ON THE NATIVE TABLES OF INITIALS AND FINALS.

Marshman long ago made a study of these tables, for which he was peculiarly fitted from his knowledge of Sanscrit. On comparing the alphabetic system of that language with the Chinese tables, now to be considered, he at once pronounced them identical in principle. This conclusion is fully confirmed by what Chinese authors say. The explanation in K’áng-hí’s Dictionary of “the method of separating a word into its component sounds,” (切字樣法） says, “now tabulated rhymes are in the Sanscrit called 夫等韻者梵語悉曇. “Here we speak of mother characters, the sounds from which all words originate,” 此云字母 乃是一切文字之母. “That which in Sanscrit is called p’í-k’á-lah is here called the division of sounds, which constitutes the foundation of the science of words,” 梵語毘佉囉此云切韻一切文字之根本 Remusat long since pointed out that the language meant by the word 梵 Fan, is Sanscrit. He says in his Life of the Grand Lama, Pa-sz-pa, translated from the Chinese History of the Mongols in Remusat’s Melanges Asiatiques, Vol. II. 145, “Ce sont les religieux Indiens qui l’ont (the 36 initials) fait connaítre á notre empire.” “Nos prêtres chinais ont retenu cet usage qu’ils avaient pris des Indiens.”[1] ]

The accompanying table is taken from Bopp’s Sanscrit grammar, the characters of the Chinese tables being placed instead of the Sanscrit characters.

Gutturals,見 ká,溪 khá,郡 gá, ghá,疑 ngá.
Palatals,知 chá,徹 ch’á,澄 djá, d’zá,娘 niá.
Linguals,端 ta,透 t’á,定 dá, dh’á,泥 ná.
Dental,  tá,  thá,  dá, dhá,  ná.
Labials,幫 pá,滂 phá,並 bá, bhá,明 má.
Semivocals,影 já (y)日 rá,來 lá,  wá (v.)
Sibilants,  sá(s’),審 shá(s’),心 sá(s),曉 há.

Marshman possessed a genuine philological spirit, which often appears in the midst of the somewhat extravagant theories in which he frequently indulged. He saw in the present instance, that in the Chinese spoken language, the consonants g, d, b, etc. should each commence a series of words, and this led him to the remark “that a further investigation of the Chinese pronunciation, would probably discover some vestige of this existing at the present day.” Diss, p. 37.

The passage cited in page 43, also ascribes the arrangement of these tables to a Buddhist priest; he improved upon the system of finals invented By Shin-yoh, who wrote one of the twenty one histories, viz. that of the northern Sóng dynasty.

It will now be shown that in a great part of central China such a system prevails. Before attempting to sketch the boundaries of that tract of country, a brief statement will be given of what conditions must be fulfilled, in order to identify an existing pronunciation with these relics of the Buddhist industry of former days.

By referring to the table in [page 44], it will be seen that there are in all 36 initials including, beside those whose Sanscrit equivalents are now given, f, f’, v, w, z, zh, a lower h and y, and the compounds of t and d, with s, z, sh and zh.

The required dialect should have therefore an extensive system of initials, and as the modern tonic Dictionaries of Canton and Cháng-cheú, very accurately represent the dialects of those places, it may be assumed of the Dictionary tables, that they are no less careful in exhibiting the pronunciation of their time.

Among the finals, ng, n and m, terminate words in the three long tones, and the corresponding mutes k, t, p, are recognized as the terminations of words in the short tone, few of them having a vowel ending.

This is very clearly perceptible in the tables of the 字彙 a Dictionary, which was published many years before that of K’áng-hí, and in those of the Dictionary called 洪武正韻 hóng ’wú chung‘ yün‘. In the latter for example words in the short tone ending in k, are classed under 屋, 藥, 陌. Those in t are found under 質, 曷, 轄, 屑. Those in p are under 緝 合 葉 pron. tsip, etc.

The same careful separation of the finals ng, n and m is also found in these Dictionaries. The modern mandarin sound kíen, is found subdivided into the four words kíen, kiem, kan, kam; e.g. the 字彙 classes words in íen under the headings, 堅, 廉, 艱, 監. Mandarin words in óng are found under two heads, 公 kóng and 弓 kióng respectively. While the first medial i is thus affected, the other medial u is found as it is in modern mandarin spelling, except that 戈 is spelt kwo, and heads a class distinct from another which is ranged under 歌.[2] ]

The number of classes into which the finals are divided varies in different Dictionaries. That of the 字彙, perhaps the must convenient arrangement, consists of 44, This includes the 入聲 finals k, t, p, as the same in sound with ng, n, m. The difference between these two sets of letters, is supposed to be due only to rapid pronunciation occasioned by the tone. In that work, the finals are as follow:—

  1. Kóng 公, kí 基, kung 庚, kin 巾, kiün 鈞, kwáng 光, kwei 規, kwái 乖, kwá 瓜, kié 迦, kó 歌, kán 干, kwán 關 kiem 監, keú 鉤.
  2. Káng 岡, kü 居, kun 根, kim 金, king 扃, kwung 觥, kú 姑, kái 該, kiá 嘉, k’iö 㵃, kwön 官, kíen 堅, kán 艱, kaú 高, kieú 鳩.
  3. Kiaú 驅, kióng 弓, king 京, tshim 簪, kwun 裩, kiáng 江, tsz 貲, kiái 皆, ná 拿, kwó 戈, kiuen 絹, kiem 兼, kam 甘, kiaú 交.

The remaining principal element of these tables is their arrangement according to tones; which are neither five, seven, nor eight, but always four. Thus, 東, 通, 同 are all in the first tone 平聲, under the initials t, t’, d. So also 兵評平明 are all in the first tone 平聲, under the initials p, p’, b, m.

Among the words registered in the second tone, are many that are in modern Chinese in the third tone. Such are—

後上動奉坐部禍倖跪近是市緖善弟道父婦犯罪造重在緩罷下丈蕩牝舅社單被倍似曙柱拒忿殍抱竪

下 being in the second tone, we see the probable reason why it was not chosen for the name of the third tone. The character 去 was preferred, because it exemplified the tone of which it was the name.

The tables thus described are employed, to spell words throughout the Chinese dictionaries from K’áng-hí and the 正字通, upwards to the T’áng dynasty and even earlier. There is but one system and one set of tones, the tone is included in the final, or second word in the 反切, Fan t’sih while the first gives the initial, and both are in constant accordance with the tables. The characters 犯 and 下 for example are always given in the 上聲 second tone, but the latter is as a verb also given in the 去聲 third tone. Different dictionaries choose different words to spell with, but the system is one; e.g. 動 is spelt with 徒 dú and 樬 ’tsóng, making ’dóng. It is added 𠀤同上聲, it is the same as dóng read in the second tone.

In considering to which system of pronunciation now existing these characteristics best apply, there occur several objections to the modern mandarin.

The mandarin of Nán-king and Yáng-cheú in Kiáng-nan, of Ngán-k’ing in Ngán-hwei, and of Ch’áng-shá in Hú-nan has five tones, viz. 上平, 下平, 上聲, 去聲, 入聲. In the northern parts of Kiáng-nan another system begins. Words in the 入聲 júh shing become distributed among the other four tones, and this peculiarity extends over the northern provinces including the metropolitan city. The 上平 and 下平 differ as much from each other, as they both do from the other tones, so that the nomenclature of tones, when first invented, could not have referred to the Nanking or Peking mandarin, as they are at present. Evidently the literati speaking those dialects have taken their names of tones from the dictionary system, and not vice versâ. Nor have these two modes of pronunciation since the Yuen dynasty any such finals as m among the long tones, or k, t, p in the júh shing. Not to insist on the differences in the medial vowel i, the want of the initials g, d, b, is another reason for our seeking elsewhere for the prototype of the dictionary system. The western provinces of China are the same in principle as to their pronunciation. Like the mandarin of northern China, they always admit the aspirate after k, t, p, in the 下平, and reject it, except in irregular instances, in all words that are in the southern and eastern provinces in the 下上, 下去, and 下入.

Further, the irregularities of the initial consonants found in the mandarin provinces, are not taken into account in the native tables. Such are the changes of ki into chi at Peking; l into n, and n into l in many dialects; the coalescing of ki and tsi in others. The 下平 aspirates, and some other changes are included in the second table formed to accompany K’áng-hí’s dictionary; yet that table is but a modern and incomplete revision of the older system.

If any one desires native tables of the mandarin pronunciation, he must look for them in the 五方元音 and such works, which give them with great accuracy; though of course their authority is not equal to that of the celebrated dictionaries already cited.

For investigating the sounds of Canton and Fúh-kien, every facility is afforded by the careful dictionaries of those systems of pronunciation that have been prepared by native authors. The Cháng-cheú dialect with its fifteen initials, and its want of a lower 上聲 is definitely marked. Although like the Canton pronunciation it contains the finals m, p, t, k, admits a medial i in words such as 弓, and rejects it in 艱, thus agreeing with the tables in some of their peculiarities, it can only be regarded so far as the tables are concerned, as an isolated, out-lying member of the general system of dialects. The finals, m, t, p, k, disappear on the Fúh-kíen coast at Hing-hwá.

The Canton dialect possesses very regular tones, none of them being inverted in pitch as in Fúh-kíen and Kiáng-sí, and it has among them the lower 上聲, or as it is usually called, the sixth tone. In this tone are found perhaps half of the words, having the dictionary initials, g, d, b, zh, z, some of which are given in page 218. But they are pronounced k, t, p, etc. E.g. 似, 倍, 柱, 重, 婦, 牝. These words with many others are in the Canton 分韻. marked lower 上聲. In mandarin they are 去聲.

Nowhere do we find such an accurate general correspondence with the tables, as in the pronunciation of the central parts of China. The tones are such, that the dictionary system is seen at once on examination to apply to them with accuracy. The alphabetical peculiarities of the native tables are found with one or two doubtful exceptions, to be embraced in a tract of country, which will now be roughly indicated.

In the north, the thick series of consonants, g, z, etc. marking the lower series, i.e. in southern China words in tones 5–8, makes its appearance in 南通州 Nán T’óng-cheú, a prefecture lying along the northern bank of the Yáng-tsz-kiáng, where it enters the ocean. The transition from d, etc. where the region of the northern mandarin is approached, is marked by the introduction of the aspirate.

Thus, 地 dí‘ becomes t’í‘, before it becomes tí‘. The two pronunciations are mixed in Chun-kiáng fú 鎭江, There the mandarin system of five tones crosses the river to the south and extends to Nanking. All round Háng-cheú bay, the two correlate series of consonants, and the four-tone system mark the colloquial dialect. Chu-san and Ningpo, Shaú-hing and Hang-cheú, on the south, are at one with Sú-cheú, Ch’áng-cheú and Súng-kiáng, on the north. Perhaps the whole of Cheh-kiáng province has substantially the same spoken medium. Passing the point where the three provinces Cheh-kiáng, Fúh-kíen and Kiáng-sí meet, the thick consonants are still found partially prevailing in the two prefectures of the latter province Kwáng-sin and Kíen-cháng, lying to the west of the Wú-í hills. But at 撫州 Fú-cheú, a little farther westward they have entirely disappeared, and are replaced by aspirates. Instead of dí‘ earth, they there say t’í, for bing sickness, p’ing, and so through all words beginning with k, t, p, in the lower series. The same peculiarity marks the Hakka dialect and that of Kiá-ying cheú 嘉應侧, in the eastern part of Canton province. Nothing can be said in the present notice of the southern parts of Kiáng-sí, but Nán-ch’áng the provincial capital has the aspirates only in the fifth tone where they should properly be, and in the other lower tones has k, t, etc. distinguished from words in the upper series, simply by difference in tone. Immediately north of this city, on both sides of the Pó-yáng lake, the broad consonants occur again. It might be expected that through Ngan-hwei, a connecting chain of dialects should link the broad pronunciation of this region, including the Potteries 景德鎮, and 南康府 on the other side of the lake, with the similar system extending over Cheh-kiáng, and a great part of Kiáng-sú. This line exists and extends through Ning-kwóh fú, but it is so narrow that it does not reach the great river on the north, nor the city of Hwei-cheú on the south. The last mentioned place has two dialects within its walls, in one of which two sets of tones exist, the tones of conversation being quite distinct from those of reading. This is independent of the alphabetical differences of the reading and the spoken sounds, which also here appear to reach their maximum. Near this city, the pronunciation varies so fast that three dialects are found in one híen. The belt of country across Ngan-hwei, where the lower series of consonants is in use, is bordered on the north by dialects containing the aspirates, that so frequently form the medium of transition to the thin consonants and fewer tones of mandarin.

Beyond the Pô-yáng lake westward, are also found the g, d, lb, initials on the banks of the 洞庭湖 Tóng t’ing hú, in Hú-nán. Boatmen from the district of 安化, on the south of that celebrated lake, may be readily conversed with by using the thick consonants in all words in the lower series of tones. Round these two lakes, the favourite resort of the Chinese muse, and from the natural beauty of which Lí Tái-puh drew the inspiration of his poetry, the same system of pronunciation with that of Háng-cheú and Sú-cheú, the most polished cities in China, is found to exist. This consideration with the extent of the territory thus delineated, may help to remove any strangeness in the assertion, that the native tables of sounds made in the Liáng dynasty, and copied into K’áng-Hí’s dictionary are not at all founded on the modern mandarin pronunciation, but on what is now a provincial system.

In the territory thus delineated, there is not the same uniformity in final that exists in initials. Of the three terminating consonants is the 入聲 k only is developed at Shánghái, and even this is wanting in all the large cities near, including those in the northern part of Cheh-kiáng. N is not as a final in the long tones, clearly separated from ng, and there is no representation of m.

On the other hand t and p, with their correlates n and m are found at Fú-cheú fú, 撫州府 in Kiáng-sí but k does not appear. At 南康府 Nán-káng fú, at the western extremity of the same province, p and m are distinctly represented, but there is no k or t, and ng is confounded with n. Kien and kan are distinguished at Shánghái, and in these more southerly cities. Kóng 公 is separated from 弓 kióng at Fú-cheú fú.

In dialects farther south, while the initials differ from those of the dictionaries, the consonantal terminations of the short tone are all clearly marked, and are in harmony with the ancient system. Thus we are led to the conclusion, that in regard to initials, the Kiáng-nan and Cheh-kiáng pronunciation agrees best with the written pronunciations as given in the native tables. But in reference to finals, Kiáng-sí and the southern provinces best represent them. Kiáng-sí appears to be the province that contains within its limits, the greatest number of the peculiarities in question.

In K’áng-hí’s second table, the distinction between the finals, m and n is neglected; e.g. 三 is spelt not sam but san. Further all words in the short tone are spelt with vowel finals; k, t, p, not being recognized, except as secondary forms retained out of respect to the old system. They are cut in small circles. No change is made in the tones or initials, except that words in 下平 are many of them placed in the aspirate column.

The spelling of many words in w with an initial v, and of others in y with ng or n, will be found explained in Part I. section IV. With respect to the two columns headed ch and tsh, which are the same to our ears, it may be observed, that at Sú-cheú words under the former heading are pronounced ch, and under the latter ts, indicating a natural separation between the two columns.

The resumé of this appendix, and of what was said on the Dictionary tables in the sections on the sounds at the commencement of the present work may be stated thus:—

1. The peculiarities of the tabulated initials, finals and tones are all explained, by bringing the different dialects of the three Kiáng provinces together; the aspirated f column being the only prominent anomaly that has not been illustrated.

2. The peculiarities of mandarin pronunciation, such as the interchange of some initial consonants, the prefixing of ng to many words in the upper tones (v. [page 51]), the coalescing of the upper and lower tones in all cases except that of the p’ing shung, the uniform occurrence of the aspirate after k, t, p, in the hiá‘ p’ing, and the loss of the short tone in the northern provinces, are all unnoticed in the old tables, while they are all recognized in modern works on sounds.

It may be remarked generally on the two systems that the tendency of words in mandarin is to coalesce in sound, while in the other system, the tendency is to more minute subdivision. The mandarin is the most widely spread, embracing two thirds of the 18 provinces.

It appears plain from the Corean and Japanese transcriptions of Chinese sounds made contemporaneous with the dictionaries, that the north of China must then have had the same dialect as that now prevailing in the kiang provinces.

A. The circumflex tones in [page 9], may be further divided. The bend of the voice may be upward or downward. Perhaps the Sháng-hái fifth tone may be best described, as sometimes a low slow falling circumflex, (l.s.f.c.) and at other times as a low even tone (l.s.e.). There would with this extension of the natural tones mentioned in section 2. be seven starting from the same key, viz. The even, rising, falling, rising circumflex, falling circumflex, rising short, and falling short tones. If subdivided into an upper and lower key, they become fourteen, and if considered according to their time as quick or slow, we have in all (the short tones not admitting of this subdivision) 24 natural tones.

B. If Roman numerals i to viii be used for the eight tones, the changes of tone occurring in combination in our dialect may be represented as follows:—In the groups v—i, and viii—i, i become v. In ii—ii; ii—vi, vi—vi and vi—ii, the last tone often becomes i, or else former becomes iii or vii. In iii—iii, iii—vii, the former becomes ii. In v—v, iv—v, v does not change, but in other cases v becomes i.

[ [1] In Julien’s “Methode pour transcrire les noms Sanscrits dans les livres Chinois,” p. 2; he states that Remusat first published this discovery in 1811.

[ [2] For a general view of the changes undergone in vowels since the tables of sounds were made, for example changes from u to ú, o to ia, chi to ch, sí to sz, ui to ei, ü to ú, é to í, á to ó, ó to á, etc. v. Grammar of Mandarin Dialect, ch. 8, § 5.