NOTES ON THE FREE-HOLDER.[1]
No. 2. Dec. 26, 1715.—Of His Majesty's Character.
Addison.
[Footnote 1: "The Free-holder," conducted by Addison, was published on Mondays and Fridays from December 23rd, 1715, till June 29th, 1716; fifty-five numbers were issued altogether. [T.S.]
It was by this [this firmness of mind] that he surmounted those many difficulties which lay in the way to his succession.—Swift. What difficulties were those, or what methods did he take to surmount them?
Addison. It is observed by Sir William Temple, that the English are particularly fond of a king who is valiant: Upon which account His Majesty has a title to all the esteem that can be paid the most warlike prince; though at the same time, for the good of his subjects, he studies to decline all occasions of military glory.—Swift. This seems to be a discovery.
Addison. I might here take notice of His Majesty's more private virtues, but have rather chosen to remind my countrymen of the public parts of his character.—Swift. This is prudent.
Addison. But the most remarkable interpositions of Providence, in favour of him, have appeared in removing those seemingly invincible obstacles to his succession; in taking away, at so critical a juncture, the person who might have proved a dangerous enemy; etc.—Swift. False, groundless, invidious, and ungrateful. Was that person the Queen?
No. 3. Dec. 30, 1715.—The Memoirs of a Preston Rebel.
[A Ludicrous Account of the Principles of the Northumberland Insurgents, and the Causes of their taking Arms.]—Swift. Could this author, or his party, offer as good reasons for their infamous treatment of our blessed Queen's person, government, and majesty?
The same. Addison. Having been joined by a considerable reinforcement of Roman Catholics, whom we could rely upon, as knowing them to be the best Tories in the nation, and avowed enemies to Presbyterianism.—Swift. By this irony, the best Whigs are professed friends to fanatics.
The same. Addison. But before we could give the word [to retreat], the trainbands, taking advantage of our delay, fled first.—Swift. An argument for a standing army.
No. 6. Jan. 9, 1715-16.—The Guilt of Perjury.
Addison. Though I should be unwilling to pronounce the man who is indolent, or indifferent in the cause of his prince, to be absolutely perjured; I may venture to affirm, that he falls very short of that allegiance to which he is obliged by oath.—Swift. Suppose a king grows a beast, or a tyrant, after I have taken an oath: a 'prentice takes an oath; but if his master useth him barbarously, the lad may be excused if he wishes for a better.
No. 7. Jan. 13, 1715-16.—Of Party Lies.
Addison. If we may credit common report, there are several remote parts of the nation in which it is firmly believed, that all the churches in London are shut up; and that if any clergyman walks the streets in his habit, 'tis ten to one but he is knocked down by some sturdy schismatic.—Swift. No—but treated like a dog.
No. 8. Jan. 16, 1715-16.—The Female Association.
Addison. It is therefore to be hoped that every fine woman will make this laudable use of her charms; and that she may not want to be frequently reminded of this great duty, I will only desire her to think of her country every time she looks in her glass.—Swift. By no means, for if she loves her country, she will not be pleased with the sight.
Addison. Every wife ought to answer for her man. If the husband be engaged in a seditious club or drinks mysterious healths ... let her look to him, and keep him out of harm's way; etc.—Swift. Will they hang a man for that.
No. 9. Jan. 20, 1715-16.—Answer of the Free-holders of Great Britain to the Pretender's Declaration.
The Declaration of the Free-holders of Great Britain, in Answer to that of the Pretender.—Addison. Can you in conscience think us to be such fools as to rebel against the King, for ... having removed a general [the Duke of Ormonde] who is now actually in arms against him, etc.—Swift. Driven out by tyranny, malice, and faction.
Addison. The next grievance, which you have a mighty mind to redress among us, is the Parliament of Great Britain, against whom you bring a stale accusation which has been used by every minority in the memory of man; namely, that it was procured by unwarrantable influences and corruptions.—Swift. The freeholders will never sign this paragraph.
Addison. How comes it to pass that the Electorate of Hanover is become all of a sudden one of the most inconsiderable provinces of the empire?—Swift. It is indeed grown considerable by draining of England.
No. 12. Jan. 30, 1715-16.—The Guilt of Rebellion in general, and of the late Rebellion in particular.
Addison. The present rebellion [1715] is formed against a king, ... who has not been charged with one illegal proceeding.—Swift Are you serious?
No. 13. Feb. 3, 1715-16.—Of those who are indifferent in a time of Rebellion,
Addison. In such a juncture Swift. He speaks at his ease, but those who are ill used will be apt to apply what the boy said to his mother, who told him the enemy was approaching.
Addison. This law [one of Solon's] made it necessary for every citizen to take his party, because it was highly probable the majority would be so wise as to espouse that cause which was most agreeable to the public weal.—Swift. No—for, in England, a faction that governs a weak, or honours a wicked prince, will carry all against a majority in the kingdom, as we have seen by sad experience.
No. 14. Feb. 6, 1715-16.—The Political Creed of a Tory Malcontent.
Addison. Article XIII, That there is an unwarrantable faction in this island, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons.—Swift. This article is too true, with a little alteration.
The same. Addison. Article XV. That an Act of Parliament to empower the King to secure suspected persons in times of rebellion, is the means to establish the sovereign on the throne, and consequently a great infringement of the liberties of the subject.—Swift. No—but to destroy liberty.
No. 21. Mar. 2, 1715-16.—The Birthday of Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales.
Addison. When this excellent princess was yet in her father's court, she was so celebrated for the beauty of her person, etc.—Swift. I have bad eyes.
Addison. There is no part of her Royal Highness's character which we observe with greater pleasure, than that behaviour by which she has so much endeared herself to His Majesty.—Swift. What would he say now?[2]
[Footnote: 2: The prince and his father, George I., were now [1727, just before George I. died] at variance. [S.]
No. 24. Mar. 12, 1715-16.—The Designs of His Majesty's Enemies impracticable.
Addison. To this we may add ... that submissive deference of his Royal Highness both from duty and inclination to all the measures of his Royal father.—Swift. Which still continues.
Addison. There is no question but His Majesty will be as generally valued and beloved in his British as he is in his German dominions, when he shall have time to make his royal virtues equally known among us.—Swift. How long time does he require?
No. 26. Mar. 19, 1715-16.—Considerations offered to the disaffected part of the Fair Sex.
Addison. Several inconveniencies which those among them undergo, who have not yet surrendered to the government.—Swift. Would he pimp for the court?
No. 29. Mar. 30, 1716.—The Practice of Morality necessary to make a Party flourish.
Addison. Those of our fellow-subjects, who are sensible of the happiness they enjoy in His Majesty's accession to the throne, are obliged, by all the duties of gratitude, to adore that Providence which has so signally interposed in our behalf, by clearing a way to the Protestant succession through such difficulties as seemed insuperable—Swift. I wish he had told us any one of those difficulties.
Addison. It is the duty of an honest and prudent man, to sacrifice a doubtful opinion to the concurring judgement of those whom he believes to be well intentioned to their country, and who have better opportunities of looking into all its most complicated interests.—Swift. A motion to make men go every length with their party. I am sorry to see such a principle in this author.
No. 31. Apr. 6, 1716.—Answer to a celebrated Pamphlet entitled "An Argument to prove the Affections of the People of England to be the best Security of the Government; etc."
Addison. This middle method [of tempering justice with mercy] ... has hitherto been made use of by our sovereign.—Swift. In trifles.
Addison. Would it be possible for him [the reader] to imagine, that of the several thousands openly taken in arms, and liable to death by the laws of their country, not above forty have yet suffered?—Swift. A trifle!
Addison. Has not His Majesty then shewn the least appearance of grace in that generous forgiveness which he has already extended to such great numbers of his rebellious subjects, who must have died by the laws of their country, had not his mercy interposed in their behalf?—Swift. Prodigious clemency, not to hang all the common soldiers who followed their leaders!
Addison. Those who are pardoned would not have known the value of grace, if none had felt the effects of justice.—Swift. And only hanging the lords and gentlemen, and some of the rabble.
Addison. Their [the last ministry's] friends have ever since made use of the most base methods to infuse those groundless discontents into the minds of the common people, etc.—Swift. Hath experience shown those discontents groundless?
Addison. If the removal of these persons from their posts has produced such popular commotions, the continuance of them might have produced something much more fatal to their king and country.—Swift. Very false reasoning.
Addison. No man would make such a parallel, [between the treatment of the rebels, and that of the Catalans under King Philip,] unless his mind be so blinded with passion and prejudice, as to assert, in the language of this pamphlet, "That no instances can be produced of the least lenity under the present administration from the first hour it commenced to this day."—Swift. Nor to this, 1727.
Addison. God be thanked we have a king who punishes with reluctancy.—Swift. A great comfort to the sufferers!
Addison. It would be well if all those who ... are clamorous at the proceedings of His present Majesty, would remember, that notwithstanding that rebellion [the Duke of Monmouth's] ... had no tendency ... to destroy the national religion, etc.—Swift. To introduce fanaticism, and destroy monarchy.
Addison. No prince has ever given a greater instance of his inclinations to rule without a standing army.—Swift. We find this true by experience.
Addison. What greater instances could His Majesty have given of his love to the Church of England, than those he has exhibited by his most solemn declarations; by his daily example; and by his promotions of the most eminent among the clergy to such vacancies as have happened in his reign.—Swift. Most undeniable truth, as any in Rabelais.
No. 44. May 21, 1716.—Tory Foxhunter's Account of the Masquerade on the Birth of the Arch-Duke.
Addison. What still gave him greater offence was a drunken bishop, who reeled from one side of the court to the other, and was very sweet upon an Indian Queen.—Swift. Then, that story is true?
No. 45. May 25, 1716.—The Use and Advantage of Wit and Humour under proper Regulations.
Addison. I have lately read with much pleasure, the "Essays upon several Subjects" published by Sir Richard Blackmore.—Swift. I admire to see such praises from this author to so insipid a scoundrel, whom I know he despised.
No. 51. June 15, 1716.—Cautions to be observed in the reading of ancient Greek and Roman Historians.
Addison. "History of Free-thinking."—Swift. Writ by Collins.
Addison. The greatest theorists ... among those very people [the Greeks and Romans,] have given the preference to such a form of government, as that which obtains in this kingdom.—Swift. Yet, this we see is liable to be wholly corrupted.
No. 52. June 18, 1716.—Of State Jealousy.
Addison. It is plain, ... that such a base ungenerous race of men could rely upon nothing for their safety in this affront to His Majesty, [wearing a mark on the Pretender's birth-day,] but the known gentleness and lenity of his government.—Swift. Then the devil was in them.
No. 54. June 25, 1716.—Preference of the Whig Scheme to that of the Tories.
Addison. The Whigs tell us ... that the Tory scheme would terminate in Popery and arbitrary government.—Swift. But Tories never writ or spoke so gently and favourably of Popery, as Whigs do of Presbytery. Witness a thousand pamphlets on both sides.
Addison. I shall not impute to any Tory scheme the administration of King James the Second, on condition that they do not reproach the Whigs with the usurpation of Oliver.—Swift. I will not accept that condition, nor did I ever see so unfair a one offered.
No. 55. June 29, 1716.—Conclusion.
Addison. The enemies of His present Majesty ... find him in a condition to visit his dominions in Germany, without any danger to himself, or to the public; whilst his dutiful subjects would be in no ordinary concern upon this occasion, had they not the consolation to find themselves left under the protection of a prince who makes it his ambition to copy out his Royal Father's example.—Swift Then, why was he never trusted a second time?
Addison. It would indeed have been an unpardonable insolence for a fellow-subject to treat in a vindictive and cruel style, those persons whom His Majesty has endeavoured to reduce to obedience by gentle methods, which he has declared from the throne to be most agreeable to his inclinations.—Swift. And is that enough?
Addison. May we not hope that all of this kind, who have the least sentiments of honour or gratitude, will be won over to their duty by so many instances of Royal clemency?—Swift Not one instance produced.