CONNECTION WITH, OR A SEPARATION FROM

THE

CONTINENTAL COLONIES OF AMERICA,
BE MOST FOR THE NATIONAL ADVANTAGE, AND THE
LASTING BENEFIT OF THESE KINGDOMS.

Suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit. Hor.

BY JOSIAH TUCKER, D. D.
DEAN OF GLOCESTER.

GLOCESTER:
PRINTED BY R. RAIKES;
AND SOLD BY
T. CADELL, in the STRAND, LONDON.
M.DCC.LXXV.

AN HUMBLE ADDRESS, &c.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

hough the Author of the ensuing Tract may be below your Notice, as an Individual, yet the Subject he treats upon, highly deserves your most serious Attention. In the present unhappy Disputes between the Parent-State and the Colonies, he undertakes to point out, what Measures the Landed-Interest of Great-Britain and Ireland ought to pursue in future, for the Sake of themselves and their Posterity. And if what he has to offer, should, after a due Examination, be found to be reasonable, solid, and satisfactory, he relies so much on your own good Sense and Judgment, as to believe, that you will not reject his Plan, merely because it originated from an inferior Hand. This is all the Favour he asks, or expects from you.

Upon this Subject, he waves the Consideration of every Thing, which might have a Tendency to keep the present Question out of Sight. Great-Britain and her Colonies are now at open War. This is the Fact. But if it should be asked, How these Things came to pass? From what Causes did they spring? Which are the real, and which are the apparent Motives in this Controversy? Moreover, who were originally and principally to blame? And what Methods ought to have been taken at first, in order to have prevented Matters from coming to their present Height?—The Author having already given his Sentiments on each of these Heads in his 3d, 4th, and 5th preceding Tracts, and also in his Letter to Mr. Burke, will not here repeat the same Things.—The grand Object now before him is simply this; Great Britain and her Colonies are at open War: And the proper and important Question arising from such a Fact is the following, What is to be done at the present Crisis?

Three Schemes have been proposed;—the Parliamentary,—Mr. Burke’s,—and my own.

The Parliamentary Scheme is,—To maintain vi et armis the Supremacy of the Mother-Country over her Colonies, in as full and ample a Manner, as over any Part of the British Dominions.

Mr. Burke’s is, [tho’ not in express Words] To resign or relinquish the Power of the British Parliament over the Colonies, and to erect each Provincial Assembly into an independent American Parliament;—subject nevertheless to the King of Great-Britain, with his usual Prerogatives:—For which Favour of acknowledging the same Sovereign, the Colonists are to be complimented with the most precious Rights, Privileges, and Advantages of British Subjects:—I say, complimented, and complimented even gratuitously:—For as to their contributing any Proportion, either of Men or Money, towards the public Expence, and in Return for those Favours—All this is to be entirely left to their own innate Goodness and Generosity, to do just as they please.

My Scheme [which Mr. Burke, in his last Speech of March 22, 1775, is pleased to term a childish one] is,—To separate totally from the Colonies, and to reject them from being Fellow-Members, and joint Partakers with us in the Privileges and Advantages of the British Empire; because they refuse to submit to the Authority and Jurisdiction of the British Legislature:—Offering at the same Time to enter into Alliances of Friendship, and Treaties of Commerce with them, as with any other sovereign, independent States.

Now, in order to determine, which of these Schemes is the most eligible;—it would be right to consider, which is the easiest and most practicable,—which is least expensive,—which is likeliest to prevent similar Disturbances and Disputes for the future,—and which will least endanger the English Constitution and our domestic Tranquility. For all these Circumstances ought to be taken into the Account, before a due Judgment can be formed.

In regard to the first, I wish for the present to be silent about it;—partly out of Respect to that august Body, which has given a Sanction to it;—partly because it is now upon Trial, whether it can be executed or not;—and partly likewise because this must fall of Course, if either Mr. Burke’s, or mine, should be judged to have the Preference. For these Reasons, I say, I wish to keep a respectful Silence on this Head.

But in respect to Mr. Burke, I need not stand on so much Ceremony. For tho’ he is confessedly a great Rhetorician, and can with his magic Voice raise a mighty Tempest of metaphorical Lightenings and Thunders;—yet, Heaven be praised, there is the Period of all his Powers: And his verba ardentia, his flaming Words, are found to end at last (like many other Explosions) in Noise and Smoke. Nor doth it, I humbly apprehend, at all follow, that the Orator is endowed with a greater Portion of political Discernment than other Men, or with more disinterested Sincerity, and real Love of his Country, in making a just and honest Application of that Discernment;—merely because he has more Words at Command, and can muster up a greater Army of bright Similes, and florid Expressions.

But be that as it may:—I now consider myself as standing at the Bar of the public Tribunal: And therefore before the Jury is struck, and the Trial begins, I humbly beg Leave to claim, and to exercise one of the distinguishing Privileges of Englishmen in such Cases, viz. To except against all such Persons in the Pannel, who appear to be under a wrong Biass, and an undue Influence respecting the Nature of this Dispute.

And 1st. I except against Courtiers and Placemen, considered as such. This is not uttered out of a Spirit of Resentment, Pique, or Disappointment, according to the Mode of modern Times. For, I thank God, I have no Cause to complain of any Disappointment; having since my Advancement to the Deanery of Glocester in the Year 1758, neither directly nor indirectly made the least, or the most distant Application for any other or higher Station. This Renunciation of aspiring Views is a Circumstance, which I am persuaded Mr. Burke knew perfectly well, by various Means, and from different Persons, especially from a noble Lord, formerly high in Office, and a great Favourite at Court, but now his Coadjutor, and a flaming Patriot. And yet the Orator has been pleased to characterize me by Name in his Speech of the 19th of April, 1774, with out any Provocation, as one of those Court-Vermin (such was his polite Phrase) who would do any thing for the Sake of a Bishopric.—Moreover I do not make this Exception against Courtiers from any bad Opinion I have conceived of the present Set of Ministers; for I think it may be fairly allowed, without paying them any Compliment, that they are to the full as able, and as honest as the best of those who are endeavouring to supplant them. But nevertheless, as they are subject to many unhappy Biasses, which may draw their Judgments aside without sinister Intentions, they ought to be excepted against in the present Dispute. In fact, while the great Continent of North America shall continue to be united to this Island under any mode whatever, Persons in Administration will necessarily have a Multitude of Places and Sine-cures to dispose of, many lucrative Contracts to bestow; and, to speak in coarse tho’ very expressive English, many Jobs of various Kinds, wherewith to gratify their Friends, and Dependents. Not to mention, that if ever a total Separation (such as proposed by my Plan) should ensue, the Ministry for the Time being, would run a great Risque of falling a Sacrifice to the blind Zeal of popular Discontents, and the knavish Intrigues of Party-Factions. Therefore for all these Reasons, I must insist, that Courtiers and Placemen ought to be excepted against, as being not sufficiently unbiassed, or disinterested to determine impartially on the present Subject.

2dly. I particularly except against the whole Band of Mock-Patriots. And my Reason is, because this Race of Men will of Course, prefer that Scheme, whatever it be, which can furnish them with the most lasting Fund for Opposition and Complaint. Now it is evident, that our Conjunction with North-America, upon any Terms, and under any, or every Modification, will not fail of becoming an inexhaustible Source of Altercation and Reproach, let whatever Measures be pursued. For Example: Had the Ministry proposed at first that very Scheme, which Mr. Burke has now thought proper to recommend, the Heads of the Faction, and even Mr. Burke himself (if he had not been a Pensioner to North-America) would most probably have proposed just the Reverse; that is, they and he would have insisted on the Necessity of obliging the Colonies to contribute a Share, proportionable to their Interests, and to the growing Benefits they receive, towards the Maintenance, the Grandeur, and the Glory of that Empire, from which their own Preservation and Prosperity are derived. And then the popular Cry would have been, that a wicked and a profligate Administration were going to sacrifice the Honour and Dignity of the British Crown, and the dear-bought Rights and Privileges of the British Nation to American Gold, and American Ingratitude.—Then we should have been told (and every Town and Country News-Paper would have echoed and re-echoed the Tale) that America was the Property of Great-Britain by every possible and legal Claim;—by Right of Discovery,—Right of Occupancy,—Right of Possession,—uninterrupted Prescription,—Communication of Benefits,—Participation of Posts of Honour, and Places of Profit,—general Protection,—never-ceasing Defence, &c. &c. And then we should have been told with peculiar Emphasis, that this new-fangled, ministerial Scheme of erecting so many new Parliaments, all co-ordinate with each other, under one general Monarch, was not only a notorious Breach of the English Constitution, and utterly repugnant to the Law of the Land,—but was also a deep-laid, diabolical Contrivance to subjugate these petty Parliaments, one after another, and all in their Turns, to the irresistible Power of one grand Despot:—In short, then it would have been said (and with great Appearance of Truth) that divide, et impera was the ministerial Maxim;—and that, what was done, or going to be done in America, was only the Omen and Prelude to the like fatal Establishments here in Britain. For the next Step would be (and upon a Pretence full as good, and altogether as constitutional) to break to Pieces the united Force of the British Parliament, by erecting one diminutive Assembly of States at Edinburgh, another at York, a third at London, and a fourth at Bath, or Exeter, or somewhere in the West: And then, partly by flattering and cajoling,—partly by Bribes or Bullying,—by exciting their Hopes, or their Fears at one Time,—and their Jealousies at another,—and by playing off each of these puny Assemblies against its Rival, the Minister would necessarily become omnipotent;—and then farewell to the Liberties of Old England.

3dly. I object also against all those of whatever Denomination, from the roaring Patriot in the Senate, to the miserable Scribbler in the Garret, who are the Pensioners of France, or Spain, or of any other rival Power:—I say, I object against their being Judges in this Dispute, because the very Intent of their receiving Pay is to promote Discord, and to cherish Faction;—and because they cannot earn their Wages with more Facility, or with surer Success to their Employers, than by patronizing such Schemes, as will necessarily keep up the Disputes between Great-Britain and her Colonies.

But here the Smartness of Debate (to use one of Mr. Burke’s very smart Expressions) will be apt to say, “Who are those Persons against whom your Insinuations are levelled? Name them, if you are able: And as you ought to be furnished with the most positive Proofs, before you are entitled to throw out such Invectives, give them to the Public, in order that we may hold these Traitors to their Country in just Abhorrence.”

To all which strong Words I would beg Leave to suggest the following Answers.

1. I think it may be allowed, without injuring the Cause of Truth, or even Charity, that a Man may be fully convinced of a bad Design, or a wicked Scheme being in Agitation, without being able to prove, who are the Persons concerned in it. It is not usual for the Guilty to call upon the Innocent to step forwards and be their Accusers: Nor can it be expected, that the Names of the Conspirators should be the first Thing in any Conspiracy which is to be brought to Light. Indeed, generally speaking, this is the last Part of any Plot, or of any bad Design, which can be fully known, or legally ascertained. And therefore, if either the Experience of former Times, or the Nature of the Case, can afford probable Reasons, and circumstantial Evidence in Support of this Assertion, That there are Numbers of Pensioners to Foreign Powers now among us—surely we have obtained all the Proofs that are necessary at present towards establishing a general Belief of the Fact, (which is the only Point here contended for;) and we must leave to Time, that great Discoverer of political Machinations, to unravel the rest.

Wherefore, 2dly. Let it be observed, that the History of this very Country furnishes us with striking Examples in Confirmation of the above Assertion. Particularly during the memorable Reigns of Charles the Second, and William the Third, that is, just before, and just after the Revolution, there were many venal Englishmen, both in the Senate and out of it, the Pensioners of France; who, to be sure, meant nothing by what they said or did on these Occasions, and for such Pay, but the Good of their dear bleeding Country; who therefore stormed and thundered, speechified and harangued, printed and published out of pure, disinterested Zeal for the Welfare of poor, old England!

Hence therefore I infer, 3dly, That the like may happen again, or rather has happened already, unless it can be shewn, either, that France and Spain want no such Agents at present; or if they did, that they cannot now, as heretofore, find them here in Britain. In regard to the first of these Positions, whosoever will give himself the Trouble, to examine coolly and impartially into the slender Reasons alledged on our Parts, for beginning two of the most bloody and destructive Wars, that ever were known, will find sufficient Cause to believe, that those Powers will always think it to be more for their Interests, to cut out Work at Home for these restless and turbulent Islanders (as they are pleased to call us) than to let us be at Peace among ourselves, lest that Circumstance should give us an Opportunity of picking Quarrels with our Neighbours. And most certain it is, that both the former Spanish (or the No-Search) War, and the latter French (or the Acadia and Ohio) War, were begun and carried on principally with a View to promote the immediate Interests of the Northern Colonies; the former to protect their Smugglers, when hovering about the Coasts, and when actually trading in the prohibited Ports of the Spanish West-Indies; and the latter, (a War, alas! begun, without so much as a Declaration of War!) to do, I know not what! unless it was to enable the grateful Colonies to rebel against the Mother Country, perhaps a Generation or two sooner, than otherwise they would have done. But be that as it may, one Thing is certain, and beyond Dispute, that the more we are embroiled among ourselves, the less Cause will the other Powers of Europe have to fear our giving them any Disturbance: And that 20,000l. or 30,000l. a Year spent in Bribes and Pensions, properly disposed, to raise an Opposition against Government, and to enflame the Populace against their Rulers, will do more effectual Service to the Courts of France and Spain, than thirty Times these Sums laid out in manning Fleets, or equipping Squadrons or preparing and embarking Troops for an Invasion.

If therefore these Points are so self-evident, as not to be denied, the only Question now remaining is this, Can it be supposed, or is it credible, that a popular British Senator, a British Pamphleteer, or a British News-writer, in an Age so pure and uncorrupt as ours, would accept of a Bribe, or a Pension on such dishonourable Conditions? And are not all these illustrious Personages either of such well known independent Fortunes, or of such spotless Characters, and approved Virtue, as to be superior to any Temptation of this Sort? Now here I say nothing, but chuse to be silent; and earnestly entreat every Reader to judge for himself. Indeed there was a Time, when a Text of sacred Scripture might have been urged, as carrying some Weight in deciding the present Question: “Beware of false Prophets, who come to you in Sheep’s Cloathing, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves. Ye shall know them by their Fruits. Do Men gather Grapes of Thorns, or Figs of Thistles? Even so every good Tree bringeth forth good Fruit; but a corrupt Tree bringeth forth evil Fruit. A good Tree cannot bring forth evil Fruit, neither can a corrupt Tree bring forth good Fruit.—Wherefore by their Fruits ye shall know them.” I say, there was a Time, when the Authority of such a Caution would have been regarded as more decisive than the Productions of our modern licentious Presses. But as we now live in very extraordinary Times, full of new Lights, and new Discoveries, I forbear, lest our Patriots should accuse me of Bigotry, Priestcraft, or Superstition[1].

4thly. I expressly except against all Persons of Republican Principles for very obvious Reasons; for tho’ they dignify themselves by the Name of Whigs, yet as they are not the genuine, constitutional Whigs of this Kingdom, but an unnatural Superfœtation, and the avowed Enemies of the British Constitution, they ought not to be allowed to sit in Judgment in a British Cause. They are, it is well known, the professed Advocates for continuing and cementing the Union between Great-Britain and her Colonies; and yet they wish, above all Things, to see these Colonies totally exempt from, and independent of, the Power and Jurisdiction of the British Legislature. Now, how are we to reconcile these glaring Contradictions? And what is the Reason for professing such a preposterous Zeal for America, in Preference both to the Interests and Honour of their native Country? The Reason is this:—They think, that by cherishing and protecting a republican Government in the Colonies, they are paving the Way for introducing a similar Establishment into Great-Britain. Therefore Republicism is the Bond of Union between these unnatural Englishmen and their Fellow-Labourers of America: Republicism, I say, [pardon the Use of a new Word, where the Language doth not afford a better] is made the common Cause for uniting Persons of the most discordant Interests and different Inclinations in other Respects.

And I will add, as an Illustration of this Matter, and to shew how far certain Persons will go to obtain their Ends, that the Republicans in the Reigns of Charles II. James II. and William III. joined the Constitutionalists in bringing about the Revolution, chiefly with the Hopes, that a Prince who owed his Election to the Voice of the People, might the easier be dethroned by the same People, whenever they could get them into the Mood to do it, whether with, or without a Cause. For the very Sound of Monarchy, however limited, or however well administered, is grating to their Ears. They cannot bear to think, that one Man, or one Family should be so much exalted above themselves, in Contradiction to their darling Maxim of a natural Equality. And this Scheme for laying the Foundation of a new and equal Republic is what the Republicans really intend by using the Phrase Revolution Principles at this Day. In short, we have now the most authentic Proofs, that their Predecessors of old tried all Means in their Power, and even applied to the Court of France first to prevent, and then to defeat the Revolution, and to set up a Republican Form in its stead; alledging that it was more for the Interest of that Court to have a Republican Government take Place in England, somewhat after the Example of that of Holland, than any Kind of Monarchical Constitution, because this, at one Time or other, might become a troublesome Neighbour, and a dangerous Rival; whereas nothing of that Kind was to be feared from a mere simple Democracy. Moreover in some Years afterwards, when the Crown was settled on the House of Hanover, we know it well, (for it is no Secret) that the Republicans both then, and since, had no other Merit towards that House, notwithstanding all their Boastings, than that of reserving its Princes, like the Prisoners in Polyphemus’s Den, to be devoured the last. A mighty Favour truly! For which our Ears are perpetually dinned with a Repetition of the Services of these Men towards the ungrateful House of Hanover!

And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, having excepted against Courtiers and Placemen as such,—against pretended Patriots on every Account,—against the Pensioners of foreign Powers,—and against rank Republicans;—my humble Request is, that the Cause between Mr. Burke and me may be tried by the Landed Interest only. They are certainly the properest and most unexceptionable Judges; for they have the most at Stake; and their Interest, and the Interest of the Public, must necessarily coincide. They can gain nothing either by War, or Peace, by a Submission to, or a Separation from, the Revolters in North America, but what must tend to the general, as well as to their own particular Advantage. Whereas almost every other Rank of Men may find their Account, in countenancing and supporting such Measures, as may greatly enrich themselves, tho’ at the Expence of depopulating and impoverishing their native Country.

Nor, my Lords and Gentlemen, is this Cause beneath your solemn Notice and Regard. In the former Spanish [or no-search] War, you spent above Sixty Millions Sterling, including the extraordinary Sums raised, and the fresh Debts contracted:—And in the last French, Ohio, or Acadia War, you spent above Ninety Millions Sterling, if computed after the same Manner, viz. Additional Sums annually raised, and new Debts contracted. And all, alas! for what!!!![2]

But without any Retrospect to Things past, let us look towards what is to come.

The first Thing to be considered in the Dispute between Mr. Burke and me, is, which of Our Schemes is the easiest to be executed, and the most practicable? He proposes that all Concessions should be made on our Parts in Favour of the Colonies; but that none, or next to none, should be made by them in Favour of Great Britain. Now this Proposal can never terminate the Dispute between us and them, but on one or other of the following Suppositions.

First, that the Parliament and People of Great-Britain are now convinced, that they have acted injuriously, illegally, and unconstitutionally in pretending to make any Laws, whether good or bad, to bind the Americans: Because they (the Americans) have their own Legislatures, which are totally independent of ours: And therefore we take Shame to ourselves by revoking these pretended, usurping Laws. For in short, the first Step in Politics, as well as in Morals, towards sincere Repentance, is Restitution. Or, secondly, though we should not give up the Point of Right, of making Laws, and cry peccavimus,—yet we take for granted, that no improper Use will be made of the great and manifold Concessions, contained in Mr. Burke’s Scheme; because we have to deal with a People, who, (we know by long Experience) may be trusted with every Thing, as being the Quintessence of Honour and Honesty, both in public and private Life, and particularly the fair unsullied Monuments of national Gratitude.

Or if this likewise should prove to be a Pill too large, and too nauseous for Englishmen to swallow;—then, thirdly, we are to suppose, in order to end all Controversy, that the Trade with these North-Americans is so essential to our Interests, as a commercial Nation, that we must keep them in good Humour at any Rate, and at any Expence;—least they should deprive us of their Custom, to the utter Ruin of our Manufactures, Shipping, Navigation, &c. &c. &c.

Or lastly, we must suppose, that old England is in Fact grown so exceedingly weak and impotent, and America so very strong and powerful, that it is in vain to resist any Encroachments, which the Colonies may make on the Mother-Country:—For in such Circumstances, it is more prudent to submit to the present Evils, great as they are, than to provoke our Conquerors to inflict still greater.

I say, one or other of these four Suppositions must necessarily be made, before Mr. Burke’s Plan can terminate in real Peace, and restore that Harmony, of which he makes such continual Boastings. Let him therefore, at his own Leisure, take his Choice of either of the four, or even adopt them all, if he pleases, and make the most of them.

In the mean while, deign, my Lords and Gentlemen, to cast your Eyes on my Plan (childish as it is represented by him to be) of a total Separation. And first of all, is it practicable in itself? And could it be executed with Ease, if heartily set about?—Suppose therefore, that you were to recall your Fleets and Armies, and publish to the Americans the following Manifesto, couched under the Form of an Act of Parliament.

“Whereas many of the British Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations in North-America, after having made, from Time to Time, various Attempts to throw off, or subvert the legislative Authority and Jurisdiction of Great-Britain, have at length proceeded to the greatest and most daring Outrages for accomplishing the same, by entering into illegal Combinations and traiterous Conspiracies, and even by breaking out into open and undisguised Rebellion: And whereas the Inhabitants in general of the said Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations shew not the least Signs of Sorrow and Contrition for their past Offences, nor any Desire to implore the Clemency of the Parent-State, which hath in all Instances cherished, supported, and protected them at an immense Expence both of Blood, and Treasure; but on the contrary, continue to encrease their hostile Preparations for opposing, by Violence and Force of Arms, the Execution of the Laws made by the supreme Legislature of Parliament for the due Governance, and constitutional Dependence of such subordinate States and Provinces;

“Be it therefore enacted by the Kings most excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and of the Commons of Great-Britain in Parliament assembled;—that every such Province, Colony, and Plantation which either now is, or at the Day of next ensuing shall be found to be in Arms and Rebellion against the Laws and Authority of the supreme Legislature of Great-Britain, shall, from and after the Time above mentioned, be totally cut off, severed, and separated from the British Empire; and that all its Inhabitants shall be declared, and are hereby declared to have lost and forfeited all Privileges and Advantages, Benefits and Protection both by Sea and Land, belonging, or supposed to belong to the Subjects of Great-Britain; and that they shall be deemed, taken, and reputed, in all Courts of Law, and in all Respects whatever, to be as much Aliens and Foreigners, and subject to the same Incapacities, as if they had been Aliens born.

“Provided nevertheless, and to the Intent, that as far as the Nature of the Case will admit, the Innocent may not be involved in the Punishment intended only for the Guilty; be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, and for his Heirs and Successors, at any Time, to grant a Pardon to a whole State, Province, or Colony, now in Rebellion, under the Great Seal of the Realm; or to one or more Inhabitant or Inhabitants thereof under the Seal Manual, and to restore such Colony, or such Person or Persons to their former Rights and Privileges, as British Subjects, when it shall appear to his Majesty in Council, that such a Province, or Colony, or such a Petitioner or Petitioners is, are, or shall be deserving of his Royal Clemency and Favour.”

Suppose, I say, such a Manifesto, or one to this Effect, and couched under the Form of an Act of Parliament, to be proclaimed to the World concerning the Rebellion now existing in America: And then I ask, what possible Difficulty could attend the Execution of it? Or who would even attempt to prevent it? The only People or Nation, who would wish to obstruct the Execution of such a Law, are the Americans themselves; for they have no Manner of Objection against participating in all Kinds of Benefits to be derived from an Union with us; tho’ they raise such terrible Outcries against sharing in any of our Burthens: And yet their Efforts and Opposition would all be in vain; because, tho’ you should even allow, that they are able to maintain their Independence in America, that Circumstance would not render them the Conquerors of Great-Britain, much less of the rest of the World; who must of Course remain independent of them.

Therefore, so far at least my System must have the Preference to Mr. Burke’s.

2dly. The next Question is, Which System, can be carried into Execution with the least Expence? And surely as we have hitherto been engaged in nothing but Profusion and Extravagance, it is now high Time to adopt, if we can, some useful Scheme of Frugality and Œconomy in regard to America.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, here again permit me to ask, What Expences can possibly attend the Execution of my Scheme?—The Thing itself is no sooner said, than done. And all the Charges attending it are summed up in the triffling Articles of Pen, Ink, Paper, and Printing. Whereas Mr. Burke’s System, even according to his own Account, will entail upon you Expences always encreasing, nay, next to infinite. You must, for Example, win over the Heads and Leaders of the new American Parliaments by means of “Great Honours and great Emoluments,” [A pretty Periphrasis this to describe the Art of Bribing!] in order to cooperate with the Plans of the British Parliament, and to bear a Share of the general Burthens of the British Empire.

You must also guard their Coasts at all Times, and protect them from all Invaders: And when they chuse to amuse themselves by going on smuggling, trucking, huckstering, and buccaneering Parties on the Spanish Main, then you must more particularly stand up in their Defence, and insist on their Vessels not being searched by the Spanish Guarda-costas. And if the Spaniards should think this an hard Measure, and appeal to the Practice and Example of Englishmen themselves, who never fail to search the Ships of all Nations, if found hovering on their Coasts, you must positively and vehemently say, that the Case is widely different:—Then you have a sufficient Plea for declaring War against them;—then, my Lords and Gentlemen, resolve (as your Predecessors did before) never to make Peace ’till the Right of Searching is given up;—then spend another sixty or ninety Millions in this new Quarrel;—and at last make Peace, (as they did) without ever mentioning the Right of not being searched; for which alone they pretended to go to War.

But this is not all:—For when the Back-Settlers in America shall have “topped the Apalachian Mountains in sufficient Numbers to constitute Hords of English Tartars, pouring down an irresistible Cavalry on the unfortified Frontiers;”—who is to resist these Irresistibles?—Not the Colonists or Provincials; for they, poor People, tho’ now 150,000 strong, [see General Lee’s Letter] to fight against their Protectors and Defenders, will nevertheless be so frightened at the Sight of this Apalachian Tartar Cavalry, that they will again cry out for Help to the Mother-Country;—again, I say, as they did before, when only an handful of [3] French and Indians appeared against them. And indeed, if the Mother-Country will act the Part of Don Quixote to that Degree, as to expend her best Blood and Treasure in their Cause, why should they incur any Dangers in their own dear Persons? Why be at the Pains and Charges of defending themselves, when they can so easily get the British Nation to fight, and bleed, and do every Thing for them? Besides Mr. Burke has already declared in express Terms, [Page 98, 2d. Edit.] that America must not be exhausted. Exhaust, therefore, yourselves, my Lords and Gentlemen! as much as you please, or as much as you can; but don’t expect Assistance from America, even in her own Defence, whilst she can get such Knight-Errants as the English to fight her Battles; and whilst she can raise Patriots and Pamphleteers, News-Writers and Republicans, without Number, to yell the American War Hoop, and to denounce BLACK and BITTER Days against those, who should even hesitate to obey her Commands.

But the third Question is, Which Scheme is best calculated to prevent the like Disturbances for the future?

And here I would humbly beg Leave to observe, that if my Scheme had nothing else to recommend it to your Notice, it most infallibly cuts off all the present Causes of Dispute and Contention between the two Countries; so that they never can revive again. Whereas Mr. Burke’s is, at best, but a temporary Cessation from Hostilities; a mere Truce, ’till both Parties can be recruited, and better provided to begin the War again. Nay, his would be found in the Event,—not only to be no Manner of Cure or Palliation of the present Evils, but even greatly to foment them, and also to engender many new ones.

For Example:—Granting, that Peace was made on the very Terms, which Mr. Burke requires:—Granting, that we repealed every Act of Parliament to which the Americans have thought proper to object:—Granting also, that we renounce for ever any Claim of Right to levy Taxes:—And granting, in short, that the American Assemblies became so many distinct Parliaments, supreme within themselves, and independent of all others:—Still, whilst these American Independents are to be protected by the British Flag; whilst they are to enjoy all the Rights and Privileges of natural-born British Subjects, both at Home, and Abroad, and in every Part of the Globe,—Questions will, and must, and ought to arise, on what Terms are these independent Americans to be thus protected? And what Compensation is to be made to the Mother-Country, for communicating to them her most valuable Rights and Privileges? Are they really to enjoy all Posts of Honour and Preferment, and all Places of Trust and Profit, and to be entitled to every Sort of Advantage, [4] Safeguard, and Protection, equally with the Natives of Great-Britain; and yet to make no Recompence or Acknowledgement for all these Favours?—The Answer of every staunch American, and of Mr. Burke their Advocate General, must be as follows, (for on their Principles they can return no other) That each independent American Parliament will be ready to give and to grant to Great Britain, by Way of Recompense or Gratification, the whole Sum of—whatever they shall think proper, and no more[5]. And that in respect to the Regulations of American Commerce, they will consent, that you shall put whatever nominal Restraints you please upon it, provided you will not enforce such Restraints by any Forfeitures or Penalties, which shall imply the most distant Idea of Taxation;—and provided also that, if Offences should be supposed to be committed, they, (the Americans) and no others shall be allowed to be Judges both of the Nature, and of the Degree of each Offence; and that the Cause shall be tried no where else, but in their own American Courts, and by their own American Juries.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, suffer me I beseech you, to appeal to your own good Sense and Understandings on this Head.—Ask yourselves this plain Question, Is such a Plan of Reconciliation as Mr. Burke proposes, a likely Method of terminating the present Disputes between the Mother-Country and her Colonies? Nay ask farther;—Hath it so much as a Tendency to cool and moderate them? Or rather doth it not seem much better contrived to enflame, than to extinguish; to kindle new Fires, than to quench old ones?

Besides, when each of these American Assemblies shall be erected into a distinct Parliament, supreme within itself, and independent of the rest,—Is it possible to suppose, that no new Disputes, or new Differences will arise between such co-ordinate States and rival Powers;—neighbouring, jealous, and contending Powers, I say, whose respective Limits are in many Instances as yet undefined, if really definable! And is it at all consistent with any Degree of common Sense, or daily Experience, to suppose that such Combustibles as these will not speedily catch Fire?—Especially, if we take into the Account, the discordant Tempers of the Inhabitants of these respective Provinces, their inbred Hatreds and Antipathies against each other, their different Modes of Life, the Differences of Climate, Religion, Manners, Habits of Thinking, &c. &c.

Now, when Tumults and Disorders shall arise from any of these various Causes,—What is to be done? And to whom, or to what common Head, or general Umpire is the appellant Province to carry her Complaint?—The Parliament of Great-Britain, it seems, must no longer interfere; for that is no longer the supreme Head of the Empire, to which all the Parts used to be subordinate, and professed to be obedient; therefore, being destitute of any authoritative or constitutional Right to compel Submission, all it can do, is to offer its good Services by Way of Mediation; and that is, generally speaking, just nothing at all.

Is then the King (abstracted from the Parliament) to be appealed to in this arduous Affair? And is he alone (in his mere personal Capacity) to command the Peace to be preserved between State and State, or Province and Province.——[6]Is he, I say (abstracted from being a King of Great-Britain) to summon all the Parties before himself and his Privy Council, in order to hear their respective Allegations, and finally to determine, and settle the Differences between them? Be it so: Then if he only is to decide, as in an Affair relating to his own private Patrimony, in which we have no more Concern than we have with Hanover,—it necessarily follows, that he must be invested with sufficient Power (independent of, and without the Consent of Parliament) to enforce these Decisions; for a Decree without a Power to enforce it, and to compel Obedience, is altogether nugatory and vain.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, this brings us to the last Point of Comparison between Mr. Burke’s, and my System, viz. Which will least endanger, or rather, which is best adapted to preserve our present happy Constitution?

Mr. Burke’s you see (if consistent with itself) must invest the Prince with an amazing Degree of Power!—Even with such a Degree, as shall be sufficient to controul the refractory States of America, from one End of the Continent to the other. Nay, what is still more, this supreme, controuling Power must be the only Center of Union throughout the Empire. Nothing besides is so much as proposed; and indeed nothing besides (when the parliamentary Connection is dissolved) can be sufficient to tie all the Parts together;—Parts so widely distant, so totally disjointed from each other, as the British Isles and the American Continent.

Now here again permit me to ask, Is not this a very alarming Circumstance even in Contemplation? And is all our boasted Zeal for Liberty to end at last only in that Union and Connection which can be procured to the several detached Parts of the Empire by Means of a Court, and of a standing Army?—A large standing Army to be kept up independently of the British Parliament!—And that too for the express Purpose of enforcing the Decrees and Arbitrations of the Court!

But this is not all; for even a standing Army would not be so formidable (because it would soon moulder away) were no Means to be found out for its Support and Maintenance: And this Scheme of many independent Parliaments points to the very Means of obtaining the necessary Supplies; for, as an ingenious Foreigner has very judiciously observed[7], “A Sovereign who depends, with regard to Supplies, on several Assemblies, in Fact depends upon none. An Agent for the American Colonies, [I suppose the Author meant Dr. Franklin] in his Examination before the House of Commons, (Anno 1766, P. 122) has even suggested in three Words the whole Substance of what I have endeavoured to prove on that Subject; when he said, The Granting Aids to the Crown is the only Means the Americans have of recommending themselves to their Sovereign. Nothing therefore could be more fatal to English Liberty (and to American Liberty in the Issue) than the Adoption of the Idea, cherished by the Americans, of having distinct independent Assemblies of their own, who should treat immediately with the King, and grant him Subsidies, to the utter Annihilation of the Power of those antient, and hitherto successful Assertors of general Liberty, the British Parliament.”

To these Reflections in this and in other Parts of his Book, the judicious Author adds many striking Examples, particularly the present State of the Want of Liberty in France and Spain, by way of confirming and corroborating his Argument. But in my humble Opinion there is still a more forcible Example to be drawn from the Case of the hereditary Dominions of the House of Austria. For it is well known, that the Princes of that House rule in as absolute a Manner over every Part of their vast Possessions as the Sovereigns either of France or Spain; and yet there are States (answering to our Parliaments) in almost every Country belonging to the Austrian Dominions; nay, these States are frequently summoned to meet together; which is not the Case with the general national Assemblies of France, or with the Cortes of Spain. How then comes it to pass,—that such Meetings produce little or no Effects in regard to the obtaining of a reasonable Degree of Liberty for the Subject, which every Subject, if in his right Senses, wishes to obtain? The Reason is obvious:—There are a Multitude of little States or Parliaments within the Territories of the House of Austria;—the States of Austria (not to mention the several still lesser States in the Netherlands) the States of Bohemia, States of Hungary, of Transilvania, Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola, &c. &c. But all these petty States, or Parliaments being totally independent of, and consequently Competitors with, and Rivals to each other, never can act in Concert, or pursue one general Plan, or attend to one common Interest:—So that the Power of the Prince, which would have been too weak to have contended with them all, if all had been UNITED (like the Parliament of Great-Britain) in one compact, and general Body,—becomes an Over-match for any one of them singly and disjointed from the rest:—And this is the true Reason, why the House of Austria governs all her Provinces with so high an Hand at this Day. In short, Divide et impera, explains the whole Mystery of this Affair:—And Great-Britain may here see her own Picture, drawn to the Life, if ever she should consent to the Erection of Parliaments in North-America, to be co-ordinate with her own; and at the same Time should allow these North-Americans to be Co-partners with herself in one common Empire.

But why do I labour to prove this Point? Mr. Burke himself is as conscious, as I can be, of the dreadful Effects, which must necessarily attend the Execution of his Scheme. Hear him therefore in his own Words:—[8]“We know that the Emulations of such Parties [to be created by the independent Parliaments of North-America] their Contradictions, their reciprocal Necessities, their Hopes and their Fears, must send them all in their Turns to him who holds the Balance of the State. The Parties are the Gamesters, but Government keeps the Table, and is sure to be the Winner in the End. When this Game is played, I really think, it is more to be feared, that the [American] People will be exhausted, than that Government will not be supplied.”

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen! be pleased to compare these Fears of Mr. Burke, “that the Americans will be too lavish in their Grants,—with the Hopes entertained by the Agent (just quoted from Monsieur De Lolme) that the Americans by Means of liberal Grants may recommend themselves to the good Graces of their Prince;”—and then you will have full Possession of all Dr. Franklin’s favourite Speculation for removing the Seat of Empire from hence to North-America, and for abandoning the British Isles to the Care of Deputies, Vice Roys, and Lord Lieutenants. Many of you, I make no Doubt, have heard him declare, that the great Continent of British America (which, according to his Computation, will contain nearly One Hundred Millions of Inhabitants in little more than a Century) ought to become the Seat of general Empire. And it might be easily gathered from the whole Turn of his Conversation, that he thought it no very difficult Matter in the Course of Things to bring this important Point to bear;—that is, to induce some future Sovereign of this Country to make the wished for Exchange;—partly by the Obstacles which might be thrown in his Way, were he to persist in remaining here [Obstacles, of which we have an egregious Specimen already] and partly by the alluring Temptations which might be offered him to quit this petty Spot, and reside in America.—I say, many of you must have heard Dr. Franklin haranguing after this Sort; or have seen Letters from him to the same Effect:—For that this was his darling Scheme, even before he came to reside in England, I have been well assured; as well as his favourite Topic ever afterwards. Therefore I will add, that by the Help of this Comment, we can explain many Passages in the Declarations of the grand American Congress, which otherwise must appear to be either nauseous Compliments, or gross Contradictions:—The Passages I refer to, are the Protestations so often and so solemnly repeated, that they [the Americans] have no Intention of separating from this Country; and that they have the purest Loyalty to the King, and the strongest Attachment to the illustrious House of Hanover. This Key therefore unlocks the whole Mystery of their (otherwise unaccountable) Proceedings. And as Pope said on another Occasion:

’Tis in the ruling Passion: There alone,
The Wild are constant, and the Cunning known.
This Clue, once found, unravels all the rest.
The Prospect clears, and Clodio stands confest.

In the mean Time, because his Majesty is graciously disposed to join with Great-Britain against America in this Contest for Empire, (for in Fact that is the real Dispute, whatever may be the Pretence) not only many among the Americans, which is natural enough, but (Shame to tell!) even among Englishmen themselves, vent the bitterest Reproaches against him for being the best Friend and Protector of the Mother-Country. Surely Posterity will stand amazed at such a Procedure! The like Scenes of Infatuation and Ingratitude (not to mention Disloyalty and Rebellion) never yet disgraced the Annals of the World! And it seems to be reserved as a Mark of Infamy peculiar to the present Age, and to our modern Race of Patriots, that while the Prince on the Throne is incessantly endeavouring to keep his People free, and to secure their Freedom more and more by all proper and constitutional Measures, such Numbers should be found amongst his Subjects, who are equally industrious to thwart his truly patriotic Designs, and to rush headlong into Slavery.

But as Providence very often brings the greatest Good out of the worst of Evils, let us not despair, but that these very Attempts, wicked and unnatural as they are, may be the Means of uniting all honest, and well-intentioned Men the firmer together, in order to support, and even to strengthen the present Constitution. For Example, the two great Islands of Britain and Ireland, which are only separated by a narrow Sea, ought not to be separated at all by different Governments, Laws, or Parliaments. No good Reason upon Earth can be given for such a Separation: And it has long been the ardent Wish of every true Patriot in both Nations, to see them united. Indeed, the best that can be said for the Continuance of the present absurd System is, that the City of Dublin would be a Sufferer by the Removal of the Court and Parliament:—I say, this is the very Argument, which can be urged: And yet this has no Foundation at all, but in the Prejudices of the Populace, who are almost perpetually mistaking their own Interests. Even the City of Dublin would be a very great Gainer by such a Removal: For it would acquire Industry in Exchange for Idleness; and then the Hands of its Tradesmen, by being the Hands of the Diligent, would enrich each other by reciprocal Employment;—the Hands, I say, of those very Tradesmen, who in their present State, are almost as poor, as the poorest in the Kingdom.—That this is the natural and necessary Course of Things, and not an idle Theory, or visionary Speculation, I appeal to Fact and daily Experience;—and I appeal, not only to the Case of Edinburgh, which is now three Times, at least, as rich and flourishing, as when it was the Residence of a Court, and of a Parliament; but I appeal also to almost every Town in Ireland: Cork and Belfast for Example, have neither Courts, nor Parliaments; and yet their Merchants, Manufacturers, and Traders are much richer in Proportion to their Numbers, than those of Dublin: And what is still more extraordinary, those little Towns, which once thought themselves happy in procuring Barracks to be erected among them, in order to obtain, as they fondly imagined, the Benefit of a great Flow of Money, are now perfectly convinced, that Towns without Barracks, or Towns from which Barracks have been removed, are in a much more flourishing Condition, then those which have them.—Of so mischievous a Tendency is the Circulation of Money, when it becomes the Means of introducing Idleness, and of preventing Industry. For, reason as long as you will on the Subject, the actual State of Things will ever prove itself to be this, that Idleness is the Parent of Poverty, and Industry the only Source of real Riches.

But, my Lords and Gentlemen, this is not all; and my Scheme of an Union with Ireland is calculated not only to introduce Wealth, and to prevent Idleness in the single City of Dublin; but also to diffuse constitutional Strength and Firmness, and to create a Stability and Compactness throughout the whole Empire: Whereas Mr. Burke’s has as necessary a Tendency to weaken and disjoint every Part of it, and to sow Jealousies and Dissentions both at Home and Abroad, in the Mother-Country, and in the Colonies:—The unavoidable Consequence of which would be at the last, arbitrary and despotic Power. In one Word, the true Motto for my Scheme is, Vis unita fortior; and for his, Divide et impera. Judge therefore, as Men who are more deeply concerned in preserving and improving the present Constitution, than any Class of Men whatever;—judge, I say, whether Mr. Burke’s Scheme or mine, in regard to America, ought to have the Preference. You have every Means of Information now at your Command: Your Birth, your Rank, and Education, lift you up much above the Prejudices of the Vulgar; whilst your patrimonial Estates and ample Fortunes screen you from a Multitude of those Temptations, to which other Men are grievously exposed. And yet, my Lords and Gentlemen, let me tell you, that if you will not exert yourselves on this trying Occasion, in some Degree proportionate to the Importance of the Cause now before you, perhaps it may never be in your Power to exert yourselves hereafter, when you would wish most ardently to do it. Remember, therefore, I beseech you, the Words, the emphatic, and perhaps even the prophetic, Words of a celebrated Partizan, whose Name I need not mention:—“Why, Gentlemen, will not you, who are Men of great Landed Estates, take an active Part in the present Disputes? Your Neutrality, I do assure you, will not protect you. For if you will still remain inactive at such a Crisis, what has happened before will happen again; and the *****’s and the *****’s who have but little to lose, but may have much to get in Times of general Confusion, will certainly become the great Men of this Nation.”

Fas est et ab hoste doceri.

Indeed the Estates of the Church, we all know, will fall the first Sacrifice, should the Republican Party now prevail. But nevertheless, if you, my Lords and Gentlemen, should be so weak as to imagine, that Matters will stop there; and that your own large Possessions, your splendid Titles, your hereditary Honours, and ample Privileges will escape unhurt, amidst that general Wreck of private Property, and Crush of Subordination, which will necessarily ensue; you will be woefully mistaken:—And I must beg Leave to say, that you will have profited but very little, by what has been so well written in the Annals of this very Country, for your Instruction and Admonition. For depend upon it, the Use of Committee-Men, and the Business of Sequestrators are not yet forgot; depend upon it, I say, that Ways and Means are still to be found out, for the lowest of the People to get at the Possession of the greatest of your Estates, as well in these, as in former Times. Their Appetites are equally keen:—And if these hungry Patriots should succeed, after such an Example is set before your Eyes, who are you to blame but yourselves?—In one Word, you know, or ought to know, that even the tender Mercies of a Republic are cruel. Or, if you are not yet convinced of the Truth of this Assertion, look abroad into the World; nay, look into what is now doing by the Republican Congresses in America; and then see how you would approve such Men as these for your Masters.

HERE therefore I willingly close the whole Dispute between Mr. Burke and me: And I most chearfully submit the Decision of this important Question to those (but to those only) who are the best qualified, the most able, and the most concerned to decide impartially. What therefore is to follow in this Treatise, is to be considered rather ex abundanti, than as strictly necessary for the Support of my Argument, and the Confutation of my Opponent. Yet, seeing that the following Points may serve to elucidate some of the former, and seeing that so much has been said, and such confident Boastings have been uttered, concerning the Advantages, and even the Immensity of the Colony-Trade; I will enter the more particularly into these Matters.

And first of all, and previous to any Enquiry into the Fact, I enter a solemn Protest against the disingenuous Artifice, so often practiced by the Partizans of America, viz. That of begging the Question. They beg the Question, when they take for granted, that if America were separated from Great-Britain, all commercial Intercourse would cease between the two Countries. For this is the very Point, which they ought to have proved, instead of taking it for granted. And prove it they never can, ’till they shall have first demonstrated, that the Americans will no longer adhere to their own Interest, when they shall be disunited from us. A difficult Task this! In regard to which, they will find all the World to be Unbelievers. Indeed I have already so effectually silenced this Plea in my Fourth Tract from Page 203 to Page 220, [2d Edit. printed for Rivington, &c.] that I hope I may be excused from repeating the same Things. And as the Arguments there urged have never been attempted to be answered, notwithstanding so much Good-Will to do it, and that my Opponents most certainly would do it, if they could, the natural Conclusion is, that they are UNANSWERABLE.

Therefore I now enter upon the Subject itself; and as the Trade to Holland and Germany (and more particularly to Hanover) hath been frequently represented as being very inconsiderable, and of small Importance; I have for this very Reason, selected this Trade from others, to make it the Subject of our Comparison with the Trade to all the revolted Provinces of North-America.

An Account of the Value of the Exports from England to Germany and Holland; and also to those North-American Provinces, which are now under the Dominion of the Congress, for nine Years successively, viz. from Christmas 1763 to Christmas 1772, distinguishing each Country, and each Year.

From Christmas 1763
to Christmas 1764.		1765.1766.1767.1768.1769.1770.1771.1772.Totals.
Value of Exports.Value of Exports.Value of Exports.Value of Exports.Value of Exports.Value of Exports.Value of Exports.Value of Exports.Value of Exports.Value of Exports.
£.s.d.£.s.d.£.s.d.£.s.d.£.s.d.£.s.d.£.s.d.£.s.d.£.s.d.£.s.d.
Germany2,264,315391,869,4651881,811,268231,506,29310111,499,732041,338,866981,272,569041,316,492141,354,1816614,233,183139
Holland2,040,467992,026,77216111,602,924671,539,7051801,744,974581,658,5511311,766,3331021,685,3971601,997,8151416,060,942176
Total of both Countries30,294,126113
The REVOLTED PROVINCES of North-America.
Carolina305,80816334,709128296,73214244,09360289,868123306,60056146,273170409,16994449,610222,782,86577
New-England’s four Provinces459,765011451,299147409,64276406,08192419,79794207,993143394,451751,420,11911824,830894,993,980130
New-York515,416121382,349111330,829158417,957155482,93014474,918710475,991120653,62176343,9701993,677,986158
Pensilvania435,191140363,368175327,31453371,830810432,107174199,9091711134,881155728,7441910507,9091403,501,259100
Virginia and Maryland515,192106383,224130372,548161437,62826475,95462488,362151717,782173920,32638793,9101325,104,930175
Totals of the revolted Provinces20,061,02338
Superiority of the Value of the Exports to Holland and Germany over the Exports to the revolted Provinces of America £.10,233,10377

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