nor were the clergy more diligent in their labours among their people, in which respect it must be confessed that the English clergy are the most remiss of any.—Swift. Civil that.
P. 690. Burnet, speaking of King William's character, says:—he had no vice, but of one sort, in which he was very cautious and secret.—Swift. It was of two sorts—male and female—in the former he was neither cautious nor secret.
P. 691. Burnet, in a conversation with the Prince of Orange at The Hague, (1686):—When he found I was in my opinion for toleration, he said, that was all he would ever desire to bring us to, for quieting our contentions at home.—Swift. It seems the Prince even then thought of being King.
P. 692. Burnet, the advice I gave the Princess of Orange, when she should be Queen of England, was, to:—endeavour effectually to get it [the real authority] to be legally vested in him [the Prince] during life: This would lay the greatest obligation on him possible, and lay the foundation of a perfect union between them, which had been of late a little embroiled.—Swift. By Mrs. Villiers, now Lady Orkney; but he proved a d——d husband for all that.[6]
[Footnote 6: Lady Orkney was a favourite of Swift, as appears from several passages in the Journal. [S.]
P. 693. Burnet, having told the Princess of Orange that her succession to the throne would not make her husband king, and given her the advice just quoted, says:—she in a very frank manner told him, that she did not know that the laws of England were so contrary to the laws of God, as I had informed her: she did not think that the husband was ever to be obedient to the wife.—Swift. Foolish.
P. 693. Burnet. [Penn, the Quaker,] was a talking vain man, who had been long in the King's favour, he being the vice-admiral's son. ... He had a tedious luscious way, that was not apt to overcome a man's reason, though it might tire his patience.—Swift. He spoke very agreeably, and with much spirit.
P. 695. Burnet. Cartwright was promoted to Chester. He was a man of good capacity, and had made some progress in learning. He was ambitious and servile, cruel and boisterous: And, by the great liberties he allowed himself, he fell under much scandal of the worst sort.—Swift. Only sodomy.
P. 696. Burnet. [Cartwright] was looked on as a man that would more effectually advance the design of Popery, than if he should turn over to it. And indeed, bad as he was, he never made that step, even in the most desperate state of his affairs.—Swift. He went to Ireland with King James, and there died neglected and poor.
P. 697. Burnet. In all nations the privileges of colleges and universities are esteemed such sacred things, that few will venture to dispute these, much less to disturb them.—Swift. Yet in King George's reign, Oxford was bridled and insulted with troops, for no manner of cause but their steadiness to the Church.
P. 699. Burnet. It was much observed, that this university [Oxford], that had asserted the King's prerogative in the highest strains of the most abject flattery possible, etc.—Swift. And their virtue and steadiness ought equally to be observed.
P. 701. Burnet, speaking of King James's proceedings against the universities, and that several of the clergy wrote over to the Prince of Orange to engage in their quarrel, adds:—When that was communicated to me, I was still of opinion, that, though this was indeed an act of despotical and arbitrary power, yet I did not think it struck at the whole: So that it was not in my opinion a lawful case of resistance.—Swift. He was a better Tory than I, if he spoke as he thought.
Ibid. Burnet. The main difference between these [the Presbyterians and the Independents] was, that the Presbyterians seemed reconcilable to the Church; for they loved Episcopal ordination and a liturgy.—Swift. A damnable lie.
P. 702. Burnet. [Both Presbyterians and Independents] were enemies to this high prerogative, that the King was assuming, and were very averse to Popery.—Swift. Style.
Ibid. Burnet. So the more considerable among them [the Dissenters] resolved not to stand at too great a distance from the court, nor provoke the King so far, as to give him cause to think they were irreconcilable to him, lest they should provoke him to make up matters on any terms with the Church party.—Swift. They all complied most shamefully and publicly, as is well known.
P. 703. Burnet. The King's choice of Palmer, Earl of Castlemain, was liable to great exception.—Swift. Duchess of Cleveland's husband.
P. 705. Burnet. Since what an ambassador says is understood as said by the prince whose character he bears, this gave the States a right to make use of all advantages that might offer themselves.—Swift. Sophistry.
P. 710. Burnet. The restless spirit of some of that religion [Popery], and of their clergy in particular, shewed they could not be at quiet till they were masters.—Swift. All sects are of that spirit.
P. 716. Burnet, speaking of "the fury that had been driven on for many years by a Popish party," adds:—When some of those who had been always moderate told these, who were putting on another temper, that they would perhaps forget this as soon as the danger was over, they promised the contrary very solemnly. It shall be told afterwards, how well they remembered this.—Swift. False and spiteful.
P. 726. Burnet. That which gave the crisis to the King's anger was that he heard I was to be married to a considerable fortune at The Hague.—Swift. A phrase of the rabble.
Ibid. Burnet, when a prosecution was commenced against Burnet in Scotland, he obtained naturalization for himself in Holland, after which he wrote to the Earl of Middleton, saying that:—being now naturalized in Holland, my allegiance was, during my stay in these parts, transferred from His Majesty to the States.—Swift. Civilians deny that, but I agree with him.
P. 727. Burnet. I come now to the year 1688, which proved memorable, and produced an extraordinary and unheard-of revolution.—Swift. The Devil's in that, sure all Europe heard of it.
P. 730. Burnet,after saying that he had been naturalized in Holland, upon marrying one of the subjects of the States, goes on:—The King took the matter very ill, and said, it was an affront to him, and a just cause of war.—Swift. Vain fop.
P. 731. Burnet. I never possessed my own soul in a more perfect calm, and in a clearer cheerfulness of spirit, than I did during all those threatenings, and the apprehensions that others were in concerning me.—Swift. A modest account of his own magnanimity.
P. 746. Burnet. But after all, though soldiers were bad Englishmen and worse Christians, yet the court [of James II.] found them too good Protestants to trust much to them.—Swift. Special doctrine.
P. 748. Burnet, speaking of the Queen's expectation of a child, says:—I will give as full and as distinct an account of all that related to that matter, as I could gather up either at that time or afterwards.—Swift. All coffee-house chat.
P. 751. Burnet. Now a resolution was taken for the Queen's lying in at St. James's.—Swift. Windsor would have been more suspicious.
P. 752. Burnet, doubting of the legitimacy of the Pretender, and describing the Queen's manner of lying-in, says:—The Queen lay all the while a-bed: And, in order to the warming one side of it, a warming-pan was brought. But it was not opened, that it might be seen that there was fire and nothing else in it.—Swift. This, the ladies say, is foolish.
P. 753. Burnet. Hemings, a very worthy man,... was reading in his parlour late at night, when he heard one coming into the neighbouring parlour, and say with a doleful voice, "The Prince of Wales is dead"; Upon which ... it was plain, they were in a great consternation.—Swift. A most foolish story, hardly worthy of a coffee-house.
Ibid. Burnet. It was said, that the child was strangely revived of a sudden. Some of the physicians told Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, that it was not possible for them to think it was the same child. They looked on one another, but durst not speak what they thought.—Swift. So here are three children.
P. 762. Burnet. The Lord Mordaunt was the first of all the English nobility that came over openly to see the Prince of Orange.—Swift. Now Earl of Peterborough.
Ibid. Burnet. The Earl of Shrewsbury ... seemed to be a man of great probity, and to have a high sense of honour.—Swift. Quite contrary.
P. 763. Burnet. Lord Lumley, who was a late convert from Popery, and had stood out very firmly all this reign.—Swift. He was a knave and a coward.
Ibid. Burnet. Mr. Sidney,[7] brother to the Earl of Leicester and to Algernon Sidney. He was a graceful man, and had lived long in the court, where he had some adventures that became very public. He was a man of a sweet and caressing temper, had no malice in his heart, but too great a love of pleasure.—Swift. An idle, drunken, ignorant rake, without sense, truth, or honour.
[Footnote 7: Henry Sidney, afterwards Earl of Romney. [T.S.]
P. 764. Burnet. But, because he [Mr. Sidney] was lazy, and the business required an active man, who could both run about, and write over long and full accounts of all matters, I recommended a kinsman of my own, Johnstoune, whom I had formed, and knew to be both faithful and diligent.—Swift. An arrant Scotch rogue.
P. 764. Burnet. The Earl of Nottingham ... had great credit with the whole Church party; For he was a man possessed with their notions.—Swift. That is, Church notions.
P. 765. Burnet. Lord Churchill [afterwards Duke of Marlborough] ... was a man of a noble and graceful appearance, bred up in the court with no literature: But he had a solid and clear understanding, with a constant presence of mind. He knew the arts of living in a court better than any man in it. He caressed all people with a soft and obliging deportment, and was always ready to do good offices.... It must be acknowledged, that he is one of the greatest men the age has produced.—Swift. A composition of perfidiousness and avarice.
Ibid. Burnet, still speaking of Lord Churchill:—He was also very doubtful as to the pretended birth. So he resolved, when the Prince should come over, to go in to him; but to betray no post, nor do anything more than the withdrawing himself, with such officers as he could trust with such a secret.—Swift. What could he do more to a mortal enemy.
P. 769. Burnet. [Skelton's] rash folly might have procured the order from the court of France, to own this alliance [with England]; He thought it would terrify the States; And so he pressed this officiously, which they easily granted.—Swift. And who can blame him, if in such a necessity he made that alliance?
P. 772. Burnet. The King of France thought himself tied by no peace; but that, when he suspected his neighbours were intending to make war upon him, he might upon such a suspicion begin a war on his part.—Swift. The common maxim of princes.
P. 776. Burnet, speaking of the Declaration prepared for Scotland, says that the:—Presbyterians, had drawn it so, that, by many passages in it, the Prince by an implication declared in favour of Presbytery. He did not see what the consequences of those were, till I explained them. So he ordered them to be altered. And by the Declaration that matter was still entire.—Swift. The more shame for King William, who changed it.
P. 782. Burnet, three days before the Prince of Orange embarked, he visited the States General, and:—took God to witness, he went to England with no other intentions, but those he had set out in his Declaration.—Swift. Then he was perjured; for he designed to get the crown, which he denied in the Declaration.
P. 783. Burnet, after describing the storm which put back the Prince of Orange's fleet, observes:—In France and England ... they triumphed not a little, as if God had fought against us, and defeated the whole design. We on our part, who found our selves delivered out of so great a storm and so vast a danger, looked on it as a mark of God's great care of us, Who, ... had preserved us.—Swift. Then still it must be a miracle.
P. 785. Burnet, when matters were coming to a crisis at the Revolution, an order was:—sent to the Bishop of Winchester, to put the President of Magdalen College again in possession, ... [But when the court heard] the Prince and his fleet were blown back, it was countermanded; which plainly shewed what it was that drove the court into so much compliance, and how long it was like to last.—Swift. The Bishop of Winchester assured me otherwise.
Ibid. Burnet. The court thought it necessary, now in an after-game to offer some satisfaction in that point [of the legitimacy of the Prince of Wales].—Swift. And this was the proper time.
P. 786. Burnet. Princess Anne was not present [at the Queen's delivery]. She indeed excused herself. She thought she was breeding: And all motion was forbidden her. None believed that to be the true reason.... So it was looked on as a colour that shewed she did not believe the thing, and that therefore she would not by her being present seem to give any credit to it.—Swift. I have reason to believe this to be true of the Princess Anne.
P. 790. Burnet. [The Prince of Orange's army] stayed a week at Exeter, before any of the gentlemen of the country about came in to the Prince. Every day some person of condition came from other parts. The first were the Lord Colchester the eldest son of the Earl of Rivers, and the Lord Wharton.—Swift. Famous for his cowardice in the rebellion of 1642.
P. 791. Burnet. Soon after that. Prince George, the Duke of Ormonde, and the Lord Dramlanrig, the Duke of Queensberry's eldest son, left him [King James], and came over to the Prince.—Swift. Yet how has he been since used? [referring to the Duke of Ormonde.]
P. 792. Burnet. In a little while a small army was formed about her [Princess Anne], who chose to be commanded by the Bishop of London; of which he too easily accepted.—Swift, And why should he not?
Ibid. Burnet. A foolish ballad was made at that time, treating the Papists, and chiefly the Irish, in a very ridiculous manner, which had a burden, said to be Irish words, "Lero, Lero, Lilibulero," that made an impression on the army, that cannot be well imagined by those who saw it not.—Swift. They are not Irish words, but better than Scotch.
P. 795. Burnet. The Queen took up a sudden resolution of going to France with the child. The midwife, together with all who were assisting at the birth, were also carried over, or so disposed of, that it could never be learned what became of them afterwards.—Swift That is strange and incredible.
P. 796. Burnet, speaking of King James's first attempt to leave the kingdom, says:—With this his reign ended: For this was a plain deserting his people, and the exposing the nation to the pillage of an army, which he had ordered the Earl of Feversham to disband.—Swift. Abominable assertion, and false consequence.
P. 797. Burnet, the incident of the King's being retaken at Feversham, and the subsequent stragglings, gave rise to the party of Jacobites:—-For, if he had got clear away, by all that could be judged, he would not have had a party left: All would have agreed, that here was a desertion, and that therefore the nation was free, and at liberty to secure itself. But what followed upon this gave them a colour to say, that he was forced away, and driven out.—Swift. So he certainly was, both now and afterwards.
Ibid. Burnet. None were killed, no houses burnt, nor were any robberies committed.—Swift. Don Pedro de Ronquillo's house was plundered and pulled down; he was Spanish ambassador.
Ibid. Burnet. Jeffreys, finding the King was gone, saw what reason he had to look to himself: And, apprehending that he was now exposed to the rage of the people, whom he had provoked with so particular a brutality, he had disguised himself to make his escape. But he fell into the hands of some who knew him. He was insulted by them with as much scorn and rudeness as they could invent. And, after many hours tossing him about, he was carried to the Lord Mayor; whom they charged to commit him to the Tower.—Swift. He soon after died in the Tower by drinking strong liquors.
P. 798. Burnet, when the Prince heard of King James's flight:—he sent to Oxford, to excuse his not coming thither, and to offer the association to them, which was signed by almost all the heads, and the chief men of the University; even by those, who, being disappointed in the preferments they aspired to, became afterwards his most implacable enemies.—Swift. Malice.
P. 799. Burnet, when I heard of King James's flight and capture:—I was affected with this dismal reverse of the fortune of a great prince, more than I think fit to express.—Swift. Or than I will believe.
P. 800. Burnet, after relating that King James "sent the Earl of Feversham to Windsor, without demanding any passport," describes his reception, and adds:—Since the Earl of Feversham, who had commanded the army against the Prince, was come without a passport, he was for some days put in arrest.—Swift. Base and villainous.
P. 801. Burnet, when it was thought prudent for King James to leave London, the Earl of Middleton suggested that he:—should go to Rochester; for "since the Prince was not pleased with his coming up from Kent, it might be perhaps acceptable to him, if he should go thither again." It was very visible, that this was proposed in order to a second escape.—Swift. And why not?
P. 802. Burnet. Some said, he [James] was now a prisoner, and remembered the saying of King Charles the First, that the prisons and the graves of princes lay not far distant from one another: The person of the King was now struck at, as well as his government: And this specious undertaking would now appear to be only a disguised and designed usurpation.—Swift. All this is certainly true.
P. 803. Burnet. Now that the Prince was come, all the bodies about the town came to welcome him.... Old Serjeant Maynard came with the men of the law. He was then near ninety, and yet he said the liveliest thing that was heard of on that occasion. The Prince took notice of his great age, and said, "that he had outlived all the men of the law of his time:" He answered, "He had like to have outlived the law itself, if his Highness had not come over."—Swift. He was an old rogue for all that.
P. 805. Burnet, speaking of the first effects of the Revolution upon the Presbyterians in Scotland, says:—They generally broke in upon the Episcopal clergy with great insolence and much cruelty. They carried them about the parishes in a mock procession: They tore their gowns, and drove them from their churches and houses. Nor did they treat those of them, who had appeared very zealously against Popery, with any distinction.—Swift. To reward them for which, King William abolished Episcopacy.
Ibid. Burnet, The Episcopal party in Scotland saw themselves under a great cloud: So they resolved all to adhere to the Earl of Dundee, who had served some years in Holland, and was both an able officer, and a man of good parts, and of some very valuable virtues.—Swift. He was the best man in Scotland.
P. 806. Burnet, speaking of Londonderry and Inniskilling, says:—Those two small unfurnished and unfortified places, resolved to stand to their own defence, and at all perils to stay till supplies should come to them from England.—Swift. He should have mentioned Doctor Walker, who defended Derry.
P. 807. Burnet. Those, who were employed by Tyrconnell to deceive the Prince, made their applications by Sir William Temple, who had a long and well established credit with him.—Swift. A lie of a Scot; for Sir William Temple did not know Tyrconnell.
P. 807. Burnet. Others thought, that the leaving Ireland in that dangerous state, might be a mean to bring the convention to a more speedy settlement of England; and that therefore the Prince ought not to make too much haste to relieve Ireland.—Swift. That is agreed to be the true reason, and it was a wicked one.
P. 810. Burnet, speaking of Archbishop Sancroft, says:—He was a poor spirited, and fearful man; and acted a very mean part in all this great transaction.—Swift. Others think very differently.
P. 811. Burnet, speaking of the proposal to establish a regency, says:—The much greater part of the House of Lords was for this, and stuck long to it: And so was about a third part of the House of Commons. The greatest part of the clergy declared themselves for it.—Swift. And it was certainly much the best expedient.
Ibid. Burnet. The third party was made up of those, who thought that there was an original contract between the King and the people of England; by which the kings were bound to defend their people, and to govern them according to law, in lieu of which the people were bound to obey and serve the king.—Swift. I am of this party, and yet I would have been for a regency.
P. 813. Burnet, it was argued that this scheme of a regency was:—both more illegal; and more unsafe, than the method they proposed. The law of England had settled the point of the subject's security in obeying the king in possession, in the statute made by Henry the Seventh. So every man knew he was safe under a king, and so would act with zeal and courage. But all such as should act under a prince-regent, created by this convention, were upon a bottom that had not the necessary forms of law for it.—Swift. There is something in this argument.
P. 814. Burnet. It was believed, that those of his [King James's] party, who were looked on as men of conscience, had secret orders from him to act upon this pretence; since otherwise they offered to act clearly in contradiction to their own oaths and principles,—Swift. This is malice.
Ibid. Burnet. [Others thought] that in our present circumstances the extremity of affairs, by reason of the late ill government, and by King James's flying over to the enemy of the nation, rather than submit to reasonable terms, had put the people of England on the necessity of securing themselves upon a legal bottom.—Swift. This was the best reason.
P. 815. Burnet. There were good authorities brought, by which it appeared, that when a person did a thing upon which his leaving any office ought to follow, he was said to abdicate. But this was a critical dispute: And it scarce became the greatness of that assembly, or the importance of the matter.—Swift. It was a very material point.
P. 815. Burnet. It was urged, that, by the law, the king did never die; but that with the last breath of the dying king the regal authority went to the next heir.—Swift. This is certainly true.
P. 816. Burnet. An heir was one that came in the room of a person that was dead: it being a maxim that no man can be the heir of a living man—Swift. This is sophistry.
Ibid. Burnet. It was proposed, that the birth of the pretended prince might be examined into.... I was ordered to gather together all the presumptive proofs that were formerly mentioned:.... It is true, these did not amount to a full and legal proof: Yet they seemed to be such violent presumptions, that, when they were all laid together, they were more convincing than plain and downright evidence: For that was liable to the suspicion of subornation: Whereas the other seemed to carry on them very convincing characters of truth and certainty.—Swift. Well said, Bishop.
P. 817. Burnet. If there was no clear and positive proof made of an imposture, the pretending to examine into it, and then the not being able to make it out beyond the possibility of contradiction, would really give more credit to the thing, than it then had, and, instead of weakening it, would strengthen the pretension of his birth.—Swift. Wisely done.
Ibid. Burnet. [Some people] thought, it would be a good security for the nation, to have a dormant title to the crown lie as it were neglected, to oblige our princes to govern well, while they would apprehend the danger of a revolt to a Pretender still in their eye.—Swift. I think this was no ill design; yet it hath not succeeded in mending kings.
Ibid. Burnet. I have used more than ordinary care to gather together all the particulars that were then laid before me as to that matter [the birth of the Pretender].—Swift. And where are they?
P. 818. Burnet, after relating a long conversation with Bentinck [afterwards Earl of Portland], adds—Next morning I came to him, and desired my congé. I would oppose nothing in which the Prince seemed to be concerned, as long as I was his servant. And therefore I desired to be disengaged, that I might be free to oppose this proposition [to offer him the crown] with all the strength and credit I had. He answered me, that I might desire that when I saw a step made: But till then he wished me to stay where I was.—Swift. Is all this true?
P. 819. Burnet. I heard no more of this; in which the Marquess of Halifax was single among the peers: For I did not find there was any one of them of his mind; unless it was the Lord Colepeper, who was a vicious and corrupt man, but made a figure in the debates that were now in the House of Lords, and died about the end of them.—Swift. Yet was not the same thing done in effect, while the King had the sole administration?
P. 819. Burnet. The Princess continued all the while in Holland, being shut in there during the east winds, by the freezing of the rivers, and by contrary winds after the thaw came. So that she came not to England till all the debates were over.—Swift. Why was she [not] sent for till the matter was agreed? This clearly shews the Prince's original design was to be king, against what he professed in his Declaration.
P. 820. Burnet. [The Prince of Orange] said, he came over, being invited, to save the nation: He had now brought together a free and true representative of the kingdom: He left it therefore to them to do what they thought best for the good of the kingdom: And, when things were once settled, he should be well satisfied to go back to Holland again.—Swift. Did he tell truth?
Ibid. Burnet. He thought it necessary to tell them, that he would not be the Regent: So, if they continued in that design, they must look out for some other person to be put in that post.—Swift. Was not this a plain confession of what he came for?
P. 821. Burnet. In the end he said, that he could not resolve to accept of a dignity, so as to hold it only the life of another: Yet he thought, that the issue of Princess Anne should be preferred, in the succession, to any issue that he might have by any other wife than the Princess.—Swift. A great concession truly.
P. 822. Burnet. The poor Bishop of Durham [Lord Crewe], who had absconded for some time, ... was now prevailed on to come, and by voting the new settlement to merit at least a pardon for all that he had done: Which, all things considered, was thought very indecent in him, yet not unbecoming the rest of his life and character.—Swift. This is too hard, though almost true.
Ibid. Burnet. Then the power of the Crown to grant a non-obstante to some statutes was objected.—Swift. Yet the words continue in patents.
P. 824. Burnet. A notion was started, which ... was laid thus: "The Prince had a just cause of making war on the King." In that most of them agreed. In a just war, in which an appeal is made to God, success is considered as the decision of Heaven. So the Prince's success against King James gave him the right of conquest over him. And by it all his rights were transferred to the Prince.—Swift. The author wrote a paper to prove this, and it was burnt by the hangman, and is a very foolish scheme.[8]
[Footnote 8: "A Pastoral Letter writ by ... Gilbert, Lord Bishop of Sarum, to the clergy of his Diocess" [dated May 15th, 1689] was condemned by the House of Commons on Jan. 23rd, 169-2/3, and ordered to "be burnt by the hand of the common hangman." [T.S.]