FOOTNOTES:
[1] Parton's Life of Franklin, i. 27.
[2] Ibid. i. 31.
[3] Works, x. 192.
[4] Parton's Life of Franklin, i. 47.
[5] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. iv. 176.
[6] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. iv. 182.
[7] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. iv. 255.
[8] Works, i. 295, 296; see also an account, substantially the same, in letter to Bowdoin, January 13, 1772.
[9] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. iv. 363-365.
[10] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. iv. 380.
[11] Ibid. iv. 399.
[12] Franklin's animosity against the Penns was mitigated in later years. See Franklin's Works, viii. 273.
[13] Parton's Life of Franklin, i. 451, quoting Life of Joseph Reed, i. 37.
[14] Parton's Life of Franklin, i, 451, 452.
[15] See, for example, Franklin's Works, iii. 361, 362.
[16] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. iv. 28.
[17] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. iv. 155.
[18] Grenville had laid down the proposition that England was "the sovereign, the supreme legislative power over America," and that "taxation is a part of that sovereign power."
[19] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. v. 385-387.
[20] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. v. 417.
[21] To same purport, see also Works, iv. 300.
[22] Concerning this theory, see Fiske's The Beginnings of New England, 266.
[23] To same purport, see letter to Evans, May 9, 1766, Works, iii. 464.
[24] See also to same purport, Works, iv. 157.
[25] Parton's Life of Franklin, i. 481.
[26] Franklin's Works, iv. 88.
[27] The agent for the Council, Mr. Bollan, acted in entire accord with Dr. Franklin; there was no inconsistency between the two offices, which were altogether distinct, neither any clashing between the incumbents, as might be inferred from Lord Hillsborough's language.
[28] A very interesting statement of these proceedings may be found in Franklin's Works, x. 346.
[29] See also letter to Marshall, April 22, 1771, Works, x. 315.
[30] The importance of establishing the fact that the government's course was instigated by Hutchinson is liable at the present day to be underrated. For his name has fallen into such extreme disrepute in America that to have been guided by his advice seems only an additional offense. But such was not the case; Hutchinson came of old and prominent Massachusetts stock; he was a descendant of Anne Hutchinson, of polemic fame, and when appointed to office he appeared a man of good standing and ability. The English government had a perfect right to rely upon the soundness of his statements and opinions. Thus it was really of great moment for Franklin to be able to convince the people of Massachusetts that the English measures were in strict conformity with Hutchinson's suggestions. It was an excuse for the English, as it also was the condemnation of Hutchinson, in colonial opinion.
[31] It must be confessed that the question whether Franklin should have sent these letters to be seen by the leading men of Massachusetts involves points of some delicacy. The very elaborateness and vehemence of the exculpations put forth by American writers indicate a lurking feeling that the opposite side is at least plausible. I add my opinion decidedly upon Franklin's side, though I certainly see force in the contrary view. Yet before one feels fully satisfied he would wish to know from whom these letters came to Franklin's hands, the information then given him concerning them, and the authority which the giver might be supposed to have over them; in a word, all the attendant and qualifying circumstances and conversation upon which presumptions might have been properly founded by Franklin. Upon these essential matters there is absolutely no evidence. Franklin was bound to secrecy concerning them, at whatever cost to himself. But it is evident that Franklin never for an instant entertained the slightest doubt of the entire propriety of his action, and even in his own cause he was wont to be a fair-minded judge. One gets a glimpse of the other side in the Diary and Letters of his Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Esq., etc., by Thomas Orlando Hutchinson, pp. 5, 82-93, 192, 356.
[32] Franklin's Works, v. 297, 298.
[33] A play upon the Latin word, fur, a thief.
[34] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 508.
[35] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. v. 220.
[36] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 70.
[37] Life of Franklin, ii, 85.
[38] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. ix. 63.
[39] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 166.
[40] Hale's Franklin in France, i. 73.
[41] Franklin's Works, vi. 199, 205; viii. 153, 183; Hale's Franklin in France, i. 53.
[42] Hale's Franklin in France, i. 45.
[43] See also letter to Morris, March 30, 1782, Works, vii. 419; also viii. 225. In 1835 sufficient evidence was discovered to induce Congress to pay to the heirs of this unfortunate man a part of the sum due to him. Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 362.
[44] Light was first let in upon this darkness by Louis de Loménie, in his Beaumarchais et Son Temps; and the story as told by him may be read, in a spirited version, in Parton's Life of Franklin, chapters vii., viii.
[45] Hale's Franklin in France, i. 53.
[46] As an example of the manner in which Franklin sometimes was driven to express himself, his letter to M. Lith is admirable. This gentleman had evidently irritated him somewhat, and Franklin demolished him with a reply in that plain, straightforward style of which he was a master, in which appeared no anger, but sarcasm of that severest kind which lies in a simple statement of facts. I regret that there is not space to transcribe it, but it may be read in his Works, vi. 85.
[47] In fact, Conyngham, being at last captured, narrowly escaped this fate.
[48] Hale's Franklin in France, i. 352.
[49] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 307.
[50] Diplomatic Correspondence of the Amer. Rev. i. 156.
[51] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. ix. 484.
[52] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 309.
[53] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. ix. 485; Hale's Franklin in France, i. 223.
[54] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 312.
[55] The reference was to the suggestion made to Hartley for sending commissioners to Paris to treat for peace.
[56] Franklin's Works, vi. 39, note.
[57] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. ix. 481.
[58] See Franklin's Works, vi. 133. At this time John Adams strongly entertained the same sentiments, though he afterward felt very differently about the sincerity of France. Diplomatic Correspondence of American Revolution, iv. 262, 292.
[59] He was able to give a practical proof of his liberality by furnishing a passport to the packets carrying goods to the Moravian brethren in Labrador. Hale's Franklin in France, i. 245.
[60] Franklin's Works, vi. 153.
[61] Parton's Franklin, ii. 354.
[62] Franklin's Works, vi. 363.
[63] To Richard Bache, Franklin's Works, vi. 414.
[64] Diplomatic Corresp. of Amer. Rev. iv. 249, 251.
[65] Diplomatic Corresp. of Amer. Rev. iv. 246.
[66] Ibid. 245.
[67] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 383.
[68] See Franklin's Works, vi. 294.
[69] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. ix. 480.
[70] Franklin's Works, vii. 404; viii. 236.
[71] For example, with Norway, with Denmark, and with Portugal.
[72] See, for example, Franklin's Works, vii. 252, note.
[73] Franklin's Works, vii. 207; the letter is unfortunately too long to quote. See also his letter to Lafayette, Ibid. 237.
[74] See letter to Carmichael, Works, vii. 285.
[75] Franklin's Works, vii. 110-112.
[76] See also Franklin's Works, vii. 343.
[77] See also a strong statement in letter to Hartley of October 14, 1777; Works, vii. 106.
[78] See Franklin's Works, vi. 303.
[79] See Franklin's Works, vi. 151, 303, 310; vii. 3, for examples of his expressions on this subject.
[80] About the same time Laurens was released on parole and sent to confer with Adams in Holland, concerning a separate treating, and brought from Adams the like response as Oswald brought from Franklin.
[81] Made between England and France at the close of the last war, in which France had lost Canada.
[82] "The Peace Negotiations of 1782-83," etc., by John Jay; in Winsor's Narr. and Crit. Hist. of America, vol. vii.
[83] Franklin's Works, viii. 99, 101, 150, note.
[84] Franklin's Works, viii. 305, 306.
[85] Franklin's Works, viii. 218, text and note.
[86] It is not without interest in this connection to remark that Franklin was very ill disposed towards the "loyalists," having scant toleration for their choice of a party. For a man of his liberality and moderation his language concerning them was severe. He objected to calling them "loyalists," thinking "royalists" a more correct description. To indemnification of their losses by Parliament he had "no objection," for the damnatory reason that "even a hired assassin has a right to his pay from his employer." Franklin's Works, ix. 133. He often spoke in the like tone about these people. See, for example, Works, ix. 70, 72. But when the war was over and the natural mildness of his disposition could resume its sway, he once at least spoke more gently of them. Ibid. 415.
[87] Works, viii. 340; and see Ibid. 353.
[88] Ibid. 350.
[89] Ibid. 354.
[90] I have not endeavored to give a detailed account of this negotiation, though the narrative would be very interesting, because it finds its proper place in the life of John Jay in this Series. In that volume there is a very full and accurate presentation of this entire affair, drawn from those sources which have only very recently become public, and which go far to remove former questions out of the realm of discussion.
[91] See, for example, Franklin's Works, viii. 29, 67, note, 69, 70, 77, 109, 112, note, 133, note, 260.
[92] See letter to Hartley, Franklin's Works, viii. 287.
[93] Jefferson's Works, vii. 108.
[94] Franklin's Works, ix. 459.
[95] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 565.
[96] But later he remarked: "Though there is a general dread of giving too much power to our governors, I think we are more in danger from too little obedience in the governed."
[97] Franklin's Works, ix. 418. See also letter to Bishop of St. Asaph, Ibid. viii. 270.
[98] Franklin's Works, ix. 428.
[99] One becomes quite convinced of this upon reading his presentation of his scheme. Works, ix. 423; see also Ibid. 395.
[100] Franklin's Works, ix. 431.
[101] He habitually wrote in this vein; see, for example, Works, ix. 266, 283, and passim.
[102] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 600.
[103] One of the most painful letters to read which our annals contain is that written by Franklin to Charles Thomson, secretary of Congress, November 29, 1788, Works, viii. 26, 30. It is an arraignment which humiliates the descendants of the members of that body.
[104] Parton's Life of Franklin, ii. 596.
[105] Bancroft, Hist. U. S. ix. 134.