The Plague of Lust, Vol. 1 (of 2) / Being a History of Venereal Disease in Classical Antiquity

by Julius Rosenbaum

FOOTNOTES:

[1] It would be a great mistake to think that because SPRENGEL wrote his History here, the opposite must be true. The greater part of the Works collected by him are no longer to be found. It is only too evident that the earlier administrators of the library, especially ERSCH, so famous as a Historian of Literature, left the medical side almost totally unconsidered; and what gaps the Administration of to-day has to fill up is sufficiently evidenced by the yearly Lists of Additions.

[2] The Bibliography of Authorities and Historians has been placed at the end of the present volume.

[3] “On the Venereal Disease in the Northern Provinces of European Turkey” in: Russian Compendium for Natural and Medical Science, edited by Alex. Crichton, Jos. Rehmann, C. Fr. Burdach, vol. I. Riga and Leipzig 1815. large 8vo. pp. 230.

[4] “Geschichte der Lustseuche” (History of the Venereal Disease), Vol. I. p. 326.

[5] Celsus, De re medica Bk. VI. ch. 18., “Proxima sunt ea, quae ad partes obscoenas pertinent, quarum apud Graecos vocabula et tolerabilius se habent et accepta iam usu sunt, cum omni fere medicorum volumine atque sermone iactentur, apud nos foediora verba, ne consuetudine quidem aliqua verecundius loquentium commendata sunt.”

(Next are particulars relating to the unmentionable parts; the name of these among the Greeks are less objectionable and are now accepted by usage, as they are freely employed by physicians both in books and speech, whereas with ourselves the words are coarse, not approved by any customary use on the part of those who speak with any regard to modesty.) How strictly the words, especially in the case of the poets, were scrutinised in this respect even in later times still, is shown by the passage in Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. Bk. X. ch. 10.; and in Petronius, Satir. 132, Polyaenus says: Ne nominare quidem te (scil. penem) inter res serias fas est. Poenitentiam agere sermonis mei coepi, secretoque rubore perfundi, quod oblitus verecundiae meae cum ea parte corporis verba contulerim, quam ne ad cogitationem quidem admittere severioris notae homines solent.”

(It is forbidden even to mention thee (viz. the penis) in serious discourse. I have begun to do penance for my words and to feel the glow of a secret blush, because forgetful of my modesty I expressed in words that part of the body, which men of the stricter type refuse to admit even into their thoughts.) So the collector of Priapeia appeals to the reader: Conveniens Latio pone supercilium! (Lay aside the disapproving frown that befits Latium); and later on people used to say of such talk, they wished to speak plain Latin, just as we say, speak plain English; while the Greek would excuse himself by his ἄγροικος καὶ ἄμουσός εἰμι, (I am but am unpolished rustic).

[6] Satir. II. 8-13.

[7] Athenaeus, Deipnosoph. bk. XIII. ch. 21.—Comp. Aristotle, Politics bk. VII. ch. 17.

[8] Bk. XII. Epigr. 43.—Comp. H. Paldamus, “Römische Erotik.” Greisswald 1833. large 8vo.

[9] Priapeia, Carm. 1.

Ludens haec ego teste te, Priape,

Horto carmina digna, non libello;

Ergo quidquid est, quod otiosus

Templi parietibus tui notavi

In partem accipias bonam rogamus.

Carm. 41.

Quisquis venerit huc, poeta fiat,

Et versus mihi dedicet iocosos;

Qui non fecerit, inter eruditos

Ficosissimus ambulet poeta.

Carm. 49.

Tu quicunque vides circa tectoria nostra

Non nimium casti carmina plena ioci;

(The songs I sing, thou art my witness, Priapus, are worthy but of a garden, not of a book. Wherefore whate’er it be that in leisure hours I have writ on thy temple-walls, receive, we pray, in good part.)

(Whosoe’er comes hither must become a poet and dedicate to me some merry lines; whoe’er refuses, amidst the learned let him walk most wooden of poets.—N.B. ficosus means at once like a fig-tree and afflicted with piles; perhaps we might render “most costive of poets”.)

(Thou beholdest, whoe’er thou art, around the plaster of our walls lines teeming with not too chastened a wit.)

also in Martial, bk. XII. Epigr. 62. we read:

Qui carbone rudi, putrique creta

Scribit carmina, quae legunt cacantes.

(Who with rough charcoal or crumbly chalk writes verses that men read as they shit.)

[10] Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 10. ὅσοι δὲ τὴν παραβολὴν διώκουσι, πταίουσι περὶ τὸ κατὰ φύσιν, σφᾶς αὐτοὺς βλάπτοντες, κατὰ τὰς παρανόμους συνουσίας.

(“Now they that follow the parable sin aginst nature, hurting their own selves, according to their lawless conversation.”)

[11] Larcher, “Mémoire sur Venus,” (Memoir on Venus). Paris 1775. pp. 312. 8vo.—De la Chau, “Dissertation sur les Attributs de Venus,” (Dissertation on the Attributes of Venus. Paris 1776. pp. 91. 4to. In German, by C. Richter. Vienna 1783. pp. 179. 8vo.—J. C. F. Manso, “Ueber die Venus,” (On Venus): in “Versuche über einige Gegenstände aus der Mythologie der Griechen und Römer,” (Essays on certain Subjects from the Mythology of the Greeks and Romans). Leipzig 1784. large 8vo. pp. 1-308. The Treatise is the most complete account we possess on the subject of Venus.—Lenz, C. G., “Die Göttin von Paphos auf alten Bildwerken und Baphomet,” (The Goddess of Paphos in Ancient Sculptures and Baphomet.) Gotha 1808. pp. 26. 4to., with Copperplates.—Münter, Fr., “Der Tempel der himmlischen Göttin zu Paphos,” (The Temple of the heavenly Goddess at Paphos). Copenhagen 1824. pp. 40. with Copperplates.—Lajard, Felix. “Recherche sur le culte, les symboles, les attributs et les monuments figurés de Venus en orient et en occident,” (Researches on the Cult, Symbols, Attributes and artistic Monuments of Venus in East and West). Paris 1834. 4to., with 30 Plates, fol. Known to us only from the notices.

[12] Orpheus, Hymn. 55.

Οὐρανίη Ἀφροδίτη,

παντογενὴς, γενέτειρα θεὰ, γεννᾷς δὲ τὰ πὰντα,

ὅσσα τ’ ἐν οὐρανῷ ἐστι καὶ ἐν γαίῃ πολυκάρπῳ

ἐν πόντου τε βυθῷ. γαμοστόλε, μῆτερ ἐρώτῶν.

(Heavenly Aphrodité, parent of all, mother Goddess,—for thou engenderest all things, all things that are in heaven and in fruitful earth and in depth of ocean,—harbinger of marriage, mother of loves).
[Transcriber’s Note: παντογενὴς (parent of all) should read ποντογενὴς
(sea-born).]

Homer, Hymn. 9. to Venus:

Κυπρογενῆ Κυθέρειαν ἀείσομαι, ἥτε βροτοῖσιν

μείλιχα δῶρα δίδωσιν, ἐφ’ ἱμερτῷ δὲ προσώπῳ

αἰεὶ μειδιάει, καὶ ἐφ’ ἱμερτὸν φέρει ἄνθος.

(Cyprus-born Cytherea will I sing, who to men gives sweet gifts, and on her lovely visage has ever a smile, and brings a lovely blossom of love).

[13] Hesiod, Theogonia, 190-206.

[14] Consult the Poem of Sappho in Brunck, Analect. vet. poet. Graec., Vol. I. p. —Suidas under the word Ψιθυριστής (whisperer), as epithet of Venus. Eustathius on Homer, Odyssey, XX., p. 1881. Her attribute was a key to the Heart. Pindar, Pyth. IV. 390. Comp. Ovid, Fast. IV. 133 sqq.

[15] The Trojan women used to betake themselves before their marriage to the river Scamander, to bathe in it and say: Receive, Scamander, our Virginity. Aeschines, Epist. II. p. 738.

[16] Herodotus, Bk. II. ch. 64. Καὶ τὸ μὴ μίσγεσθαι γυναιξὶ, ἐν ἱροῖς, μηδὲ ἀλούτους ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἐς ἱρὰ ἐσιέναι, οὗτοι εἰσὶ οἱ πρῶτοι θρησκεύσαντες· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι σχεδὸν πάντες ἄνθρωποι, πλὴν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Ἑλλήνων, μίσγονται ἐν ἱροῖσι.

(And the practice of not having intercourse with women in temples, and not going into temples unwashed after such intercourse, these practices they were the first to observe as a matter of religion; for almost all the rest of mankind, except Egyptians and Greeks, have sexual intercourse in temples.) Comp. Clement of Alexandria, Stromat. bk. I. p. 361.

[17] Already in his time St. Jerome affirmed: omnem concubitum coniugale esse peccatum, nisi causa procreandi sobolem (that all conjugal coition is a sin, except for the sake of begetting offspring); and Andr. Beverland (de peccato originali—On Original Sin, p. 60.); Ingenitum nefas nil aliud est, quam coeundi ista libido, (Inborn sin is nothing else than the foul craving for coition). With this should be compared the view of Lycurgus, which Plutarch cites in his life of him.

Also Athenaeus (Deipnosoph. Bk. XXI. p. 510.) says: προκριθείσης γοῦν τῆς’ Ἀφροδίτης, αὕτη δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἡδονὴ, πάντα συνεταράχθη. (thus Aphrodité being rather chosen,—now this is sensual pleasure,—all was thrown into confusion.) Clement of Alexandria, Paedog. bk. II. ch. 10. Ψιλὴ γὰρ ἡδονὴ, κἂν ἐν γάμῳ παραληφθῇ, παράνομός ἐστι καὶ ἄδικος καὶ ἄλογος. (For base pleasure—i.e. pleasure for its own sake,—even though it have been enjoyed in wedlock, is unlawful and unjust and unreasonable.)—Philo, De opificio mundi, pp. 34, 35, 38. De Allegoria, II. p. 1100. ὄφιν εἶναι σύμβολον ἡδονῆς. (the snake is the symbol of sensual pleasure.) With some coarseness Rabbi Zahira explains the Fall. The Tree, he says, that bore the forbidden fruit signifies the instrument of generation in Man; not the Tree in the midst of the garden of Eden, he comments, but the Tree in the midst of the body, which is not in the midmost of the garden, but in the midmost of the Woman, for it is there that the garden is planted. Nork, “Braminen und Rabinen,” (Brahmins and Rabbis). Meissen 1836. large 8vo. pp. 91.

[18] Descript. Graeciae, bk. I. ch. 14.

[19] Homer, Odyss. Bk. VIII. 362.—Hesiod, Theog. 193.—Strabo, XIV. 983.—Tacitus, Hist. II. 3.—Pausanias, VIII. 5. 2.

[20] Sanchoniathon, Fragment. edit. Orelli, p. 34., Eusebius, Praeparat. Evang., I. 10., τὴν δὲ Ἀστάρτην Φοίνικες τὴν Ἀφροδίτην εἶναι λέγουσι. (Now the Phoenicians say that Astarté is Aphrodité.)

[21] Herodotus, Bk. I. ch. 105. Homer, Hymn. IX. 1. Ruhnken, Epist. crit. I. p. 51. Heyne, Antiquarische Aufs. I. p. 135.

[22] Hence the Father Ephraim Syrus (Hymn in Opp. Vol. II. p. 457. Gesenius, “Kommentar. zum Jesaias,” (Commentary on Isaiah), Pt. II. p. 540. Ephraim lived 379 A. D.):—It is Venus that led astray her followers, the Ishmaelites. Into our land also she came, how most abundantly do the sons of Hagar honour her.

A street-walker (they call) the Moon,

Like a courtesan they represent Venus.

Twain they call female among the Stars.

And not merely names are they,

Names without meaning, these female names,

Abounding in Wantonness are they in themselves.

For since they are the women of all men,

Who amongst them can be modest,

Who amongst them chaste,

Who exercised his wedlock after the fashion of the fowls?

Who (otherwise than the Chaldaeans) introduced the Festival of that frantic Goddess, at whose Solemnities Women practise harlotry?

[23] Histor. Bk. I. ch. 199. Ἐπεὰν δὲ μιχθῇ, ἀποσιωσαμένη τῇ θεῷ, ἀπαλλάσσεται ἐς τὰ οἰκία· καὶ τὠπὸ τούτου οὐκ οὕτω μέγα τί οἱ δώσεις ὥς μιν λάμψεαι. (But after she has gone with a man, and so acquitted her obligation to the goddess, she returns to her home; and from that time forth no gift however great will prevail with her.) The same thing is related also by Baruch VI. 42, 43. Comp. Voss on Virgil, Georgics, II. 523 sqq. To this day we find amongst the bold sons of the Desert, the Arabians, some trace of this devotion of their fathers, Niebuhr writes (“Beschreibung von Arabien”—(Description of the Arabians), Copenhagen 1772, p. 54. note.): “I read that the Europeans have investigated with great erudition and eloquence the question, Num inter naturalis debiti et conjugalis officii egerium liceat psallere, orare, etc.? (Whether in the performance of the debt of nature and the conjugal office it is lawful to sing, to pray, and so on?) I do not know what the Mohammedans have written on this matter. I have been assured that it is their custom to begin all their occupations with the words; Bismallâh errachmân errachhîm (in the name of the merciful and gracious God), and that they must say this also “ante conjugalis officii egerium (before the performance of the conjugal office), and that no reputable man omits this.” So at the present day in Italy the courtesan bows before the image of her Madonna, before she gives herself, and says to her, “Madonna, mi ajuta!” or “Madonna, mi perdonna!” (Madonna, be my aid!, Madonna, pardon me!) whilst she draws a veil over her picture, and calls this Christianity! For the rest Constantine abolished the custom in question at Babylon and at Heliopolis, and destroyed the Temples of Venus at those places. Eusebius, Life of Constantine, III. p. 58. Socrates, Eccles. Hist. I. 18.

[24] Heeren, “Ideen über Politik und Handel,” (Ideas on Political Science and Trade), Pt. I. 2. p. 257.

[25] So we think we ought to understand the καταπορνεύει τὰ θήλεα τέκνα (prostitute down their female children) in the text, for the expression is evidently formed on the same plan as the καθῆσθαι ἐπ’ οἰκήματος (to sit down at a house of ill-fame in Plato, Charmides, 163. c.; because the brothels lay near the harbour, and so in the more low-lying region, away from Athens itself. In the same way the Romans used the verb descendere (to go down), e. g. Horace, Satires I. 2. 34., because the public houses of ill-fame at Rome were in the valley, in the Subura.

[26] Hist. of Alexander the Great, Bk. V. ch. 1. Comp. Isaiah, XIV. 11., XLVII. 1. Jeremiah, LI. 39. Daniel, V. 1.

[27] Bk. XI. p. 532. Ἀλλὰ καὶ θυγατέρας οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι τοῦ ἔθνους ἀνιεροῦσι παρθένους, αἷς νόμος ἐστὶ, καταπορνευθείσαις πολὺν χρόνον παρὰ τῇ θεῷ μετὰ ταῦτα δίδοσθαι πρὸς γάμον. (Moreover the chief men of the nation consecrate their daughters when still virgins, and it is the custom for these, after acting as prostitutes for a long time in the service of the goddess, then to be given in marriage). Hence the Scholiast also to Juvenal, Satir. I. 104, “Mesopotameni homines effrenatae libidinis sunt in utroque sexu, ut Salustius meminit,” (The inhabitants of Mesopotamia are people of unbridled lustfulness in either sex, as Sallust records); and Cedrenus, Chaldaeorum et Babyloniorum leges plenae sunt impudicitiae atque turpitudinis, (the laws of the Chaldaeans and Babylonians are full of indecency and foulness).

[28] Bk. I chs. 93, 94. The ἐνεργαζόμεναι παιδίσκαι (maids working at their handicraft) mentioned in this passage are maids who, to use Heine’s expression, practice their horizontal craft. Herodotus’ story is also found mentioned in Strabo Bk. XI. p. 533., Aelian, Var. Hist., bk, IV. ch. 1., and Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XII. p. 516.

[29] Augustine, De Civit. Dei, bk. IV. ch. 10. Cui (Veneri) etiam Phoenices donum de prostitutione filiarum, ante quam iungerent eas viro, (To whom—Venus,—the Phoenicians also made a gift of the prostitution of their daughters, before they married them to a husband). Athenagoras, Adv. Graecos, p. 27. D., Γυναῖκες γοῦν ἐν εἰδωλείοις τῆς Φοινικίας πάλαι προκαθέζοντο ἀπαρχόμεναι τοῖς ἐκεῖ θεοῖς ἑαυτῶν τὴν τοῦ σώματος αυτῶν μισθαρνίαν, νομίζουσαι τῇ πορνείᾳ τὴν θεὸν ἑαυτῶν ἱλάσκεσθαι. (Thus women used of old to sit in the idolatrous temples of the Phoenicians, offering as first-fruits to the gods therein the hire of the prostitution of their own bodies, deeming that by fornication was their goddess propitiated). Comp. Eusebius, De Praeparat. Evangel. IV. 8.—Athanasius, Orat. contra Gentes.—Theodoret, Hist. Eccles. I. 8.

[30] De Dea Syra, ch. 6.

[31] Valerius Maximus, bk. II. ch. 6. 15., Sicae enim fanum est Veneris, in quod matronae (Poenicarum) conferebant; atque inde prosedentes ad quaestum, dotes corporis iniuria contrahebant, (for at Sica is a shrine of Venus, to which the matrons—amongst the Phoenicians—used to repair; and there sitting for hire, earned their dowers by the prostitution of their persons).

[32] Justinus, Histor. Philipp., bk. XVIII, ch. 5., Mos erat Cypriis, virgines ante nuptias statutis diebus, dotalem pecuniam quaesituras, in quaestum ad litus maris mittere, pro reliqua pudicitia libamenta Veneri soluturas. (It was a custom among the Cyprians to send the virgins before their marriage on fixed days to the sea-shore, there to sit for hire and so earn money for their dowry, to thus render to Venus the first-fruits of their maidenhood). Comp. Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XII, p. 516.

[33] Justinus, Histor. Philipp., bk. XXI. ch. 3., Cum Rheginorum tyranni Leophronis bello Locrenses premerentur, voverant, si victores forent, ut die festo Veneris virgines suas prostituerent. Quo voto intermisso cum adversa bella cum Lucanis gererent, in concionem eos Dionysius vocat: hortatur ut uxores filiasque suas in templum Veneris quam possint ornatissimas mittant, ex quibus sorte ductae centum voto publico fungantur, religionisque gratia uno stent in lupanari mense omnibus ante iuratis viris, ne quis ullam attaminet. Quae res ne virginibus voto civitatem solventibus fraudi esset, decretum facerent: ne qua virgo nuberet, priusquam illae maritis traderentur. etc. (The people of Locri, when they were hard pressed in the war with Leophron tyrant of the Rhegians, had made a vow, that should they be victorious, they would abandon their virgins to prostitution on the feast-day of Venus. But this vow was broken, and when they were waging a disastrous war with the Lucanians, Dionysius calls them to an assembly, wherein he urges them to send their wives and daughters to the Temple of Venus in the gayest array they could, and that of these a hundred should be chosen by lot to carry out the public vow; that to fulfil the obligation to the goddess they should stand publicly in a brothel one month, all men having previously bound themselves by oath that none should deflower any one of them. Further that this thing should be no detriment to the maidens who so freed the city of its vow, a decree should be passed to the effect that no maiden might marry, until these were given to husbands; etc.). Comp. Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 516. Strabo, bk. VI. p. 259, says: προεγάμει τὰς νυμφοστοληθείσας, (he used to lie first with maidens that had been made brides).

[34] “De Babyloniorum instituto, ut mulieres ad Veneris templum prostarent,” (On the Babylonian custom of Women prostituting themselves at the Temple of Venus), note on Herodotus, I. p. 199 in Commentat. Soc. Reg. Götting., Vol. XVI. pp. 30-42.

[35] Vermischte Schriften, vol. VI. pp. 23-50, “Ueber eine Stelle bei Herodot.” (On a passage in Herodotus).

[36] According to Tacitus, Histor. II. 2., Under no circumstances must blood flow on the altars of the Paphian goddess.

[37] “Ideen über Politik und Handel,” (Ideas on Political Science and Trade), I. 2. p. 180. note 2.

[38] The King of Calicut at the southern extremity of Malabar gives his principal Priest a honorarium of 500 dollars, that he may loose his wives’ virgin-zone for him in the name of the Deity. Sonnerat, “Voyage aux Indes orientales” (Travels to the East Indies), Vol. I. p. 69. Hamilton, “New Account of the East Indies,” Vol. I. p. 308.

[39] Herodotus, bk. IV. ch. 172.—Pomponius Mela, bk. I. ch. 8. § 35.

[40] Diodorus Siculus, bk. V. ch. 18.

[41] Menstruation was under the protection of the goddess Mena (Augustine, De Civ. Dei, bk. XI. 11. VII. 2.; but Myllita was the Moon!

[42] Therefore in the case of the Lydians the women themselves selected their Strangers. Strabo, bk. XI. p. 533., δέχονται δὲ οὐ τοὺς τυχόντας τῶν ξένων, ἀλλὰ μάλιστα τοὺς ἀπὸ ἴσου ἀξιώματος. (but they receive not just the first-comers amongst the strangers, but by preference those of an equal position).

[43] So even in the Middle Ages, e. g. at Venice, it was quite usual for the daughters to earn their dowry by selling their bodies, and there, as in France, it was the mothers who acted as procuresses to their daughters with this object. Stephanus, “Apologie d’Herodote”, Vol. I. pp. 46-49. Fr. Jacobs, loco citato, p. 40.

[44] Memorari quoque solent causae physicae, seu marium seu feminarum corporis infirmitatis, quibus floris virginei decerpendi molestia aggravatur. (Certain physical reasons also are mentioned, connected with bodily defects whether of the man or the woman, which aggravate the difficulty of deflowering a virgin), Heyne, loco citato, p. 39. When these partly dietetic and prophylactic relations of the practice disappeared from the memory of the people, the Priapus kept only its fecundating qualities, and accordingly we read in Augustine, De Civitate Dei, bk. VI. ch. 9., Sed quid hoc dicam, cum ibi sit et Priapus nimius masculus, super cuius immanissimum et turpissimum fascinum sedere nova nupta jubeatur more honestissimo et religiossimo matronarum? (But why tell of this, though Priapus is there, with the exaggerated penis of a man, on whose huge and foul organ the newly-wed bride is told to sit, following the custom held highly honourable and religious of matrons?) Comp. Lactantius, I. 20.—Tertullian, Adnot. II. 11. The same is related by Arnobius, bk. VI. ch. 7., of the similar god Mutuus: Etiamne Mutuus, cuius immanibus pudendis, horrentique fascino, vestras inequitare matronas, et auspicabile ducitis et optatis. (Mutuus too, on whose huge pudenda, and horrid organ you think it auspicious and desirable for your matrons to ride).

[45] Linschotten, “Orientalische Schiffahrt,” (Oriental Voyage), Pt. I. ch. 33.

[46] Orpheus, Argonaut. 422.—Lucian, De Saltat. ch. 27., Dialog. Deorum, 2.

[47] Strabo, XI. p. 495.

[48] Herodotus, bk. I. ch. 105., καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἐν Κύπρῳ ἱρὸν ἐνθεῦτεν ἐγένετο, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι Κύπριοι· καὶ τὸ ἐν Κυθήροισι Φοίνικές εἰσι οἱ ἱδρυσάμενοι, ἐκ ταύτης τῆς Συρίης ἐόντες, (for the Temple in Cyprus was built from it,—i.e. in imitation of the temple of Venus at Ascalon, as the Cyprians themselves admit; and that in Cythera was erected by the Phoenicians, who belong to this part of Syria.). Clemens Alexandrinus, Ad Gentes, p. 10., speaks of Cinyras as having been the man who introduced the temple-service in Cyprus. Comp. Jul. Firmicus, De Error. profan. relig. p. 22. Arnobius, Ad Gentes, bk. V., (for the Temple in Cyprus was built from it,—i.e. in imitation of the temple of Venus at Ascalon, as the Cyprians themselves admit; and that in Cythera was erected by the Phoenicians, who belong to this part of Syria.). Clemens Alexandrinus, Ad Gentes, p. 10., speaks of Cinyras as having been the man who introduced the temple-service in Cyprus. Comp. Jul. Firmicus, De Error. profan. relig. p. 22. Arnobius, Ad Gentes, bk. V.

[49] Ποντία, Λιμενιάς (of the Sea, of Harbours), at Hermioné, Pausanias, Attica ch. 34. Mitscherlich, on Horace, Odes bk. I. 3. 1. Also the epithet εὔπλοια (of fair Winds), Pausanias, Attica I. 3., should be mentioned here. Musaeus, Hero and Leander 245. Horace, Odes III. 26. 3. “Venus Marina”, (Venus of the Sea).

[50] Pausanias, bk. III. 23., VI. 25., VIII. 32., IX. 16.—Plato, Sympos.—Xenophon, Sympos. ch. 8.

[51] Augustine, De Civit. Dei, bk. IV. ch. 10. “An Veneres duae sunt, una virgo, una mulier? An potius tres, una virginum, quae etiam Vesta est, alia conjugatarum, alia meretricum? (Are there two Venuses, one a virgin, the second a matron? Or rather are there three, one of virgins, who is also Vesta, another of wives, another of harlots?)

[52] “Quae Cnidon fulgentesque tenet Cycladas et Paphon,” (The goddess who haunts Cnidos and the gleaming Cyclades and Paphos), Horace, Odes III. 28. 13. Ἐνοικέτις τῶν νήσων (Inhabitress of the isles), Suidas.

[53] Remarkably enough some would derive the name Bordeaux (Bordel) from the French bord and eau, because the houses of ill-fame were almost always to be found on the bank of the river or in bagnios! Parent-Duchatelet, “Die Sittenverderbniss in der Stadt Paris,” (The Corruption of Morals in the City of Paris), Vol. I. p. 125.

[54] Strabo, XIV. 683.

[55] Suidas, under expression κυλλοῦ πήραν (cripple’s wallet) quotes that here—at Pera,—was a Fountain which made fruitful and facilitated delivery.

[56] According to Athenaeus, Deipnosoph., XII. p. 647., at the Feast of the Thesmophoria at Syracuse μυλλοί, representations of the female genital organs, moulded of sesame and honey, were carried about. This calls to remembrance the Juni of the Indians and the Phallus images.

[57] Bk. XIV. p. 657.

[58] Bk. II. ch. 27.

[59] “Ideen zur Kunst-Mythologie,” (Ideas towards a Study of the Mythology of Art). Dresden 1826. large 8vo. p. 207.

[60] Coveel, “De Sacerdotio Veterum Virginum.” (On the office of Priestess as filled by Virgins in Antiquity). Abo 1704. 8vo.—Hirt, A., “Die Hierodulen, mit Beilagen von Böckh und Buttmann,” (The Hieroduli, with Supplements by Böckh and Buttmann). I Pt. Berlin 1818. large 8vo.—Kreuser, J., “Der Hellenen Priesterstaat, mit vorzüglicher Rücksicht auf die Hierodulen,” (Priestly Institutions of the Hellenes, with particular reference to the Hieroduli). Mayence 1822. 8vo.—Adrian, “Die Priesterinnen der Griechen,” (The Priestesses of the Greeks). Frankfort-on-the-Main 1822. 8vo.—Schinke, in Ersch and Gruber’s Allgem. Encyclopaedie, II. Sect. 8 Pt. p. 50.

[61] Strabo, Bk. XII. p. 557.

[62] Strabo, Bk. XII. p. 559.—Heyne, Ch. G. “Comment. de Sacerdotio Comanensi de Religionum cis et trans Taurum consensione,” (Commentaries on the Priesthood of Comana, and generally on the Similarity of Religions on the nearer and farther side of the Taurus range), Comment. Soc. Reg. Götting. Vol. XVI. pp. 101-149.

[63] Strabo, bk. VIII p. 378., Τό τε τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἱερὸν οὕτω πλούσιον ὑπῆρξεν, ὥστε πλείους ἢ χιλίας ἱεροδούλους ἐκέκτητο ἑταίρας, ἃς ἀνετίθεσαν τῇ θεῷ καὶ ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες· Καὶ διὰ ταύτας οὖν ἐπολυοχλεῖτο ἡ πόγις καὶ ἐπλουτίζετο. οἱ γὰρ ναύκληροι ῥᾳδίως ἐξανηλίκοντο, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἡ παροιμία φησίν, Οὐ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐς Κόρινθον ἔσθ’ ὁ πλοῦς. (And the temple of Aphrodité was so rich that it possessed more than a thousand Hetaerae attached to its service as Hieroduli, whom both men and women dedicated to the goddess. And so for this reason the city was frequented by multitudes and grew wealthy; for shipmasters used readily to visit the port, and on this account says the proverb: It does not fall to every man to sail to Corinth.) Comp. the Commentators on Horace, Epist. I. 17. 36. Alexander ab Alexandro, Genial. dier. lib., VI. ch. 26., Corinthi supra mille prostitutae in templo Veneris assiduae degere et inflammata libidine quaestui meretricio operam dare et velut sacrorum ministrae Deae famulari solebant. (At Corinth more, than a thousand prostitutes were wont to live always in the temple of Venus and with lust ever a flame to give their lives to the gains of harlotry and to serve the goddess as handmaidens of her rites).

[64] Solinus, Polyhist. ch. 2. Festus, F., under word Frutinal (an Etruscan name of Venus).—Micali, “L’Italia avanti il Dominio dei Romani,” (Italy before the Dominion of the Romans). II. p. 47.—Heyne on Virgil, Aeneid bk. V. Excursus 2.—Bamberger, “Uber die Entstehung des Mythus von Aeneas Ankunft zu Latinum,” (On the Origin of the Myth of Aeneas’ Coming to Latium), in Welcker and Näke’s Rhein. Museum für Phil., VI. 1. 1838. pp. 82-105.

[65] Servius, on Virgil, Aeneid bk. I. 720.—Julius Capitolinus, Vita Maximin. ch. 7. Baldness was in Antiquity, and particularly at Rome, as it is still, frequently one of the sequelae of sexual excesses.

[66] Richard Payne Knight, An account of the Remains of the Worship of Priapus, lately existing at Isernia, in the kingdom of Naples: in two Letters,—one from Sir William Hamilton to Sir Joseph Banks, and the other from a Person residing at Isernia. To which is added a discourse on the worship of Priapus and its connexion with the mystic Theology of the Ancients. London (published by T. Spilsburg) 1786. pp. 195. 4to., with 18 Copperplates. Comp. with regard to this rare work C. A. Böttiger in Amalthea, vol. 3. pp. 408-418., and Choulant in Hecker’s Annalen, Vol. XXXIII (1836). pp. 414-418.—J. A. Dulaure, “Les Divinités génératrices, ou sur le Culte du Phallus,” (Divinities of generation, or on Phallic worship). Paris 1805., a work which to our regret we have been unable to make use of.

[67] Hence in Orpheus, Hym. V. 9., the Protogonos (First-born) i. e. Eros, is called Πρίηπος ἄναξ (King Priapus).

[68] “Voyage aux Indes et à la Chine,” (Journey to the Indies and China), Vol. I.—Schaufus, “Neueste Entdeckungen über das Vaterland und die Verbreitung der Pocken und der Lustseuche,” (Latest Discoveries as to the Original Home and Dissemination of the Pox and Venereal Disease). Leipzig 1805., pp. 31 sqq., from which we give the quotation that follows in the text.

[69] The beggars or Fakirs in India wander about the country in thousands, almost uncovered, (Augustine, De Civit. Dei, chs. 14, 17.) and excessively dirty (Havus “Historicae Relatio de Regno et Statu magni Regis Magor,” (Historical Account of the Reign and State of the great King Magor). Antwerp 1605. p. 1695); after their visits unfruitful wives especially become fruitful (δύνασθαι δὲ καὶ πολυγόνους ποιεῖν καὶ ἀῤῥενογόνους διὰ φαρμακευτικῆς,—and they can make even the barren have many children by means of their drugs,—Strabo says, Bk. II.). The people bestir themselves to do them every honour and the men quit their villages, so as to leave the monks a free hand. Papi, “Briefe über Indien,” (Letters on India), p. 217.—P. von Bohlen, “Das alte Indien,” (Ancient India), Königsberg 1830. Vol. I. p. 282.

[70] Strabo and Arrian, Indic. 17., already in their time state, at any rate of the nobler Indian women, that they could have been allured to profligacy at no price, except at that of an elephant. According to von Bohlen (“Das alte Indien,”—Ancient India, Vol. II. p. 17, Vol. I. p. 275.) it would seem that not the slightest trace (?) can be found of the immoral life of the Indian priests in Antiquity, on the contrary that chastity was the first thing needful to gain them respect and honour, and their whole literature is never ready to extol a priest or hero more highly than when he has withstood the enticements to unchastity. Hence what is asserted of the Devâdasis or Priestesses of the gods as being courtesans for the Priests is also in the main untrue, since it rests, as in the case of the Hieroduli, chiefly on a confusion with the Bhayatri (Bayaderes, the Hetaerae of the Greeks), or holds good only for particular places (Häfner, “Landreise längs der Küste Orixa und Koromandel,”—(Journey along the Orissa and Coromandel Coast). Weimar 1809. Vol. I. pp. 80 sqq.—Papi, “Briefe über Indien,” (Letters about India), p. 356.—Wallace, “Denkwürdigkeiten,” (Memorabilities), p. 301.)—In this connection should be mentioned also the narrative of the Jesuit—in other respects suspicious—in the edifying letters addressed to Schaufus, ch. I. p. 40, that during his residence in a Hindoo town he had been informed, that it would be unsafe at the present moment to allow foreigners to visit the Devadâsis, on the contrary that there was nothing to fear from those attached to the Pagoda of the place. Even if we admit the truth of this narrative for more modern times too, still the conclusion that Schaufus draws from it, that in Hindostan every Pagoda is a brothel, is surely somewhat hasty.—Some other legends of the origin of the Lingam ritual in India are given in Meiner’s “Allgem. kritische Geschichte der Religionen,” (Universal Critical History of Religions), Vol. I. P. 254.

[71] Anquetil, Voyage, p. 139., “Le Lingam, c’est à-dire, les parties naturelles de l’homme réunies à celles de la femme,” (The Lingam, that is to say, the natural parts of the man joined to those of the woman). Comp. Roger, “Neu eröffnetes Indisches Heidenthum,” (Paganism of India newly Revealed). Nürnberg 1863. 8vo., II. 2.

[72] “De Morbi Venerei Curatione in India usitata,” (On the Mode of Curing the Venereal Disease practised in the East Indies). Copenhagen 1795. Comp. Tode, Med. Journal Vol. II. Pt. 2. Unfortunately we have been able to obtain a sight neither of Klein’s Treatise nor of Tode.

[73] Strabo, Geogr. pp. 1027, 1037. μηδὲ γὰρ νόσους εἶναι πολλὰς διὰ τὴν λιτότητα τῆς διαίτης καὶ τὴν ἀοινίαν. (nor yet are their diseases many, owing to their plainness of living and abstinence from wine). Comp. Ctesias, Indic. 15. Lucian, Macrob. ch. 4. Diodorus Siculus, Bk. II. ch. 40. Pliny, Histor. Nat. Bk. XVII. ch. 2.

[74] Sprengel’s “Neue Beiträge zur Völkerkunde,” (New Contributions to Ethnology), Bk. VII. p. 76.

[75] In this connection may be cited the view which Clement of Alexandria, Ad Gentes p. 10., expresses as to the origin of Aphrodité: Ἡ μὲν ἀφρογενής τε καὶ κυπρογενὴς, ἡ Κινύρᾳ φίλη, τὴν Ἀφροδίτην λέγω, τὴν φιλομηδέα, ὅτι μηδέων ἐξεφαάνθη, μηδέων ἐκείνων τῶν ἀποκεκομμένων Οὐρανοῦ, τῶν λάγνων, τῶν μετὰ τὴν τομὴν τὸ κῦμα βεβιασμένων· ὡς ἀσελγῶν ὑμῖν μορίων ἄξιος Ἀφροδίτη γίνεται καρπὸς ἐν ταῖς τελεταῖς. (Now the foam-sprung, Cyprus-born goddess, the patroness of Cinyras, Aphrodité I mean, she that loves the parts of a man, because from them she sprung, to wit those parts that were lopped off from Uranus, those lewd parts which after their severance violated the sea-wave. Of such foul components is Aphrodité the worthy child in the mysteries).

[76] Minutoli, “Reise zum Tempel des Jupiter Ammon,” (Journey to the Temple of Jupiter Ammon), p. 121.—Münter, “Religion der Babylonier,” (Religion of the Babylonians), p. 130.

[77] Bk. II. ch. 48. “Description de l’Egypte” II. p. 411.—Wyttenbach, on Plutarch, Isid. p. 186.

[78] Histories bk. II. ch. 64. Καὶ τὸ μὴ μίσγεσθαι γυναιξὶ ἐν ἱροῖσι, μηδὲ ἀλούτους ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἐς ἱρὰ ἐσιέναι, οὗτοί εἰσι οἱ πρῶτοι θρησκεύσαντες· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι σχεδὸν πάντες ἄνθρωποι, πλὴν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Ἑλλήνων, μίσγονται ἐν ἱροῖσι· καὶ ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἀνιστάμενοι, ἄλουτοι ἐσέρχονται ἐς ἱρόν. (And the practice of not having intercourse with women in temples, and not going into temples unwashed after such intercourse, these practices they were the first to observe as a matter of religion; for almost all the rest of mankind, except Egyptians and Greeks, have sexual intercourse in temples). Comp. also Clement of Alexandria, Stromat. Bk. I. p. 361.

[79] Geogr. Bk. XVII, ch. 46. Τῷ δὲ Διΐ, ὃν μάλιστα τιμῶσιν, εὐειδεστάτη καὶ γένους λαμπροτάτου παρθένος ἱερᾶται, ἃς καλοῦσι οἱ Ἕλληνες Παλλάδας· αὕτη δὲ καὶ παλλακεύει, καὶ σύνεστιν οἷς βούλεται, μέχρις ἂν ἡ φυσικὴ γένηται τοῦ σώματος κάθαρσις· μετὰ δὲ τὴν κάθαρσιν δίδοται πρὸς ἄνδρας. (And to Zeus, whom they reverence most, a maiden, most beautiful and of highest lineage, is consecrated, and these priestesses the Greeks call Pallades. And she acts as a courtesan, and lies with whom she pleases, until the natural purging (menstruation) of the body begins. And after this she is given in marriage). So here we find brought into connection with the Zeus of the Egyptians the same practice we observed amongst Asiatics in the Venus cult.

[80] According to Herodotus, bk. II. 51., the Greeks borrowed the Phallic ritual under the form of the Hermae (pillars of Hermes) from the Pelasgians, by which name according to Böttiger, “Kunstmythologie,” (Mythology of Art), p. 213, Phoenicians should be understood. Comp. Cicero, De Nat. Deorum bk. III. ch. 22., and Creuzer’s note on the passage.

[81] “Mythologiae, sive Explicationis Fabularum Libri X,” (Mythology, or the Explanation of Legendary Tales, in X Books). Frankfort 1588. 8vo. pp. 498. The Author borrowed this legend according to p. 487 from Perimander, “De Sacrificiorum Ritibus apud Varias Gentes,” (On the Rites of Sacrifice amongst Various Nations), bk. II. But it is also found in the Scholiast to Aristophanes, Acharn. 1. 242: ὁ Ξανθίας τὸν φαλλὸν.—περὶ δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῦ φαλλοῦ τοιαῦτα λέγεται. Πήγασος ἐκ τῶν Ἐλευθήρων λαβὼν τοῦ Διονύσου τὰ ἀγάλματα ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικήν· οἱ δὲ Ἀττικοὶ οὐκ ἐδέξαντο μετὰ τιμῆς τὸν θεόν· ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἀμισθί γε αὐτοῖς ταῦτα βουλευσαμένοις ἀπέβη. μηνίσαντος γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ, νόσος κατέσκηψεν εἰς τὰ αἰδοῖα τῶν ἀνδρῶν, καὶ τὸ δεινὸν ἀνήκεστον ἦν, ὡς δὲ ἀπεῖπον πρὸς τὴν νόσον κρείττω γενομένην πάσης μαγγανείας καὶ τέχνης, ἀπεστάλησαν θεωροὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς· οἱ δὲ ἐπανελθόντες ἔφασαν ἴασιν εἶναι μόνην ταύτην, εἰ διὰ πάσης τιμῆς ἄγοιεν τὸν θεόν· πεισθέντες οὖν τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, φαλλοὺς ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ δημοσίᾳ κατεσκεύασαν, καὶ τούτοις ἐγέραιρον τὸν θεόν, ὑπόμνημα ποιούμενοι πάθους. (Xanthias mentions the Phallus.—Now about the Phallus itself the following story is told. Pegasus removed the statues of Dionysus at Eleutherae from there, and came to Athens with them. However the Athenians did not receive the god with due honour. But for this ill counsel they by no means got off scot-free; for the god was wroth, and a disease fell upon the private parts of the men. The plague was incurable; and after they had tried in vain every device of magic art and physician’s skill against the disease that only grew the more, envoys were despatched with all speed to the oracle. So these went up, and brought back the reply that the only remedy was this, that they should bring in the god in procession with all possible honour. Therefore the Athenians, submitting themselves to what was reported as the will of heaven, made phalli—private and public, and presented them to the god as a complimentary gift, thus commemorating the affliction). A different explanation from this is given by the Scholiast to Lucian, “De Syra dea,” (Of the Syrian goddess), ch. 16., where the Phallus service is brought in a measure into connection with Paederastia.

[82] Comp. Pausanias, Descriptio Graeciae bk. I. ch. 2.

[83] I. ch. p. 528.; perhaps following Posidonius, “De heroibus et daemonibus,” (Of heroes and demigods)? comp. p. 391. But Servius on Virgil, Georgics IV. 111., also has this legend. Suidas, under the word πρίαπος. Scioppius, who likewise relates it in his edition of the Priapeia, adds: fuit autem morbus ille quem hodie Gallicum vocamus, (but it was the disease which we nowadays call the French disease—Siphylis).

[84] Diodorus Siculus, Bk. IV. ch. 4., says of Bacchus: He had a tender body and was extremely effeminate; his beauty distinguished him above all others, and his temper was strongly inclined to voluptuousness. On his progresses he used to take with him a crowd of women, etc. Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. Bk. II. ch. 2., Ὀργῶσι γοῦν ἀναιδέστερον ἀναξέοντες οἴνου, καὶ οἰδοῦσι μαστοί τε καὶ μόρια, προκηρύσσοντες ἤδη πορνείας εἰκόνα. (So they revel shamelessly being full of wine, and breasts and members swell, showing forth already an image of harlotry). Sufficiently noteworthy is the following passage from Augustine, De Civit. Dei bk. VI. ch. 4., Liberum a liberamento appellatum volunt, quod mares a coeundo per eius beneficium emissis seminibus liberentur; hoc idem in feminis agere Liberam quam etiam Venerem putant, quod et ipsas perhibeant semina emittere et ob hoc Libero eamdem virilis corporis partem in templo poni, femineam Liberae. (The name of Liber (Bacchus) they derive from liberamentum, the act of freeing, because males in the act of coition are freed by his aid when the seed is emitted; the same function they consider Libera, who is identified with Venus, to perform for women, because they say that women also emit seed, and that for this reason that same part of the male body is consecrated to Liber in his temple, and the corresponding female part to Libera).

[85] Juno was not merely the Patron goddess of the birth-hour, but also of fornication. Comp. Dousa, Praecidan. pro Tibullo, ch. 18.—Politian, Miscell. ch. 89. Hence also “filles de joies” used to swear by Juno, as we see from Tibullus, Bk. III. Eleg. 4.,

Esto perque suos fallax iuravit ocellos,

Junonemque suam, perque suam Venerem,

(Be it so, she said, and the deceiver sware it by her own eyes, and by Juno and by Venus, her patron goddesses). Bk. IV. Eleg. 18.,

Haec per sancta tuae Junonis nomina iuro,

Quae sola ante alios est mihi magna Deos.

(This by the holy divinity of Juno, thy goddess, I swear, who alone before other deities is great in my eyes); and also from Petronius, who (Satir. ch. 25.) makes a “fille de joie” declare: Junonem meam iratam habeam, si unquam meminerim virginem fuisse (Juno my patron goddess be wroth with me, if ever I remember to have been a maid). According to Lucian, De Syra Dea ch. 16., Bacchus dedicated to Juno noverca (stepmother) divers Phalli.

[86] The Greeks used to make little figures of men with big genitals of wood, which they called Νευρόσπαστα (figures moved by strings, puppets). Lucian, De Syra Dea ch. 16. Herodotus, II. 48. Diodorus, I. 88.—Hesychius says: νάνος· ἐπὶ τῶν μικρῶν· ὡς νάνον καὶ αἰδοῖον ἔχοντα μέγα· οἱ γοῦν νάνοι μεγάλα ἔχουσιν αἰδοῖα, (dwarf: applied to the undersized; dwarf, but having large private parts. Dwarfs do have large private parts). Which reminds us of the unhappy “cretins” with monstrous generative organs, who are notoriously passionate Onanists (Masturbators) also.

[87] “Priapeia, sive diversorum poetarum in Priapum lusus, illustrati commentariis Casp. Scioppii, Franci; L. Apuleji Madaurensis Ἀνεχόμενος ab eodem illustratus. Heraclii imperatoris, Sophoclis Sophistae, C. Antonii, Q. Sorani et Cleopatrae reginae epistolae de prodigiosa Cleopatrae reginae libidine. Huic editioni accedunt Jos. Scaligeri in Priapeia Commentarii ac Friderici Linden-Bruch. Patavii 1664. 8. pag. 45. carmen XXXVII,” (Priapeia, or Verses of Various Poets to Priapus, illustrated by commentaries of Caspar Scioppius, a Frenchman; also Lucius Apuleius, of Madaura, his Ἀνεχόμενος, illustrated by the same Scholar. Letters of the Emperor Heraclius, Sophocles the Sophist, Caius Ausonius, Quintus Soranus and Queen Cleopatra, concerning the extravagant and wanton voluptuousness of the said Queen. To this edition are appended the Commentaries of Joseph Scaliger and of Fridericus Linden-Bruch to the Priapeia. Padua 1664. 8vo., p. 45. Ode XXXVII).

[88] Similarly we read in the distich Antipater, Antholog. Graec. bk. II. Tit. 5. No. 3.:

Ἑστηκὸς τὸ Κίμωνος ἰδὼν πέος, εἶφ’ ὁ Πρίηπος,

Οἴμοι, ὑπὸ θνητοῦ λείπομαι ἀθάνατος.

(When Priapus saw Cimon’s penis standing stiff, he said, “Woe’s me!” I am thrown in the shade by a mortal, immortal though I be).

[89] In the Codex Coburgensis the Priapeia begin with the following words: P. Virgilii Maronis Mantuani poetae clarissimi Priapi carmen incipit feliciter, (the Song of Priapus by Publius Virgilius Maro, of Mantua, the renowned poet, begins happily). Comp. Bruckhusius Notes to Tibullus bk. IV. Eleg. 14. At any rate the majority of the poems belong to the golden age of Roman literature. For readers of the old poets it may perhaps not be out of place here to remark that Priapus as Cultor Hortorum (Patron of Gardens) is not unfrequently mentioned with an equivocal meaning, if indeed he has not come into the garden entirely through misunderstanding. So we read in Priapeia, Ode 4.,

Quod metis hortus habet, sumas impune licebit;

Si dederis nobis, quod tuus hortus habet,

(What my garden has thou mayest take at will, if only thou give to us what thine possesses) and in the “Anechomenos” of Apuleius.

Thyrsumque pangant hortulo in Cupidinis,

(Let them plant the thyrsus (Bacchic staff) in the garden-plat of Cupid). Similarly Lucretius, Bk. IV. 1100., says, ut muliebria conserat arva, (to sow the woman’s seed-fields), and Virgil, Georgics III. 136., speaks of, genitali arvo, (the seed-field of generation). Possibly in this direction may be found a better interpretation of the, irriguo nihil est elutius horto, (There is nought more insipid than a new-watered garden), of Horace, Satires Bk. II. 4. 16. The Greeks used in the same way their word κῆπος (garden), e. g. Diogenes Laertius, II. 12, and Hesychius explains it by τὸ ἐφήβιον γυναικεῖον (the female organ of puberty). Similarly in Aristophanes καλὸν ἔχουσα τὸ πεδίον, (having the plain beautiful). The Koran also says, Thy Wife is thy field!

[90] “Apologie pour Herodote,” (Defence of Herodotus), II., 253.

[91] Strabo, bk. XIII. 588.

[92] Lucian, De Dea Syra, § 28., relates that at Hieropolis there was a Phallus 180 or 1800 feet in size.

[93] Creuzer, Symbolik, Bk. II. p. 85.—de Wette, Archäologie, § 233 k.—Wiener, Biblisches Realwörterbuch. 2nd. ed. Leipzig 1833., Vol. I. p. 139. Article, Baal; and p. 260. Article, Chamos.

[94] Numbers, Ch. 23. v. 28. Deuteronomy, Ch. 4, v. 46.

[95] Jonathan, on Numbers Ch. 25. v. I. Might one draw attention to the old Greek πέος (the penis), which is found in Aristophanes and Antipater,—p. 72. Note 2. loco citato? The adjective πεοίδης (πεώδης) is given in Eustathius according to Schneider, in the sense: with thick, swollen member; and Rodigin, Lect. Antiq. Bk. VIII. ch. 6. p. 377, says: Postremo qui ex intemperanti Veneris usu pereunt, dicuntur Peolae, media producta, quia Peos signet pudendum, sive veretrum, (Lastly those who are undone by excessive indulgence in Love are called Peolae, with the middle vowel long, because Peos means the private, or privy, member. Possibly the old form was πέορ, just as sometimes πόϊρ stands for πάϊς in the Laconian dialect. Moreover Penis might surely more readily be derived from πέος than from what is commonly given as its derivation, pendendo (because it hangs), in as much as the parts of the body are named from the condition of their activity, not of their rest. Thus Baal-Peor would be “Lord of the Penis”! ἄναξ Πρίηπος (King Priapus).

[96] Lintschotten, “Orientalische Reisen,” (Eastern Travels), Pt I. ch. 33.—Beyer on Seldens, Syntagm. de Diis Syris, p. 235. perhaps the Greeks called the penis also κτείς on this account,—κτεὶς from κτέω, I cleave!

[97] Gynaeologie, Vol. II. p. 337. The worship of the Lingam is reported among the Druses by Buckingham, “Travels among the Arab Tribes inhabiting the Countries east of Syria and Palestine, etc.” London 1825. p. 394. On the worship of Gopalsami, a god of a similar character to Priapus worshipped in the neighbourhood of Jagrenat, and the licentious representations customary at his festival, even including representations of unnatural lusts, compare Hamilton, “A New Account of the East Indies.” Edinburgh 1727. 8vo. pp. 378 sqq.—Moore, C., “Narrative of the Operations of Capt. Little’s Detachment, and of the Mahratta Army.” London 1794. 4to., p. 45.—There were similar representations in several temples of Mexico. Kircher, Oedipus Aegypt., I. sect. 5. p. 422.—J. de Laet, “Beschryvinge van West-Indien,” (Descriptions of the West Indies). Leyden 1630. fol., Bk. VI. ch. 5. p. 284.

[98] “Diss. exhibens novum ad historiam luis venereae additamentum,” (Dissertation containing New Material towards a History of the Venereal Disease). Jena 1797. 32mo., p. 8.

[99] The quotations from the Bible are given by Dr. Rosenbaum according to the German translation of de Wette, “Die Heilige Schrift, übersetzt von Dr. de Wette,” (The Holy Scriptures, translated by Dr. de Wett, 2nd. edition. Heidelberg 1835. large 8vo.

[100] “Neither let us commit fornication, as some of them committed, and fell in one day three and twenty thousand.” St. Paul, 1st. Epistle to Corinthians, Ch. 10. v. 8. μέμνησθε γὰρ τὰς τέσσαρας καὶ εἴκοσι χιλιάδας δὶα πορνείαν ἀπωσμένας, (for remember the four and twenty thousand that were rejected for fornication).

[101] Antiquitat. Judaeor. Bk. V. ch. 1.

[102] Ch. 2. v. 14. Comp. Areth. Commentar. in Apocalips. ch. 2. Isidor. Pel. bk. III. ep. 150. Suidas under word προφητεία, (prophecy).

[103] “Vita Mosis,” (Life of Moses), Works Vol. II. p. 217.

[104] Factis per mulierum obscenam libidinem et protervam petulantiam quae corpora consuescentium stupro debilitarent, animosque impietate profligarent. ibid. p. 129. (Practices that originating in the foul lustfulness and provocative wantonness of the women weakened the bodies of those consorting with them, and leading them into impiety destroyed their minds).

[105] Antiquit. Judaic. bk. IV. ch. 6. §§ 6-13.

[106] Ἀπόλλυνται μὲν οὖν καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς τούτων ἀνδραγαθίας πολλοὶ τῶν παρανομησάντων, ἐφθάρησαν δὲ πάντες καὶ λοιμῷ, ταύτην ἐνσκήψαντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ Θεοῦ τὴν νόσον· ὅσοι τε συγγενεῖς ὄντες, κωλύειν δέον, ἐξώτρυνον αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ταῦτα, συναδικεῖν τῷ Θεῷ δοκοῦντες, ἀπέθνησκον.

[107] Yet this would appear to have been no serious loss, for the disease was quite able indeed to weaken the power of the Jews, but not to actually destroy it. So Balaam says in Josephus (loco cit. § 6.): Hebraeorum quidem genus nunquam funditus peribit, nec bello, nec peste, nec inopia terrae fructuum, nec alio casu inopinato delebitur.—In mala autem nonnulla et calamitates ad breve tempus incident; a quibus licet deprimi humique affligi videantur, postea tamen reflorescent, cum eos timere coeperint qui damna illis intulerant. (The nation of the Hebrews in fact will never utterly perish, and can be destroyed neither by war, nor plague, nor famine of the fruits of the earth, nor any other unlooked for disaster.—They will fall however for a brief space into sundry ills and calamities; whereby they may well seem to be broken down and brought to the earth. But they will flourish again, when once they have learned to fear the enemies that brought the disasters upon them). It was in order to bring about this consummation that Balaam gave his advice just cited.

[108] In fact Moses gives direct permission to captives to wed. Deuteronomy 21. vv. 11-13., “... and seest among the captives a beautiful woman, and thou hast a desire unto her, and wouldest take her to thee to wife; then thou shalt bring her home to thine house, ... after that thou shalt go in unto her, and be her husband, and she shall be thy wife.” Comp. besides Ruth, Ch. 1. v. 4., Ch. 4. v. 13.—1 Chronicles, Ch. 2. v. 17.—1 Kings, Ch. 3. v. 1., Ch. 14. v. 21. Only after the exile was matrimonial connection with foreigners forbidden. Ezra, Ch. 9. v. 2., Ch. 10. v. 3. Nehemiah, Ch. 13. v. 23. Josephus, Antiq. Jud., XI. 8. 2., XII. 4. 6., XVIII. 9. 5.

[109] Vita Mosis, (Life of Moses), Bk. I., Works Vol. II. p. 130.

[110] Ch. 5. v. 5., “... but all the people that were born in the wilderness by the way as they came forth out of Egypt, they had not circumcised.”.

[111] J. Laurentius, “De adulteriis et meretricibus Tractatus,” (Treatise on Adultery and Courtesans), in Gronovius’ Thesaurus Antiq. Graecor. Vol. VIII. pp. 1403-16.—G. Franck de Franckenau, “Disp. qua lupanaria sub verbo Hurenhäuser ex principiis quoque medicis improbantur,” (Disputation wherein Brothels (under the name “Hurenhäuser”—brothels) are condemned on medical as well as other grounds), Heidelberg 1674. 4to., in the author’s Satirae Medicae, (Medical Satires), pp. 528-549.—J. A. Freudenberg (C. G. Flittner) “Ueber Staats- und Privatbordelle, Kuppelei und Concubinat, in moralisch-politischer Hinsicht, nebst einem Anhange über die Organisirung der Bordelle der alten und neuen Zeiten,” (On Public and Private Brothels, Procuration and Concubinage, in their moral and political Aspects; together with an Appendix on the Organization of Brothels in Ancient and Modern Times), Berlin 1796. 8vo. We have not been in a position to make use of this book.

[112] Michaelis, “Mosaisches Recht,” (Mosaic Law), Pt. V. p. 304. From 1 Kings Ch. 3. v. 16. it might indeed be gathered that such establishments were in existence; but strictly speaking the passage proves only that two women of this character dwelt in a particular house. Comp. Philo, De special. legg. (Works ed. Mangey, Vol. II. p. 308.). The maidens’ chambers that according to 2 Kings, Ch. 17. v. 30. were set up in the precincts of the Temple at Jerusalem were cells with figures of Astarté, in which the Jewish maidens offered themselves to the goddess, and so in fact though not in name brothels.

[113] Proverbs, Ch. 7. vv. 6-27. Compare Genesis, Ch. 38. v. 14.—Ezekiel, Ch. 25.

[114] Leviticus, Ch. 19. v. 19.—Deuteronomy, Ch. 23. v. 17.; this latter passage Beer (loco citato) would fain utilise to free the Jews from the suspicion of having disseminated the Venereal disease in the XVth. Century. Spencer, “De Legibus Hebraeorum ritualibus,” (On the ritual laws of the Jews), p. 563., however showed at once that the prohibition strictly speaking only went so far as to forbid that harlotry should be practised for the honour of God, as among other Asiatic peoples; and explains the first passage in this sense, that the Jews must not, as had happened, dedicate their daughters to the service of Mylitta.

[115] Richter, XVI. 1.—1 Kings, Ch. 3. 16.—Proverbs, Ch. 2. 16., Ch. 5. 3., Ch. 7. 10., Ch. 23. 27.—Amos, Ch. 2. 7., Ch. 7. 17.—Baruch, Ch. 6. 43. Comp. Grotius, “Ad Matthaei Evangelium,” (Commentary on St. Matthew), V. 3. 4.—Hartmann, “Die Hebräerin am Putztisch und als Braut,” (The Hebrew woman at the Toilette table and as Bride), Amsterdam 1809. Pt. II. pp. 493 sqq.

[116] Deipnosoph., bk. XIII. p. 598. v. 65.

[117] Philo, De special. legg., Works ed. Mangeyn, Vol. II. p. 301. Clement of Alexandria, Stromat. III. quotes from Xanthus: μίγνυντο δὲ, φήσιν, οἱ Μάγοι μητράσι, καὶ θυγατράσι, καὶ ἀδελφαῖς μίγνυσθαι θεμιτὸν εἶναι, (Now the Magi, he says, used to have intercourse with mothers, and held it lawful to do so with daughters and with sisters). Comp. the same author’s Recognit., bk. IX. ch. 20.—Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrh. hypot. bk. III. 24.—Origen, Contra Celsum, bk. V. p. 248.—Jerome, Contra Jovian. bk. II.—Cyril, Adv. Julian. bk. IV.—Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus 1375 and 452.

[118] Euripides, Andromaché, 174.

τοιοῦτονῦτον πᾶν τὸ βάρβαρον γένος, πατήρ τε θυγατρὶ, παῖς τε μητρὶ, μίγνυται.

(Such is the habit of the whole barbarian race,—father has intercourse with daughter, and son with mother).

[119] Osann, “De caelibum apud veteres populos conditione,” (On the Status of Bachelors among the Ancient Peoples), Commentat. I. Giessen 1827. 4to.

[120] Demosthenes, Orat. in Neaeram, edit. Wolf, p. 534., τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἑταίρας ἡδονῆς ἕνεκ’ ἔχομεν, τὰς δὲ παλλακὰς τῆς καθ’ ἡμέραν θεραπείας τοῦ σώματος, τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας τοῦ παιδοποιεῖσθαι γνησίως καὶ τῶν ἔνδον φύλακα πιστὴν ἔχειν. (for hetaerae—lady-companions—we keep for our pleasure, but concubines for the daily service of the person, and wives for the procreation of lawful children and to have a trusty guardian of household matters). The same sentence is quoted from Demosthenes by Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XIII. ch. 31., but with the difference that he says παλλακὰς τῆς καθ’ ἡμέραν παλλακείας (concubines for daily concubinage). Comp. Plutarch, Praecept. Coniugal., ch. 16. 29. It is true this purely moral view, as it was originally, of marriage, came in times subsequent to just the flourishing period of Greece to contrast so sharply with the rest of the Greeks, full and imaginative as it was, that it appears an exceedingly homely bit of prose, and one is led away to pass a not exactly favourable judgement as to the position of Greek married women and their level of culture. But is this quite fair?

[121] Aristotle, Politics bk. IV. ch. 16., Viri autem cum alia muliere aut aliorum concubitus omnino indecorus et inhonestus habeatur, cum sit apelleturque maritus. Quod si quid tale tempore procreandis liberis praescriptio quispiam facere manifesto deprehendatur, ignominia scelere digna notetur. (But as to the connexion of a man with a woman who is not his wife or of a woman with a man who is not her husband, while such intercourse in whatever form or under whatever circumstances must be considered absolutely discreditable to one who bears the title of husband or wife, so especially any one who is detected in such action during the time reserved for the procreation of children should be punished with such civil degradation as is suitable to the magnitude of his crime).—Seneca, Controvers. bk. IV. Preface, says: Impudicitia in ingenuo crimen est, in servo necessitas, (Immodesty in a free-man is a vice, in a slave a necessity).

[122] Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 374.

[123] In the time of Xenarchus immorality with married women was particularly universal. Athenaeus, XIII. p. 569.

[124] Athenaeus, Deipnosoph. bk. XIII. p. 569., καὶ Φιλήμων δ’ ἐν Ἀδελφοῖς προιστορῶν, ὅτι πρῶτος Σόλων, διὰ τὴν τῶν νέων ἀκμὴν, ἔστησεν ἐπὶ οἰκημάτων γύναια πριάμενος· καθὰ καὶ Νίκανδρος ὁ Κολοφώνιος ἱστορεῖ ἐν τρίτῳ Κολοφωνιακῶν, φάσκων αὐτὸν καὶ Πανδήμου Ἀφροδίτης ἱερὸν πρῶτον ἱδρύσασθαι ἀφ’ ὧν ἠργυρίσαντο αἱ προστᾶσαι τῶν οἰκημάτων· ἄλλ’ ὅ γε Φιλήμων οὕτως φησί·

Σὺ δ’ εἰς ἅπαντας εὗρες ἀνθρώπους, Σόλων, σὲ γὰρ λέγουσιν τοῦτ’ ἰδεῖν πρῶτον [βροτῶν]. δημοτικὸν, ὦ Ζεῦ, πρᾶγμα καὶ σωτήριον· μεστὴν ὁρῶντα τὴν πόλιν νεωτέρων, τούτους τ’ ἔχοντας τὴν αναγκαίαν φύσιν, ἁμαρτάνοντας τ’ εἰς ὃ μὴ προσῆκον ἦν, στῆσαι πριάμενον τότε γυναῖκας κατὰ τόπους κοινὰς ἅπασι καὶ κατεσκευασμένας. Ἐστᾶσι γυμναί· μὴ ’ξαπατηθῇς· πάνθ’ ὅρα· — — — — ἡ θύρα ’στ’ ἀνεῳγμένη. εἷς ὀβολός· εἰσπήδησον· οὐκ ἔστ’ οὐδὲ εἷς ἀκκισμὸς, οὐδὲ λῆρος, οὐδ’ ὑφήρπασεν. ἀλλ’ εὐθὺς ὡς βούλει σὺ χὣν βούλει τρόπον. Ἐξῆλθες ; οἰμώζειν λέγ’, ἀλλοτρία ’στί σοι.

(So too Philemon in his play the “Adelphi” relates that it was Solon who first on account of the vigorous desires of the young men bought and established public women in brothels. The same is related by Nicander of Colophon in the Third book of his Colophoniaca, who says that he (Solon) was the first to found a temple of the Pandemian Aphrodité, built from the gains of the women in charge of brothels. Philemon writes as follows “Well hast thou deserved of all men, Solon; for thou they say wert first to invent a thing both popular, by Zeus, and salutary. Seeing the city crowded full of young men, and these possessed of the natural appetites of manhood, and consequently offending in quarters unmeet, bought women and established them in certain places to be common to all and put there for that very purpose. There they are, standing all but naked; don’t be cheated; examine everything.... The door is open. One obol; in you go. There’s not an atom of coyness, no coquetry, no stealing off; but right away as you please and how you please. You have left the house? tell the girl go hang! she’s nothing to you.”)

Alexander ab Alexandro, Genial. Dier., bk. IV. ch. 1. Solon vero ut ab adulteriis cohiberetur inventus, coëmptas meretriculas Athenis prostituit primus, obviasque in venerem esse voluit, ne matronarum contagio polluerentur. (But Solon, in order that young men might be kept from adulterous connexions, was the first to buy women and set them up as harlots at Athens; and wished all to resort to them for the gratification of love, that they might not be polluted by intrigue with matrons). Comp. Meursius, “Solon, sive de eius vita, legibus, dictis atque scriptis,” (Solon—his Life, Laws, Words and Works). Copenhagen 1732. 4to., p. 98.

[125] Onomast., bk. IX. ch. 5. 34., Τὰ δὲ περὶ τοὺς λιμένας μέρη, δεῖγμα, χῶμα, ἐμπόριον· — τοῦ δ’ ἐμπορίου μέρη, καπηλεῖα, καὶ πορνεῖα, ἃ καὶ οἰκήματα ἄν τις εἴποι. (And the parts of the city near the harbour, market, mole, exchange;—and parts of the exchange, inns and brothels or “houses” as one might say). Meursius, Peiraeeus, last chapter—From this low-lying situation of the brothels comes the expression ἐπ’ οἰκήματος καθῆσθαι (to live down in a “house”, e. g. in Plato, Charmides 163 c.—C. Ernesti on Xenophon, Memorab. Socrat., II. 2. 4.

[126] s. v. Κεραμεικός· τόπος Ἀθήνῃ ἐστιν, ἔνθα αἱ πόρναι προεστήκεσαν· εἰσὶ δὲ δύο Κεραμεικοὶ, ὁ μὲν ἔξω τείχους, ὁ δὲ ἐντός. (Under the word “Ceramicus”: this is a place at Athens, where the Prostitutes plied their trade. There are two Ceramici, the Ceramicus without, and the Ceramicus within, the walls). Comp. Meursius, Graecia feriata (Holiday Greece), p. 186.

[127] Pollux, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 5. 48., Καὶ ταῦτα δὲ, εἰ καὶ αἰσχίω, μέρη πόλεως, ἀσωτεῖα, πεττεῖα, κυβεῖα, κυβευτήρια, σκιραφεῖα, ματρυλεῖα, ἀγωγεῖα, προαγωγεῖα. (And these also are parts of the city, though somewhat disreputable ones, the profligates’ quarter, the gamesters’ quarter, the dicers’ quarter, the quarter of dicing-houses, of gaming-houses, of bawdy houses and of pimps’ establishments).

[128] Philostratus, Epist., 23., πάντα με αἵρει τὰ σὰ, τὸ καπηλεῖον ὡς Ἀφροδίσιον. (Everything about you draws me, like the tavern, home of love).

[129] In the better times of Athens this never occurred. The women were kept far too closely shut up; and their moral behaviour was subject to the supervision of the γυναικονόμοι (Commissioners for the oversight of Women). Meursius, Lect. Attic. II. 5.—Reiske, Index Graec. in Demosthen. p. 66. A regulation which existed even among the self-indulgent Sybarites. Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XII. p. 521. Later it was poverty especially that drove free Greek women to take up the calling of prostitute. Demosthenes, In Neaeram p. 533., παντελῶς ἤδη ἡ μὲν τῶν πορνῶν ἐργασία ἥξει εἰς τὰς τῶν πολιτίδων θυγατέρας δι’ ἀπορίαν, ὅσαι ἂν μὴ δύνωνται ἐκδοθῆναι. (Completely after a while will the trade of prostitutes come to be the occupation of the daughters of our fellow-citizenesses through poverty, that will force all to it who cannot get a dower).

[130] Lysias, Orat. I. in Theomnestum.

[131] Suidas, διάγραμμα· τὸ μίσθωμα· διέγραφον δὲ οἱ ἀγορανόμοι, ὅσον ἔδει λαμβάνειν τὴν ἑταίραν ἑκάστην—μίσθωμα· ὁ μισθὸς ὁ ἑταιρικὸς. (“Scale”: the fee; for the Market-Commissioners fixed the scale, how much each hetaera was to receive.—“fee”: the pay of a hetaera).

[132] Hesychius, s. v. τριαντοπόρνη· λαμβάνουσα τριᾶντα, ὅ ἐστι λεπτὰ ἓν εἴκοσι. (under the word τριαντοπόρνη: girl who receives a trias, which is twenty one lepta).

[133] Suidas, s. v. χαλκιδῖτις. παρὰ Ἰωσήπῳ ἡ πόρνη, ἀπὸ τῆς εὐτελείας τοῦ διδομένου νομίσματος. (under the word χαλκιδῖτις: in Josephus = prostitute, from the smallness of the coin given.—Eustathius, on Homer, II. bk. XXIII., p. 1329., Od. bk. X., p. 777.

[134] Aristophanes, Thesmoph. 1207., δώσεις οὖν δραχμήν. (you will give a drachma then).

[135] Pollux, Onomast. IX. 59., οὔ φησιν εἶναι τῶν ἑταιρῶν τὰς μέσας Στατηριαίας. (he denies that of the hetaerae the middling ones were the Stater-girls).

[136] Athenaeus, XII. p. 547., states it of the Peripatetic philosopher Lycon: καὶ πόσον ἑκάστη τῶν ἑταιρουσῶν ἐπράττετο μίσθωμα, (and how much pay each of the hetaerae-girls charged).

[137] Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. chs. 44, 45.

[138] Horace, Epist. I. 17. 36.—Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. bk. I. ch. 8. Comp. above p. 63. note 1.

[139] Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch. p. 134. ed. Reisk., Ἀποθαυμάζει γὰρ, εἰ μὴ πάντες μέμνησθ’, ὅτι καθ’ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἡ βουλὴ πωλεῖ τὸ πορνικὸν τέλος· καὶ τοὺς πριαμένους τὸ τέλος τοῦτο οὐκ εἰκάζειν, ἀλλ’ ἀκριβῶς εἰδέναι τοὺς ταύτῃ χρωμένους τῇ ἐργασίᾳ· ὁπότε οὖν δὴ τετόλμηκα ἀντιγράψασθαι, πεπορνευμένῳ Τιμάρχῳ μὴ ἐξεῖναι δημηγορεῖν, ἀπαιτεῖν φησὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτὴν οὐκ αἰτίαν κατηγόρου, ἀλλὰ μαρτυρίαν τελώνου τοῦ παρὰ Τιμάρχου τοῦτο ἐκλέξαντος τὸ τέλος· ἀλλὰ τοὺς τόπους ἐπερωτήσει ὅπου ἐκαθέζετο, καὶ τοὺς τελώνας, εἰ πώποτε παρ’ αὐτοῦ πορνικὸν τέλος εἰλήφασιν. (He expresses extreme surprise, though possibly you don’t all remember, at the fact that every year the senate sells the lease of the prostitution-tax; and that the purchasers do not conjecture, but know precisely, those who practise this calling. So when I have the audacity to counter-plead, that Timarchus as having exercised the trade of prostitution is not competent to address the people, he does not deny the fact charged against his client by the accuser, but says, ‘I demand the evidence of any tax-collector who collected this tax from Timarchus.’ ... but he will cross-examine as to the localities where he was established in the business, and will question the collectors as to whether they have ever levied prostitution-tax upon him).

This passage shows at the same time in the clearest way that Schneider is wrong, when in his Lexicon he explains πορνοτελώνης, occurring in Pollux. Onomast. VII. 202., IX. 29., as meaning a privileged or licenced whore-master, paying a duty to the magistrates on his trade. Besides, anything like a sanitary police supervision on the part of the Agoranomi at this period is of course out of the question. For the word ἀσφαλῶς (safely) in the fragment of Eubulus, (Athenaeus bk. XIII. p. 568), where it is said of the brothel-girls:

παρ’ ὧν βεβαίως ἀσφαλῶς τ’ ἔξεστί σοι

μικροῦ πριάσθαι κέρματος τὴν ἡδονήν

(from whom surely and safely you may buy your pleasure for a small coin), admits of an easy explanation, if we consider that these common women are contrasted here not with the hetaerae but with the free women of the city, illicit intercourse with whom was always dangerous for the voluptuary, being punished as rape or adultery. The most telling proof is afforded by the passage of Diogenes Laertius, bk. VI. ch. 4., where he says: “When Antisthenes saw a man accused of adultery, he said to him, Unhappy man, what serious risk you might have avoided for an obol! (ὦ δυστυχὴς, πηλίκον κίνδυνον ὀβολοῦ διαφυγεῖν εδύνασο). Also the passage of Xenarchus, (Athenaeus, bk. XIII. p. 569.), is pertinent, where it is said, καὶ τῶν δ’ ἑκάστην ἐστὶν ἀδεῶς, εὐτελῶς, (and of the women each can be enjoyed without fear, cheaply). Hence too the verses of Menander (Lucian, Amor. 33.) should read,

καὶ φαρμακεῖαι, καὶ νόσων χαλεπωτάτη

φθόνος, μεθ’ οὗ ζῇ πάντα τὸν βίον γυνὴ

(and medicines, and hardest of diseases—envy, wherewith a woman dwells all her life long) and not, as the received text has it,

καὶ φαρμακεῖα, καὶ νόσοι· χαλεπώτατος

φθόνος.

(and medicine, and disease; hardest is envy).

[140] Comp. above p. 70. note 2. Harpocration, Lexicon X. rhetor.—Eustathius, Comment. on Homer’s Iliad XIX. 282., p. 1185., Quod auro gaudeat Venus, de qua est in fabula, ille quoque manifestum facit, qui tradit: Solonem Veneris vulgaris templum dedicasse e mulierum quaestu, quas coemtas prostituerat in cellis, in adolescentum gratiam, (That Venus, of whom is question in the tale, rejoices in gold, is manifest from the historian who relates, how Solon dedicated a temple of the Common (Pandemian) Venus from the gains of the women that he had bought and established in chambers as prostitutes, to gratify the young men). Comp. Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. I. p. 470.

[141] How clean and neat they were can be gathered from the fact that a certain Phanostrata got the sobriquet of Phtheiropyle (doorlouser), ἐπειδήπερ ἐπὶ τῆς θύρας ἑστῶσα ἐφθειρίζετο, (because she used to stand at the door and pick the lice off her).

[142] Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. ch. 37. Comp. Palmerius, Exercitat. p. 523.

[143] Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. ch. 27.—Suidas, s. v. χαμαιτύπη· ἡ πόρνη, ἀπὸ τοῦ χαμαὶ κειμένη ὀχεύεσθαι, (under the word χαμαιτύπη: harlot, from her copulating lying on the ground).

[144] Here they reckoned “Money for house-room”, ἐνοίκιον for στεγανόμιον (Pollux, Onomast. I. 75.), the same in fact as the pretium mansionis (price of house-room) of the Romans in their inns. Comp. Casaubon, on Athenaeus I. ch. 14.

[145] Bergler, on Alciphron VI. p. 25.

[146] Zell, “Ferienschriften,” (Holiday Papers), First Series. Freiburg 1826. No. 1., “Die Wirthshäuser der Alten,” (Inns of the Ancients), pp. 3-53.

[147] Athenaeus, Deipnosoph. bk. XIII. p. 567., Σὺ δὲ ὦ Σοφιστὰ, ἐν τοῖς καπηλείοις συναναφύρῃ οὐ μετὰ ἑταίρων, ἀλλὰ μετὰ ἑταιρῶν, μαστροπευούσας περὶ ταυτὸν οὐκ ὀλίγας ἔχων. (But you, Sophist, wallow in the inns not with companions but with female-companions (hetaerae), keeping a host of women pandaring for your pleasure).

[148] Lysistrat. 467.

[149] Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 567.

[150] Areopagit. p. 350. ed. Wolf.—Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 567., ἐν καπηλείῳ δὲ φαγεῖν ἢ πινεῖν οὐδεὶς οὐδ’ ἂν οἰκέτης ἐτόλμησεν. (But no one, not even a servant, would have dared to eat or drink in an inn).

[151] This can best be seen from the Speech of Demosthenes, In Neaeram. ed. H. Wolf. Bâle 1572. fol., p. 519., where we read as follows in the Latin translation: Iam peregrinam esse Neaeram, id vobis ab ipso primordio demonstrabo. Septem puellas ab ipsa infantia emit Nicareta, Charisii Elei liberta, Hippiae coqui eius uxor, gnara et perita perspiciendae venustae parvulorum naturae et eos sollerter educandi instituendique scia, ut quae artem eam exerceret, atque ex ea re victum collegisset, filiarum autem eas nomine compellavit, ut quam maximas ab iis, qui earum consuetudinem, tanquam ingenuarum appetebant, mercedes exigeret, posteaquam autem florem aetatis earum magno cum quaestu prostituit: uno, ut dicam, fasce, corpora etiam earum, cum septem essent, vendidit: Antiae, Stratolae, Aristoclae, Metanirae, Philae, Isthmiadis et Neaerae. Quam igitur unusquisque earum emerit, et ut ab iis qui eos a Nicareta emerant, libertate donatae sint. (That Neaera was a foreigner by birth, I will make it my first business to prove. Seven girls were bought in earliest childhood by Nicareta, freed-woman of Charisius of Elis, wife of his cook Nicias,—a knowing woman, astute at noting the promise of beauty in children and skilful in their clever upbringing and instruction, as might be expected of one who practised that art as a profession and had made her living thereby. Her daughters however she called them, that she might demand the greater fees from such as sought to enjoy their favours, as being free-born maidens. Then when they had reached the flower of their age, she prostituted them with great profit to herself, selling their persons, seven as they were, in one bundle, so to express it,—whose names were Antia, Stratole, Aristoclea, Metanira, Phile, Isthmias, and Neaera. Thus each of them found a purchaser, and on such conditions that they were presented with their freedom by the lovers who had bought them from Nicareta).

[152] Comp. the list, compiled chiefly from Athenaeus, of the most renowned hetaerae in Musonius Philosophus, “De luxu Graecorum” ch. XII. in Gronovius’ Thesaurus Antiq. Graecor. vol. VIII. pp. 2516 sqq.

[153] Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 577. μεταβάλλουσαι γὰρ τοιαῦται εἰς τὸ σῶφρον, τῶν ἐπὶ τούτῳ σεμνυνομένων εἰσὶ βελτίους. (For women of this class when they change and adopt an honest life, are of better character than those who pride themselves on this account).

[154] Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 569., Καὶ Ἀσπασία δὲ ἡ Σωκρατικὴ ἐνεπορεύετο πλήθη καλῶν γυναικῶν καὶ ἐπλήθυνεν ἀπὸ τῶν ταύτης ἑταιρίδων ἡ Ἑλλὰς. (And Aspasia too, the preceptress of Socrates, used to import multitudes of handsome women, and Greece was filled with her hetaerae). Even the King of the Sidonians, Strato, had his wants supplied from there. Athenaeus, bk. XII. P. 531.

[155] Hesychius, s. v. πέζας μοίχους· οὕτως ἐκάλουν τὰς μισθαρνούσας ἑταίρας χωρὶς ὀργάνου. (under the expression πέζας μοίχους,—common, prose fornicators: this was the name given to hetaerae who were prostitutes without playing any instrument). Comp. Photius, Lexicon, under same word.—Procopius Anecdot. p. 41.—Cuperi Observat I. 16. p. 116.—Casaubon, on Sueton. Nero. ch. 27.

[156] Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 582.

[157] Chares took flute-players, singing-girls and πέζαι ἑταίραι with him, according to Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 532.

[158] Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 573. When Darius was marching to take the field against Alexander, he had 350 παλλακὰς (concubines) in his train (Athenaeus, XIII. p. 557.), of whom 329 understood music. (ibid. p. 608).

[159] “Vermischte Schriften,” (Miscellaneous Writings), Vol. IV. pp. 311 sqq.

[160] Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 533. Θεμιστοκλῆς δ’, οὔπω Ἀθηναίων μεθυσκομένων, οὐδ’ ἑταίραις χρωμένων, ἐκφανῶς τέθριππον ζεύξας ἑταιρίδων κ. τ. λ. (But Themistocles, at a period when Athenians were not yet in the habit of getting drunk, nor frequenting harlots, openly put in harness a four-horse team of hetaerae, etc.).

[161] Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 532.

[162] Comp. Bernhardy, “Grundiss der Griechischen Literatur,” (First Sketch of Greek Literature), Pt. I. p. 40.

[163] Hetaerae were bound by law to wear gay, party-coloured clothes, Suidas, s. v. ἑταιρῶν ἄνθινον. Νόμος Ἀθήνησι, τὰς ἑταίρας ἄνθινα φέρειν· (under the expression ἑταιρῶν ἄνθινον—flowered robe of hetaerae: it was a law at Athens that the hetaerae must wear flowered robes); at Locri Zaleucus prescribed the same costume, Suidas, s. v. Ζάλευκος (under the word Zaleucus); it was also law among the Syracusans, Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XII. ch. 4. Comp. Petit, “Legg. Attic.,” (Laws of Athens), p. 476. The same is stated of the Lacedaemonians by Clemens Alexandrinus, Paedog., bk. II. ch. 10. Comp. Wesseling, on Diodorus Sic., IV. 4.—Sidon. Apoll., Epist., XX. 3. Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagor., ch. 31.—A. Borremans. Var. Lect., ch. 10. p. 94.—Artemidorus, Oneirocrit., bk. II. ch. 3.

[164] Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic., bk. I. ch. 6.

[165] Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic., bk. X. ch. 23.

[166] Livy, Hist. I. 4., II. 18.

[167] Cicero, Orat. pro Coelio, ch. 20., Si quis est, qui etiam meretriciis amoribus interdictum iuventuti putet, est ille quidem valde severus, negare non possum: sed abhorret non modo ab huius seculi licentia, verum etiam a maiorum consuetudine atque concessis. Quando enim factum non est? quando reprehensum, quando non permissum? (If any is found to think that young men should be forbidden to indulge simple intrigues with harlots, I can only say he is an exceedingly stern moralist, I cannot deny he is right in the abstract. But his view is opposed not merely to the free habits of the present age, but also to the usage and permitted licence of our fathers? When, I ask, has this not been done? when rebuked, when not allowed?

Horace, Sat., bk. I. 2. vv. 31-35.,

Quidam notus homo, cum exiret fornice: Macte

Virtute esto, inquit sententia dia Catonis.

Nam simul ac venas inflavit tetra libido,

Huc iuvenes aequum est descendere; non alienas

Permolere uxores.

(When a certain well-known citizen came out of a brothel, “Bravo! go on and prosper!” was the word of Cato, great and wise. For when fierce desire has swollen the veins, right it is that young men should resort hither, and not grind their neighbours’ wives),—a passage that involuntarily reminds us of the fragment of Philemon quoted above.

[168] They had indiscriminate intercourse with the women, who did not hold it disgraceful to appear half-naked (γυμναὶ) and to practise both among themselves and in common with the men gymnastic exercises, and this in the presence of spectators, even in that of young men. These were actually enjoined to practise copulation, and to have the whole body polished and freed from hair by professional male artistes). Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XII. pp. 517, 518.

[169] The law was in the first instance made only with a view to the future, in order to ensure the state a sufficiently large number of citizens; Sozomenes, Histor. Eccles., I. 9., Vetus lex fuit apud Romanos, quae vetabat coelibes ab anno aetatis quinto et vigesimo pari iure essent cum maritis.—Tulerant hanc legem veteres Romani, cum sperarent, futurum hac ratione, ut urbs Roma et reliquae provinciae imperii Romani hominum multitudine abundarent. (There was an old law among the Romans, which forbad bachelors after the age of 25 to enjoy equal political rights with married men.—The old Romans had passed this law in the hopes that in this way the city of Rome, and the provinces of the Roman empire as well, might be ensured an abundant population). For the same reason Caesar, after the African War when the city was much depopulated through the great number of the slain, established prizes for such citizens as had the most children).—Dio Cassius, Bk. XLIII. 226.—All this availed little. The Censors Camillus and Posthumius were soon obliged to introduce a tax on celibacy,—the “old-bachelors’ tax” (Aes uxorium).—Festus, p. 161., L. Valerius Maximus, bk. II. ch. 9.—Augustus endeavoured in vain by the Lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus (Julian Law concerning marriage in the different classes) to counteract the tendency; till the Lex Papia Poppaea originating with the Senate (B.C. 9.) was ratified; (Tacitus, Annal. III. 25.—Dio Cassius, (LIV. 16., LVI. 10.), though even this did not long remain in force. Comp. Lipsius, Excurs. ad Tacit. Annal. III. 25.—Heineccius, Antiquit. Roman. Jurispr. (Antiquities of Roman Law), I. 25. 6. p. 209.—Hugo, “Geschichte des römischen Rechts,” (History of Roman Law), I. p. 237., II. p. 861.

[170] Instit Divin., I. 20. 6., Flora cum magnas opes ex arte meretricia quaesivisset, populum scripsit haeredem, certamque pecuniam reliquit, cuius ex annuo foenere suus natalis dies celebraretur editione Ludorum, quos appelant Floralia. (Flora having acquired great riches by the harlot’s calling made the people her heir, and left a certain sum of money, the interest of which was to be applied to celebrating her birth-day by the exhibition of the games which are called Floralia.—I. 20. 10., Celebrantur cum omni lascivia. Nam praeter verborum licentiam, quibus obscoenitas omnis effunditur, exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante meretrices, quae tunc mimarum funguntur officio et in conspectu populi, usque ad satietatem impudicorum hominum cum pudendis motibus detinentur. (They are solemnized with every form of licentiousness. For over and above the looseness of speech that pours forth every obscenity, harlots strip themselves of their clothing at the importunities of the mob, and then act as mimes,—pantomimic actors,—and in full view of the crowd indulge in indecent posturings, till their shameless audience is satisfied). It may be noted that scarcely 40 years after the introduction of the Floralia, P. Scipio Africanus in his Speech in defence of Tib. Asellus could say: Si nequitiam defendere vis, licet: sed tu in uno scorto maiorem pecuniam absumsisti, quam quanti omne instrumentum fundi Sabini in censum dedicavisti. Ni hoc ita est: qui spondet mille nummum? Sed tu plus tertia parte pecuniae perdidisti atque absumsisti in flagitiis. (If you choose to defend your profligacy, well and good! but as a matter of fact you have wasted on one strumpet more money than the total value, as you declared it to the Census commissioners, of all the plenishing of your Sabine farm. If you deny my assertion, I ask who dare wager a thousand sesterces on its untruth? You have squandered more than a third of the property you inherited from your father, and thrown it away in debauchery).—Gellius, Noct. Attic., VII. 11.—As not only did hetaerae build a temple to Aphrodité, but a similar one was also erected in their honour at Abydos (Athenaeus, XIII. p. 573.), and Phryné wished to rebuild Thebes at her own cost, on the condition that an inscription should be set up to the effect, “Alexander destroyed it; Phryné the hetaera restored it”, there is not the slightest reason for counting the above story as merely one of the ridiculous inventions common in the Fathers.

[171] Valerius Maximus, II. 10. 8.—Seneca, Epist 97.—Martial, Epigr. I. 1 and 36.

[172] Read the Speech of Cato in Livy, Hist., bk. XXXIV. 4., where the following passage is found amongst others: Haec ego, quo melior lactiorque in dies fortuna rei publicae est, imperiumque crescit, et iam in Graeciam Asiamque transcendimus, omnibus libidinum illecebris repletas, et regias etiam attrectamus gazas, eo plus horreo, ne illae magis res nos ceperint, quam nos illas. (All these changes, as day by day the fortune of the State is higher and more prosperous and her Empire grows greater, and our conquests extend over Greece and Asia, lands replete with every allurement of the senses, and we appropriate treasures that may well be called royal,—all this I dread the more from my fear that such high fortune may rather master us than we master it). Scarcely 10 years later the same author says (bk. XXXIX. 6.): Luxuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico invecta in urbem est. (For the beginnings of foreign luxury were brought into the city by the Asiatic army). Juvenal, Sat. VI. 299.:

Prima peregrinos obscoena pecunia mores

Intulit et turpi fregerunt secula luxu

Divitiae molles.

(Foul money it was that first brought in foreign manners; wealth weakened and broke down the vigour of the age with base luxury). But pre-eminently applicable are the following words (III. 60 sqq.) of the same poet:

Non possum ferre, Quirites!

Graecam urbem, quamvis quota portio faecis Achaeae?

Iam pridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes,

Et linguam et mores et cum tibicine chordas

Obliquas, nec non gentilia tympana secum

Vexit et ad Circum iustas prostare puellas.

(I cannot bear, Quirites, to see Rome a Greek city,—and yet how mere a fraction of the whole corruption is found in these dregs of Achaea? Long since has the Syrian Orontes flowed into the Tiber, and brought along with it the Syrian tongue and manners and cross-stringed harp—and harper, and exotic timbrels, and girls bidden stand for hire at the Circus).

[173] The usual derivation of the word lupanar (brothel) is from Lupa, the wife of Faustulus (Livy, I. 4.); thus Lactantius, Divin. Instit., bk. I. 20 sqq., says, fuit enim Faustuli uxor et, propter vulgati corporis vilitatem, Lupa inter pastores, id est meretrix, nuncupata est, unde etiam lupanar dicitur. (For she was the wife of Faustulus, and because of the easy rate at which her person was held at the disposal of all, was called among the shepherds Lupa, (she-wolf), that is harlot, whence also Lupanar—a brothel—is so called). Comp. Isidore, bk. XVIII. etymol. 42. Jerome, in Eusebius’ Chronicle. However it is a fruitless effort to try and connect lupar and lupanar with lupus, the wolf. If we are not mistaken, the root-word is the Greek λῦμα, filth, and so, shameless person; from this comes lupa, just as from λῦμαρ was formed lupar, the oldest form for lupanar, which has maintained itself in the adjective luparius, and in lupariae in Rufus and A. Victor as synonyms of lupanar. Indeed Lactantius speaks of the hetaerae Leaena and Cedrenus as γυναῖκας λυκαίνας.

[174] The common derivation of fornix (brothel) is from furnus or fornax (an oven), or else makes it identical with fornix, an archway. Isidore, bk. X. 110., writes: a fornicatrix is one whose person is public and common. These women used to lie under archways, and such places are called fornices, whence also fornicariae (whores). Granted that the women used to resort in numbers to the arches in the town-walls through which sorties were made (Livy, XXXVI. 23., XLIV. 11.), yet several passages in ancient authors prove clearly that the fornices were houses (especially Petronius, Satir. 7., Martial XI. 62.). The ancient Glosses have:—“fornicaria”: πορνὴ ἀπὸ καμάρας ᾗ ἵστανται, (a harlot, from the chamber where they take their stand). But in all probability the brothels took their name from the circumstance of their being situated in the neighbourhood of the town-wall and its arches; for which reason the women were also called Summoenianae (women of the Summoenium,—district under the walls). Martial, XI. 62., III. 82., I. 35., XII. 32. Or should we say that fornix was formed from πορνικὸν?

[175] Adler, “Beschreibung der Stadt Rom,” (Description of the City of Rome), pp. 144 sqq.

[176] Martial, bk. VII. Epigr. 30., bk. X. Epigr. 94.

[177] Martial, bk. II. Epigr. 17.

[178] Hence Martial’s expression (XII. 18.), clamosa Subura (the clamorous Subura).

[179] Horace, Satir. I. 2. 30., Contra alius nullam nisi olenti in fornice stantem. (On the other hand another man cares for no woman but such as stand in the foul-smelling brothel).—Priapeia,

Quilibet huc, licebit, intret

Nigra fornicis oblitus favilla.

(All that please, none will say nay, may enter here, smeared with the black spot of the brothel).—Prudentius, Contra Symmachum, bk. II., spurcam redolente fornice cellam, (a filthy chamber in the stinking brothel).—Seneca, Controv., I. 2., Redoles adhuc fuliginem fornicis. (You reek still of the soot of the brothel).—Juvenal, Sat VI. 130., says of the Empress Messalina:

Obscurisque genis turpis, fumoque lucernae

Foeda lupanaris tulit ad pulvinar odorem.

(And disfigured and dim-eyed, fouled with the smoke of the lamp, she bore back the stink of the brothel to the imperial couch).

[180] Juvenal, Sat. VI. 122., 127.—Petronius, Sat. 8.—Lipsius, Saturn. I. 14. Hence Cella and Cellae (chambers) are constantly used in the sense of lupanar (brothel).

[181] Martial, bk. XI. 46., Intrasti quoties inscripta limina cellae, (As oft as you have crossed the thresholds of a “chamber” with inscription over). Seneca, Controv., bk. I. 2., Deducta es in lupanar, accepisti locum, pretium constitutum est, titulus inscriptus est, (You were taken away to a brothel, you received your stand, your price was fixed, your name written up).—Meretrix vocata es, in communi loco stetisti, superpositus est cellae tuae titulus, venientes recepisti, (You were called a harlot, you took your stand in a public brothel, your name-ticket was put up above your chamber, you received such as came).—Nomen tuum pedendit in fronte, pretia stupri accepisti, et manus, quae diis datura erat sacra, capturas tulit, (Your name hung on your door, you took the price of fornication, and your hand, that was meant to offer sacred gifts to the gods, held the fees). This last passage interpreters have wished to understand as if the name-ticket were fastened on the woman’s forehead; but, not to mention that in this case tibi would have to be read for tuum, it is a perfectly well known fact that frons (front, forehead) was used in Latin for the face of a door (Ovid, Fasti, I. 135., Omnis habet geminas, hinc atque hinc, ianua frontes, (Every door has two faces, inside and out). Seneca says pependit (it hung there), and afterwards is promoted onto the list of the Leno (Brothel-keeper)!

[182] This is seen most clearly from the following passage in the “Vita Apollonii Tyrii”, (Life of Apollonius of Tyre), p. 695., Puella ait, prosternens se ad pedes eius: miserere, domine, virginitatis meae, ne prostituas hoc corpus sub tam turpi titulo. Leno vocavit villicum puellarum et ait, ancilla, quae praesens est et exornetur diligenter et scribatur et titulus, quicunque Tarsiam deviolaverit, mediam liberam dabit: postea ad singulos solidos populo patebit. (Says the girl, throwing herself at his feet: “Sir! have pity on my maidenhood, and do not prostitute this fair body under so ugly a name.” The Brothel-keeper (Leno) called the Superintendent (villicus) of the girls and says, “Let the maid here present be decked out with every care, and a name-ticket written for her; the man that takes Tarsia’s virginity shall pay half a “libera” (?), afterwards she shall be at the disposal of all comers at a “solidus” or “aureus”, gold coin worth 25 denarii, say 20 shillings—each). So we see even in the name there prevailed a certain luxury; and a young girl of handsome person would fain have a handsome-sounding name to match.

[183] Petronius Satir. 20.—Barth, on Claudian, note 1173.—Martial, XIV. 148., 152.—Juvenal, VI. 194. From this the women themselves were often called lodices meretrices (blanket harlots) in contradistinction to the Street-walkers.

[184] Martial, XIV. 39-42. XI. 105.—Apuleius, Metam., V. p. 162.—Horace, Satir. II. 7. v. 48.—Juvenal, Sat. VI. 131.—Tertullian, Ad Uxor., II. 6., Dei ancilla in laribus alienis—et procedet de ianua laureata et lucernata, ut de novo consistorio libidinum publicarum, (The handmaid of God in strange dwellings,—and she shall go forth from the door that is laurel-decked and lamp-lit, as it were from a new assembly-hall of public lusts), where the expression consistorium libidinum (assembly-hall of lusts) for brothel is noticeable.

[185] Petronius, Satir. 95., Vos me hercule ne mercedem cellae daretis, (Ye would not, by heavens, give even the hire of the chamber). The fee amounted usually to an As. Petronius, Satir. 8., Iam pro cella meretrix assem exegerat, (Already had the harlot demanded the As for the chamber). Martial, I. 104., Constat et asse Venus, (And an As is the recognised price of Love). II. 53., Si plebeia Venus gemino tibi vincitur asse, (If you win for yourself a base-born Love for a couple of Asses). Comp. the inscription in Gruter, “Inscript. antiq. totius orbis Romani”, (Ancient Inscriptions of the whole Roman world). Amsterdam 1616., No. DCLII. 1.—Heinsius on Ovid, Remedium Amoris 407.

[186] Seneca, Controv. I. 2., Nuda in litore stetit ad fastidium emptoris, omnes partes corporis et inspectae et contrectatae sunt. Vultis auctionis exitum audire? Vendit pirata, emit leno.—Ita raptae pepercere piratae, ut lenoni venderetur: sic emit leno, ut prostituerit. (Naked she stood on the shore at the pleasure of the purchaser; every part of her body was examined and felt. Would you hear the result of the sale? The pirate sold, the pandar bought.—For this the pirates spared their captive, that she might be sold to a pandar; for this the pandar bought her, that he might employ her as a prostitute).—Quintilian, Declam. III., Leno etiam servis excipitur, fortasse hac lege captivos vendes, (A pandar too is supplied with slaves; perhaps in this way you will sell your captives).—Lex § 1. de in ius vocando: Prostituta contra legem venditionis venditorem habet patronum, si hac lege venierat, ut, si prostituta esset, fieret libera, (Law § 1. Of the right of appeal: A female slave prostituted contrary to the condition of sale has the seller for patron, if she was sold on this condition, that, should she be prostituted, she should become free). These sales took place in the Subura. Martial, VI. 66.

[187] Seneca, Controv., I. 2., Stetisti cum meretricibus, stetisti sic ornata ut populo placere posses, ea veste quam leno dederat, (You stood with the harlots, you stood decked out so as to please the public, wearing the dress that the leno had given you). The dress of the public women was always gay-coloured and very bold; they had to wear the male toga (gown). Cicero, Philipp. II., Sompsisti virilem togam, quam statim muliebrem reddidisti. Primo vulgare scortum: certa flagitii merces, nec ea parva. (You assumed the man’s toga, which straightway you made a woman’s. First a common strumpet; sure was the profit of your shame, and not small either.)—Tibullus, IV. 10. Martial, II. 30. Hence public women were also called togatae (wearing the toga or man’s gown). Martial, VI. 64. Horace, Sat I. 2. 63., Quid interest in matrona, ancilla, peccesque togata? (What difference does it make whether it is with a married woman, or a serving-maid, or a toga’d harlot (togata), that you offend?) Ibidem 80-83.,

Nec magis huic inter niveos viridesque lapillos

(Sit licet hoc, Cerinthe, tuum,) tenerum est femur aut crus

Rectius; atque etiam melius persaepe togatae est.

(Nor amidst all her showy gems and green jewels is her thigh more soft (though it is your belief, Cerinthus, that it is) or her leg straighter; nay! very often that of the toga’d harlot is the better limb).

It is well-known what trouble Bentley gave himself to explain this locus implicatissimus (most intricate passage), as he calls it, because he supposed the common reading to be corrupt and accordingly altered the text, all to bring out a comparison of Cerinthus’ thigh—a comparison that never was in Horace’s mind at all. Several years ago in our Work, “De Sexuali Organismorum Fabrica,” (On the Sexual Fabric of Organisms), Spec. I., Halle 1832. large 8vo., p. 61., we disentangled the matter and showed exactly how it stood, proving that the “Sit licet hoc, Cerinthe, tuum” (Though this be your (opinion), Cerinthus) must be taken as a parenthesis, consequently that the usual reading is the right one. But as the book would seem to have come into few hands, and least of all into those of Philologists, we may be allowed to take this opportunity of once more developing our view. The comparison is between the matron and the “togata”, and it is maintained that the matron, i. e. the noble Roman lady, possesses for all her jewelry neither a softer thigh nor a straighter leg than the “togata”, the girl of common stamp; that the latter in fact can often make a better show of both, even though her leg is as crooked as the matron’s is,—a peculiarity that every female leg has, because in a woman the knee projects more forwards. Aristotle, Hist. Anim., IV. 11. 6., even in his time notes this fact: τὸ θῆλυ τῶν ἀῤῥένων καὶ γονυκροτώτερον. (the female is more knock-kneed also than the male). Comp. same author’s Physiognom., 3. 5. 6. Adamant., Physiognom., II. 107. ed. Sylb. Polemo, Physiognom., p. 179. Anatomical investigation moreover proves this most clearly. But as Cerinthus seems to be ignorant of it, in spite of its being a well known Act, he lets himself be deluded by the outward magnificence of attire and distinguished birth, and believes the matron to be the better built, and it is for this mistake the poet taunts him. Horace in this passage is merely giving a commentary on v. 63 above. Now compare what Plautus, Mostell., I. 3. 13, makes Scopha say to Philemation, Non vestem amatores mulieris amant, sed vestis fartum (’Tis not the dress of a woman that lovers love, but the lining of the dress); also Martial, III. Epigr. 33.; and the folly of Cerinthus is made quite obvious. The phrase—Sit licet hoc tuum (Though this be yours) in the sense, “though you look at it this way, take the dazzle of jewels as the criterion of a woman’s beauty”, surely needs no further confirmation.

[188] Seneca, Controv., I. 2., Da mihi lenonis rationes; captura conveniet. (Give me the brothel-keeper’s accounts; the fee will suit).

[189] Seneca, Controv., I. 2., Deducta es in lupanar, accepisti locum, pretium constitutum est. (You were taken to a brothel, you took your place, your price was fixed). Ovid, Amores, I. 10., Stat meretrix cuivis certo mercabilis aere. (There stands the harlot that any man can buy for a fixed sum). The fee was called captura (fee) (compare Schulting, on Seneca, loco citato, and Casaubon on Suetonius, Caligula 40.), quaestus meretricius (harlot’s hire) (Cicero, Philipp. II. 18.) or simply quaestus (hire); merces (cost) and pretium stupri (price of fornication); aurum lustrale (brothel, literally den, money). The women used to demand its payment. Juvenal, Sat. VI. 125. Excepit blanda intrantes atque aera poposcit. (Blandly she welcomed her visitors as they entered and asked for the fee). Hence the expression “basia meretricum poscinummia” (harlots kisses that ask for money) in Apuleius, Met., X. p. 248. For the rest prices were very various among the brothel-harlots as they were with the others. Comp. Martial, X. 75., IX. 33., III. 54. The lowest fee was one As or 2 obols (three pence); hence girls of the sort were called by the Romans also diobolares meretrices (two-obol harlots) (Festus) or diobolaria scorta (two-obol whores) (Plautus, Poen., I. 2. 58.). Comp. p. 90 above.

[190] Plautus, Trinum., IV. 2. 47., Quae adversum legem accepisti a plurimis pecuniam. (You who contrary to the regulation accepted money from a great many men).

[191] Hence the women were also called Nonariae (Ninth-hour women). Persius, Sat. I. 133. The Scholiast observes on the passage: Nonaria dicta meretrix, quia apud veteres a nona hora prostabant, ne mane omissa exercitatione illo irent adolescentes. (A harlot was called “Nonaria”, because in former times they used to act as prostitutes from the ninth hour only, for fear the young men should resort thither in the morning to the neglect of their athletic exercises).

[192] Nonius Marcellus, V. § 8., Inter meretricem et prostibulum hoc interest: quod meretrix honestioris loci est et quaestus: nam meretrices a merendo dictae sunt, quod copiam sui tantummodo noctu facerent: prostibula, quod ante stabulum stent quaestus diurni et nocturni causa. (This is the difference between a meretrix (harlot) and a prostibulum (common strumpet): a meretrix is of a more honorable station and calling; for meretrices were so named a merendo (from earning wages), because they plied their calling only by night; prostibula, because they stand before the stabulum (stall, “chamber”) for gain both by day and night).—Plautus, Cistell. fragm., Adstat ea in via sola: prostibula sane est. (She stands there in the way alone: surely she is a prostibula—common whore).

[193] Plautus, Poenul., I. 2. 54.,

An te ibi vis inter istas vorsarier

Prosedas, pistorum amicas, reliquias alicarias,

Miseras coeno delibutas, servilicolas, sordidas,

Quae tibi olent stabulum, statumque, sellam et sessibulum merum,

Quas adeo haud quisquam tetigit, neque duxit domum?

(It is your wish to pass your time there amongst those common strumpets, bakers’ mistresses, refuse of the spelt-mill girls, drabs besmeared with filth, slaves’ darlings, squalid creatures that reek of their stand and trade, of the chair and bare stool, women that no free man ever touched or took home?) This serves also to explain the passage in Juvenal, III. 136., Et dubitas alta Chionem deducere sella. (And you hesitate to hand down Chione from her high seat).

[194] Martial, XI. 45., I. 35. Usually however this appears only to have been done, when the customer was gratifying unnatural lusts.

[195] Plautus, Asin., IV. 1. 19., In foribus scribat, occupatam esse se. (Let her write on the door that she is engaged).

[196] Martial, XI. 62.,

Quem cum fenestra vidit a Suburana

Obscoena nudum lena fornicem clausit.

(When she saw him from a window in the Subura, the foul brothel-mistress shut the unoccupied “chamber”).

Juvenal, VI. 121.,

Intravit calidum veteri centone lupanar,

Et cellam vacuam atque suam.

(She entered the brothel cosy with its old patch-work quilt, and the chamber that was vacant and her own.). Messalina had hired, we see, a special “chamber” of her own, where she acted as a prostitute under the name of Lycisca.

[197] Juvenal, VI. 127.,

Mox, lenone suas iam dimittente puellas,

Tristis abit—tamen ultima cellam clausit.

(Presently when time is up and the brothel-keeper dismisses his girls, sadly she takes her departure,—but she was the last to shut her chamber).

[198] III. 65., et ad circum iussas prostare puellas (and girls bidden stand for hire at the Circus).

[199] Of Heliogabalus Lampridius, (Vita Heliog. ch. 26.) relates: Omnes de circo, de theatro, de stadio—meretrices collegit. (He collected all the harlots,—from circus, theatre and stadium—race-course). An old poem (Priapeia, carm. 26,) says:

Deliciae populi, magno notissima circo

Quintia.

(The darling of the people, Quintia, so well known in the Great Circus). Comp. Buleng. De Circo ch. 56. Supposing this view to be correct, we might read in the passage of Juvenal, III. 136., as several Critics do, “alta Chionem deducere cella” (to lead Chione down from her lofty “chamber”).

[200] Already in Livy, II. 18., we read the account: Eo anno Romae, cum per ludos ab Sabinorum iuventute per lasciviam scorta raperentur, etc. (That year at Rome, when during the games harlots were carried off in their wantonness by the youth of the Sabines, etc.) Plautus, Casin. Prolog., 82-86.; this passage is repeatedly cited in this connection, but really has only a remote bearing on the matter. But in confirmation Isidore, XVIII. 42., says: Idem vero theatrum idem et prostibulum, eo quod post ludos exactos meretrices ibi prosternerentur. (But theatre and brothel were identical, for after the games were over, harlots used to prostitute themselves there). Comp. Buleng. De Theatro I. 16. and 49. Lipsius, Elect., I. 11. Of course these statements may refer equally well to the Floralia or, as Isidore lived so much later, to the lascivious representations of brothel-life of which Tertullian tells us. The latter writes, De Spectaculis ch. 17., Ipsa etiam prostibula, publicae libidinis hostiae, in scena proferantur, plus miserae in praesentia feminarum, quibus solis latebant: perque omnis aetatis, omnis dignitatis ora transducuntur, locus, stipes, elogium, etiam quibus opus est, praedicatur. (Nay, the very harlots, victims of the public lust, are brought forward on the stage, more wretched still in the presence of women, who alone used to be ignorant of such things; and they are discussed by the lips of every age and every condition, and place, origin, merits, even what should never be mentioned, are freely spoken of). In 1791 in a public theatre in Paris just such things were represented as Juvenal in his Sixth Satire speaks of as being acted at Rome. Gynaeology Pt. III. p. 423. That whores were to be found in the Theatre as well as in the Circus is shown by Lampridius, Vita Heliogab., ch. 32., fertur et una die ad omnes circi et theatri et amphitheatri et omnium urbis locorum meretrices ingressus. (And access is given on one day to all the harlots of circus, theatre and amphitheatre and all the places of the city). Comp. ch. 26., and Abram. on Cicero’s Speech for Milo ch. 24. p. 177. Perhaps at all these spots “chambers” (cellae) were put up, to which the word locorum (places) above may very well refer.

[201] Horace, Epist. I. 14. 21.,

Fornix tibi et uncta popina

Incutiunt urbis desiderium, video; et quod

Angulus iste feret piper et thus ocius uva;

Nec vicina subest vinum praebere taberna

Quae possit tibi; nec meretrix tibicina, cuius

Ad strepitum salias terrae gravis.

(The brothel and greasy cookshop make you long for the city, I can see; and the fact that this little nook (i.e. Horace’s Sabine farm) will yield the pepper-plant and thyme sooner than the grape, and no neighbourly tavern is at hand to give you wine, and no harlot flute-player to whose din you may thump the floor with your heavy feet). Martial, VII. 60., complains of the great number of such places. Here and at the money changer’s shops, but especially the latter, the Procurers were to be found. Plautus, Trucul. I. 1. 47.,

Nam nusquam alibi si sunt, circum argentarias

Scorti lenones quasi sedent quotidie.

(For if they are nowhere else, at any rate round the banks harlots and pandars sit as it were daily). Comp. Stockmann “De Popinis” (Of Cookshops). Leipzig 1805. 8vo.

[202] Codex Theodos. bk. IX. tit. VII. 1. p. 60. edit. Ritter.

[203] Horace, Epodes, XVII. 20., Amata nautis multum et institoribus (A woman much loved by sailors and traders).—Petronius, Satir. 99.—Juvenal, Sat. VIII. 173-175. Seneca, Controv., I. 3.

[204] Columella, Res Rustica, I. ch. 8., Socors et somniculosum genus id mancipiorum, otiis, campo, circo, theatris, aleae, popinae, lupanaribus consuetum, nunquam non easdem ineptias somniat. (That slothful and sleepy tribe of domestic slaves, habituated to ease, games, circus, theatres, dice, cookshop, brothels, would ever be dreaming the same sort of follies).

[205] Suetonius, Claudius, ch. 40., Nero, ch. 27—Tacitus, Annal., XIII. 25.

[206] Paulus Diaconus, XIII. 2., Horum mancipes tempore procedente pistrina publica latrocinia esse fecerunt: cum enim essent molae in locis subterraneis constitutae, per singula latera earum domuum tabernas instituentes, meretrices in eis prostare faciebant, quatenus per eas plurimos deciperent, alios qui pro pane veniebant, alios qui pro luxuriae turpitudine ibi festinabant. (The owners of these as time went on turned the public corn-mills into mischievous frauds. For the mill-stones being fixed in places underground, they set up stalls on either side of these chambers and caused harlots to stand for hire in them, so that by their means they deceived very many,—some that came for bread, others that hastened thither for the base gratification of their wantonness).

[207] Festus, p. 7., Alicariae meretrices appellabantur in Campania solitae ante pistrina alicariorum versari quaestus gratia. (Harlots were called alicariae (spelt-mill girls) in Campania, being accustomed to ply for gain in front of the mills of the spelt-millers).—Plautus, Poenul., I. 2. 54., Prosedas, pistorum amicas, reliquias alicarias. (Common strumpets, bakers’ mistresses, refuse of the spelt-mill girls).

[208] Catullus, LVIII. 1.,

Illa Lesbia, quam Catullus unam

Plusquam se atque suos amavit omnes,

Nunc in quadriviis et angiportis

Glubit magnanimos Remi nepotes.

(The fair Lesbia, that Catullus loved above all women, more than himself and all his friends, now at cross-ways and in alleys skins the high-souled sons of Remus). We see from this that it was partly such freed-women girls that, past their prime and come down in the world, no longer visited by rich admirers, had to seek their living on the streets.—Plautus, Cistell.,

Intro ad bonam meretricem; adstat ea in via

Sola; prostibula sane est.

(I am going in to a “good” harlot; she stands in the road alone,—she is surely a common whore).—Plautus, Sticho: Prostibuli est stantem stanti suavium dare, (It’s a strumpet’s way to give a kiss standing to a standing lover); whence it might be concluded that only street-whores were called “Prostibula”.—Prudentius, Peristeph., XIV. 38.,

Sic elocutam publicitus iubet

Flexu in plutea sistere virginem.

(When she had uttered this public address, he bids the maiden stand at the turn of the street).

[209] Martial, I. 35., Abscondunt spurcas et monumenta lupas. (The monuments too hide filthy strumpets). Hence they were called bustuariae (women that haunt tombs). Martial, III. 93., Admittat inter bustuarias moechas. (Let him admit her among the fornicators of the tombs). Comp. Turnebus, Advers., XIII. 19.

[210] Prudentius, Symmach., I. 107.,

Scortator nimius, multaque libidine suetus

Ruricolas vexare lupas, interque salicta,

Et densas sepes obscoena cubilia inire,

(An inordinate fornicator, wont to vex the rustic harlots with multiplied lusts, and amidst the willow-plantations and thickset hedges to creep into foul lairs); where Barth, Advers., X. 2., for ruricolas (haunting the country, rustic) would read lustricolas (haunting wild dens),—those who prostituted themselves in wild-beasts’ dens, desert places. Hence also a brothel is called lustrum (den) and cellae lustrales (den-like chambers), and harlots’ hire aurum lustrale (den-money).—Credenus, De Romulo et Remo: ὁ τοίνυν πάππος Ἀμούλιος διὰ τὴν πορνείαν παροξυνθεὶς εἰς τὰς ὕλας αὐτοὺς ἐξέθετο, οὓς εὑροῦσα γυνὴ πρόβατα νέμουσα ἐν τῷ ὄρει ἀνεθρέψατο. Εἴθιστο δὲ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις λυκαίνας τὰς τοιαύτας καλεῖν γυναῖκας διὰ τὸ ἐπίπαν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι μετὰ λύκων διατρίβειν, διὸ καὶ τούτους ὑπὸ λυκαίνης ἀνατραφῆναι μυθολογεῖται. (So their grandfather Amulius exasperated by his wife’s adultery took the children into the woods and exposed them there; but his wife, as she was pasturing sheep, found them, and reared them on the mountain. Now it was the custom of the inhabitants of those parts to call women of this kind “she-wolves” (λυκαίνας) on account of their living entirely on the mountains with the wolves, whence also the tale is told that these babes were fostered by a she-wolf).

[211] Horace, Sat. I. 2. 1., Ambubaiaram collegium (Society of—Syrian—Singing-girls).—Suetonius, Nero, ch. 27.

[212] Plautus, Cist., I. 1. 39.,

Eunt depressum, quia nos sumus libertinae,

Et ego et mater tua, ambae meretrices sumus.

(They go about to depreciate us, because we are freed-women, both I and your mother, we are both courtesans).—Livy, XXXIX. 9.

[213] They were called for this reason vestita scorta (dressed out whores). Juvenal, Satir. III. 135.—Horace, Sat. I. 2. 28.,

Sunt qui nolint tetigisse, nisi illas

Quarum subsuta talos tegat instita veste.

(There are men who will refuse to touch any woman but those whose frilled tunic has a flounce touching their heels).—Comp. Burmann on Petronius, pp. 64 and 95.—Ferrarius, De re vestiar. (On costume), bk. III. ch. 23.

[214] Horace, Odes II. 11. 21., Quis devium scortum domo eliciet Lyden? (Who will entice from her home the sequestered harlot Lydé?).

[215] Annal., II. 85. In fact mention had been made of Vestilia, member of a Praetorian family, as being a public prostitute.

[216] Bk. IV. Epigr. 71. Already in his time Ovid dared to say: casta est, quam nemo rogavit. (she is chaste—whom no man has solicited).

[217] Although the goddess Isis was worshipped at Rome as early as Sulla’s time (Apuleius, Metam., XI. p. 817. edit. Oudendorp), she did not possess a public temple there till the Triumvirate (711 A. A. C.) Dio Cassius, bk. XLVII. 15. p. 501., XLIII. 2. p. 692., LIV. 6. p. 734., XL. 47. p. 252. edit. Fabricius.—Tertullian, Apologet., ch. 6. Spartian, Caracalla, 9. Suetonius, Domitian, 12.

[218] Ovid, Ars Amandi, I. 27.—Burmann on Propertius, p. 348. Josephus, Antiq. Jud. XVIII. 4. Hence in Juvenal, Sat. VI., 488., Isiacae sacraria lenae (sanctuaries of Isis—the brothel-mistress).

[219] Tibullus, bk. I. carm. 3. 27.

Nunc dea, nunc succurre mihi; nam posse mederi,

Picta docet templis multa tabella tuis.

(Now goddess, even now help me; for that thou canst heal, many a painted tablet in thy temples shows). Gerning, “Reise durch Oestreich und Italien” (Journey through Austria and Italy). Vol. II. pp. 188-199.—St. Non, “Voyage pittoresque” (Picturesque Tour), Vol. II. pp. 170 sqq. Hardly anything is yet known as to the connection of the worship of Isis with the healing of disease, least of all with regard to establishments for the sick; for the particulars collected by Hundertmarck (“De principibus Diis Artis medicae tutelaribus” (Of the principal Gods that presided over the Medical Art). Leipzig 1735. 4to. and “Diss. de Artis Medicae incrementis per aegrotorum apud Veteres in Vias Publica et Templa expositionem” (Treatise on advances in medical Art due to the practice of the Ancients of exposing the sick in Public Ways and Temples). Leipzig 1739. 4to.) are quite insufficient.

[220] Juvenal, Sat VI. 121, 131. Tacitus, Annal., XI. ch. 37.—Dio Cassius, IX. p. 686. Messalina adulteriis et stupris non contenta (iam enim etiam in cella quadam in palatio et ipsa sessitabat et alias prostituebat) maritus simul multos ritu legitimo habere cupivit. (Messalina not satisfied with adultery and fornication (for already in a certain chamber within the very palace she was in the habit of sitting as a prostitute herself and also of making other women do the same), was eager to have many husbands at once under sanction of the laws).—Xiphilinus, LXXIX. p. 912., Denique in palatio habuit cellam quandam, in qua libidinem explebat, stabatque nuda semper ante fores eius, ut scorta solent. (At last she had in the palace a certain chamber, in which she was wont to satiate her lustfulness, and used to stand always stripped before its doors, as whores do). Suetonius, Caligula, ch. 41., Ac ne quod non manubiarum genus experiretur, lupanar in palatio constituit: distinctisque et instructis pro loci dignitate compluribus cellis, in quibus matronae ingenuique starent. (And that there might be no species of gain left that she had not tried, she established a brothel in the palace; and a number of chambers were set apart and furnished in conformity with the dignity of the locality, and there matrons and men of birth stood for hire).

[221] Ulpian, Lex ancillarum ff. de haered. petit. (Law as to female-slaves making claim of heirship). Pensiones, licet a lupanario praeceptae sint: nam et multorum honestorum virorum praediis lupanaria exercentur. (Rents, even though they be received from a brothel; for many honourable men have brothels kept on their estates).

[222] Paulus Diaconus, Hist. miscell., bk. XII. ch. 2., Aliam rursus abrogavit huiusmodi causam. Si qua mulier in adulterio capta fuisset, hoc non emendabatur, sed potius ad augmentum peccandi contradebatur. Includebant eam in angusto prostibulo et admittentes qui cum ea fornicarentur, hora qua turpitudinem agebant, tintinnabula percutiebant, ut eo sono illius iniuria fieret manifesta. Haec audiens Imperator, permanere non est passus, sed ipsa prostibula destrui iussit. (Again he repealed another regulation of the following nature. If any should have been detected in adultery, by this plan she was not in any way, reformed, but rather utterly given over to an increase of her ill behaviour. They used to shut up the woman in a narrow room, and admitting any that would commit fornication with her, and at the moment when they were accomplishing their foul act, to strike bells, that the sound might make known to all the injury she was suffering. The Emperor hearing this, would suffer it no longer, but ordered the very rooms to be pulled down).

[223] De adult. lex X. (On adultery, law X.), Mulier quae evitandae poenae adulterii gratia lenocinium fecit, aut operas suas scenae locavit, adulterii accusari damnarique senatus consulto potest. (A woman who in order to avoid the penalty attached to adultery has practised procuration, or has sold her services to the stage, can be accused on the charge of adultery and condemned in virtue of a decree of the Senate).—Suetonius, Tiberius, 35., Feminae famosae, ut ad evitandas legum poenas iure ac dignitate matronali exsolverentur, lenocinium profiteri coeperant: quas ne quod refugium in tali fraude cuiquam esset, exsilio affecit. (Infamous women, in order to be relieved of the legal status and dignity of matrons and thus escape the penalties assigned by the laws, began to follow procuration as a calling. These he exiled, that none might find a way of escape in such a subterfuge).

[224] Tacitus, Annal., II. 85., Nam Vistilia, praetoria familia genita, licentiam stupri apud aediles vulgaverat, more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa professione flagitii, credebant. (For Vistilia, born of a family of Praetorian rank, had publicly notified before the aediles a permit for fornication, according to the usage that prevailed among our fathers, who supposed that sufficient punishment for unchaste women resided in the very nature of the calling.) Comp. Lipsius, Excurs. O. p. 509.—Schubert, De Romanorum aedilibus (On the Roman Aediles), bk. IV. Königsberg 1828., p. 512.

[225] Livy, bk. X. 31., bk. XXV. 2.

[226] Seneca, De vita beata ch. 7.—The aediles in fact exercised police supervision over the public welfare, and in particular over weights and measures and the sale of goods (Suetonius, Tiberius, ch. 34.), games of chance, etc. Martial, V. 85. bk. XIV. 1. Comp. Schubert, loco citato, bk. III. ch. 45.

[227] Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic., bk. IV. 14.;—where an action at law is cited, in which the aedile Mancinus had wished to force his way at night into the lodging of Mamilia, a courtesan, who had thrown stones and chased him away. In the result we read: Tribuni decreverunt aedilem ex eo loco iure dejectum, quo eum venire cum coronario non decuisset. (The tribunes gave as their decision that the aedile had been lawfully driven from that place, as being one that he ought not to have visited with his officer). This happened, as is seen by comparison with Livy, bk. XL. ch. 35., in the year B. C. 180.

[228] Suetonius, Caligula, ch. 40., Vectigalia nova atque inaudita ... exercuit; ... ex capturis prostitutarum quantum quaeque uno concubitu mereret. Additumque ad caput legis, ut tenerentur publico et quae meretricium et qui lenocinium fecissent, nec non et matrimonia obnoxia essent. (He levied new and hitherto unheard of imposts; ... a proportion of the fees of prostitutes,—so much as each earned with one man. A clause was also added to the law, directing that both women who had practised harlotry and men who had practised procuration should be rated publicly; furthermore that marriages should be liable to the rate).

[229] Lampridius. Alexander Severus, ch. 24., Lenonum vectigal et meretricum et exoletorum in sacrum aerarium inferri vetuit, sed sumptibus publicis ad instaurationem theatri, circi, amphitheatri et aerarii deputavit. (He forbad that the tax on harlots and on male debauchees should be paid into the sacred Treasury of the State, but allotted it as a public contribution towards the repair of the theatre, circus, amphitheatre and treasury). Also at Byzantium a similar duty was paid under the name of χρυσάργυρον (tribute of gold and silver), which however the Emperor Anastasius abolished, and at the same time ordered the tax-rolls to be burned. (Zonaras, Annal.—Nicephorus, Hist. eccles., bk. XVI. ch. 40.).

[230] Compare Ch. G. Gruner, “Dissertatio de Coitu eiusque variis formis quatenus medicorum sunt.” (Treatise on Coition and its Different Forms in their Medical Aspect). Jena 1792. 4 vols. German edition: “Üeber den Beischlaf” (On Coition). Leipzig 1796. 8 vols. Comp. Salzburg med. chir. Zeitung. Jahrg. 1796. III. 5.—Forberg, p. 118, loco citato.

[231] Epistle to Titus, ch. I. v. 5. Πάντα μὲν καθαρὰ τοῖς καθαροῖς· τοῖς δὲ μιασμένοις ... οὐδὲν καθαρὸν, ἀλλὰ μεμίανται αὐτῶν καὶ ὁ νοῦς καὶ ἡ συνείδησις. (To the pure all things are pure; but to them that are defiled ... nothing is pure; but both their mind and their conscience are defiled.)

Also Clement of Alexandria, one of the Fathers of the Church, who speaks largely on this special point of Paederastia, says (Paedagog., Bk. III. ch. 3.) εἰ γὰρ μηδὲν ἄπρακτον ὑπολείπεται, οὐδὲ ἐμοὶ ἄῤῥητον. (For if nought is left undone by them, neither shall aught be left untold by me).

[232] Antonius Panormites, “Hermaphroditus”. First German edition, with explanatory appendices, by Frider. Carol. Forberg. Coburg 1824. 8 parts. The Editor’s Appendices treat (pp. 205-393): De figuris Veneris (Concerning the modes of Love), and in particular, ch. I. De fututione (Of Copulation)—pp. 213-234; ch. II. De paedicatione (Of Sodomy)—pp. 234-277; ch. III. De irrumando (Of vicious practices with the mouth)—pp. 277-304; ch. IV. De masturbando (Of masturbation)—pp. 304-321; ch. V. De cunnilingis (de eis qui cunnos mulierum lingunt, Of men who lick women’s private parts)—pp. 322-345; ch. VI. De tribadibus (Of women who practise vice with one another)—pp. 345-369; ch. VII. De coitu cum brutis (Of unnatural copulation with animals)—pp. 369-372; ch. VIII. De spintris (Of pathic Sodomites)—p. 373. All the important passages in ancient authors are here noted in every case, and given in the original.

The following work was unfortunately not procurable by us: C. Rambach, Glossarium Eroticum,—a Commentary to the Poets and Prose-writers of Classical Antiquity and Supplement to all Lexicons of the Latin Language. 2nd. edition. Stuttgart 1836.

[233] Patentiora sunt nobis Italis Hispanisve, quis neget? Veneris ostia. (With us, Italians or Spaniards, the orifices of Love are more open,—who can deny the fact?). Aloysia Sigaea Satira sotadica, p. 305. Compare Martial, I, Bk. XI. epigram 22. Less frequently, and only for later times, may the reason have existed which Martial specifies in the case of the young wife, Martial Bk. XI. epigr. 78:

Paedicare semel cupido dabit illa marito,

Dum metuit teli vulnera prima novi.

(She—the newly-wed wife—will allow her longing husband just once to lie with her as with a man, while she still dreads the first wounds of the unfamiliar weapon). Comp. Priapeia, carmen II.

[234] For this reason the Greeks called the pathic sodomite also σφιγκτὴρ or σφίγκτης. Hesychius: σφίγκται οἱ κίναιδοι καὶ ἁπαλοὶ. (σφίγκται = sodomites and effeminate men). Photius: σφίγκται Κρατῖνος τοὺς κιναιδώδεις καὶ μαλθάκους. (σφίγκται used by Cratinus = sodomitish and womanish men). Strato in Antholog. MS.:

Σφιγκτὴρ οὐκ ἔστιν παρὰ παρθένῳ, οὐδὲ φίλημα

Ἁπλοῦν, οὐ φυσικὴ χρωτὸς εὐπνοΐη.

(With a virgin there is no sphincter, no frank kiss, no natural fragrance of the skin).

Hesychius sub verbo:

μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες·

Καλλίας πόρνας τινὰς οὕτως εἴρηκειν.

(Hesychius (Lexicon) on the phrase μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες says: Callias speaks of certain harlots by this title).

Suidas sub verbo:

μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες.

αἱ πόρναι οὕτως εἴρηνται,

ἴσως δὲ ἐντεῦθεν καὶ σφίγκται οἱ μαλακοὶ

ὠνομάσθησαν· ἢ καὶ ἀπὸ

Μαίας οὕτω λεγομένης ἐν Μεγάροις·

Ἀλλ’ ἔστιν ἡμῖν Μεγαρική τις μηχανή.

ἀντὶ τοῦ, πονηρά· διεβάλλοντο

γὰρ ἐπὶ πονηρία οἱ Μεγαρεῖς.

(Suidas (Lexicon) on the phrase μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες says: harlots are so called, and perhaps for the same reason debauched men are entitled σφίγκται; or else from a saying current in Megara to this effect:—But we have a certain Megarian trick,—that is a knavish one. For the Megarians were ill spoken of for their knavishness).

[235] Epistle to the Romans, ch. I. vv. 24-26, 27.

[236] Athanasius, Oratio contra Gentes, ch. 26. in “Opera Omnia studio Monachorum Ord. St. Benedicti.” (Complete Works of St. Athanasius, edit. by the Monks of the Order of St. Benedict). Padua 1777. folio.—Vol. I. p. 1.

[237] Amores, chs. 20, 21. The hetaera Glycera would seem, according to Clearchus’ report, to have said, καὶ οἱ παῖδες εἰσι καλοὶ, ὅσον ἐοίκασι γυναικὶ χρόνον. (And boys are beautiful for so long as they resemble a woman). Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 605 D. According to Hellanicus, as Donatus, on Terence’s Eunuch., I. 2. 87. notifies, the custom of emasculating boys would seem to have come from the Babylonians. Herodotus, III. 92., says that the Babylonians were bound to deliver every year as tribute to the Persian king 500 castrated boys.

[238] As a matter of curiosity a tale of Phlegon, De Rebus mirabilibus, ch. 26., may find a place here. According to the report of the physician Dorotheus a Cinaedus (pathic sodomite) at Alexandria in Egypt bore a child, which was preserved at that place. The text reads, Δωρόθεος δέ φησιν ὁ ἰατρὸς ἐν Ὑπομνήμασιν, ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ, τῇ κατ’ Αἴγυπτον, κίναιδον τεκεῖν· τὸ δὲ βρέφος ταριχευθὲν, χάριν τοῦ παραδόξου, φυλάττεσθαι. (Now Dorotheus the Physician says in his Memoirs, that at Alexandria in Egypt a cinaedus brought forth; and that the babe was mummified and kept as a curiosity). The same thing is reported in the following chapter of a slave with the Roman army in Germany under the command of T. Curtilius Mancias. These stories may possibly borrow some probability from modern investigations as to the “foetus” within the “foetus”. The expression “to sow seed on barren rocks” occurs, it may be mentioned, very frequently in connection with paederastia in the Fathers.

[239] Juvenal, Sat. VI. 366 sqq.,

Sunt quas eunuchi imbelles ac mollia semper

Oscula delectent et desperatio barbae.

Et quod abortivo non est opus, illa voluptas

Summa tamen, quod iam calida matura iuventa

Inguina traduntur medicis, iam pectine nigro.

Ergo exspectatos ac iussos crescere primum,

Testiculos, postquam coeperunt esse bilibres,

Tonsoris damno tantum rapit Heliodorus.

(Women there are to find delight in unwarlike eunuchs and kisses ever soft and the lack of a beard that can never grow, and this especially because then there is no need for any abortive. But the pleasure is greatest when the organs are delivered full-grown to the surgeons, just in the heat of youth, just when the down of puberty is darkening. Then when the testicles, long looked for and at first encouraged to grow, begin to be of double balanced weight, lo! Heliodorus whips them off,—to the barber’s loss).

Martial, VI. 67.,

Cur tantum Eunuchos habeat tua Gellia, quaeris

Pannice? vult futui Gellia, non parere.

(Why your Gellia is fain to have eunuchs only, do you ask, Pannicus? Because she wishes to be f-ck-d, not to be a mother). In longam securamque libidinem exsectus spado, (A eunuch castrated with a view to long-continued and harmless lust), says St. Jerome. The information given by Galen (De usu Partium bk. XIV. 15. edit. Kühn, vol. IV. p. 571) is notable, to the effect that the athletes at Olympia were castrated, that their strength might not be wasted by coition. Have the words “Olimpia agona” (Olimpic—Olympic—games) been in some way misunderstood in the passage?

[240] Genesis XIX. 4., Levit., XVIII. 2., XXIX. 13.

[241] Welcker, Aeschylus—Trilogy, p. 356.

[242] Athenaeus, Deipnosoph., p. 602., τοῦ παιδεραστεῖν παρὰ πρώτων Κρητῶν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας παρελθόντος, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Τίμαιος. (The practice of paederastia having been introduced among the Greeks first by the Cretans, as Timaeus relates).—Heraclitus Ponticus, fragment, περὶ πολιτείας III. p. 7.—Servius on Virgil—Aeneid bk. X. 325., de Cretensibus accepimus, quod in amore puerorum intemperantes fuerunt, quod postea in Laconas et totam Graeciam translatum est. (Of the Cretans we have been told that they were excessive in their love of boys, a practice afterwards imported into Laconia and all parts of Greece.) Comp. K. O. Müller, “Die Dorier”, (The Dorians), Vol. II. pp. 240 sqq. K. Höck, “Kreta”, (Crete), Vol. III. p. 106. Though in Crete as in all Dorian States Paedophilia was a universal and official institution, yet paederastia too was common enough, as is shown by the censure expressed by Plato (De Legibus bk. I. 636., bk. VII. 836.) and Plutarch, (De puerorum educatione ch. 14.).—as also by the expression Κρῆτα τρόπον (Cretan fashion) given in Hesychius; and probably the word κρητίζειν (to play the Cretan) is to be understood from this point of view also. Pfeffinger, “De Cretum vitiis,” (Of the Vices of the Cretans). Strasbourg 1701. 4to. From this Aristotle (Politics II. 7. 5.) may have got the idea that the lawgiver in Crete introduced paederastia in order to check the increase of population. Hesychius says at any rate κρῆτα τρόπον, παιδικοῖς χρῆσθαι. (Cretan fashion, i.e. to indulge in boy-loves). Of the Scythians later on.

[243] Thus Plutarch, Eroticus, ch. 5., Ἡ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀῤῥένων ἀκόντων, μετὰ βίας γενομένη καὶ λεηλασίας, ἂν δὲ ἑκουσίως, σὺν μαλακίᾳ καὶ θηλύτητι βαίνεσθαι κατὰ Πλάτωνα νόμῳ τετράποδος καὶ παιδοσπορεῖσθαι παρὰ φύσιν ἐνδιδόντων, χάρις ἄχαρις παντάπασι καὶ ἀσχήμων καὶ ἀναφρόδιτος. (But the pleasure that is won from males against their will by dint of force or robbery, or if voluntarily, then only because in their wantonness and effeminacy they consent to men treading them, as Plato puts it, like a four-footed beast, and emitting seed with them unnaturally—this pleasure is a graceless one altogether, and unseemly and loveless). The passage of Plato referred to here is in the Phaedrus, p. 250 E., ὥστε οὐ σέβεται προσορῶν, ἀλλ’ ἡδονῇ παραδοὺς τετράποδος νόμον βαίνειν ἐπιχειρεῖ καὶ παιδοσπορεῖν, καὶ ὕβρει προσομιλῶν οὐ δέδοικεν οὐδ’ αἰσχύνεται παρὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴν διώκων. (And so he feels no reverence when he looks on him, but giving way to pleasure endeavours to tread like a four-footed beast and to emit his seed, and using insolent violence in his intercourse, has no fear and no shame in pursuing pleasure in an unnatural way). As something παρὰ φύσιν (contrary to nature) we find paederastia further characterized in Athenaeus, Deipnosoph., bk. XIII. p. 605. Lucian, Amores, 19. Philo, De legg. spec., II. p. 306. 17. Libanius, Orat., XIX. p. 500. ἡ παράνομος Ἀφροδίτη. (Unlawful Love). Galen, De diagnos. et curat. anim. effect. (On the Diagnosis and Treatment of Diseases of Animals). edit. Kühn. Vol. V. p. 30. τῆς παρὰ φύσιν αἰσχρουργίας (of unnatural viciousness). In the Anthologia Graeca, bk. II. tit. 5. No. 10. is the distich following by an unknown author:

Υἱὸς Πατρικίου μάλα κόσμιος, ὃς διὰ Κύπριν

Οὐχ ὁσίην ἑτάρους πάντας ἀποστρέφεται.

(Son of Patricius, a very discreet man, who by unholy love seduces all his comrades). But above all the passage in Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch. edit. Reiske, p. 146., is to the point in this connection: ὁρίζομαι δ’ εἶναι, τὸ μὲν ἐρᾶν τῶν καλῶν καὶ σωφρόνων, φιλανθρώπου, πάθος καὶ εὐγνώμονος ψυχῆς· τὸ δὲ ἀσελγαίνειν ἀργυρίου τινὰ μισθούμενον, ὑβριστοῦ καὶ ἀπαιδεύτου ἀνδρὸς ἔργον εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι· καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀδιαφθόρως ἐρᾶσθαι, φημὶ καλὸν εἶναι· τὸ δὲ ἐπαρθέντα μισθῷ πεπορνεῦσθαι, αἰσχρόν. (Now I make this distinction, that to love honourable and prudent friends is the passion of an amiable and reasonable soul; whereas to behave licentiously, hiring anyone for the purpose, I consider the act of a ruffianly and uncultivated man. Similarly, to be loved purely, I declare to be a noble thing; but, induced by pay, to allow oneself to be debauched, a foul thing). Anyone who has read this passage attentively, together with what follows in the Speech, cannot possibly any longer confound Paedophilia with Paederastia, or maintain that the latter was approved by the Greeks.

[244] Aelian, Var. Hist., III. 12.—Xenophon, De republ. Lacedaem, II. 13., Sympos., VIII. 35. Plato, De leg., VIII. p. 912.

[245] Lucian, Amores, 41., Μηδὲν ἀχθεσθῇς, εἰ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἡ Κόρινθος εἴζει, (Do not be annoyed, if Corinth yields to Athens), on which the scholiasts add the explanation: ἢ ὡς τῆς Κορίνθου μὲν ἀνακειμένης Ἀφροδίτῃ (διὸ καὶ πολλὴ ἐν Κορίνθῳ ἡ γυναικεία μίξις) Ἀθηνῶν δὲ παιδεραστίᾳ κομώντων ἤτοι τῇ κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν καὶ σώφρονι ἢ τῇ τῷ ὄντι μιαρᾷ καὶ διαβεβλημένῃ. (while Corinth is devoted to Aphrodité (wherefore in Corinth there is much varied intercourse with women), Athens prides herself on paederastia, whether a love of boys that is philosophic and wise, or a love that is veritably vile and despicable). Aristophanes, Plutus, vv. 149-152.,

Καὶ τὰς χ’ ἑταίρας φασὶ τὰς Κορινθίας,

Ὅταν μὲν αὐτάς τις πένης πειρῶν τύχῃ

Οὐδὲ προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν· ἐὰν δὲ πλούσιος,

Τὸν πρωκτὸν αὐτὰς

εὐθὺς ὡς τοῦτον τρέπειν.

(And they say that the Corinthian hetaerae, should any poor man chance to solicit them, pay no attention whatever; but if it be a rich man, at once they turn their posterior to him).

[246] Clouds, vv. 973 sqq.—see also F. A. Wolf’s German translation.

[247] Lysias, Contra Pancl., 731., from which passage it would seem that each “Deme” had its own κουρεῖον (barber’s shop) in the city. Demosthenes, Contra Aristogit., 786, 7. Theophrastus, Charact., VIII. 5. XI. Plutarch, Sympos., V. 5. Aristophanes, Plut., 339.

[248] Aristophanes, Knights, 1380., where the expression τὰ μειράκια τἀν τῷ μύρῳ (the striplings, those in the myrrh-market) is intentionally ambiguous.

[249] Aelian, Var. Hist., VIII. 8. Aeschines, In Timarch., § 40. says that Timarchus resided at the Surgery of Euthydicus, not to learn medicine, but to sell his person.

[250] Theophrastus, Charact., V. edit. Ast, p. 183.

[251] Theophrastus, Charact., VIII. 4.

[252] Xenophon, Memorab., IV. 2. 1. Diogenes Laertius, III. 21.

[253] Aeschines, In Timarch., p. 35., τὰς ἐρημίας καὶ τὸ σκότος ἐν πλείστῃ ὑποψίᾳ ποιούμενος. (regarding the lonely localities and the darkness as in the highest degree suspicious). p. 112. p. 90., ἡ πρᾶξις αὕτη εἴωθε γίγνεσθαι λάθρα καὶ ἐν ἐρημίαις. (this practice is usually carried on secretly and in lonely places). p. 104, it is said that Timarchus had more experience περὶ τῆς ἐρημίας ταύτης καὶ τοῦ τόπου ἐν τῇ Πνυκὶ. (about this lonely spot and the locality of the Pnyx) than of the Areopagus. Comp. Plato, Sympos., p. 217 b.

[254] Plato, Sympos. p. 182. 6. Xenophon, Sympos. VIII. 34.—Cicero, De Republ., IV. 4., Apud Eleos et Thebanos in amore ingenuorum libido etiam permissam habet et solutam licentiam. (Among the Eleans and Thebans, in the love of free men, lust has actually a permitted and unchecked licence). Maximus Tyrius, Diss. XXXIX. p. 467. Plutarch, De pueror. educat., ch. 14. The Elean “boy-loving” was even more notorious than the Boeotian. Xenophon, De Republ. Lacedaem., II. 13. Maximus Tyrius, Diss., XXVI. p. 317.

[255] Theognis, Sentent., 39.

[256] Descript. Graeciae, Bk. I. ch. 43., Μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου τὸ ἱερόν ἐστιν Ἀφροδίτης ναός· ἄγαλμα δὲ ἐλέφαντος Ἀφροδίτῃ πεποιημένον, Πρᾶξις ἐπίκλησιν· τοῦτ’, ἐστιν ἀρχαιότατον ἐν τῷ ναῷ·

[257] Pollux, Onomast., bk. VII. ch. 33. says: εἰ δὲ χρὴ καὶ τὰς αἰσχίους πράξεις τέχνας ὀνομάζειν, (if that is we must call the more disgraceful πράξεις—doings, modes of intercourse—arts); and then cites the different designations of whores, brothels, etc.

[258] Hesychius under the word χαλκιδίζειν. Athenaeus Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 601 e. Plutarch, Amat., 38. 2.

[259] Σιφνιάζειν· ἐπὶ τῶν τὰς χεῖρας προσαγόντων τοῖς ἰσχίοις, ὥσπερ λεσβιάζειν ἐπὶ τῶν παρανομούντων ἐν τοῖς ἀφροδισίοις· σιφνιάζειν δὲ καὶ λεσβιάζειν, ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου Σίφνου καὶ τῆς Λέσβου· ὡς καὶ τὸ κρητίζειν ἀπὸ τῆς Κρήτης· καὶ τὸ Σίφνιος δὲ ἀῤῥαβὼν, ὁμοίως σιφνιάζειν γὰρ τὸ ἅπτεσθαι τῆς πυγῆς δακτύλῳ. Λεσβιάζειν δὲ τὸ τῷ στόματι παρανομεῖν. Hesychius s. v. Σίφνιοι· ἀκάθαρτοι· ἀπὸ Σίφνου τῆς νήσου. Σίφνιος ἀῤῥαβών· περὶ τῶν Σιφνίων ἄτοπα διεδίδοτο, ὡς τῷ δακτύλῳ σκιμαλιζόντων· δηλοῖ οὖν τὸν διὰ δακτυλίου αἰδούμενον ἐπὶ τοῦ κακοσχόλου. (To play the Siphnian: said of those who apply the hands to the loins; as “to play the Lesbian” of those who act viciously in carnal pleasures.) Σιφνιάζειν and λεσβιάζειν from the islands Siphnos and Lesbos; just as the expression κρητίζειν (to play the Cretan) from Crete. Also the phrase “Siphnian surety”; for in the same way “to play the Siphnian” means to finger the posterior. But “to play the Lesbian”; to act viciously with the mouth.—Hesychius under the word Σίφνιοι: Siphnians, i.e. unclean persons; from the island of Siphnos. “Siphnian surety”: of the Siphnians abominable tales were told, to the effect that they poked the posterior with the finger. Signifies therefore one who acts disgracefully in connection with the anus, said of the idle voluptuary. Comp. σκιμαλίσαι, σκινδαρεύεσθαι in the same—Hesychius.

[260] Comp. Libanius, In Florent., p. 430. Toup, Opusc. critic., Leipzig 1780. p. 420.

[261] Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 517 f.

[262] Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Exc. p. 2336. Valerius Maximus, Bk. VI. 1. 9. Suidas, under Γαΐος Λαιτώριος (Caius Laetorius).

[263] Bk IX. Epigr. 9. Comp. Suetonius, Nero 28, 29. Dio Cassius, LXII. 28., LXIII. 13. Juvenal, Satir. I. 62., and especially Tacitus, Annal., Bk. XV. 37.—Tatian, Orat. ad Graec., p. 100., Παιδεραστία μὲν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων διώκεται, προνομίας δὲ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἠξίωται, παίδων ἀγέλας, ὥσπερ ἵππων φορβάδων, συναγείρειν αὐτῶν πειρωμένων. (Paederastia is followed by barbarians generally, but is held in pre-eminent esteem by Romans, who endeavour to get together herds of boys, as it were of brood mares). Justin Martyr, Apolog., I. p. 14., Πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι τοὺς πάντας σχεδὸν ὁρῶμεν ἐπὶ πορνείᾳ προάγοντας, οὐ μόνον τὰς κόρας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄρσενας· καὶ ὃν τρόπον λέγονται οἱ παλαιοὶ ἀγέλας βοῶν, ἢ αἰγῶν, ἢ προβάτων τρέφειν, ἢ ἵππων φορβάδων, οὕτω νῦν δὲ παῖδας, εἰς τὸ αἰσχρῶς χρῆσθαι μόνον, καὶ ὁμοίων θηλειῶν, καὶ ἀνδρογύνων, καὶ ἀῤῥητοποιῶν πλῆθος κατὰ τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐπὶ τούτου τοῦ ἅγους ἔστηκεν. (First because we behold nearly all men seducing to fornication not merely girls, but also males. And just as our fathers are spoken of as keeping herds of oxen, or goats, or sheep, or of brood mares, so now they keep boys, solely for the purpose of shameful usage, treating them as females, or men-women, and doing unspeakable acts. To such a pitch of pollution has the multitude throughout the whole people come).

[264] That boys were kept in the brothels at Rome as paramours is seen from a host of passages in Ancient authors, e. g. Martial, bk. XI. Epigr. 45.,

Intrasti quoties inscriptae limina cellae

Seu puer arrisit, sive puella tibi.

(As oft as you have crossed the threshold of a “chamber” inscribed with name on door, whether it were boy that threw you a smile, or girl). They, as well as women, had to pay the Whore-tax. Comp. above p. 118. Note 6.

[265] Bk. III. Epigr. 71.

[266] Caelius Aurelianus, Acut. morb. (Acute Diseases), bk. III. ch. 18., Aliorum autem medicorum, excepto Themisone, nullus hanc passionem conscribit, cum non solum raro, verum etiam coacervatim, saepissime invasisse videatur. Memorat denique Themison, apud Cretam multos satyriasi interfectos. (But of other physicians none, with the exception of Themison, describes this complaint, though it appears to have attacked the population very frequently not only sporadically, but actually as an epidemic. In fact Themison records that in Crete men died of Satyriasis).

[267] “Handbuch der medicin. Klinik” (Manual of Clinical Medicine), Vol. VII. pp. 88 and 670.

[268] Bk. VI. Epigr. 37.

[269] Martial, Bk. XI. Epigr. 99.

[270] Martial, XI. 88.

[271] Martial, VI. 49.

[272] Martial, Bk. XII. Epigr. 33.

[273] Martial, Bk. I. Epigr. 66. The old Grammars had the following lines:

Haec ficus, fici vel ficus, fructus et arbor,

Hic ficus, fici, malus est in podice morbus.

(Feminine:—ficus, gen. -i and -us, fig and fig-tree; masculine:—ficus, gen. -i, is an evil disease of the fundament.)

[274] Satir. Bk. I. Sat. VIII. 46.

[275] Martial, Bk. VII. Epigram 71.

[276] There still remains some doubt in our mind as to the meaning of another Epigram of Martial’s, Bk. IV. Epigr. 52.

Gestari iunctis nisi desinis, Hedyle, capris

Qui modo ficus eras, iam caprificus eris,

(Unless you cease, Hedylus, to go with “she-goats” in copulation, you who were but now a fig-tree, will presently be a wild fig-tree (goat-fig)).

If capra (she-goat) here has the meaning of scortum (common strumpet),—and it cannot very well signify anything else,—the passage is an undoubted proof that such swellings were a consequence of coition with common prostitutes, and that the latter were ordinarily affected with them.—In Petronius, Sat. ch. 46., it is said of some one: Ingeniosus est et bono filo etiamsi in nave morbosus est. (He is of good abilities and good fibre, but he is diseased with swellings on the fundament.) Burmann notes on this: In nave—id est mariscas habet. Navis est podex ficosus. Hinc dictum illud Casellii apud Quintilianum, (De Instit. Orat. VI. 3. 87.) Consultori dicenti, navem dividere volo, respondentis, perdes. (In nave—that is, he has swellings. Navis (literally a ship) means a fundament afflicted with swellings. Hence the bon mot of Casellius, quoted in Quintilian. In reply to a client who said “I wish to cut (divide into shares) my ship” (navis,—means also diseased fundament), he retorted, “It’ll be fatal!”)

[277] Bk. VII. Epigr. 34. Persius, Satir. I. 33., Hic aliquis—Rancidulum quiddam balba de nare locutus. (Hereupon some one spoke something offensive through stuttering nose—in a stuttering nasal voice). Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. bk. IX., Orationem salebrosas passam iuncturas per cameram volutatam balbutire. (To stammer out through the palate’s vault all a-tremble a speech where the periods are joltingly united).

[278] Joannes Jac. Reiske, and Joannes Ern. Faber, “Opuscula medica ex monumentis Arabum et Ebraeorum,” (Medical Tracts—from Arabic and Hebrew Writings), edit. Ch. G. Gruner. Halle 1776. 8vo., p. 61 Note: Ita tamen miror, ab antiquitatis patronis argumentum inde allatum non fuisse, quod veterum cinaedi passi fuerint in naribus et in palato vitium, a quo clare non potuerint eloqui, sed ῥέγχειν, stertere et rhonchissare debuerint. Cf. diserta sed acris oratio Dionis Chrysostomi Tarsica prior etc. (Yet I wonder at this, that the advocates of its antiquity have not drawn an argument from the fact that among the Ancients the cinaedi suffered from an affection of the nose and palate, that prevented their speaking distinctly, and made them ῥέγχειν, snore and snort, Comp. the eloquent, but censorious, Speech of the Rhetor Dio Chrysostom, First Tarsica, etc.) Gruner in his Antiq. Morborum (Antiquity of Diseases), p. 77., likewise cited this reference, but it appears without having personally compared the passages with precision.

[279] Speeches, edit. by Joannes Jac. Reiske. 2 Vols. Leipzig 1784 large 8vo., Vol. II. Speech XXXIII (not XXXII, as given in Reiske and Gruner), pp. 14 sqq.

[280] Ἀκολάστοις (intemperate). This word often occurs in the sense of paederast, especially when the latter is spoken of as pursuing the vice passionately. Thus Aeschines, in Timarch., pp. 63, 183. Plato, Sympos., 186 c.

[281] Τὸν δέ γε ἄγριον τοῦτον καὶ χαλεπὸν ἦχον. (This rough and harsh tone of voice). The word ἄγριος (rough, savage) is specially used of the paederast, Aristophanes, Clouds 347., and the Scholiast on the passage; the same is true of χαλεπὸς (hard, harsh). The Scholiast on Aeschines, In Timarch., p. 731 R., ἀγρίους τοὺς σφόδρα ἐπτοημένους περὶ τὰ παιδικὰ καὶ χαλεποὺς παιδεραστάς. (rough men that are above measure agog for boy-loves,—hard paederasts.) All through the Speech are found a host of allusions to the expressions in common use to signify paederastia, which may well make the right understanding of it difficult.

[282] Τὸ πρᾶγμα (the thing) has the same meaning here as πρᾶξις (doing, intercourse) in Aeschines, In Timarch., pp. 159, 160. Plato, Sympos., 181 b.

[283] Κινεῖται (is raised, is stirred), from which the word Κίναιδος, cinaedus, is derived.

[284] On the digitus medius (middle finger) or infamis compare Upton on Arrian’s Diss. Epictet, II. 2. p. 176.—“Abhandlung von den Fingern, deren Verrichtungen und symbolischen Bedeutung.” (Treatise on the Fingers, their Gestures and Symbolic Meaning). Leipzig 1756. pp. 172-221. But in particular Forberg, loco citato p. 338. note h.: Cum digitus medius porrectus, reliquis incurvatis, tentam repraesentet mentulam cum coleis suis, factum est, ut medium digitum hoc modo ostenderent (Graeci uno verbo dixerunt σκιμαλίζειν) cinaedis, sive pelliciendis, sive irridendis. (In as much as the middle finger stretched out, the other fingers being bent under, represents the extended penis with its bags (testicles), it came about that the Greeks used to show the middle finger in this way (the Greeks expressed it by one word σκιμαλίζειν) to cinaedi, whether to beckon them or by way of derision.). Martial, I. 93., Saepe mihi queritur Celsus.... Tangi se digito, Mamuriane, tuo. (Often Celsus complains to me that he is touched by your finger, Mamurianus.) VI. 70., Ostendit digitum, sed impudicum. (He shows a finger, but an indecent one). Οἱ δὲ Ἀττικοὶ καὶ τὸν μέσον τῆς χειρὸς δάκτυλον καταπύγωνα ὠνόμαζον. (Now the Attics used to call the middle finger of the hand the lewd finger.) Pollux, Onomast., II. 4. 184. Suetonius, Caligula, ch. 56., Osculandam manum offerre, formatam commotamque in obscoenum modum. (To offer his hand to be kissed, put into an obscene shape and moved in an obscene way.) Th. Echtermeyer, “Progr. über Namen und symbol. Bedeut. der Finger bei den Griechen und Römern.” (Names and Symbolic Meaning of the Fingers amongst the Greeks and Romans.) Halle 1835. 4to., pp. 41-49., treats very exhaustively of this subject.

[285] On account of the resemblance of its harsh, screeching note? Reiske remarks on this passage: Est autem κερχνίς avis quaedam a stertendo sic dicta, vel stridore, quem edit similem iis qui stertunt. (But the κερχνίς,—hawk, is a bird so called from the snoring, or harsh note it utters, like men who snore). Comp. Schneider, Lexicon, under words κέρχνος and κέρχω (hoarseness, to make hoarse).

[286] Horace, Odes II. 8.,

Ulla si iuris tibi peierati

Poena, Barine, nocuisset unquam,

Dente si nigro fieres, vel uno Turpior ungui,

Crederem.

(If any punishment for perjured faith had ever hurt you, Barinus, if you had had but a blackened tooth, or had been disfigured in one single nail, I would believe).

[287] Epistle to the Romans, Ch. I. vv. 24, 26, 27.

[288] Names of noted women are given by Martial, bk. XI. Epigr. 95. Comp. below. p. 118. note 3.

[289] Rerum Gestarum bk. XIV. ch. 19.—Petronius, Satir., ch. 68., says of a slave: duo tamen vitia habet, quae si non haberet, esset omnium nummorum: recutitus est et stertit. (Yet has he two faults, lacking which he would be a man above price: he is circumcised and he snorts.)—Terence, Eunuch., Act V. sc 1. v. 53, Fatuus et insulsus, bardus, stertit noctes et dies. Neque istum metuas ne amet mulier. (Foolish and silly, a stupid fellow, he snores all night and all day. Have no fear that a woman could love him.)

[290] Bk. XII. Epigr. 87.,

Paediconibus os olere dicis.

Hoc si sic, ut ais, Fabulle, verum est,

Quid tu credis olere cunnilingis?

(You say paederasts’ breath smells foul. If what you allege is true, Fabullus, what sort of a breath think you have cunnilingi?—cunnilingi, i. e. illi qui pudenda mulierum lingunt, men who lick women’s private parts).

[291] Lucian, Philopatr., ch. 20. relates: Ἀνθρωπίσκος δέ τις, τοὔνομα Χαρίκενος, σεσημμένον γερόντιον, ῥέγχον τῇ ῥινὶ, ὑπέβηττε μύχιον, ἐχρέμπτετο ἐπισεσυρμένον· ὁ δὲ πτύελος κυανώτερος θανάτου· εἶτα ἤρξατο ἐπιφθέγγεσθαι κατισχνημένον. (But a little man, whose name was Charicenus, a tiny mouldy old man, snorting through his nose, gave a deep cough and cleared his throat with a long-drawn hawking,—and his spittle was blacker than death. Then he began to speak in a thin voice). The same is said of an Egyptian boy in Lucian’s Navigium, ch. 2. Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic., Bk. III. ch. 5., gives the following story: Plutarchus refert, Arcesilaum philosophum vehementi verbo usum esse de quodam nimis delicato divite, qui incorruptus tamen et castus et perinteger dicebatur. Num cum vocem eius infractam, capillumque arte compositum et oculos ludibundos atque illecebrae voluptatisque plenos videret: Nihil interest, inquit quibus membris cinaedi sitis, posterioribus an prioribus. (Plutarch reports a biting phrase made use of by the philosopher Arcesilaus of a certain rich and over-dainty man, who yet had the name of being unspoiled and temperate and highly virtuous. Noting his broken voice, and hair artfully arranged, and rolling eyes full of allurement and wantonness, “It makes no odds,” he said, “which members ye play the cinaedus with, whether those behind or those in front.”) Comp. § 16. below.

[292] Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 4. p. 230.

[293] E.G. Bose, νόσῳ θηλείᾳ· (Discussion of the νόσος θήλεια of the Scythians). Leipzig 1774. 4to.—Chr. Heyne, “De maribus inter Scythas morbo effeminatis et de Hermaphroditis Floridae.” (On the transformation of males into females among the Scythians as the result of disease, and on the Hermaphrodites of Florida). Göttingen 1779., Vol. I. pp. 28-44.—E. L. W. Nebel, “De Morbis Veterum obscuris.” (On some Obscure Diseases of the Ancients) Sect. I. Giessen 1794. No. I. pp. 17, 18.—Graaf, “Morbus femineus Scytharum.” (Feminine Disease of the Scythians). Würzburg N. D. 8vo., is cited by Friedreich. p. 33.—C. W. Stark, “De νούσῳ θηλείᾳ apud Herodotum Prolusio.” (Disquisition on the νούσος θήλεια in Herodotus). Jena 1827. 64 pp. 4to.—J. B. Friedreich, “Νοῦσος θήλεια”, a Historical fragment in his “Magazin für Seelenheilkunde” (Magazine of Medical Psychology). Pt. I. Würzburg 1829., pp. 71-78., and in his “Analekten zur Natur- und Heilkunde” (Selections in Natural and Medical Science) Würzburg 1831. 4to., pp. 28-33.

[294] Herodotus, Hist. Bk. I. ch. 105. Τοῖσι δὲ τῶν Σκυθέων συλήσασι τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι, καὶ τοῖσι τούτων αἰεὶ ἐκγὁνοισι, ἐνέσκηψε ἡ θεὸς θήλειαν νοῦσον· ὥστε ἅμα λέγουσί τε οἱ Σκύθαι διὰ τοῦτό σφεας νοσέειν, καὶ ὁρᾷν παρ’ ἑωυτοῖσι τοὺς ἀπικνεομένους ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν χώρην ὡς διακέαται, τοὺς καλέουσι Ἐναρέας οἱ Σκύθαι.—for translation see text.

[295] “Recherches et Dissertations sur Herodote.” (Researches and Dissertations on Herodotus). Dijon 1746. 4to., pp. 207-212. Ch. XX., Ce que c’étoit que la maladie des femmes, que la Déesse Venus envoya aus Scythes. (What was the nature of the “Women’s Disease” which the goddess Venus sent on the Scythians).

[296] Costar, “Defence des Œuvres de Voiture.” (Defence of the Works of Voiture), and “Apologie” p. 194.

[297] Sprengel, “Apologie des Hippocrates.” (Defence of Hippocrates). Leipzig 1792. Pt. II. p. 616.

[298] De Girac, “Réponse à l’Apologie de Voiture par Costar.” (Reply to Costar’s Apology of Voiture). p. 54.

[299] Bayer, “Memoria Scythica in Commentat. Petropolitan,” (Memoir on the Scythians,—in St. Petersburg Commentaries). 1732., Vol. III. pp. 377, 8.

[300] Part. VI. p. 35.

[301] Patin, “Comment. in vetus monument. Ulpiae Marcellin.” (Commentary on the ancient Monument of Ulpia Marcellina) p. 413.

[302] Hensler, “Geschichte der Lustseuche.” (History of Venereal Disease). Altona 1783., Vol. I. p. 211.

[303] Degen, Translation of Herodotus (German), Vol. I. p. 81. note.

[304] Mercurialis, Various Readings. Bk. III. d. 64.

[305] Sauvages, “Nosologia methodic.” (Systematic Nosology). Lyons 1772., Vol. VII. p. 365.

[306] Koray on Hippocrates, “De aere aq. et loc.” (On influence of Air, Water and Locality)., Vol. II. p. 326.

[307] In Euripides’ Hippolytus, v. 5., Venus says of herself:

τοὺς μὲν σέβοντας τἀμὰ πρεσβεύω κράτη,

σφάλλω δ’ ὅσοι φρονοῦσιν εἰς ἡμᾶς μέγα.

(I love and protect him who recognises my right, and undo him whose pride rebels against me).

[308] Plato, Sympos. 192 b., πρὸς γάμους καὶ παιδοποιΐας οὐ προσέχουσι τὸν νοῦν φύσει, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἀναγκάζονται, ἀλλ’ ἐξαρκεῖ αὐτοῖς μετ’ ἀλλήλων καταζῆν ἀγάμοις. (To marriage and the procreation of children they pay no attention whatever naturally, but are only forced by the law to do so. It is enough for them to live out their lives with one another unwed).

[309] “Histoire d’Herodote, par M. Larcher.” (Herodotus’ History, translated (French) by Mons. Larcher). Vol. I. Paris 1786., p. 368. Un homme d’esprit, mais peu instruit, croyoit que le sentiment de M. le President Bouhier se detruisoit de lui-même. Peut on supposer, disoit il, que Vénus aveugle en sa vengeance, se soit fait à elle même l’affront le plus sanglant, et qu’aux dépens de son culte, elle ait procuré des adorateurs au Dieu de Lampsaque, qu’elle ne doit chérir que lorsqu’il vient sacrifier sur ses autels. (A witty but superficial critic considered the opinion of the president Bouhier to be self-contradictory. Can Venus be supposed, he argued, so blind in her vengeance as to have put on herself the deadliest of affronts, and at the expense of her own worship to have given adorers to the god of Lampsacus, whom she must only patronize when he comes to sacrifice at her altars?)

[310] Natalis Comes, Mythologia p. 392., according to the report of several Scholiasts. The Scholiast on Lucian, Amores ch. 2., writes Ἐπεὶ καὶ ταῖς Λημνίαις γυναιξὶν ἔγκοτος Ἀφροδίτη γενομένη, εἶτα δυσώδεις αὐτὰς ποιήσασα, ἀποκοίτους αὐτὰς ποιῆσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας αὐτῶν ἠνάγκασεν. (When Aphrodité, angered with the women of Lemnos, had then made them malodorous, and so compelled their husbands to expel them from their beds). Similarly the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argonaut., I. 609., αἱ Λήμνιαι γυναῖκες ... τῶν τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τιμῶν κατολιγωρήσασαι, καθ’ ἑαυτῶν τὴν θεὸν ἐκίνησαν· πάσαις γάρ δυσοσμίαν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς μηκέτι αὐτὰς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀρέσκειν. (The Lemnian women, by neglecting the honours due to Aphrodité, stirred the goddess’ anger against them. For she inflicted on them all an ill-odour, so that they were no longer pleasing to their husbands). To the same purport the Scholiast on Euripides, Hecuba v. 887., who cites Didymus as authority:

Ἐν Λήμνῳ γυναῖκες ἐτέλουν ἐτήσιον ἑορτὴν Ἀφροδίτῃ· ἐπεὶ οὖν ποτε καταφρονήσασαι τῆς θεοῦ, ἀπέλιπον τὸ ἔθος, ἡ Ἀφροδίτη ἐνέβαλεν αὐταῖς δυσωδίαν, ὡς μὴ δύνασθαι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἄνδρας αὐταῖς πλησιάσαι· αἱ δὲ νομίσασαι, ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν καταφρονεῖσθαι, τούτους πάντας ἀπέκτειναν. ὁ δέ Δίδυμος οὕτω. (At Lemnos the women used to celebrate a yearly festival in honour of Aphrodité. And so when on one occasion they scorned the goddess and neglected the custom, Aphrodité afflicted them with an ill odour, so that their own husbands could not come near them. And they concluding they were scorned by their husbands, killed them all. Didymus confirms this). The Lesbian Myrtilus or Myrsilus gives a different account of the origin of the evil smell of the Lesbian women, representing it in the First Book of his “Lesbica” as a consequence of the magic arts of Medea, who had landed with Jason at Lemnos. The story was taken from the lost Work of Myrtilus by Antigonus Carystius, Histor. mirab. collect., edit. J. Meursius. Leyden 1629. 4to., ch. 130. p. 97., Τὰς δέ Λημνίας δυσόσμους γενέσθαι, Μηδείας ἀφικομένης μετ’ Ἰάσονος καὶ φάρμακα ἐμβαλλούσης εἰς τὴν νῆσον· κατὰ δέ τινα χρόνον καὶ μάλιστα ἐν ταύταις ταῖς ἡμέραις, ἐν αἷς ἱστοροῦσι τὴν Μήδειαν παραγενέσθαι, δυσώδεις αὐτὰς οὕτως γίνεσθαι ὥστε μηδένα προσϊέναι. (And that the Lemnian women became malodorous, when Medea came thither with Jason and cast poisonous drugs on the island; and that for some length of time and particularly in those days when Medea is related to have been there, they were so ill-smelling that no man could approach them.) Also the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, I. 165., says: τῶν ἄλλων ἱστορούντων, ὅτι κατὰ χόλον τῆς Ἀφροδίτης αἱ Λημνιάδες δύσοσμοι ἐγένοντο, Μυρτίλος ἐν πρώτῳ Λεσβικῶν διαφέρεται· καὶ φησὶ τὴν Μήδειαν παραπλέουσαν, διὰ ζηλοτυπίαν ῥίψαι εἰς τὴν Λήμνον φάρμακον, καὶ δυσοσμίαν γενέσθαι ταῖς γυναιξίν, εἶναί τε μέχρι τοῦ νῦν κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἡμέραν τινὰ, ἐν ᾗ διὰ τὴν δυσωδίαν ἀποστρέφονται τὰς γυναῖκας ἄνδρές τε καὶ υἱεῖς. (Whereas others relate that in consequence of the anger of Aphrodité the women of Lemnos became evil-smelling, Myrtilus in the first Book of the “Lesbica” tells a different tale. He says that Medea, sailing past the land, moved by envy cast a poison on the island, and so an ill odour fell on the women; further that there is down to the present time a day once a year, on which owing to this foul odour husbands and sons turn and flee from the women.) Finally there is an Epigram of Lucillius in the Greek Anthology (edit. H. de Bosch, Vol. I. p. 416.) Bk. II. Tit. 14. no. 4., mentioning the evil smell of the Lemnian women:

Οὔτε Χίμαιρα τοιοῦτον ἔπνει κακὸν, ἡ καθ’ Ὅμηρον,

Οὐκ ἀγέλη ταύρων (ὡς ὁ λόγος) πυρίπνους,

Οὐ Λῆμνος σύμπασ’, οὐχ Ἁρπυιῶν τὰ περισσὰ,

Οὐδ’ ὁ Φιλοκτήτου ποὺς ἀποσηπόμενος,

Ὥστε σε παμψηφεὶ νικᾶν, Τελέσιλλα, Χιμαίρας,

Σηπεδόνας, ταύρους, ὄρνεα, Λημνιάδας.

(Neither the Chimaera of Homer had so ill a smell, nor yet the herd (as the story goes) of fire-breathing bulls, not all Lemnos, not the foulest of the Harpies, nor even Philoctetes’ putrefying foot. So you see, Telesilla, you outdo—the vote is unanimous,—Chimaeras, putrefactions, bulls, birds, Lemnian women!) The stench of Telesilla outdid, we see, all known evil smells, even that of the Lemnian women, etc. Also in Valerius Flaccus, bk. II. 99-241., is found this myth of the Lemnian women.

[311] Hence Iphis, in Ovid, Metam., IX. 723 sqq., says:

Iphis amat, qua posse frui desperat, et auget

Hoc ipsum flammas: ardetque in virgine virgo.

Vix tenens lacrimas: Quis me manet exitus, inquit,

Cognita quam nulli, quam prodigiosa novaeque

Cura tenet Veneris? si dii mihi parcere vellent.

Naturale malum saltem et de more dedissent.

Nec vaccam vaccae, nec equas amor urit equarum.

Femina femineo correpta cupidine nulla est.

Vellem nulla forem.

(Iphis loves one that she knows, alas! she can never enjoy, and this fact itself increases her passion. A maiden burns for a maiden. Hardly keeping back her tears she cries: What fate awaits me,—me who suffer sorrow of Venus known to none, a sorrow monstrous and of strange new sort? If the gods were willing to spare me, they would have given me a natural curse surely, one of ordinary kind. No cow burns for a cow, no mare for the love of mares, nor any woman is taken with love for a woman. Would I were no woman!)

Similarly Lucillius says of the paederast Cratippus in the Greek Anthology, bk. II. Tit. V. no. 1.;

Τὸν φιλόοπαιδα Κράτιππον ἀκούσατε· θαῦμα γὰρ ὑμῖν

Καινὸν ἀπαγγέλλω· πλὴν μεγάλαι νεμέσεις·

Τὸν φιλόπαιδα Κράτιππον ἀνεύρομεν ἄλλο γένος· τί;

Τῶν ἑτεροζήλων ἤλπισα τοῦτ’ ἂν ἐγὼ;

Ἤλπισα τοῦτο, Κράτιππε; μανήσομαι, εἰ λύκος εἶναι

Πᾶσι λέγων ἐφάνης ἐξαπίνης ἔριφος.

(Of the boy-loving Cratippus will I tell you; for a strange new wonder I report. Yea! great are the penalties he pays. The boy-loving Cratippus we have found has another character. What character? I should have thought him to be of those whose love is eager on one side only. Did I think so, Cratippus? Well, I shall seem a madman, if—professing the while to all to be a wolf,—you of a sudden appear in the character of a kid).

But most important in this connection is the passage of Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch., p. 178., μὴ γὰρ οἴεσθαι, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, τὰς τῶν ἀτυχημάτων ἀρχὰς ἀπὸ θεῶν, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὑπ’ ἀνθρώπων ἀσελγείας γίνεσθαι, μηδὲ τοὺς ἠσεβηκότας, καθάπερ ἐπὶ ταῖς τραγῳδίαισι, Ποινὰς ἐλαύνειν καὶ κολάζειν δᾳσὶν ἡμμέναις· ἀλλ’ αἱ προπετεῖς τοῦ σώματος ἡδοναὶ, καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ἱκανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι. (For you must not dream, Athenians, that the causes of calamities are from the gods, and that such are not rather due to the wickedness of mankind. Do not imagine the impious are driven by Furies, as is represented in the Tragedies, and chastised with blazing torches; nay! it is reckless indulgence in bodily pleasures that is the scourge, and immoderate desires). Comp. Theon, Progymn., ch. 7.—Cicero, Orat. in Pison., 20., Nolite putare, Patres Conscripti, ut in scena videtis homines consceleratos impulso deorum terreri Furiarum taedis ardentibus. Sua quemque fraus, suum facinus, suum scelus, sua audacia de sanitate ac mente deturbat. Hae sunt impiorum Furiae, hae flammae, hae faces. (Dream not, Conscript Fathers, that wicked men, as you see represented on the stage, are driven in terror, at the instigation of the gods, by the blazing torches of the Furies. ’Tis his own dishonesty, his own wickedness, his own baseness, his own recklessness, that destroys each man’s health and sanity. These are the furies that torment the impious, these the flames and torches).

[312] De Bello Peloponnesiaco, Bk. I. ch. 12. (edit. Bauer. Leipzig 1790. 4to., p. 33.), καὶ Φιλοκτήτης διὰ τὸν Πάριδος θάνατον θήλειαν νόσον νοσήσας, καὶ μὴ φέρων τὴν αἰσχύνην, ἀπελθὼν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος, ἔκτισε πόλιν, ἣν διὰ τὸ πάθος Μαλακίαν ἐκάλεσε.—for translation see text above. Our view on this passage is shared by Manso, pp. 46 and 70.

[313] Bk. II. Epigr. 84. How Meier, loco citato p. 160., could derive a proof from this passage that Philoctetes had been the pathic of Hercules is beyond our comprehension, seeing that Hercules had long been dead when Philoctetes was punished with this vice by Venus.

[314] Bk. II. Epigr. 89.

[315] Works of Ausonius; Delphin edition, revised by J. B. Souchay. Paris 1730. 4to., p. 4. Carm. 71. Following a ridiculous custom the “Obscoena e textu Ausoniano resecta” (Objectionable passages removed from the text of Ausonius) are printed together at the end of the Book, and separately paged.

[316] Instit. orat, Bk. X. ch. 1.

[317] Fab. 148.—Barth on Statius’ Thebaid. V. 59.

[318] Tragoed. Hippolyt., 124.; and Servius on Virgil, Aeneid, Bk. VI. v. 14., Venus vehementer dolens stirpem omnem Solis persequi infandis amoribus coepit. (Venus, exceedingly indignant, proceeds to afflict all the descendants of the Sun with abominable loves.)

[319] Amores, ch. 2., οὕτω τις ὑγρὸς τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἐνοικεῖ μύωψ, ὃς ἅπαν πάλλος εἰς αὑτὸν ἁρπάζων ἐπ’ οὐδενὶ κόρῳ παύεται· καὶ συνεχὲς ἀπορεῖν ἐπέρχεταί μοι, τίς οὗτος Ἀφροδίτης ὁ χόλος· οὐ γὰρ Ἡλιάδης ἐγώ τις, οὐδὲ Λημνιάδων ἔρις, οὐδὲ Ἱππολύτειον ἀγροικίαν ὠφρυωμένος, ὡς ἐρεθίσαι τῆς θεοῦ τὴν ἄπαυστον ταύτην ὀργήν. (for translation see text above.) The word ἔρις—strife, in this passage is obviously corrupt, having got into the text probably by confusion with ἐρεθίσαι—to provoke, standing just below in the MS. Jacobs proposed ἔρνος—scion, but according to Lehmann this is too poetical a word for Lucian; ἐρεὺς—in the sense of heir, might very well be read, giving the same meaning. Could ὕβριν—insolence, have been the original word in the text? Lucian must have written the passage with a reference to the above mentioned punishment of the Lemnian women by Venus, and by Λημνιάδων—Lemnian women, we must understand not the descendants of the women of Lemnos, but these women themselves, Apollonius Rhodius (Argon., I. 653.) also using Λημνιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες—Lemnian women, of these same inhabitants of the island. Now the Greeks characterized every form of behaviour of a kind to incur the anger of the goddess by the word ὕβρις—overbearing insolence; and this would exactly fit in the passage, for the οὐδὲ ... οὐδὲ—neither ... nor, calls for a correspondence of phrase in each clause, and ὕβρις and ἀγροικία—brutal insensibility, tally excellently. For ὕβρις in the sense indicated comp. Clement of Alexandria, Paedag., Bk. II. ch. 10., ἐπιθυμία γὰρ κακὴ ὄνομα ὕβρις, καὶ τὸν τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἵππον, ὑβριστὴν ὁ Πλάτων (Phaedr. pp. 1226, 27.) προσεῖπεν, Ἵπποι θηλυμανεῖς ἐγενήθητέ μοι, ἀναγνούς. (for evil concupiscence is called ὕβρις, and the horse of concupiscence Plato named Ὑβριστὴς—Overbearing, having read “Wild horses ye became to me.”) We should then have to translate, supposing we read ὕβριν in the text, “I am neither puffed up with the insolence of the women of Lemnos, nor yet with the brutal insensibility of Hippolytus.” Very possibly an Attic writer would not have expressed himself so; but we must remember that Fr. Jacobs, a man of fine discrimination of Classical diction, denied from the first Lucian’s authorship of the passage ob orationem difficilem valdeque impeditam—because of its difficult and exceedingly awkward style. The unfavourable judgement which Lehmann in his edition passes on this Work (Lucian’s Amores) so far as its general tenor is concerned, is based we may observe almost entirely on the confusion of paedophilia with paederastia. However under no circumstances has any actual allusion been made to the lewdness of the Lemnian women, if Belin, de Ballu, and others agree in this rendering.

[320] De special legib., Opera Vol. II. p. 304.

[321] Ovid, Metamorphos., bk. X. 238.

[322] Ovid, Metamorphos., bk. X. 298.—Servius on Virgil, Eclog. X. 18. Fulgentius, Mytholog. III. 8.

[323] Ausonius, Epigr. C.,

De Hermaphrodito

Mercurio genitore satus, genetrice Cythere,

Nominis ut mixti, sic corporis Hermaphroditus,

Concretus sexu, sed non perfectus, utroque:

Ambiguae Veneris, neutro potiundus amori.

(Of Hermaphroditus.—Born of Mercury as sire, of Cythera as mother, Hermaphroditus, at once of compound name and compound body, combined of either sex, but complete in neither; a being of ambiguous love, that can enjoy the joys of neither passion.)

[324] Orat contra Alcibiad., I. p. 550., οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ αὐτῶν ἡταιρήκασιν. (the majority of them have become prostitutes.) Comp. Meier, loco citato p. 173., who in another place, p. 154 note 79., has authenticated the meaning of ἑταιρεῖν (to be a hetaera, prostitute, used of men, viz. to submit the body for pay to another to violate.)

[325] “De morbis acutis et chronicis, lib. VIII.” (On acute and chronic Diseases—8 Books.) edit. Amman. Amsterdam 1722. 4to. Chronic Diseases, Bk. IV. ch. 9. In this book diseases of the intestinal canal are treated, and immediately preceding the subject of Worms. So the vice must have been regarded as if it were a disease of the rectum, though the author says it had its origin in a mental derangement. Comp. C. Barth, Adversar., bk. IV. ch. 3., bk. XLIII. ch. 21, bk. XLVIII. ch. 3., bk. XXIII. ch. 2. bk. XIII. ch. 13., where several emendations are to be found of the corruptions of the text.

[326] Tribades dictae a τρίβω, frico, frictrices, sunt quibus ea pars naturae muliebris, quam clitoridem vocant, in tantam magnitudinem excrescit, ut possint illa pro mentula vel ad futuendum vel ad paedicandum uti. “Tribades”, so called from τρίβω,—I rub, women that rub, are such as have that portion of the woman’s parts which is called the clitoris grown to a size so excessive that they can use it as a penis whether for fornicating or for paederastia. So says Forberg, loco citato p. 345. Comp. Hesychius ἑταιρίστριαι τριβάδες (lewd women, tribades.) The Lesbian women were especially notorious for it. Lucian, Dialog. meretr. 5., τοιαύτας (ἑταιριστρίας) ἐν Λέσβῳ λέγουσι γυναῖκας, ὑπὸ ἀνδρῶν μὲν οὐκ ἐθελούσας αὐτὸ πάσχειν, γυναιξὶ δὲ αὐτὰς πλησιαζούσας, ὥσπερ ἄνδρας. (such women—tribades, they say there are in Lesbos, who will not suffer it from men, but themselves go with women, as if they were men). But we must beware of connecting the word λεσβιάζειν (the act the Lesbian) with this; it means something quite different, as we shall see later on. The Milesian women were skilled Tribades, employing an artificial penis made of leather, which was called by the Greeks ὄλισβος. Aristophanes, Lysistrat. 108-110.,

οὐκ εἶδον οὐδ’ ὄλισβον ὀκταδάκτυλον,

ὃς ἦν ἂν ἠμῖιν σκυτίνη ’πικουρία.

(Since when the Milesians betrayed us, I have never seen even an eight-inch olisbos, that would have been a leathern succour for us.) Suidas, s. v. ὄλισβος· αἰδοῖον δερμάτινον, ᾧ ἐχρῶντο αἱ μιλήσιαι γυναῖκες, ὡς τριβάδες, καὶ αἰσχρουργοί. ἐχρῶντο καὶ αὐτοῖς καὶ αἱ χῆραι γυναῖκες.—s. v. μισήτης· μισῆται δὲ γυναῖκες ὀλίσβῳ χρήσονται. (under the word ὄλισβος: a member of leather; which the Milesian women used, such as tribades and bad women. They were used by widows also.—under the word μισήτης (lewd person): and lewd women will use the olisbos.) Comp. the Scholiast to the passage of Aristophanes quoted. There were also cakes shaped like an olisbos and called ὀλισβόκολλοξ (olisbos-loaves)—Hesychius, which remind us of the cakes in the shape of a penis that were sold in Italy at the feast of SS. Cosmus and Damian. (see Knight, loco citato p. 62.)

[327] Longao or Longano signifies the rectum—straight gut, the large intestine, the longus anus, prolonged anus, as it were. The word is found frequently in Caelius Aurelianus and in Vegetius, De re veterin. (On Veterinary medicine). II. 14., 21., 28. IV. 8. Since the large intestine was used for sausages (Apicius. De re coq.) (On Cookery, Bk. IV. ch. 2.), the sausage was also called longano or longavo. Varro, De ling. lat. V. 111.

[328] We have not been able to ascertain whether the Fragment here quoted is extant in Greek as well, for the Fragments of Parmenides, by G. G. Fülleborn. Züllichau 1795. 8vo. were as inaccessible by us as were Brandis’ Commentationes Eleaticae.

[329] Physiognomicon ch. 3., in Scriptores Physiognomiae veteres (Ancient Writers on Physiognomy), edit. J. G. Fr. Franzius. Altenburg 1780 large 8vo., p, 51., Κιναίδου σημεῖα, ὄμμα κατακεκλασμένον, γονύκροτος, ἐγκίσεις τῆς κεφαλῆς εἰς τὰ δεξιά· αἱ φοραὶ τῶν χειρῶν ὑπτίαι καὶ ἔκλυτοι, καὶ βαδέσεις διτταὶ, ἡ μὲν περινεύοντος, ἡ δὲ κρατοῦντος, τὴν ὀσφύν, καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων περιβλέψεις· οἷος ἂν εἴη Διονύσιος ὁ σοφιστής. (for translation see text above). On p. 77. γονύκροτος (knock-kneed) is laid down as a characteristic of a woman. On p. 155 we read, οἱ ἐγκλινόμενοι εἰς τὰ δεξιὰ ἐν τῷ πορεύεσθαι, κίναιδοι. (those who bend to the right in walking are cinaedi.); on p. 50. καὶ ἰσχνὰ ὄμματα κατακεκλασμένα—ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὰ κεκλασμένα τῶν ὀμμάτων, δύο σημαίνει, τὸ μὲν μαλακὸν καὶ θῆλυ. (and withered, broken-down looking eyes,—and this broken-down appearance of the eyes denotes two things, the one being softness and effeminacy). Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog. bk. III. ch. 11., οὐδὲ κατακεκλασμένος, πλάγιον ποιήσας τὸν τράχηλον, περιπατεῖν ὥσπερ ἑτέρους ὁρῶ κιναίδους ἐνθάδε πολλοὺς ἄστει. (nor yet with broken-down look, bending the neck askance, to walk about as I see others do here, cinaedi,—yea, many of them in the city).

[330] Physiognom. bk. II. 9. l. c. p. 290., Ἀνδρογύνου σημεῖα. Ὑγρὸν βλέπει καὶ ἰταμὸν ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος, καὶ δονεῖται τὰ ὄμματα, καὶ περιτρέχει· μέτωπον σπᾶ, καὶ παρειάς, αἱ ὀφρύες οἰδαίνουσι κατὰ χώραν, τράχηλος κέκλιται, ὀσφὺς οὐκ ἀτρεμεῖ· κινεῖται πάντα τὰ μέλη ἅλματι· γονάτων κρότος καὶ χειρῶν φαίνεται· ὡς ταῦρος περιβλέπει εἰς ἑαυτὸν καὶ καταβλέπει· φωνεῖ λεπτὸν, κράζει δὲ λιγυρὰ, σκολιὰ πάνυ καὶ πάνυ ἔντρομα. (for translation see text above.) p. 275., οἱ τὰ γόνατα ἔσω νεύοντες, γυναικεῖοί τε καὶ θηλυδρίαι. (men that bow the knees inwards are womanish and effeminate).

[331] Physiognom. bk. II. 38. l. c. p. 440., Εἶδος ἀνδρογύνου. Ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος ὑγρὸν βλέπει, καὶ ἰταμὸν καὶ δονεῖται τὰ ὄμματα καὶ περιτρέχει· μέτωπον σπᾶ καὶ παρειάς. αἱ ὀφρύες μένουσι κατὰ χώραν, τράχηλος κέκλιται, ὀσφὺς οὐκ ἀτρεμεῖ· κινεῖται πάντα τὰ μέλη καὶ ἐπιθρώσκει· ἁλματίας ἐστὶ, γονύκροτος, χειρῶν φοραὶ ὕπτιαι· περιβλέπει ἑαυτὸν· φωνὴ λεπτὴ, ἐπικλάζουσα, λιγυρὰ, σχολαία πάνυ. (Appearance of the Man-woman. The man-woman has a lecherous and wanton look, he rolls his eyes and lets his gaze wander; forehead and cheeks twitch, eyebrows remain drawn to a point, neck bowed, hips in continual movement. All the limbs move and jump; he is spasmodic, knock-kneed, the movements of the hands with backs downwards; he gazes round him; his voice is thin, plangent, shrill, very uncertain.) p. 382., οἱ τὰ γόνατα ἔσω νεύοντες ὥσπερ συγκρούειν, γυναικεῖοι καὶ θηλυδρίαι. (men that bow the knees inwards as if to strike them together are womanish and effeminate.)

[332] Tarsica I. p. 410., These distinguishing marks were adequate for the Romans too, as we see from the passage of Aulus Gellius quoted on p. 143 above; side by side with which may be put another passage of the same author, Bk. VIII. ch. 12.

[333] Still another explanation would seem possible, according to Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 7. p. 179., ναὶ μὴν καὶ τῶν ὤτων οἱ γαργαλισμοὶ καὶ τῶν πταρμῶν οἱ ερεθισμοὶ, ὑώδεις εἰσὶ κνησμοὶ, πορνείας ἀκολάστου (Yea! and moreover ticklings of the ears, and irritations causing sneezing, these are swinish itches, signs of excessive licentiousness). For the rest Seneca, Epist. 114., also says, Non vides—si ille effeminatus est, in ipso incessu apparere mollitiam? (See you not—if he is effeminate, that his lasciviousness is apparent in his very walk?)

[334] Lucian, Adversus indoctum ch. 23., ...... μυρία γάρ ἐστι τὰ ἀντιμαρτυροῦντα τῷ σχήματι, βάδισμα καὶ φωνὴ, καὶ τράχηλος ἐπικεκλασμένος, καὶ ψιμύθιον, καὶ μαστίχη καὶ φῦκος οἷς ὑμεῖς κοσμεῖσθε, καὶ ὅλως, κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν, θᾶττον ἂν πέντε ἐλέφαντας ὑπὸ μάλης κρύψειας, ἢ ἕνα κίναιδον. (for translation see text above).

[335] Clement of Alexandria, Paedog. Bk. II. ch. 7. p. 173., also says ἀλλὰ τὸ τεθρυμμένον τῆς φωνῆς, θηλυδρίου. (but the broken character of the voice is a mark of the womanish man).

[336] Martial, Bk. VII. Epigr. 57.,

—sed habet tristis quoque turba cinaedos,

Difficile est, vero nubere, Galla, viro.

(... but the dismal throng contains cinaedi as well; ’tis a difficult matter, Galla, to marry a real man). Comp. Bk. IX. Epigr. 48.; and Juvenal, Satir. II. 8-13.,

Quis enim non vicus abundat

Tristibus obscoenis? castigas turpia, cum sis

Inter Socraticos notissima fossa cinaedos:

Hispida membra quidem et durae per brachia setae

Promittunt atrocem animum? sed podice laevi

Caeduntur tumidae, medico ridente, mariscae.

(For what street has not its crowd of dismal debauchees? you inveigh against vice, when you are the most notorious pit of abomination of all the host of Socratic cinaedi. Shaggy limbs indeed and sturdy bristles on your arms promise a rugged virtue; but your fundament is smooth, and the great bursting swellings on it are cut, the doctor grinning the while.) Seneca, Epist. 114., Ille et crura, hic nec alas vellit. (One man plucks bare his very legs, another not even the armpits.)

[337] Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch. p. 179., expresses it excellently, οὕτω τοὺς πεπορνευμένους, κᾂν μὴ παρῶμεν τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔργοις, ἐκ τῆς ἀναιδείας καὶ τοῦ θράσους καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων γινώσκομεν. (So with regard to debauchees, even though we are not present at their actual doings, we recognize them by their bold, shameless bearing and their general habits.)

[338] This was the special adornment of the woman, and was sacred to Venus; we read in Ausonius,

Barba Iovi, crines Veneri decor; ergo necesse est,

Ut nolint demi, quo sibi uterque placet.

(The beard is Jove’s pride, her locks Venus’s: they must needs then object to the removal of that wherein each takes special delight). Hence Ambrosius too, Hexamer. bk. VI., writes, Haud inscitum extat adagium: nullus comatus qui non idem cinaedus. (There is a familiar proverb that says: never a long-haired man but is a cinaedus.) In Martial, III. 58., they are called capillati (long-haired.)

[339] Diogenes Laertius, Vita Diogenis Bk. VI. 54.

[340] Clouds, 340 sqq. See also (German) Translation of Aristophanes by Fr. A. Wolf.

[341] Satir. II. 16. W. E. Weber (“Die Satiren des D. J. Juvenalis.”—The Satires of Decimus Junius Juvenalis. Halle 1838.) is mistaken in his way of taking this passage. Not only does he in his translation assign Peribomius’ words to Juvenal himself, but also in the notes, pp. 286 sqq., gives quite wrong explanations of several words. For instance he says, “inter Socraticos ... cinaedos, (amongst the Socratic cinaedi), the Socratic breed of wantons, the kind that give themselves an air of sober and highly moral habits, like Socrates;” but really the poet merely meant to express the idea of later times that Socrates had been a paederast. Discussing the passage Weber remarks of Peribomius, “One who in looks and gait, as being effeminate and of a womanish dandified bearing, confesses his evil state,—one of enervation and womanish amorousness,” whereas as a matter of fact Peribomius makes no other confession than simply that he is a pathic. We are not to suppose any sort of intentional suppression of the facts, as indeed is shown both by the rest of the translation and also expressly on p. VI of the Preface; so we are bound to characterize what is said in these places as the result of downright mistake.

[342] When Juvenal, V. 50., says: Hippo subit iuvenes et morbo pallet utroque, (Hippo submits to young men, and is pale with a double disease), this must be understood to mean that Hippo is not only a pathic, but also a Fellator (see subsequently). Further Epigr. 131. of Ausonius is to the point in this connection:

Inguina quod calido levas tibi dropace, causa est:

Irritant volsas levia membra lupas;

Sed quod et elixo plantaria podice vellis,

Et teris incusas pumice Clazomenas,

Causa latet: bimarem nisi quod patientia morbum

Appetit et tergo femina, pube vires.

(The reason why you make the private parts smooth with hot pitch-ointment (as a depilatory) is this: Smooth limbs excite the passions of the harlots, plucked smooth themselves. But why you pluck the hair from your fundament, soaked in hot water first, and polish with pumice your well-pounded Clazomenae (i. e. buttocks) the reason is obscure: unless indeed your long-suffering lust hankers for a double disease (vice),—a woman behind, in your member a strong man).

Manilius, Astronomica bk. V. vv. 140-156., says:

Taurus, in aversos praeceps cum tollitur artus,

Sexta parte sui certantes luce sorores

Pleiades ducit: quibus aspirantibus, almam

In lucem eduntur Bacchi Venerisque sequaces:

Perque dapes, mensamque super petulantia corda,

Et sale mordaci dulces quaerentia risus.

Illis cura sui cultus, frontisque decorae

Semper erit: tortos in fluctum ponere crines,

Aut vinclis revocare comas et vertice denso

Fingere et appositis caput emutare capillis,

Pomicibusque cavis horrentia membra polire,

Atque odisse virum, sterilesque optare lacertos.

Femineae vestes; nec in usum tegmina plantis,

Sed speciem; fractique placent ad mollia gressus.

Naturae pudet atque habitat sub pectore caeca

Ambitio et morbum virtutis nomine iactant.

Semper amare parum est: cupient et amare videri

(When the Bull tending downwards lifts his head with limbs bent back, he brings with him in his sixth house the sister Pleiades, his equals in brilliancy. When these are in the ascendent, there are brought forth to the light of day such as follow after Bacchus and Venus; and hearts that wanton at feast and board, and that seek to raise the merry laugh by biting wit. These will ever be giving thought to their bedizenment and becoming appearance; to curl the hair and lay it in waving ripples or else to gather in the locks with circlets and arrange them in a heavy top-knot, and to alter the head by adding false ringlets; to polish the shaggy limbs with hollow pumice-stone; yea! and to hate the very sight of a man, and long for arms without growth of hair. Women’s robes they wear; the coverings of their feet are less for use than show; and steps broken in to an effeminate gait are their delight. Nature they scorn; indeed in their breast there lies a pride they cannot avow, and they vaunt their disease (vice) under the name of virtue. Ever to love is a little thing in their eyes; their wish will be to be seen to love).

Seneca, Quaest. nat. bk. VII. ch. 31., Egenus etiam in quo morbum suum exerceat, legit. (The poor man too chooses one on whom he may practise his disease (vice).—Seneca, Epist. 114. Cum vero magis vires morbus exedit et in medullas nervosque descendere deliciae. (But when the disease (vice) has eaten deeper into a man’s vigour, and its delights penetrated to the very marrow and nerves).—Comp. Epist. 75.—Cicero, De finibus I. 18., in Verrem II. 1. 36., Tusc. quaest. IV. 11.—Wyttenbach, in Bibliothec. critic. Pt VIII. p. 73.—Horace, Sat. I. 6. 40., Ut si qui aegrotat quo morbo Barrus, haberi ut cupiat formosus. (As if one who is sick of the same disease as Barrus, as if he should long to be considered handsome.) Another passage of the same author (Odes I. 37. 9.) must be mentioned:

Contaminato cum grege turpium

Morbo virorum.

(With her (Cleopatra’s) herd of foul men stained with disease—vice). It is taken by Stark as by most of the commentators to mean castrated persons, though strictly speaking it implies nothing more than a contemptuous circumlocution for Egyptians. The boys that were kept in the brothels at Rome for purposes of paederastia were for the most part from Egypt, whence they were imported in flocks. Accordingly the poet calls the whole entourage of Cleopatra pathics. There can be no mistake, if only we translate thus: cum contaminato grege virorum, morbo turpium, (with a polluted herd of men, defiled with disease—vice). In this Horace was all the more justified, because as a matter of fact Cleopatra did keep cinaedi, as we learn from Suidas: s. v. κίναιδα καὶ κιναιδία· ἠ ἀναισχυντία· ἀπὸ τοῦ κινεῖν τὰ αἰδοῖα. Ὁ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας κίναιδος Χελιδὼν ἐκαλεῖτο. (under the words κίναιδα and κίναιδία: shameless practice; from the moving (τὸ κινεῖν of the genitals. Cleopatra’s cinaedus was called Chelidon. True Terence, Eunuch. I. 2. 87., makes Phaedria say:

Porro eunuchum dixisti velle te,

Quia solae utuntur his reginae, repperi,

(I have discovered wherefore you said you wanted a eunuch, because only queens use them) and Donatus observes on the passage that reginae (queens) stands for feminae divites (rich ladies). Accordingly just as Eunuchus is used for cinaedus or pathicus, in the same way cinaedus might very well stand in Suidas for eunuch, and as a matter of fact the entourage of Cleopatra may have consisted of actual eunuchs. Still it is Horace’s main point that they were pathics. As to the reason why reginae (queens, rich ladies) kept castrati (eunuchs) at all, comp. p. 125 above.—The Latin grex (herd) is sufficiently explained by the παίδων ἀγέλας (herds of boys) in the passages already quoted (p. 131.) from Tatian and Justin Martyr, along side which we may put the μειρακίων ὡραίων ἀγέλαι (herds of lads in the bloom of youth) of Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. bk. III. ch. 4. The word is used in the same sense by Seneca, Epist 95., Transeo puerorum infelicium greges, quos post transacta convivia aliae cubiculi contumeliae expectant. Transeo agmina exoletorum per nationes coloresque descripta. (I pass over the herds of unhappy boys, whom after the feast is done, other affronts of the bed-chamber await. I pass over the serried ranks of debauchees (cinaedi) marshalled by nation and complexion.) Cicero, Ad Atticum I. 13., Concursabant barbatuli iuvenes, totus ille grex Catilinae, (Thither flocked the youths of the baby beards, all the herd of Catiline’s friends.) Petronius, Sat. ch. 40., Grex agit in scena mimum. (The common herd plays the mime on the stage.) Grex was used generally for any crowd of common men.—The use of the word contaminatus (polluted) brings to mind catamitus, which bears the sense of pathic, e. g. in Cicero, Philipp. II. 31., Appuleius, Metam. I. p. 107 and especially is used as a nickname for Ganymede. Plautus, Menaechm. I. 2. 34.—Festus: Catamitum pro Ganymede dixerunt, qui fuit Jovis concubinus, (Men said catamitus for Ganymedes, who was Jupiter’s bed-fellow),—which probably led to the ridiculous idea being entertained, e.g. by Scheller, that the word was derived from Ganymedes by corruption in the pronunciation! The fact that the word is metrically a “Paeon tertius”, that is to say the i in the third syllable is long, might have led us at once to the conclusion that originally the word was catamytus, and derived from the Greek καταμύσσω (to tear), and so has the same meaning as the Latin percisus (cut), or else that it stands for καταμίκτος (mixed), and is connected with καταμίγνυμι (to mix), and so in fact concubinus (sharing the bed), as Festus says! At any rate the passages quoted above from Cicero and Seneca, which might easily be multiplied, prove that Stark’s supposition expressed on p. 22., to the effect that morbus (disease) is used in this sense only in the poets, is unfounded.

[343] Menander, in Lucian, Amores ch. 43., says: νόσων χαλεπωτάτη φθόνος (of diseases the cruellest is envy.) It is used of envy by Aristophanes, Birds 31. νόσον νοσοῦμεν τὴν ἐναντίαν Σάκᾳ. (we are sick of the disease that was Saces’ enemy.) Euripides, Medea 525., γλωσσαλγία αἴσχιστος νόσος (garrulousness, a most shocking disease.) But in a special way νόσος (disease) was used of Love (Pollux) Onomast. Bk. VI. 42., εἰς Ἀφροδίτην νοσῶν. (being sick of Love). Eubulus, in Nannio, quoted by Athenaeus, Deipnos. Bk. XIII. ch. 24., says:

μικροῦ πρίασθαι κέρματος τὴν ἡδονήν

καὶ μὴ λαθραίαν Κύπριν (αἰσχίστην νόσων

πασῶν) διώκειν, ὕβρεος, οὐ πόθου χάριν.

(To buy pleasure for a small coin, and not pursue secret amours,—most base of all diseases,—for overmastering lust’s sake and not for love.) Νόσημα (disease) is used in the same sense in Lucian, Amores 3., and πάθος (suffering, passion) in many passages in the same Work. Plutarch, Amator. p. 763., καὶ λελάληκε (Μένανδρος) περὶ τοῦ πάθους φιλοσοφώτερον. (And he—Menander—has talked about the passion more like a philosopher). The following passage in Philo, De specialibus legibus,—Opera. edit. Mangey, Vol. II. p. 301., is of interest: Ἔχει μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡ κατὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴ πολλάκις μέμψιν, ὅταν ἀμέτρως καὶ ἀκορέστως χρῆταί τις αὐτῇ, καθάπερ οἱ ἄπληστοι περὶ ἐδωδὴν, κἂν εἰ μηδὲν τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων προσφέροιντο· καὶ οἱ φιλογυναίοις συνουσίαις ἐπιμιμηνότες, καὶ λαγνίστερον προσομιλοῦντες γυναιξὶν οὐκ ἀλλοτρίαις, ἀλλὰ ταῖς ἐαυτῶν. Ἡ δὲ μέμψις σώματός ἐστι μᾶλλον ἢ ψυχῆς κατὰ τοὺς πολλοὺς, πολλὴν μὲν ἔχοντος εἴσω φλόγα, ἣ τὴν παραβληθεῖσαν τροφὴν ἐξαναλίσκουσα ἑτέραν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐπιζητεῖ πολλὴν ἰκμάδα, ἧς τὸ ῥοῶδες διὰ τῶν γενητικῶν ἀποχετεύετο, κνησμοὺς καὶ ὀδαξισμοὺς ἐμποιοῦν καὶ γαργαλισμοὺς ἀπαύσους.

(So the gratification even of natural pleasure is often blameworthy, when it is indulged immoderately and insatiably, just as men who are insatiably greedy about eating are blameworthy, even though they should not partake of any forbidden meats. So too men who are madly devoted to intercourse with women, and go with women lewdly,—not strange women but their own wives. And the blame lies rather with the body than with the mind in most cases, for the body has within it a great flame, which using up the fuel cast to it, does not for long lack much moisture, the watery humour of which is drawn off by intercourse with women, producing ticklings and gnashings with the teeth and unappeasable itchings.) Immoderate copulation then with a man’s own wife is only a reproach that concerns the body more than the mind; on the other hand Philo in the succeeding sentences speaks of those who practise fornication with strange women as, ἀνίατον νόσον ψυχῆς νοσοῦντας (sick of an incurable sickness of the soul., Clement of Alexandria) Paedag. bk. II. ch. 10., μικρὰν ἐπιληψίαν τὴν συνουσίαν ὁ Ἀβδηρίτης ἔλεγε σοφιστής, νόσον ἀνίατον ἡγούμενος. (the sophist of Abdera used to speak of coition as a miniature epilepsy, deeming it an incurable disease). Gellius, bk. XIX. ch. 2., indeed attributes this expression to Hippocrates, Stobaeus, Florileg. I. 6. De intemperantia, to Eryximachus.

[344] Eroticus ch. 19. in Plutarch, Opera Moralia, edit. A. G. Winckelmann, Vol. I. Zürich 1836. large 8vo.

[345] Manetho, Astronom. bk. IV. 486.,

ἐν αἷς ὕβρις, οὐ Κύπρις ἄρχει.

(women in whom overmastering insolence, not Love, rules).

[346] Plutarch, De capt. util. ex host. p. 88. f., οὐκοῦν μηδὲ μοιχὸν λοιδορήσῃς, αὐτὸς ὢν παιδομανής. (Therefore you must not reproach even an adulterer, being yourself a paedomaniac). Comp. Jacobs, Animadv. in Antholog. (Notes on the Anthology), I. II. p. 244. Athenaeus, XI. p. 464.

[347] Isocrates, Paneg. 32., ὕβρις παίδων (violence towards—violation of—boys). Aeschines, Timarch. pp. 5. and 26., πιπράσκειν τὸ σῶμα ἐφ’ ὕβρει and ὕβριν τοῦ σώματος (to buy the body for violation, violation of the body).

[348] Aristotle, Nicomach. Ethics bk. VII. ch. 5., ἀλλὰ μὴν οὕτω διατίθενται οἱ ἐν τοῖς πάθεσιν ὄντες· θυμοὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐπιθυμίαι ἀφροδισίων καὶ ἔνια τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιδήλως καὶ τὸ σῶμα μεθιστᾶσιν, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ μανίας ποιοῦσιν· δῆλον οὖν ὅτι ὁμοίως ἔχειν λεκτέον τοὺς ἀκρατεῖς τούτοις. cap. 6. αἱ δὲ νοσηματώδεις ἢ ἐξ ἔθους, οἱον τριχῶν τίλσεις καὶ ὀνύχων τρώξεις, ἔτι δ’ ἀνθράκων καὶ γῆς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἡ τῶν ἀφροδισίων τοῖς ἄρρεσιν· τοῖς μὲν γὰρ φύσει τοῖς δ’ ἐξ ἔθους συμβαίνουσιν, οἱον τοῖς ὑβριζομένοις ἐκ παίδων· ὅσοις μὲν οὖν φύσις αἰτία, τούτους μὲν οὐδεὶς ἂν εἴπειεν ἀκρατεῖς, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ τὰς γυναῖκας, ὅτι οὐκ ὀπυίουσιν ἀλλ’ ὀπυίονται.—πᾶσα γὰρ ὑπερβάλλουσα καὶ ἀφροσύνη καὶ δειλία καὶ ἀκολασία καὶ χαλεπότης αἱ μὲν θηριώδεις αἱ δὲ νοσηματώδεις εἰσίν. ch. 8. ἀνάγκη γὰρ τοῦτον μὴ εἰναι μεταμελητικόν, ὥστ’ ἀνίατος· ὁ γὰρ ἀμεταμέλητος ἀνίατος·—ὁ δ’ ἐλλείπων πρὸς ἃ οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ ἀντιτείνουσι καὶ δύνανται, οὗτος μαλακὸς καὶ τρυφῶν· καὶ γὰρ ἡ τρυφὴ μαλακία τίς ἐστιν· ὅς ἕλκει τὸ ἱμάτιον, ἵνα μὴ πονήσῃ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ αἴρειν λύπην κ. τ. λ. ... ἀλλ’ εἴ τις πρὸς ἃ οἱ πολλοὶ δύνανται ἀντέχειν, τούτων ἡττᾶται καὶ μὴ δύναται ἀντιτείνειν, μὴ διὰ φύσιν τοῦ γένους ἢ διὰ νόσον, οἷον ἐν τοῖς Σκυθῶν βασιλεῦσιν ἡ μαλακία διὰ τὸ γένος, καὶ ὡς τὸ θῆλυ πρὸς τὸ ἄρρεν διέστηκεν· δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ παιδιώδης ἀκόλαστος εἶναι, ἔστι δὲ μαλακός.—ἀκρασίας δὲ τὸ μὲν προπέτεια τὸ δ’ ἀσθένεια· οἱ μὲν γὰρ βουλευσάμενοι οὐκ ἐμμένουσιν οἷς ἐβουλεύσαντο διὰ τὸ πάθος, οἱ δὲ διὰ τὸ μὴ βουλεύσασθαι ἄγονται ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους. (ch. 5., But this is the very condition of people who are under the influence of passion; for fits of anger and the desires of sensual pleasures and some such things do unmistakably produce a change in the condition of the body, and in some cases actually cause madness. It is clear then that we must regard incontinent people as being in much the same condition as people so affected, i.e. people asleep or mad or intoxicated.—ch. 6., Other such states again are the results of a morbid disposition or of habit, as e.g. the practice of plucking out one’s hair, or biting one’s nails, or eating cinders and earth, or of committing unnatural vice; for these habits are sometimes natural,—when a person’s nature is vicious,—and sometimes acquired, as e.g. by those who are the victims of outrage from childhood. Now whenever nature is the cause of these habits, nobody would call people who give way to them incontinent, any more than we should call women incontinent for being not males, but females.—For all excess whether of folly, cowardice, incontinence, or savagery is either brutal or morbid.—ch. 8., for he is necessarily incapable of repentance and is therefore incurable, as to be incapable of repentance is to be incurable:—If a person gives in where people generally resist and are capable of resisting, he deserves to be called effeminate and luxurious; for luxury is a form of effeminacy. Such a person will let his cloak trail in the mud to avoid the trouble of lifting it up, etc.—if a person is mastered by things against which most people succeed in holding out, and is impotent to struggle against them, unless his impotence is due to hereditary constitution or to disease, as effeminacy is hereditary in the kings of Scythia, or as a woman is naturally weaker than a man. But the man addicted to boys would seem to be incontinent, and is effeminate.—Incontinence assumes sometimes the form of impetuosity, and at other times that of weakness. Some men deliberate, but their emotion prevents them from abiding by the result of their deliberation; others again do not deliberate, and are therefore carried away by their emotion).

This passage has been quite misunderstood by Stark, loco citato p. 27, for he has made it too refer to the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease); in this error indeed Camerarius, (Explic. Ethic. Aristot. Nicomach.—Explanations of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics—Frankfort 1578, 4to., p. 344) whom he cites, had preceded him. Stark says: Excusat autor eos, qui propter naturae quandam mollitiem et levitatem vitiorum illecebris resistere nequeant. Haec infirmitas vel ex morbo procreata vel a sexus differente natura profecta esse potest. Quarum rationum exempla et quidem alterius διὰ νόσον, Scytharum morbum, alterius διὰ φύσιν τοῦ γένους mulierum debilitatem affert. (The author is excusing such as on account of a certain softness and lightness of nature cannot resist the allurements of vice. This weakness may have been either induced by disease, or have sprung from the different nature of the sexes. Of which cases he gives two examples—of the one διὰ νόσον (on account of disease), the disease of the Scythians, of the other διὰ φύσιν τοῦ γένους (on account of congenital nature), the relative weakness of women). But Aristotle says expressly in the passage that the μαλακία (softness, effeminacy) of the Scythians, as well as of a woman, was διὰ γένους (congenital),—that Scythians equally with women are weakly by birth; while his examples of the διὰ νόσον (on account of disease) do not come till further on. The Scythians, he says, like women, are μαλακοί (soft), and the same is true of the man who practises vices with boys (παιδιώδης); it is a part of their nature, and so they are not ἀκόλαστοι (“intemperate”), for the ἀκόλαστος is such a man as cannot owing to disease govern himself (ἀκρασία, ἀσθενεία, διὰ τὸ πάθος—incontinence, weakness, owing to passion). Thus the question cannot possibly be here of the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease), but merely of a weakly, effeminate mode of life; and this is properly speaking μαλακία, while the vice of the pathic is called μαλθακία,—but the two words were constantly interchanged, and thus a part of the blame for the mistake may very well lie with the transcribers. A Pathic is habitually μαλακός, but the μαλακὸς is not necessarily also a Pathic. Hence it might very probably be right to read, as Aspasius and other editors have actually done, Περσῶν for Σκυθῶν (kings of the Persians for kings of the Scythians), even though the MSS. show no variants; and indeed to confirm this one might bring forward the trailing of the cloak (ὃς ἕλκει τὸ ἱμάτιον—the man who trails his cloak) which is mentioned as an example, and which was, as is well known, a fashion among the Persians.—ch. 10., οὐ γὰρ πᾶς ὁ δι’ ἡδονήν τι πράττων οὔτ’ ἀκόλαστος οὔτε φαῦλος οὔτ’ ἀκρατής, ἀλλ’ ὁ δι’ αἰσχράν. (For not every man that does a thing for pleasure is “intemperate” or base or incontinent, but he that does it for disgraceful pleasure).

[349] Cicero, De Divinat. I. 38., Aristoteles quidem eos etiam, qui valetudinis vitio furerent et melancholici dicerentur, censebat habere aliquid in animis praesagiens atque divinum. (Aristotle indeed considered that such men as were mad in consequence of ill-health and were called “melancholics”, also possessed in their minds somewhat of the prophetic and divine).

[350] Aristotle, Nicomach. Ethics VII. ch. 11., ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀκρατὴς οὐκ ἐμμένει τῷ λόγῳ διὰ τὸ μᾶλλον. ch. 12. ἔτι ἐμπόδιον τῷ φρονεῖν αἱ ἡδοναὶ, καὶ ὅσῳ μᾶλλον χαίρει, μᾶλλον, οἷον τὴν τῶν ἀφροδισίων οὐδένα γὰρ ἂν δύνασθαι νοῆσαί τι ἐν αὐτῇ. ... ἔτι παιδία καὶ θηρία διώκει τὰς ἡδονάς. (For the reason why the incontinent person does not abide by reason lies in an excess.—ch. 12., Pleasures too are an impediment to thoughtfulness, and the greater the pleasure, the greater the impediment, as e.g. the pleasure of love, for thought is out of the question, while it lasts.... And lastly children and brute beasts pursue pleasure).

[351] So Quintilian, Declam. III., says: Siculi in tantum vitio regnant, ut obscoenis cupiditatibus natura cesserit, ut pollutis in femineam usque patientiam maribus incurrat iam libido in sexum suum. (The Sicilians are so predominant in vice, that Nature has ceased to satisfy their fool lusts,—that males are debauched to a feminine passivity (to suffer treatment proper to women), and men fall back for the gratification of their concupiscence on their own sex).

Seneca, Epist. 95., Libidine vero ne maribus quidem cedunt, pati natae. (In concupiscence they yield not even to males, though born to the passive part).

[352] Nonne vehementissime admiraretur, si quisquam non gratissimum munus arbitraretur, virum se natum, sed depravato naturae beneficio in mulierem convertere se properasset. (Should one not marvel exceedingly, if any man should fail to hold it a most excellent privilege to have been born a man, but should rather, degrading the gift of nature, have hasted to turn himself into a woman) says Rutilius Lupus, De figur. sentent. bk. II. Speaking of men who use unguents, Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 8. p. 177., says, ἀνδρωνῖτιν ἐκθηλύνουσιν and τὰ γενικὰ ἐκθηλύνειν (they womanize their manhood, to womanize their sex). Similarly, though with a different reference, Clearchus says of the Lydians, τέλος, τὰς ψυχὰς ἄποθηλυνθεντες ἦλλαξάντο τὸν τῶν γυναικῶν βίον. (in fine, having become womanized in their souls, they adopted the mode of life of women). Athenaeus, Deipnos. XII. p. 516.

[353] Hence paederastia is called also πασχητιασμός (practice of passive lust) in Lucian, Gallus 32. Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 10. Eustathius, Comment. in Hexameron. p. 38. Also the verb πασχητιάω (to indulge in passive lust) is found in Lucian, Amor. 26., in this sense. The same is excellently expressed by an anonymous poet in the Greek Anthology. bk. II. tit. 5. No. 2.,

Ἀνέρας ἠρνήσαντο, καὶ οὐκ ἐγένοντο γυναῖκες·

Οὔτ’ ἄνδρες γεγάασιν, ἐπεὶ πάθων ἔργα γυναικῶν,

Οὐδὲ γυναῖκες ἔασιν, ἐπεὶ φύσιν ἔλλαχον ἀνδρῶν.

Ἀνέρες εἰσὶ γυναιξὶ καὶ ἀνδράσιν εἰσὶ γυναῖκες.

(They refused to be men, and failed to become women. They are no men, for they endure the tasks of women, nor yet are they women, for they inherited at birth the nature of men. Men are they to women, and women to men).

In Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch., edit. Reiske p. 128., the pathic Timarchus is called the γυνὴ (woman, wife) of Hegesander, his violator: θαυμασάντων δὲ ὑμῶν, πῶς ἀνὴρ καὶ γυνὴ, καὶ τίς ὁ λόγος, εἶπε μικρὸν διαλιπών· ἀγνοεῖτε, ἔφη, ὅ, τι λέγω· ὁ μὲν ἀνὴρ ἐστὶν Ἡγήσανδρος ἐκεῖνος νυνὶ, ἔφη, πρότερον δ’ ἦν καὶ αὐτὸς Λεωδάμαντος γυνὴ· ἡ δὲ γυνὴ Τίμαρχος οὑτοσίν. (And when you wondered how he could be man and woman, and what the phrase meant, he replied after a moment’s pause. You don’t understand, he cried, what I mean. The husband is Hegesander yonder, he went on, now; but once Hegesander himself was wife of Leodamas; and the wife of Hegesander is Timarchus here). St. Amphilochius, who lived under Theodosius, says in his “Epistola iambica ad Seleucum” (Letter in iambic verse to Seleucus) vv. 90-99.,

ἄλλοι δ’ ἐκείνων ἔθνος ἀθλιώτατον,

τῶν ἀῤῥένων τὴν δόξαν ἐξορχούμενον,

μελῶν λιγυσμοῖς συγκατακλῶντες φύσιν.

ἄνδρες, γυναῖκες ἄῤῥενες, θηλυδρίαι.

Οὐκ ἄνδρες, οὐ γυναῖκες, ἀψευδεῖ λόγῳ.

Τὸ μὲν γὰρ οὐ μένουσι, τὸ δ’ οὐκ ἔφθασαν,

Ὃ μὲν γὰρ εἰσὶν οὐ μένουσι τῷ τρόπῳ,

ὃ δ’ αὖ κακῶς θέλουσιν, οὐκ εἰσὶν φύσει.

Ἀσωτίας αἴνιγμα καὶ γρίφος παθῶν.

ἄνδρες γυναιξὶ καὶ γυναῖκες ἀνδράσιν.

(Others of them belong to that most miserable tribe that dances away their repute as man, breaking down their nature to the shrill tones of songs,—men that are male women, womanish men. Not men and not women are they in very truth. For the one sex they will not keep, the other they have not gained; for what they really are they remain not, such is their fashion, and what they foully long to be, that they are not, such is their nature. An enigma of uncleanness, and a riddle of lust. Men they are to women, and women to men).

Comp. Barth, Adversar. bk. XLIII. ch. 21. p. 1968., and the expression θήλεια Φιλόξενος (a feminine Philoxenus) quoted p. 169 above. The Romans also used their word femina (woman, wife) in the same way; as may be gathered from Ausonius, Epigr. LXIX.—In eum qui muliebria patiebatur (On one who suffered himself to be treated as a woman), where we read at the end:

Nolo tamen veteris documenta arcessere famae.

Ecce ego sum factus femina de puero.

(Yet I need not call up instances from ancient legend. Lo! I myself have become a woman, who was erst a boy).

Petronius, Satir. 75, femina ipse mei domini fui.—I myself (masc.) was my master’s wife. Justin, Hist. Philipp. I. 3. Curtius, III. 10.

[354] Comp. Epictetus, Dissertat. I. 16. 10., and Upton on the passage.

[355] Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. bk. III. ch. 3., Εἰς τοσοῦτον δὲ ἄρα ἐλήλακεν ἡ χλιδὴ ὡς μὴ τὸ θῆλυ μόνον νοσεῖν περὶ τὴν κενοσπουδίαν ταύτην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ζηλοῦν τὴν νόσον· μὴ γὰρ καθαρεύοντες καλλωπισμοῦ, οὐχ ὑγιαίνουσιν. πρὸς δὲ τὸ μαλθακώτερον ἀποκλίνοντες, γυναικίζονται, κουρὰς μὲν ἀγεννεῖς, καὶ πορνικὰς ἀποκειρόμενοι· χλανίσι δὲ διαφανέσι περιπεπεμμένοι, καὶ μαστίχην τρώγοντες, ὄζοντες μύρου. Τί ἄν τις φαίη, τούτους ἰδών; ἀτεχνῶς καθάπερ μετωποσκόπος, ἐκ τοῦ σχήματος αὐτοὺς καταμαντεύεται, μοιχούς τε καὶ ἀνδρογύνους, ἀμφοτέραν Ἀφροδίτην θηρωμένους· μισότριχας, ἄτριχας· τὸ ἄνθος τὸ ἀνδρικὸν μυσαττομένους· τὰς κόμας δὲ ὥσπερ αἱ γυναῖκες κοσμουμένους.... Διὰ τούτους γοῦν πληρεῖς αἱ πόλεις πιττούντων, ξηρούντων, παρατιλλόντων τοὺς θηλυδρίας τούτους· ἐργαστήρια δὲ κατεσκεύασται καὶ ἀνέῳκται πάντῃ· καὶ τεχνῖται τῆς ἑταιρικῆς ταύτης πορνείας, συχνὸν ἐμπολῶσιν ἀργύριον ἐμφανῶς, οἱ σφὰς καταπιττοῦσιν· καὶ τὰς τρίχας τοῖς ἀνασπῶσι πάντα τρόπον περιέχουσιν· οὐδὲν αἰσχυνόμενοι τοὺς ὁρῶντας, οὐδὲ τοὺς παριόντας, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ ἑαυτοὺς ἄνδρας ὄντας. (To such a height then has wanton luxury advanced, that not merely the female sex is sick with this eagerness after frivolities, but even men are eager after the disease; for indeed none being free from love of self-adornment, they are not free from disease. But giving way to effeminacy, they play at being women, cutting the hair in ignoble and meretricious fashion; decked out too in transparent robes, chewing mastich-gum and scented with myrrh. What should a man say, on seeing them? Why! exactly like a phrenologist, he divines them from their look as adulterers and men-women, such as hunt after both kinds of Love,—abhorrers of hair, hairless men, that loathe the bloom of manhood,—men that dress their locks like women.—For these men’s needs cities are full of such as apply pitch-ointments, sear and pluck out the hairs of these effeminates. For this purpose shops are established and open everywhere; and artistes of this meretricious harlotry earn many a fee openly, the artistes that lay on the pitch-ointments for them. And to those that pluck out their hairs they offer every facility, feeling no shame of spectators nor of passers-by, nay! nor even of themselves that are no men).

[356] Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 5., δι’ ἀλαζονείαν περιττὴν, μάλιστα δὲ τὴν αὐτεξούσιον ἀπαιδευσίαν, καθ’ ἣν κατηγοροῦσιν ἀνάνδρων ἀνδρῶν, πρὸς γυναικῶν κεκρατημένων, ἀποδεικνύμεναι. (Known by their excessive chicanerie, and particularly that voluntary indiscipline of character, whereof they accuse womanish men that are mastered by women).

[357] “Besides haemorrhoidal swellings are a very usual symptom with these unhappy sufferers; and when the evil has reached its highest development, the power of erection in the male member is completely lost, the scrotum entirely relaxed and the testicles flaccid,” C. L. Klose in Ersch und Gruber, Encyclopädie: Article, Paederastia, Sect. III Vol. 9. p. 148. In fact it is the usual practice of the paederast to elicit the pathic’s semen at the same time by using the hand!

[358] περὶ ὕψους, ch. 28., Καὶ τὸ ἀμίμητον ἐκεῖνο τοῦ Ἡροδότου, τῶν δὲ Σκυθέων τοῖς συλήσασι τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνέβαλεν ἡ θεὸς θήλειαν νοῦσον. (And that inimitable phrase of Herodotus’, “and on such of the Scythians as plundered her temple the goddess inflicted feminine disease.”)

[359] De figuris, edit. J. Fr. Boissonade. London 1818. 8vo., ch. 35 pp. 56 sqq., Περίφρασις δ’ ἔστιν ὅταν τῆς ἁπλῆς καὶ εὐθεῖας γινομένης ἑρμενείας εὐτελοῦς οὔσης, μεταβαλλόντες, κόσμου ἕνεκα ἢ πάθους, ἢ μεγαλοπρεπείας, ἄλλοις ὀνόμασι, καὶ πλείοσι τῶν κυρίων καὶ ἀναγκαίων, τὸ πρᾶγμα ἑρμηνεύσωμεν· οἷον ἐστὶ—παρὰ δὲ Ἡροδότῳ, ἐνέσκηψεν ἡ θεὸς θήλειαν νόσον, ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐποίησεν ἀνδρογύνους ἢ κατεαγότας. (for translation see text above). The Greek word κατεαγότας (broken, enervated) corresponds to the Latin percisus. The Romans undoubtedly used effeminatus (effeminate) as synonymous with cinaedus, as is shown by a passage in Seneca, De benefic., bk. VII. ch. 25., Aristippus aliquando delectatus unguento, male, inquit, istis effeminatis eveniat, qui rem tam bellam infamaverunt. (On one occasion Aristippus being much pleased with a certain perfume, said: Confound those vile effeminates, who have made so fine a delicacy infamous). This is obviously a free translation of the Greek words as they stand in Diogenes Laertius, Vita Aristippi, bk. II. ch. 8. note 4.,—and in Clement of Alexandria, Paedag., bk. II. ch. 8. p. 279., Ἀρίστιππος γοῦν ὁ φιλόσοφος, χρισάμενος μύρῳ, κακοὺς κακῶς ἀπολωλέναι χρῆναι τοὺς κιναίδους ἔφασκεν, τοῦ μύρου τὴν ὠφέλειαν εἰς λοιδορίαν διαβεβληκότας. (Now Aristippus the philosopher, after he had anointed himself with myrrh, said, foully should the foul cinaedi perish, because they have brought into disrepute that excellent creature myrrh.).

[360] Bk. IV. ch. 67.

[361] Perhaps it is from this that Bacchus gets his secondary title of Attis. Clement of Alexandria, Ad Gentes, p. 12, says, δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἀπεικότως τὸν Διόνυσόν τινες Ἄττιν προσαγορεύεσθαι θέλουσιν, αἰδοίων ἐστερημένον. (For which reason some maintain, and not without probability, that Dionysus is called Attis, as being deprived of the genital organs). According to the Scholiast to Lucian, De Dea Syra, ch. 16, Dionysus was roaming about in the search for his mother Semelé, when he came upon Polyymnus, and the latter promised to reveal his mother’s place of abode, if he would practise paederastia with him. This he did, and Polyymnus accompanied him to Lerna, where Semelé would seem to have been, and died there. Mourning the death of his paederast, Dionysus hewed out of fig-tree wood private parts of wood, and carried them about with him constantly in memory of Polyymnus. For this reason Dionysus is worshipped with Phallic emblems). (λυπηθεὶς δὲ ὸ Διόνυσος, ὅτε ὁ ἑραστὴς αὐτοῦ ἔθνησκε, αἰδοῖον ξύλινον ἐκ συκίνου ξύλου πελεκήσας, κατεῖχεν ἀεὶ πρὸς μνήμην τοῦ Πολυύμνου· διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν τοῖς φαλλοῖς τιμῶσιν τὸν Διόνυσον.) The story is related at greater length by Clement of Alexandria, Cohortat. ad Gentes, p. 22; but he calls the lover Prosymnus (as does Arnobius, bk. V. 27. Comp. Tzetzes, in Lycophron., 213), and actually makes Bacchus practise Onania postica (Masturbation by the posterior), for he says: ἀφοσιούμενος τῷ ἐραστῇ ὁ Διόνυσος, ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον ὁρμᾷ, καὶ πασχητιᾷ· κλάδον οὖν συκῆς, ὡς ἔτυχεν, ἐκτεμνὼν ἀνδρείου μορίου σκευάζεται τρόπον· ἐφέζεταί τε τῷ κλάδῳ, τὴν ὑπόχεσιν ἐκτελῶν τῷ νεκρῷ ὑπόμνημα τοῦ πάθους τούτου μυστικὸν· φαλλοὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἀνίστανται Διονύσῳ. (Dionysus by way of performing due service to his lover’s memory, hastens to his tomb, and proceeds to practise passive lust. So cutting down the branch of a fig-tree, he fashions it to a semblance of a man’s member; and then he mounts the branch in a sitting posture, fulfilling his promise to the dead man,—a mystic memorial of his pathic loves. Phalli are set up in Cities in honour of Dionysus). In Arnobius, loco citato, we read that Dionysus: Ficorum ex arbore ramum validissimum praeferens dolat, runcinat, levigat et humani penis fabricatur in speciem: figit super aggerem tumuli, et postica ex parte nudatus, accedit, subdit, insidit. Lascivia deinde luxuriantis assumpta, huc atque illuc clunes torquet et meditatur ab ligno pati, quod iam dudum in veritate promiserat.—(Bringing with him a sturdy branch of a fig-tree, hews, planes and smoothes it, and fashions it into the shape of a man’s penis; then he fixes it upright on the mound of the tomb, and stripping his posteriors, advances, mounts, and sits down on it. Then imitating the lascivious motions of a wanton in the act, writhes his buttocks this way and that, and imagines himself to be receiving from the wooden member the treatment which he had long ago promised in reality). Similarly we read in Petronius, Sat., Profert Enothea scorteum fascinum quod ut oleo et minuto pipere atque urticae trito circumdedit semine, paulatim coepit inserere ano meo. (Enothea produces a man’s member made of leather, which first of all she covered with oil and ground pepper and pounded nettle-seed, and then began by degrees to push it up my anus). Now too we shall be able to explain to our satisfaction what is the meaning of the phrase συκίνη ἐπικουρία ἐπὶ τῶν ἀσθενῶν (fig-wood succour,—said of weak allies), which is mentioned by Suidas under the word ὄλισβος (artificial member), and for which in the passage quoted above Aristophanes substitutes σκυτίνη ’πικουρία (leathern succour). On this the Scholiast observes: σκυτίνην ἐπικουρίαν καλεῖ τὴν σκυτίνην βοήθειον, εἴτε τὴν δερματίνην βοήθειαν, τὴν πληροῦσαν ἐπιθυμίαν ἀντὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν· τοῦτο δὲ ποιοῦσιν αἱ ἀκόλαστοι γυναῖκες· σκυτίνην δὲ ἐπικουρίαν λέγει, παρὰ τὴν παροιμίαν· Συκίνη ἐπικουρία· ἐπὶ τῶν ἀσθενῶν βοηθημάτων καὶ ἴσως ἐνταῦθα γραπτέον, συκίνη ἀντὶ τοῦ σκυτίνη. (leathern succour: so Aristophanes calls the leathern help, or help of hide, the instrument that satisfies (women’s) longings in default of men. This is a practice that incontinent women follow. He says leathern (σκυτίνη), succour playing on the proverb, “Fig-wood (συκίνη) succour”, said of weak efforts at assistance. Possibly we should read συκίνη (of fig-wood) for σκυτίνη (of leather) here. Again: σκυτάλαι· στρογγύλα καὶ λεῖα ξύλα.—σκυτάλη· βακτηρία ἀκροπαχής (batons: rounded and polished staves)—(baton: a blunt-pointed staff) in Suidas, and the passage in Aristophanes, τοῦτ’ ἔστ’ ἐκεῖνο τῶν σκυτάλων, ὧν πέρδετο (this is the particular baton that made him break wind), which Suidas, under the word σκυτάλον (baton) has obviously misunderstood, just as much as the Scholiast has. For in all these passages it is the Priapus ficulnus (Priapus of fig-wood), also well-known to the Romans, that we must understand to be intended. Apposite in this connection is Horace’s (Sat I. 8. 1.), Olim truncus eram, inutile lignum (Once the trunk of a fig-tree was I, a useless log,)—on which the commentators have wasted a host of extraordinary interpretations.

[362] Symposion, p. 189., ἀνδρόγυνον γὰρ ἓν τότε μὲν ἦν καὶ εἶδος, καὶ ὄνομα, ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων κοινὸν τοῦ τε ἄῤῥενος καὶ θήλεος. (For then there was a third, a man-woman, sex, in form as well as in name, commingled of both sexes, the male and the female.) Plainer still is this passage from Lucian, Amores 28., πᾶσα δὲ ἡμῶν ἡ γυναικωνῖτις ἔστω Φιλαινὶς, ἀνδρογύνους ἔρωτας ἀσχημονοῦσα. καὶ πόσῳ κρεῖττον εἰς ἄῤῥενα τρυφὴν βιάζεσθαι γυναῖκα ἢ τὸ γενναῖον ἀνδρῶν εἰς γυναῖκα θηλύνεσθαι· (And let all our women’s apartments be Philaenis, foully indulging in male-female loves. And how much better it were that a woman should trespass on male wantonness than that the noble manliness of men should be effeminated and made womanish.) Clement of Alexandria, Paedag., bk. II. ch. 10., ἐντεῦθεν συμφανὲς ἡμῖν ὁμολογουμένως παραιτεῖσθαι δεῖν τὰς ἀῤῥενομιξίας, καὶ τὰς ἀκράτους σπορὰς καὶ κατόπιν εὐνὰς καὶ τὰς ἀσυμφύεις ἀνδρογύνους κοινωνίας. (Hence it is manifest we ought avowedly to deprecate intercourse with males and inordinate embraces and copulation behind and unnatural unions of men-women.) A little further on the same author says, αἱ δολεραὶ γυναῖκες καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ γυναικώδεις. (deceitful women and the womanish kind of men,) and speaks of θηλυδριώδης ἐπιθυμία (effeminate lustfulness). A résumé of pretty nearly all words of this class is given by Suidas, s. v. Ἄῤῥεν καὶ Ἀῤῥενικῶς. Καὶ ἡμίανδρος καὶ ἡμιγύναιξ καὶ διγενὴς καὶ θηλυδρίας, καὶ ἑρμαφρόδιτος, καὶ ἴθρις, οὗ ἰσχὺς τεθέρισται· καὶ ἀῤῥενωπὸς, ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος· καὶ ὁ ἀνδρεῖος· ὁ στεῤῥὸς· λέγουσι δ’ οὕτω τὰ μὲν ἄλλα γύνιδας, ἔχοντας δέ τι ἀνδρόμορφον. Ἱππῶναξ δὲ, ἡμίανδρον, τὸν οἷον ἡμιγύναικα· λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἀπόκοπος, καὶ βάκηλος [βάτταλος] καὶ ἀνδρόγυνος, καὶ Γάλλος, καὶ γύννις, καὶ Ἄττις καὶ εύνουχώδης. (under the words Ἄῤῥεν and ἀῤῥενικῶς (masculine, masculinely): Semi-man, semi-woman, double-sexed, womanish man, hermaphrodite, eunuch—one whose virility has been cut; masculine-looking, the man-woman,—also the manly, the strong, man. By such names are signified effeminate men that yet have some look of men. Hipponax also uses in this sense semi-man, and its synonym semi-woman. Such a one is called also castrated, eunuch (pathic), man-woman, Gallus—eunuch-priest of Cybelé, Attis, eunuch-like.) The same holds good of the word εὐνοῦχος (eunuch), which by no means signifies only actual castrated eunuchs. Thus Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 4., says, εὐνοῦχος δὲ ἀληθὴς, οὐχ ὁ μὴ δυνάμενος, ἀλλ’ ὁ μὴ βουλόμενος φιληδεῖν· ... εὐνοῦχοι πολλοὶ, καὶ οὗτοι μαστροποὶ τῷ ἀξιοπίστῳ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι φιληδεῖν, τοῖς εἰς ἡδονὰς ἐθέλουσι ῥαθυμεῖν ἀνυπόπτως διακονούμενοι. (But the true eunuch is not he that cannot, but he that will not, love.... Many eunuchs, and these serving as pandars, by reason of the certainty that they cannot love, to such as are fain to indulge in secure pleasures without suspicion.)

[363] Oneirocritica., bk. V. ch. 65., Ἔδοξέ τις τὸ αἰδοῖον αὐτοῦ ἄχρις ἄκρας τῆς κορώνης τετριχῶσθαι, καὶ λάσιον εἶναι πυκνῶν πάνυ τριχῶν αἰφνίδιον φυεισῶν· ἀποπεφασμένος κίναιδος ἐγένετο πάσῃ μὲν ἀκολάστῳ χρησάμενος ἡδονῇ, θηλυδρίας ὢν καὶ ἀνδρόγυνος, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ αἰδοίῳ κατὰ νόμον ἀνδρῶν μὴ χρώμενος. Τοιγαροῦν οὕτως ἤδη ἀργὸν ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ μέρος ἐκεῖνο, ὡς διὰ τὸ μὴ τρίβεσθαι πρὸς ἕτερον σῶμα καὶ τρίχας ἐκφύσαι. (for translation see text above).

[364] Ἀνδρόγυνον κωμῳδεῖν ἔδοξέ τις δρᾶμα· ἐνόσησεν αὐτῷ τὸ αἰδοῖον. Γάλλους ὁρᾶν ἔδοξέ τις· ἐνόσησεν αὐτῷ τὸ αἰδοῖον. Τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διὰ τὸ ὄνομα οὕτως ἀπέβη, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς τοῖς ὁρωμένοις. Καί τοι καὶ τὸ κωμῳδεῖν οἰσθα ὃ σημαίνει, καὶ τὸ Γάλλους ὁρᾶν. Μέμνησο δὲ, ὅτι, εἴτε κωμῳδεῖν, εἴτε τραγῳδεῖν ὑπολάβοι τις, καὶ μνημονεύει, κατά τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τοῦ δράματος κρίνεται καὶ τὰ ἀποτελέσματα. (for translation see text above). The signification of κωμῳδεῖν and τραγῳδεῖν (to represent Comedy, Tragedy) is given by Artemidorus, bk. I. ch. 56. As to the Galli comp. bk. II. 69. In bk. II. ch. 12. we read: Ὕαινα δὲ γυναῖκα σημαίνει ἀνδρόγυνον ἢ φαρμακίδα, καὶ ἄνδρα κίναιδον οὐκ εὐγνώμονα. (Hyaena signifies a woman that is male-female or a sorceress, and a man that is a cinaedus without moderation). It was a widespread belief amongst the Ancients that the hyaena was at one time a male and at another a female (comp. Aelian, Hist. anim., I. 25. Horapollo, Hieroglyph., II. 65. Ovid, Metamorph., Bk. XV. Fab. 38. Tertullian, De Pallio, ch. 3.). As early however as the time of Aristotle it had been declared a fable by him, Hist. anim., Bk. VI. ch. 32., and Clement of Alexandria says the same, Paedagog., II. 9. Yet the idea was still cherished at the beginning of the present Century at the Cape of Good Hope, see Corn. de Jong, “Reise nach dem Vorgebirge der Guten Hoffnung,” (Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope). Hamburg 1803. Pt I. Letter 6. Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog., bk. II. ch. 9., tells a still more remarkable tale of the hare, καὶ τὸν μὲν λαγῶν κατ’ ἔτεος πλεονεκτεῖν φασὶ τὴν ἀφόδευσιν, εἰς ἀριθμοὺς οἱς βεβίωκεν ἔτεσιν ἴσχοντα τρυπάς· ταύτῃ ἄρα τὴν κώλυσιν τῆς ἐδωδῆς τοῦ λαγὼ, παιδεραστίας ἐμφαίνειν ἀποτροπὴν. (Moreover it is said that the hare gets every year fresh means of voiding its excrement, having holes corresponding to the number of years it has lived; and that for this reason the prohibition against eating hare appears to be a dissuasion from paederastia). This is confirmed by St. Barnabas, Epist., ch. 10. and by Pliny, Hist. Nat., VIII. 55. To this fable also we must look for an explanation of the proverbial saying δασύπους κρεῶν ἐπιθυμεῖ (puss longs for flesh-meats), and Lepus tute es, et pulmentum quaeris? (Are you a hare, and look for condiments?) in Terence, Eunuch., III. 36. Possibly too the κύων τεῦτλα οὐ τρώγει (dog does not gnaw pot-herbs) of Diogenes has a connection with the same notion,—Diogenes Laertius, VI. 2. 6. So Strato in the distich (Greek Anthology bk. I. tit. 72. No. 6.):

Ἔστι Δράκων τὶς ἔφηβος,

ἄγαν καλὸς· ἀλλὰ δράκων ὢν

Πῶς εἰς τὴν τρώγλην ἄλλον ὄφιν δέχεται;

(A certain youth there is, Draco (serpent) by name, very fair to see; but being a serpent, how comes it he takes another snake into his hole?) Aristophanes, Eccles., 904., κἀπὶ τῆς κλίνης ὄφιν εὕροις, (and on your bed may you find a snake), on which the Scholiast comments ὄφις—λαμβάνεται ἀντὶ τοῦ αἰδοίου οὐ τεταμένου δηλαδὴ, ἀλλ’ ἀνειμένου. (ὄφις—snake: to be taken as meaning the privy member,—not erect that is, but relaxed). So in the Priapeia, LXXXIII. 33., we find: licebit aeger, angue lentior (will be reckoned as sick, slacker than a snake).

[365] Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog., Bk. II. ch. 10., οὐδὲ τῶν κατεαγότων, τούτων δὴ τῶν τὴν κιναιδίαν τὴν ἄφωνον ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνὰς μετιόντων ὀρχηστῶν ἀποῤῥέουσαν εἰς τοσοῦτον ὕβρεως τὴν ἐσθῆτα περιορώντων. (nor yet of the debauchees, those dancers I mean that bring onto the stage cinaedia in pantomime, and suffer their costume to flow loosely to such a degree of indecency).

[366] Naumann (Schmidt’s Jahrbuch 1837. Vol. 13. p. 100.) says: Ἐναρέες, probably a Scythian word, calls to mind the dwarf Anar or Onar in the old Northern Mythology,—a eunuch in a sort, but who was nevertheless reverenced as father-in-law of Odin. (J. Grimm, “Deutsche Mythologie” (German Mythology). Göttingen 1835. p. 424). With this Hippocrates’ statement would agree, according to which these eunuchs were regarded by their countrymen with a reverence almost as if they had been gods.—As to this, first observe that it yet remains to be proved that the Scythian language belongs to the Indo-Germanic family, secondly that with Onar or Anar there is no question at all of a non-man or actual eunuch, for Anar begat a daughter on Notta. This daughter, Jördh, was wife of Odin, making Anar Odin’s father-in-law.

[367] Such a corruption of the word on the part of Herodotus is all the more likely, as it is clearly established by modern investigations (as indeed Heyne, loco citato, maintained long ago) that he never was in Scythia proper. Comp. Herodoti Musae, edit. J. Ch. F. Baehr, Vol. IV. Leipzig 1835., p. 395., and Vol. I. p. 455. C. G. L. Heyse, De Herodoti vita et intineribus Diss. (Dissertation on the Life and Journeys of Herodotus). Berlin 1826. 8vo. p. 104.

[368] Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 530 D.

[369] Hesychius does give the word ἀνάρσιοι, and explains it by ἀνάρμοστοι πολέμιοι· ἀπὸ τοῦ μὴ συνηρμοσθῆναι τοῖς ἤθεσιν. (incompatible foes: from their not being compatible in character and disposition). Plutarch, περὶ τῆς ἐν Τιμαίῳ ψυχογονίας (On the Generation of the Soul in Plato’s “Timaeus”) near the end says: οἱ ποιηταὶ καλοῦσιν ἀναρσίους τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς ἀναρμοστίαν τὴν διαφορὰν οὖσαν. (the poets call incompatible such as are hostile and at enmity, the difference being irreconcileable). Zonaras, Lexicon, writes: s. v. ἀνάρσιοι· ἐχθροί· ἀδικοί· ἀνάρμοστοι. (under the word ἀνάρσιοι—incompatible: hostile; unjust; irreconcileable). Similarly the Etymologicum Magnum; s. v. ἀνάρσιοι· ἀδικοὶ, ἐχθροί.—ὁ ἀνάρμοστος καὶ ἀσύμφωνος· Ὦρος · πολέμιος, ὑβριστής· καὶ ἄναρσις· νεῖκος, πόλεμος. (under the word ἀνάρσιοι—incompatible: unjust, hostile,—one that is irreconcileable, discordant. Orus (the Grammarian) gives: enemy, overbearing man; also ἄναρσις,—incompatibility: strife, war). According to this we might very well read for ἐναρέες ἀνάρσιοι; for the Temple-robbers had been ἄδικοι and ὑβρισταὶ (unjust, overbearing), and were further known as pathics—whose vice was ἀδικία and ὕβρις (injustice, overbearing violence), as we have seen again and again. Another point is that Homer, Iliad XXIV. 365., Odyssey X. 459., uses the expression ἀνάρσιοι in the sense of ὑβρισταὶ, ἄδικοι (overbearing, unjust men), and this fact was always likely to be of weight with Herodotus, even when he was translating a foreign word. Inasmuch as the word ἀνάρσιοι had several meanings, he may very well have added the ἀνδρόγυνοι in the second passage, instead of the καλοῦσι Σκύθαι (the Scythians call it), in explanation of it.

[370] Liber quisquis virtuti studet. Opera. edit. Mangey, Vol. II. p. 465., Λέγετο γοῦν, ὅτι θεασάμενός τινα τῶν ὠνουμένων, ὃν θήλεια νόσος εἶχεν ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως οὐκ ἄῤῥενα, προελθὼν ἔφη, σύ με πρίω· σὺ γὰρ ἀνδρὸς χρείαν ἔχειν μοι δοκεῖς· ὡς τὸν μὲν δυσωπηθέντα ἐφ’ οἷς ἑαυτῷ σύνοιδε, καταδῦναι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους τὸ σὺν εὐτολμίᾳ εὐθυβόλον ἐκπλήττεσθαι. (for translation see text above).

Diogenes Laertius, bk. VI. ch. 2. note 4, relates the story only in outline: Φησὶ δὲ Μένιππος ἐν τῇ Διογένους πράσει, ὡς ἁλοὺς καὶ πωλούμενος ἠρωτήθη τί οἶδε ποιεῖν; ἀπεκρίνατο, Ἀνδρῶν ἄρχειν· καὶ πρὸς τὸν κήρυκα, Κήρυσσε, ἔφη, εἴ τις ἐθέλει δεσπότην αὑτῷ πρίασδαι. (Menippus says in the sale of Diogenes that the philosopher, a captive and for sale as a slave, was asked what he could do. He answered, “Govern men”; turning to the crier and adding, “Cry!—does anyone wish to buy a master to govern him?”). Comp. ibid. note 9.

[371] De Specialibus Legibus, pp. 305 sqq., Ἐπεισκεκώμακε δὲ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἕτερον πολὺ τοῦ λεχθέντος μεῖζον κακὸν τὸ παιδεραστεῖν, ὃ πρότερον μὲν καὶ λεχθῆναι μέγα ὄνειδος ἦν, νυνὶ δ’ ἐστὶν αὔχημα οὐ τοῖς δρῶσι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πάσχουσιν, οἱ νόσον θήλειαν νοσεῖν ἐθιζόμενοι. τάς τε ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα διαῤῥέουσι, μηδὲν ἐμπύρευμα τῆς ἄῤῥενος γενεᾶς ἐῶντες ὑποτύφεσθαι, περιφανῶς οὕτως τὰς τῆς κεφαλῆς τρίχας ἀναπλεκόμενοι καὶ διακοσμούμενοι, καὶ ψιμμυθίῳ καὶ ψύκεσι καὶ τοῖς ὁμοιοτρόποις τὰς ὄψεις τριβόμενοι, καὶ ὑπογραφόμενοι, καὶ εὐώδεσι μύροις λίπα χριόμενοι (προσαγωγὸν γὰρ μάλιστα ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις τὸ εὐῶδες) ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς εἰς εὐκοσμίαν ἠσκημένοις καὶ τὴν ἄῤῥενα φύσιν ἐπιτηδεύσει· τεχνάζοντας εἰς θήλειαν μεταβάλλειν, οὐκ ἐρυθριῶσι. Καθ’ ὧν φονᾷν ἄξιον νόμῳ πειθαρχοῦντας, ὃς κελεύει τὸν ἀνδρόγυνον τὰ φύσεως νόμιμα παρακόπτοντα, νηποινεὶ τεθνάναι, μηδεμίαν ἡμέραν ἀλλὰ μηδ’ ὥραν ἐώμενοι ζῇν, ὄνειδος αὑτοῦ καὶ οἰκίας καὶ πατρίδος ὄντα καὶ τοῦ σύμπαντος ἀνθρώπων γένους. Ὁ δὲ παιδεραστὴς ἔστω τὴν αὐτὴν δίκην ὑπομένων, ἐπειδὴ τὴν παρὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴν διώκει, καὶ τὰς πόλεις, τό γ’ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἧκον μέρος, ἐρήμους καὶ κενὰς ἀποδείκνυσιν οἰκητόρων, διαφθείρων τὰς γονὰς, καὶ προσέτι, τῶν μεγίστων κακῶν, ἀνανδρίας καὶ μαλακίας ὑφηγητὴς καὶ διδάσκαλος ἀξιοῖ γίνεσθαι· τοὺς νέους ὡραΐζων καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀκμῆς ἄνθος ἐκθηλεύων. ὃ πρὸς ἀλκὴν καὶ ῥώμην ἀλείφειν ἁρμόττον ἦν. Καὶ τελευταῖον, ὅτι κακοῦ τρόπον γεωργοῦ, τὰς μὲν βαθυγείους καὶὧνὡν δ’ οὐδὲν βλάστημα προσδοκᾶται τὸ παράπαν, εἰς ταῦτα πονεῖται καθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτωρ. Αἴτιον δ’ οἶμαι, τὸ παρὰ πολλοῖς τῶν δήμων, ἀκρασίας καὶ μαλακίας ἆθλα κεῖσθαι. Τοὺς γοῦν ἀνδρογύνους ἰδεῖν ἐστὶ διὰ πληθούσης ἀγορᾶς ἀεὶ σοβοῦντας, κἂν ταῖς ἑορταῖς προπομπεύοντας καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τοὺς ἀνιέρους διειληχότας, καὶ μυστηρίων καὶ τελετῶν κατάρχοντας, καὶ τὰ Δήμητρος ὀργιάζοντας. Ὅσοι δ’ αὐτῶν τὴν καλὴν νεανιείαν προσεπιτείνοντες, εἰς ἅπαν ὠρέχθησαν μεταβολῆς τᾶς εἰς γυναῖκας, τὰ γεννητικὰ προσαπέκοψαν, ἁλουργίδας ἀμπεχόμενοι, καθάπερ οἱ μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιοι ταῖς πατρίσι, προέρχοντο δορυφορούμενοι, τοὺς ὑπαντῶντας ἐπιστρέφοντες. Εἰ δ’ ἦν ἀγανάκτησις οἵα παρὰ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ νομοθέτῃ, κατὰ τῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα τολμώντων· καὶ ὡς κοινὰ τῶν πατρίδων ἄγη καὶ μιάσματα δίχα συγγνώμης ἀνῃροῦντο, πολλοὺς ἂν ἑτέρους νουθετεῖσθαι συνέβαινεν. Αἱ γὰρ τῶν προκαταγνωσθέντων τιμωρίαι ἀπαραίτητοι, ἀνακοπην οὐ βραχεῖαν ἐργάζοντο τοῖς ζηλωταῖς τῶν ὁμοίων ἐπιτηδευμάτων. (for translation see text above)

[372] De vita contemplativa, p. 480., Τὸ δὲ Πλατωνικὸν ὅλον σχεδόν ἐστι περὶ ἔρωτος, οὐκ ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ γυναιξὶν ἐπιμανέντων, ἢ γυναικῶν ἀνδράσιν αὐτὸ μόνον (ἐπιτελοῦντο γὰρ αἱ ἐπιθυμίαι αὗται νόμῳ φύσεως)· ἀλλὰ ἀνδρῶν ἄρσεσιν ἡλικίᾳ μόνον διαφέρουσι. Καὶ γὰρ εἴτι περὶ ἔρωτος καὶ οὐρανίου Ἀφροδίτης κεκομψεῦσθαι δοκεῖ, χάριν ἀστεϊσμοῦ παρείληπται· τὸ γὰρ πλεῖστον αὐτοῦ μέρος ὁ κοινὸς καὶ πάνδημος Ἔρως διείληφεν· ἀνδρείαν μὲν τὴν βιωφελεστάτην ἀρετὴν κατὰ πόλεμον καὶ κατ’ εἰρήνην ἀφαιρούμενος, θήλειαν δὲ νόσον ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἀπεργαζόμενος, καὶ ἀνδρογύνους κατασκευάζων, οὓς ἐχρῆν πᾶσι τοῖς πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἐπιτηδεύμασι συγκροτεῖσθαι. Λυμῃνάμενος δὲ τὴν παιδικὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ εἰς ἐρωμένης τάξιν καὶ διάθεσιν ἀγαγὼν, ἐζημίωσε καὶ τοὺς ἐραστὰς περὶ τὰ ἀναγκαιότατα, σῶμά τε καὶ ψυχὴν καὶ οὐσίαν. Ἀνάγκη γὰρ τοῦ παιδεραστοῦ τὸν μὲν νοῦν τετάσθαι πρὸς τὰ παιδικὰ, καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα μόνον ὀξυδερκοῦντα, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα ἴδιά τε καὶ κοινὰ τυφλούμενον ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας καὶ μάλιστα εἰ ἀποτυγχάνοιτο, συντήκεσθαι· τὴν δὲ οὐσίαν ἐλαττοῦσθαι διχόθεν, ἔκ τε ἀμελείας, καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν ἐρώμενον ἀναλωμάτων. Παραφύετο δὲ καὶ μεῖζον ἄλλο πάνδημον κακόν· ἐρημίαν γὰρ πόλεων, καὶ σπάνιν τοῦ ἀρίστου γένους ἀνθρώπων, καὶ στείρωσιν καὶ ἀγονίαν τεχνάζονται, οἳ μιμοῦνται τοὺς ἀνεπιστήμονας τήν γεωργίας, κ. τ. λ. (for translation see text above). This passage at any rate shows beyond a doubt that Philo quite failed to understand Plato, who not only clearly and distinctly distinguishes paedophilia from paederastia, but also analyzes at length the injuries to body and soul the latter involves on the pathic,—particularly in the Phaedrus, pp. 239-241, which we beg the reader to consult. To quote textually would occupy too much space.

[373] De Abrahamo, pp. 20. sqq., Οὐ γὰρ μόνον θηλυμανοῦντες ἀλλοτρίους γάμους διέφθειρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄνδρες ὄντες ἄῤῥεσιν ἐπιβαίνοντες, τὴν κοινὴν πρὸς τοὺς πάσχοντας οἱ δρῶντες φύσιν οὐκ αἰδούμενοι, παιδοσποροῦντες ἠλέγχοντο μὲν ἀτελῆ γονὴν σπείροντες. Ὁ δ’ ἔλεγχος πρὸς οὐδὲν ἦν ὄφελος, ὑπὸ βιαιοτέρας νικωμένων ἐπιθυμίας· εἶτ’ ἐκ τοῦ κατ’ ὀλίγον ἐθίζοντες τὰ γυναικῶν ὑπομένειν τοὺς ἄνδρας γεννηθέντας, θήλειαν κατεσκεύαζον αὑτοῖς νόσον, κακὸν δύσμαχον. Οὐ μόνον γὰρ τὰ σώματα μαλακότητι καὶ θρύψει γυναικοῦντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεστάτας ἀπεργαζόμενοι, τό γ’ ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς ἧκον μέρος, τὸ σύμπαν ἀνθρώπων γένος διέφθειρον. Εἰ γοῦν Ἕλληνες ὁμοῦ καὶ βάρβαροι συμφωνήσαντες ἐζήλωσαν τὰς τοιαύτας ὁμιλίας, ἠρήμωντο ἂν ἑξῆς αἱ πόλεις, ὥσπερ λοιμώδει νόσῳ κενωθεῖσαι. (for translation see text above).

[374] De Sacrificantibus, p. 261., προανείργει πάντας τοὺς ἀναξίους ἱεροῦ συλλόγου, τὴν ἀρχὴν ποιούμενος ἀπὸ τῶν νοσούντων τὴν ἀληθῆ [θήλειαν] νόσον ἀνδρογύνων, οἳ τὸ φύσεως νόμισμα παρακόπτοντες, εἰς ἀκολάστων γυναικῶν πάθος καὶ μορφὰς εἰσβιάζοντο· Θλαδίας γὰρ καὶ ἀποκεκομένους τὰ γεννητικὰ ἐλαύνει, τό τε τῆς ὥρας ταμιεύοντας ἄνθος, ἵνα μὴ ῥᾳδίως μαραίνοιτο, καὶ τὸν ἄῤῥενα τύπον μεταχαράττοντας εἰς θηλύμορφον ἰδέαν. Ἐλαύνει δὲ οὐ μόνον πόρνας ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόρνης κ. τ. λ.

[375] Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 3., “πρὸς τοὺς καλλωπιζομένους τῶν ἀνδρῶν”: ἕνα τινὰ τούτων τῶν ἀγεννῶν παιδαγωγικῶς ἐπιπλήττων ὁ Διογένης, ὁπηνίκα ἐπιπράσκετο, ἀνδρείως σφόδρα, Ἧκε, εἶπεν, μειρακίον, ἄνδρα ὠνῆσαι σαυτῷ· ἀμφιβόλω λόγῳ τὸ πορνικὸν ἐκείνου σωφρονίζων· τὸ γὰρ ἄνδρας ὄντας, ξύρεσθαι καὶ λεαίνεσθαι, _πῶς οὐκ ἀγεννές_; (“To men who bedizen their persons”: One of these base fellows Diogenes rebuked like a schoolmaster. At the very time he was on sale as a slave, he cried with wonderful boldness: ‘Come, young man, buy a man for yourself’: by this double entendre chastising his meretricious habits. For is it not a base thing, that men should have their bodies shaved and polished smooth? )

[376] Herodian, Historiarum Libri Octo, edit. Th. Guil. Irmisch. Leipzig 1780. 8vo., Vol. II. Bk. IV. ch. 12.: εἰς τοῦτον οὖν, ὡς μηδὲ στρατιωτικὸν, μηδὲ γενναῖον, δημοσίᾳ πολλάκις ἀπέσκωπτε, καὶ μέχρις αἰσχρᾶς βλασφημίας· ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἤκουεν αὐτὸν καὶ διαίτη ἐλευθερίῳ χρώμενον, καὶ τὰ φαῦλα καὶ ἀπεῤῥιμμένα τῶν ἐδεσμάτων καὶ ποτῶν μυσαττόμενον, οἷς, ὡς στρατιωτικὸς δὴ, ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος ἔχαιρε, χλαμύδιον ἤ τινα ἄλλην ἐσθῆτα ἀμφιεσάμενον ἀστειοτέραν, εἰς ἀνανδρίαν καὶ θήλειαν νόσον διέβαλλεν, ἀεί τε ἀποκτενεῖν ἠπειλει· ἅπερ οὐ φέρων ὁ Μακρῖνος, πάνυ ἤσχαλλε· συνέβη δέ τι καὶ τοιοῦτον κ. τ. λ. for translation see text. A somewhat similar circumstance is given in Livy, Hist. XXXIX. ch. 42.

[377] Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch. edit. Reiske, p. 139. μὴ Δημοσθένην καλουμενον, ἀλλὰ Βάταλον,—p. 142. ἐπεὶ καὶ περὶ τῆς Δημοσθένους ἐπωνυμίας, οὐ κακῶς ὑπὸ τῆς φήμης, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὑπὸ τῆς τίτθης, Βάταλος προσαγορεύεται, ἐξ ἀνανδρίας τινὸς καὶ κιναιδεῖας ἐνεγκάμενος τοῦνομα· εἰ γάρ τις σου τὰ κομψὰ ταῦτα χλανίσκια περιελόμενος, καὶ τοὺς μαλακοὺς χιτωνίσκους, ἐν οἷς τοὺς κατὰ τῶν φίλων λόγους γράφεις, περιενέγκας δοίη εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῶν δικαστῶν, οἴομαι ἂν αὐτοὺς, εἴ τις μὴ προειπὼν τοῦτο ποιήσειεν, ἀπορῆσαι, εἴ τε ἀνδρὸς, εἴ τε γυναικὸς εἰλήφασιν ἐσθῆτα. (called not Demosthenes, but Batalus, i.e. Pathic.—Now with regard to Demosthenes’ surname, he is excellently called by common report, though not by his nurse, Batalus—Pathic, having got the name from a certain unmanliness and cinaedism. For if a man should strip you of these elegant robes you wear and your womanish tunics, clad in which you indite your speeches against your friends, and bring them up and put them in the hands of the jurymen, I suppose, if he should do so without any previous explanation, the latter would be quite unable to tell whether it were a man’s or a woman’s clothes they had got hold of.)—a passage which affords the best commentary to what is stated in the text both here and on previous pages.

[378] Bk. III. ch. 55: Σχολή τις ἦν αὕτη κακοεργίας πᾶσιν ἀκολάστοις, πολλῇ τε ῥαστώνῃ διεφθορόσι τὸ σῶμα· γύννιδες γοῦν τινες ἄνδρες οὐκ ἄνδρες, τὸ σεμνὸν τῆς φύσεως ἀπαρνησάμενοι, θηλείᾳ νόσῳ τὴν δαίμονα ἱλεοῦντο· γυναικῶν τ’ αὖ παράνομοι ὁμιλίαι, κλεψιγαμοί θ’ ὁμιλίαι, ἄῤῥητοί τε καὶ ἐπίῤῥητοι πράξεις, ὡς ἐν ἀνόμῳ καὶ ἀποστάτῃ χώρῳ κατὰ τόνδε τὸν νεὼν ἐπεχειροῦντο· ἔφορός τε οὐδεὶς ἦν τῶν πραττομένων, τῷ μηδένα σεμνῶν ἀνδρῶν αὐτόθι τολμᾶν παρίεναι. for translation see text. As to this Temple of Venus compare Zosimus, Histor., bk. I., Etymolog. Magnum, under word ’Aphaka; Suidas, under word Χριστόδωρος; Selden, Syntagm. de Diis Syris, II.

[379] Zonaras, Lexicon. edit. Tittmann. Leipzig 1808. 4to. p. 457.

[380] Eustathius, Commentar. in Homer., Iliad 1680. 44., Stark cites merely the figures. We can clearly see the meaning of γύννιδες in the following passage of Clement of Alexandria, Paedag., bk. III. ch. 3. p. 227, τί τοίνυν οὐκ ἂν ἐπιτηδεύσειαν αἱ γυναῖκες, αἱ εἰς μαχλοσύνην σπεύδουσαι, τοιαῦτα τολμῶσιν ἐνοποριζόμεναι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν; μᾶλλον δὲ οὐκ ἄνδρας βατάλους δὲ καὶ γύννιδας καλεῖν τούτους χρή· ὧν καὶ αἱ φωναὶ τεθρυμμέναι καὶ ἡ ἐσθὴς τεθηλυμμένη ἁφῇ καὶ βαφῇ· δῆλοι δὲ οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἐλεγχόμενοι τὸν τρόπον ἔξωθεν ἀμπεχόνῃ, ὑποδέσει, σχήματι, βαδίσματι, κουρᾷ, βλέμματι. Ἀπὸ ὁράσεως γὰρ ἐπιγνωσθήσετο ἀνὴρ, ἡ Γραφὴ λέγει κ. τ. λ. (What then would not women practise, such women as run into wantonness, rivalling the men that dare such abominations? but these men ought we not rather to call batali (cinaedi) and womanish fellows? whose voices are broken languishingly and their dress fashioned like women’s in texture and colour. Now such-like men are clearly manifest in outward appearance for what they are by their show, and their foot-gear, by their bearing, and walk, and hair, and glance. For by the eyes shall a man be known, says the Scripture, etc.). The word batalos meaning cinaedus is found also in Aeschines, In Timarch., p. 139, 163, 142. De legatione falsa, p. 273. Harpocration under the word, conjectured that the Cinaedi were called for the same reason that e. g. Eupolis ὁ πρωκτός (the wide-bottomed) was called βάταλος; and Plutarch also, Vita Demosth. 4 Schol. Aeschin. p. 742., Etymolog. Magnum, 190. 20., agrees in same idea. Comp. Schäfer, Apparat. Crit. ad Demosthen., I. 875. Moreover this was the nickname of Demosthenes (De Corona 288. 18.). At any rate this passage of Clement of Alexandria tells in favour of the possibility of recognizing Pathics by their exterior!

[381] Eusebii Pamphili Ecclesiasticae historiae libri decem; eiusdem de vita imp. Constantini libri IV. Quibus subiicitur Oratio Constantini ad Sanctos et Panegyricus Eusebii. Henricus Valesius graecum textum collatis IV. MSS. Codicibus emendavit, Latine vertit et Adnotationibus illustravit. Iuxta exemplar quod antea Parisiis excudebat Antonius Vitré, nunc vero verbo tenus et correctius edebant Moguntiae Christian Gerlach et Simon Beckenstein. MDCLXXII. fol. (Eusebius Pamphili, Ecclesiastical Histories, X books; also the same author’s Life of the Emperor Constantine, IV books. Together with Constantine, “Ad Sanctos”, and the Panegyric of Eusebius. Greek text emended by the collation of four MSS, a Latin translation provided and illustrative notes added, by Henricus Valesius. Based on the edition first printed at Paris by Antonius Vitré, now re-edited unexpurgated and corrected by Christian Gerlach and Simon Beckenstein at Maintz. 1672. fol.)

[382] Synesii Episcopi Cyrenes Opera quae extant omnia, interprete Dionysio Petavio—codicum fide recensita ac notis illustrata et eodem modo omnia secunda hac editione multo accuratiora et uberiora prodeunt. Lutetiae Parisiorum 1633. fol. p. 25. A. Ὡς Ὅμηρός φησι τοὺς θεοὺς Ἀνθρώπων ὕβριν τε καὶ εὐνομίαν ἐφέποντες Σκύθας δὲ τούτους, Ἡρόδοτός τέ φησι, καὶ ἡμεῖς ὁρῶμεν, κατεχομένους ἅπαντας ὑπὸ νόσον θηλείας· οὗτοι γάρ εἰσιν, ἀφ’ ὧν οἱ πανταχοῦ δοῦλοι κ. τ. λ. Synesius Bishop of Cyrené, Complete Works so far as Extant. edit. Dionysius Petavius; text revised and compared with MSS., and illustrated with explanatory notes; the whole re-issued in a more accurate and fuller form in this Second Edition. Paris 1633. fol., p. 25. A., “As Homer—Odyssey XVII. 487—says of the gods, visiting the insolence and good government of men; but these Scythians Herodotus declares, and we see the fact for ourselves, to be all fallen under the feminine disease; and it is they from whom come as a rule the slaves, etc.” The word θηλείας in the edition mentioned stands in text; and in the margin as γρ. δειλίας.

[383] Pyrrh. Hypotyp., bk. III. ch. 199., Νενόμισται τὸ τῆς ἀῤῥενομιξίας παρὰ Γερμανοῖς ὥς φασιν οὐκ αἰσχρὸν ἀλλ’ ὡς ἕν τι τῶν συνηθῶν (But the practice of intercourse with males is not among the Germans, so they say, reckoned a shameful thing, but as one of the customary acts)—Aristotle, Polit. II. 6. 6., Strabo, Geogr., IV. 199. Diodorus, Bibl. V. 32. Athenaeus, Deipn., p. 603 a., relate the same thing of the Celts. Quintilian who lived about 42 after Christ, directly denies the fact, it is true: Declam. 3, Nihil tale novere Germani et sanctius vivitur ad Oceanum. Non sit mihi forsitan quaerendum aversis auribus saeculi huius in tantum vitia regnare, ut obscoenis cupiditatibus natura cesserit, ut pollutis in femineam usque patientiam maribus incurrat iam libido in sexum suum, finem tamen aliquem sibi vitia ipsa exceperunt, ultimumque adhuc huius flagitii crimen fuit corrupisse futurum virum. Hoc vero cuius est dementiae? In concubinatum iuniores leguntur, et in muliebrem patientiam vocatur fortasse iam maritus. (The Germans know no such practice; for life is purer near the Ocean. Would it were possible to shut my ears to the fact that Vice in this age prevails to such a degree that Nature has had to yield to foul lusts, that men corrupted even to the length of suffering themselves to be treated as women are filled with lust towards their own sex; yet vice itself set some limit to its own excesses, and the last extremity of this lewdness was to have ruined one that might have grown into a man. But what a height of insanity is here! Young men are chosen as mistresses, and a man is called upon to endure the treatment proper to a woman.) Who can fail to see that in this passage the words feminea patientia, muliebris patientia, are given as a translation of νοῦσος θήλεια?

[384] Cohortatio ad Gentes, edit. Potter. Oxford 1715., Vol. I. p. 20., Πολλὰ κἀγαθὰ γένοιτο τῷ τῶν Σκυθῶν βασιλεῖ, ὅστις ποτὲ ἦν· οὗτος τὸν πολίτην τὸν ἑαυτοῦ, τὸν παρὰ Κυζικηνοῖς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν τελετὴν ἀπομιμούμενον παρὰ Σκύθαις, τύμπανόν τε ἐπικτυποῦντα, καὶ κύμβαλον ἐπηχοῦντα τοῦ τραχήλου, οἷα τινὰ Μηναγύρτην ἐξηρημένον, κατετόξευσεν, ὡς ἄνανδρον αὐτόν τε παρὰ Ἕλλησι γεγενημένον, καὶ τῆς θηλείας τοῖς ἄλλοις Σκυθῶν διδάσκαλον νόσου. for translation see text.

[385] Herodotus, Histories, Bk. IV. ch. 76.

[386] In Anacharsid. I. ch. 8. note 4. The question here is solely of Greek customs (ἑλληνίζειν, βιοῦν ἤθεσιν Ἑλληνικοῖς—to Greecize, to live after Greek fashions), without any evil implication, or of Greek mysteries (τελετὰς Ἑλληνικὰς διατελοῦντα carrying out Greek rites). How else could the words, γλώσσης, γαστρὸς, αἰδοίων κρατεῖν (to be master of tongue, of belly, of members) have been used as a motto on the pedestals of statues of Anacharsis, and how could he himself have written to Croesus, that after he had learnt the customs of the Greeks, ἀπόχρη με ἐπανήκειν ἐς Σκύθας ἄνδρα ἀμείνονα (I was bound to return to the Scythians a better man). For the rest Anacharsis is called the son of Gnurus and brother of the Scythian king Caduidas, who stabbed him on a hunting party.

[387] Archaelog. Jud., bk. II.

[388] Hephaestionis Enchiridion (de metris) ad MS. fidem recensitum cum notis variorum, praecipue Leonardi Hotchkis, A. M. curante Th. Gaisford, Edit. nova et auct. Lips. 1832. c. 12. p. 75. (Hephaestion’s Enchiridion (on metres); the text revised and compared with the MSS., together with notes of various Commentators, notably Leonard Hotchkiss, M. A. edit. Th. Gaisford. New and enlarged edition). Leipzig 1832., ch. 12. p. 75.

[389] Dio Chrysostom, De Regno, Orat. IV. p. 76., Ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀσθένης τε καὶ ἄτολμος ἐκ τούτου τοῦ γένους δαίμων ἐπί τε τὰς γυναικείας νόσους καὶ ἄλλας αἰσχύνας, ὁπόσαις πρόσεστι ζημία καὶ ὀνείδη, προσάγει ῥαδίως. for translation see text.—Ὁ δ’ ἐκ μέσων ἀναβοάτων τῶν γυναικῶν, ὀξύτερον καὶ ἀκρατέστερον· λευκὸς ἰδεῖν, ἐντρυφερὸς αἰθρίας καὶ πόνων ἄπερος, ἀποκλίνων τὸν τράχηλον, ὑγροῖς τοῖς ὄμμασι, μάχλον ὑποβλέπων, ἀεὶ τὸ σῶμα καταθεώμενος, τῇ ψυχῇ δὲ οὐδὲν προσέχων, οὐδὲ τοῖς ὑπ’ αὐτῆς προστασσομένοις. (But that Spirit which cries out from the midst of women is something shriller and more intemperate; he is pale to look upon, wanton and luxurious, incapable of enduring open air or toil, drooping the neck, with liquorish eyes, casting stolen glances of lewdness, ever looking down upon the body, but giving no thought to the soul, nor the things beneath its ordinance).

[390] Comp. author’s Work, De Sexuali Organismorum Fabrica (Of the Sexual Conformation of Organisms), Pt. I. Halle 1832. pp. 1-12., where these relations are brought out in detail, and referred back to anatomical reasons.

[391] We expressed an opinion above (p. 175.) that no grounds of excuse could be found for the Pathic; but we must here modify this so far as to admit that Aristotle imagines himself to have discovered such. In the Problemata, IV. 26., he examines the question: διὰ τί ἔνιοι ἀφροδισιαζόμενοι χαίρουσι, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἅμα δρῶντες, οἱ δ’ οὔ; (Why some men take pleasure in being loved, and of these some in performing the act also, but others not?), i.e. why some find a pleasure in suffering paederastia to be practised with them (the word ἀφροδισιάζεσθαι is found in this meaning possibly also in Hippocrates, edit. Kühn, Vol. III. pp. 680 and 574., where exactly such symptoms of a complaint are described as might serve for an explanation of the ῥέγχειν—snorting (mentioned above), while either they exercise coition as men concurrently, or do not. As answer we read, to follow the translation given by Th. Gaza: An quod excrementis singulis locus determinatus a natura est, in quem instituto secerni naturali debeat, sollicitaque natura spiritus excurrens tumorem admovet, excrementumque una extrudere solet.... His autem proxime genituram quoque in testes et penem deferri constitutum est. Quibus itaque meatus habitu suo naturali privantur, vel quia occoecati sunt qui ad penem tendant, quod spadonibus hisque similibus evenit (οἷς δὲ οἱ πόροι μὴ κατὰ φύσιν ἔχουσιν, ἀλλ’ ἢ διὰ τὸ ἀποτυφλωθῆναι τοὺς εἰς τὸ αἰδοῖον, οἷον συμβαίνει τοῖς εὐνουχίαις), vel etiam aliis de causis, his talis humor in sedem confluit (εἰς τὴν ἕδραν συῤῥεῖ ἡ τοιαύτη ἰκμας), quippe qui hac transmeare soleat, quod eius loci contractio in coeundo et partium sedi oppositarum consumptio incidant. Qui si admodum semine genitali abundant, excrementum illud large in eum locum se colligit; itaque cum excitata cupiditas est, attritum pars ea desiderat, in quam confluit excrementum. Cupiditas autem excitari tum a cibo tum imaginatione potest. Cum enim alterutra de causa libido commota est, spiritus eodem concurrit, et genus id excrementi confluit, quo secedere natum est.... Quorum vera natura mollis et feminea est (οἱ δὲ φύσει θηλυδρίαι) ita ii constant ut genitura vel nulla vel minima conveniat, quo illorum secernitur qui praediti natura integra sunt, sed se in partem sedis divertat; quod propterea evenit quia praeter naturae normam constiterunt. Cum enim mares crearentur, ita degenerarunt ut partem virilem mancam atque oblaesam habere cogerentur, ... ita enim mulieres non viri crearentur. Ergo perverti citarique aliorsum, quam secernendum natura voluit, necesse est. Unde fit ut insatiabiles etiam sint modo mulierum (διὸ καὶ ἄπληστοι, ὥσπερ αἱ γυναῖκες). Humor enim sollicitans ille exiguus est, nec quicquam se promere conatur, refrigeraturque celeriter. Quibus itaque sedem humor ex toto adiit, ii pati tantummodo avent, quibus autem in utramque partem sese dispertit, ii et agere et pati concupiunt (καὶ ὅσοις μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἕδραν, οὗτοι πάσχειν ἐπιθυμοῦσιν· ὅσοις δὲ ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα, οὗτοι καὶ δρᾶν καὶ πάσχειν), idque eo amplius quo tandem plenius fluxerit. Sed sunt quibus vel ex consuetudine affectus hic accidet (ἐνίοις δὲ γίνεται καὶ ἐξ ἔθους τὸ πάθος τοῦτο). Fit enim ut tam gestiant quam cum agunt, usque genituram nihilo minus ita emittere valeant. Ergo agere cupiunt, quibus haec ipsa usu evenerunt et consuetudo magis veluti in naturam iccirco illis evadit, quibus non ante pubem sed in ea vitium patiendi invaluit (ἐθισθῶσιν ἀφροδισιάζεσθαι), quoniam his recordatio rei, cum desiderant, oritur; una autem cum recordatione gestiens exsultat voluptas. Desiderant autem perinde ac nati ad patiendum (ὥσπερ πεφυκότες, ἐπιθυμοῦσι πάσχειν) magna igitur parte vel ob consuetudinem rex exsistit sed si accidat ut idem et salax et mollis sit (λάγνος ὢν καὶ μαλακὸς) longe expeditius haec omnia evenire posse putandum est. (Is it because for each evacuation a particular locality has been fixed by nature, to which it must be secreted by the law of its being, and when effort occurs the spirit issuing out causes a swelling, and then pours out the evacuation along with it.—And similarly to these other secretions, the semen is naturally secreted to the testicles and private parts. And accordingly in the case of those in whom the passages are not in a natural state, either through those that lead to the private part being blocked as is the case with eunuchs and those similarly affected to eunuchs, or through some other circumstance, this sort of humour flows to the seat; for it passes that way, as is proved by the contraction of this part in the act of coition, and the wasting of the regions about the seat. Therefore whenever men have an excess of lewdness, in their case it collects in this quarter, and so when desire is excited, that part where it accumulates desires friction. And desire may be excited either by food or mentally; for whenever it is stirred by any circumstance, the spirit runs to that spot, and the particular secretion flows to the particular quarter natural to it.—But such as are womanish by nature are so constituted that no secretion or only a little occurs in the quarter where the secretion takes place with such as are naturally constituted, but to this spot (the seat) instead. And the reason is they are not naturally constituted, for being males they are yet so framed that of necessity the manly part in them is maimed. Now maiming either destroys an organ completely, or produces perversion and deterioration; but here it cannot be the former; otherwise the patient would be a woman outright. Wherefore it follows that it is perverted and deteriorated, and the secretion of semen elsewhere directed. And for this cause they are insatiable, like women; for the humour is small in quantity, is not constrained to find an issue, and quickly cools. And those in whom the secretion is to the seat, these desire passive pleasure only, but those in whom it is both to the seat and to the private parts, these desire both active and passive love; and to whichever part the secretion is greater, the more do they desire the corresponding kind of pleasure. Besides in some cases this occurs through habituation. Whichever act they do, a pleasurable feeling results, and so they emit semen correspondingly. Then they desire to do the act in which this most occurs, and thus this becomes in preference their custom, and a sort of second nature. Wherefore such as have been habituated to passive love not before puberty but about the time of puberty, because when they desire pleasure memory suggests what they must do, and on memory follows pleasure, acquire through habituation the desire for passive gratification just as if they were born to it. And if a man happen to be lewd and effeminate to begin with, all this results all the sooner).—In the Pathic then, according to Aristotle’s view, the semen-vessels carry the semen not to the penis, but to the fundament, and set up there the feeling of desire and sensual craving. These are the born Pathics (πεφυκότες), from whom he distinguishes the seduced Pathics, who indulge in the vice as the result of habituation (ἐξ ἔθους). This is the very same view that we have already (p. 172. Note 3.) gathered from his Ethics, and which supports in the strongest way what we there made good as against Stark.

[392] Hippocratis Coi XXII. Commentarii tabulis illustrati, (Hippocrates of Cos, The XXII Commentaries; illustrated with Plates). Bâle 1579. fol., p. 273.

[393] Hippocratis Opera (Hippocrates, Works), edit. Kahn, Vol. I. pp. 561-564.

[394] For the use of this word, compare Létronne, Recherches pour servir à l’Histoire d’Egypte, (Researches with a view towards a History of Egypt), pp. 134, 148, 458; and what we have called attention to on an earlier page in Hecker’s Annalen (Annals), Vol. XXVI. p. 143.

[395] The word κέδματα, which probably is used in several senses, can scarcely in this case betoken anything else than varicose veins, and is according synonymous with ἰξίαι, with which it also occurs in connection. It is interesting to find Aristotle also pronouncing those suffering from varicose veins incapable of generation; he writes in Problemata, Bk. IV. 20., Διὰ τί αἱ ἰξίαι τοὺς ἔχοντας κωλύουσι γεννᾶν, καὶ ἀνθρώπους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζώων ὅ, τι ἂν ἔχη; ἢ ὅτι ἡ ἰξία γίνεται, μεταστάντος; διὸ καὶ ὠφελεῖ πρὸς τὰ μελαγχολικά. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὁ ἀφροδισιασμὸς μετὰ πνεύματος ἐξόδου. Εἰ οὖν ὁδοποιεῖται ἡ ὁρμὴ γινομένου αὐτοῦ, οὐ ποιεῖ ὁρμᾶν τὸ σπέρμα, ἀλλὰ καταψύχεται· μαραίνει οὖν τὴν συντονίαν τοῦ αἰδοίου. (Why varicosities hinder those that have them from begetting, both men and of other animals all that are subject to them? is it because the varicosity arises, through a transference of spirit; for which reason also it is of use in case of melancholia. But the act of love also occurs in conjunction with an outburst of spirit. If therefore the impulse is made at the time the varicosity is forming, it suffers not the seed to make a vigorous impulse, but it is quickly cooled; and so it wastes and destroys the tension of the private part). On the contrary according to Problemata, 31., the lame are lecherous: διὰ τ’ αὐτὸ δὲ καὶ οἱ ὄρνιθες λάγνοι και οἱ χωλοί· ἡ γὰρ τροφὴ ἀμφοτέροις. κάτω μὲν ὀλίγη, διὰ τὴν ἀναπηρίαν τῶν σκελῶν. (And for the same reason birds are lecherous and lame men; because in both cases the nourishment downwards is slight, on account of the deficiency in the legs). In connection with κέδματα we must refer to Foesius, Œconomia Hippocratis, Coray, loco citato p. 339 sqq., and Stark, loco citato Note 20., and observe that like the Latin ruptura and the English rupture it appears to specially signify swellings due to distension and subsequent bursting. That swellings of the groin are a result of long-continued riding, we see also from Livy, Hist. bk. XLV. ch. 39., where M. Servilius says: tumorem hunc inguinum in equo dies noctesque persedendo habeo (this swelling of the groin I have owing to sitting my horse nights and days on end). Comp. Plutarch, In Aemil., Vol. II. p. 308.

[396] ἕλκοντα τὰ ἴσχια (they are ulcerated on the hip-joints) is found in the text. But the meaning of both words is disputed, and by no means fixed so far. With regard to ἰσχία—we must primarily understand the mass of muscle at the lower exterior portion of the “os ilium”, secondly the whole seat, and the joint-socket (cotyla) of the upper thigh. This is the interpretation of the Etymologicon Magnum; ἰσχία, ὅτι ἴσχει τοὺς καθημένους· σημαίνει δὲ ἰσχίον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν ὀσφῦν ὀστέον, εἰς ὃ ἔγκειται τὸ ἱερὸν ὀστοῦν, ὅπερ καὶ γλουτὸς καλεῖται, καὶ κοτύλη, παρὰ τὴν κοιλότητα· ἢ τὸ κοῖλον τοῦ γλουτοῦ, ἐν ᾧ ἡ κοτύλη στρέφεται.(ἰσχία,—so called because supporting (ἴσχειν) those who sit; also ἰσχίον signifies the bone below, the loin, on which rests the os sacrum, which is also called γλουτός (rump), and also κοτύλη (joint-socket) in reference to its hollowness; or else the hollow of the rump, in which the joint-socket turns). Similar is the explanation of Suidas, Hesychius, Zonaras, the Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, V. 305, and on Theocritus, VI. 30. The general context shows that the meaning of “Joint-socket” is evidently to be preferred here.

[397] The word διαφθείρεσθαι (ruin themselves) in the text is undoubtedly written by the author with reference to the ἀνανδρία (unmanliness). Still it is surprising that what is here pointed out as injurious is in the Epidem. bk. VI. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 609. recommended as salutary. The expression there is: κεδμάτων τὰς ἐν τοῖσιν ὠσὶν ὄπισθεν φλέβας σχάζειν (in cases of varicose dilatations to open the veins that are behind in the ears). Palladius in his Commentary on this passage (edit. Dietz. Vol. II. p. 143.) declares the whole sentence wrong, writing: Πᾶς οὕτος ὁ λόγος ψευδής· κέδμα γάρ ἐστι διάθεσίς τις περὶ τὴν λαγόνα, ἢ φλεγμονὴ ἢ ῥευματικὴ διάθεσις· φησὶν οὖν ὅτι καὶ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ διαθέσει τέμνων τὰς ὄπισθεν φλέβας ὠφελήσεις· καὶ ποία συγγένεια τῆς λαγόνος καὶ τῶν ὤτων, καὶ ταῦτα τῶν ἐκεῖ ἀγγείων λεπτῶν ὄντων, καὶ τριχοειδῶν καὶ μηδὲν ἀξιόλογον κενῶσαι δυναμένων; (All this sentence is wrong; for κέδμα is really a certain condition of the parts about the flank, either inflammation or rheumatic condition.) Now they say that in this condition, by cutting the veins behind, you will do good; but what connexion is there between the flank and the ears, and especially as the vessels there are small, and like hairs, and not able to void any considerable quantity?).—Not a word is said here about the practice among the Scythians; are we to suppose Palladius was ignorant of the fact? Also in the “De Natura Ossium” (Of the Nature of Bones), (edit. Kühn, I. p. 508.) we find the operation recommended in pains of the hips, testicles, knees and knuckles; and according to a passage in the “De Morbis” (Of Diseases), bk. II. (edit. Kühn, bk. II. p. 223.) these veins should be seared, until they cease to pulsate. On the other hand in the “De Genitura” (Of Generation), (edit. Kühn, I. p. 373.) and the “De Locis in Homine” (Of certain Localities in the Body), edit. Kühn, II. p. 106.) incapacity for generation is represented as a consequence of blood-letting from these vessels. We leave to others the task of drawing the necessary conclusions in view of the unanimity of the Authors of the books named, and merely observe further that Dr. Paris (Roux Journ. de Med., Vol. XLIV. p. 355., Murray, Med. Pract. Bibliothek., Vol. III. p. 293.) while giving some observations on the diseases of the Turks, relates as following: Almost every Armenian, Greek, Jew, Turk, has a seton, and they abuse cupping to an equal extent. For a simple head-ache, they allow the first barber they come across to put a bandage round their throat, in order to retain the blood, and then with a razor make sundry cuts round about the ears, for then as much blood flows away, and without risk, as would fill a phial.

[398] In the text of Froesius it stands: καὶ μᾶλλον τοῖσιν ὀλίγα κεκτημένοισιν, οὐ τιμωμένοισιν ἤδη, εἰ χαίρουσιν οἱ θεοὶ καὶ θαυμαζόμενοι ὑπ’ ἀνθρώπων, κ. τ. λ. (to a greater extent those who possess little and therefore fail to make offerings; if that is to say the gods take pleasure in being venerated by men, etc). Coray has emended this into εἰ δὴ τιμώμενοι χαίρουσι (if that is to say the gods take pleasure in being honoured and venerated), on the grounds that τιμᾶν and θαυμάζειν (to honour, to venerate) are frequently used in conjunction with one another to express the veneration of the gods, which fact he confirms by passages from Euripides and Aristophanes. Yet this emendation can scarcely be right, even though de Mercy has also adopted it. The latest editor, Prof. Petersen of Hamburg, a professed Philologist, has undoubtedly maintained not without weighty reasons the old reading, noting Coray’s conjecture in the notes. Indeed neither is the old reading altogether correct, but can be easily restored, we think, if the words, as has already been done in our translation above, are read in the following way: οὐ τιμωμένοισιν· εἰ δὴ χαίρουσιν οἱ θεοὶ θαυμαζόμενοι,—a way of taking it that Coray had already seen to be possible, only that he preferred to read instead of οὐ τιμωμένοισιν,—ἢ τοῖσι τιμωμένοισιν, because he does not think that the words can refer at all to the poorer Scythians, as did Cornarius before him, though he translates quite correctly: “It affected to a greater extent poorer men, as being more negligent concerning the worship of the gods.” Foesius translates: “and they do not pay honour.” In fact Coray’s chief difficulty was as to the active meaning of τιμωμένοισι (i.e. “paying honour”, not “being honoured”); but this use is by no means so rare, and exactly in this sense of veneration paid to the gods by men is found in Homer, Od. XIX. 280, where we read of the Phaeacians on the occasion of Odysseus’ landing:

οἳ δή μιν περὶ κῆρι θεὸν ὣς τιμήσαντο.

(Now they honoured him from their heart as if he had been a god). The whole sense of the passage requires us to refer the words οὐ τιμωμένοισιν to the poorer Scythians, who possess little, and therefore can offer nothing to the gods, and also do not wish to do so, as is clearly shown in what follows; and it is exactly for this reason that Hippocrates says, then they ought to suffer more from the disease than the rich, if the gods practised any system of equivalent returns.

[399] Ταῦτα δὲ τοῖσί τε Σκύθῃσι πρόσεστι, καὶ εὐνουχοειδέστατοί εἰσι ἀνθρώπων διὰ τὰς προφάσιας, καὶ ὅτι ἀναξυρίδας ἔχουσι ἀεὶ καὶ εἰσι ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων τὸ πλεῖστον τοῦ χρόνου, ὥστε μήτε χειρὶ ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ αἰδοίου, ὑπό τε τοῦ ψύχεος καὶ τοὺ κόπου ἐπιλήθεσθαι τοῦ ἱμέρου καὶ τῆς μίξιος, καὶ μηδὲν παρακινέειν πρότερον ἢ ἀνανδρωθῆναι. for translation see text above: “And this is the case ..., to resign their manly privilege.” We have it is true translated according to the text, yet we cannot possibly take this as being uncorrupted, but without for the moment being in a position to offer a complete emendation of it. The sequence of thought, if we are not altogether in error, is this: The Scythians ride continually, which of its self weakens their power of generation and desire for coition, then besides this they wear trousers, a thing that particularly struck the Greek because he did not use them himself. These trousers were so tight, that the wearer could not get at the genitals with his hand; again the genitals lay close to the body, did not hang down, could not be set in motion; at the same time they were also protected against the wind, so that no cooling process could take place; the idle repose and the constantly heightened temperature in combination weakened the genitals to such a degree that the impulse to coition was at last totally lost. Views which entirely agree with our experience of the present day, and indeed were by Faust, as is notorious, exaggerated almost to caricature. Now if Hippocrates has expressed, as is likely enough, these views in the words ὑπό τε τοῦ ψύχεος καὶ τοῦ κόπου (under the influence of cold and lassitude), the text must be corrupt, and this is what we wish to insist on. For if by the words we understand frost and lassitude, then the first at any rate is impossible; how could the Scythians suffer from frost, when they wore trousers! Then the cooling process spoken of just now must be intended by ψύχος (cold)! But if κόπος (striking, beating, so weariness, lassitude) is understood literally, in accordance with its derivation from κόπτω (to strike), in the sense of blows, shocks, and taken as referring to the genitals, especially the testicles, a negative and a verb must have been lost from the text, and this appears to us too the most probable explanation, though at the time we cannot say what verb. The matter would be at once decided, if we could translate: so that they could not put the hand to the genitals, and since these were encountered neither by the cooling wind, nor yet by the shock (against the horse’s back or the saddle), they forgot the desire for coition and coition itself, i.e. the genitals being neither fortified by the cold nor yet set in motion, do not remind the Scythians of the fact that they have such organs and must use them. The movement (κίνησις) in riding is at any rate regarded as early as Aristotle (Probl. bk. IV. 12.) as cause of the greater lasciviousness of those who ride. He asks: Quare qui equitant libidinosiores evadunt? An caloris agitationisque causa eodem afficiuntur modo, quo per coitum. Quocirca aetatis quoque accessione membra genitalia contrectata agitataque plenius augentur, quod igitur semper eo utuntur motu qui equitant, hinc fluentiore corpore praeparatoque ad concumbendum evadunt. (Why those who ride come to be more lascivious? Is it that on account of the heat and movement they are affected in the same way as by coition? Wherefore as age also advances, the genital organs being handled and moved more, are the more increased in size, so therefore because those who ride use the same movement hence they come to be of a more fluid body and one ready prepared for sexual intercourse). In Probl. 24. he is investigating the causes of the erection of the penis, and says διά τε τὸ βάρος ἐπιγίνεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὄπισθεν τῶν ὄρχεων αἴρεσθαι (now it is on account of the increase of weight in the hinder part of the testicles that it is raised). Comp. Probl. 25. Continual riding naturally stimulates the impulse, wherefore the Scythians are the first in later times to become ἀνάνδριες (unmanly), and this sooner than other riding nations because they wore trousers. However those who are better informed must decide the point!—Finally that in any case ἀνανδρωθῆναι (to be made unmanly) and not ἀνδρωθῆναι (to be made manly) must be read, any one who considers the passage at all carefully must easily see. Coray’s lucubration cannot for a moment convince us.

[400] Edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 218., μυθολογοῦσι δέ τινες ὅτι οἱ Ἀμαζονίδες τὸ ἄρσεν γένος το ἑωυτῶν αὐτίκα νήπιον ἐὸν ἐξαρθρέουσιν, αἱ μὲν κατὰ γούνατα, αἱ δὲ κατὰ τὰ ἰσχία, ὡς δῆθεν χωλὰ γίνοιτο καὶ μὴ ἐπιβουλεύει τὸ ἄῤῥεν γένος τῷ θήλει· χειρώναξιν ἄρα τούτοισι χρέονται, ὁκόσα ἢ σκυτίης ἔργα ἤ χαλκείης ἢ ἄλλο τι ἑδραῖον ἔργον· εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀληθέα ταῦτα ἐστί, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ οἶδα. (Now some relate the myth that the Amazons dislocate the male sex of their offspring while still quite young, some doing it at the knees, some at the hips, with the avowed object of laming them, and so the male sex does not rise in revolt against the female; then they employ them as handicraftsmen, for such tasks as shoe-making or brassworking or other sedentary occupations. But whether this tale is true, I do not know). Gardeil also in a work that is not often met with in Germany, his “Traduction des œuvres médicales d’Hippocrate, sur le texte grec, d’après l’édition de Foes”. (Translation of the Medical Works of Hippocrates,—from the Greek text of Foesius’ edition.), Vol. I. Toulouse 1801. large 8vo., p. 162., says: “On pourroit induire d’un endroit du traité des articles, à la fin du numéro 38 (27), que ce qu’ Hippocrate rapporte ici concernant les Scythes, et ce qu’il a dit ci-dessus, numéro 23, au sujet des Sarmates ne lui étoit connu que par une tradition dont il n’étoit pas bien assuré,” (It might be inferred from a passage in the Treatise on Joints, at the end of no. 38 (27), that what Hippocrates relates here concerning the Scythians, and what he had said in a previous passage, no. 23, of the Sarmatians, was known to him only by a tradition, the authenticity of which he was not well assured of).

[401] “Censura Librorum Hippocraticorum”, (Criticism of the Works of Hippocrates), p. 181.

[402] Epidem., bk. VII. end, edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 705. Comp. Papst, Allg. med. Zeitung. Altenburg Jahrg. 1838. No. 60. pp. 950-952., where we have already at an earlier date developed our views on this passage.

[403] Bk. III. ch. 8., τὰς διαῤῥοίας χρονίους ἔστιν ὅτε ξηραίνει τὰ ἀφροδίσια, (On occasion indulgence in love dries up chronic diarrhœas).

[404] Bk. I. ch. 35., τῶν κεχρονισμένων διάῤῥοιαν τὰ ἀφροδίσια ἐπιξηραίνουσι, (Indulgences in love dry up diarrhoea in the case of chronic sufferers).

[405] In Epidem. bk. V. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 574. it is related that the nasal catarrh of Timochares disappeared (ἀφροδισιάσαντι ἐξηράνθη—was dried up after he had indulged in love) after coition (Paederastia? p. 209. Note 1.); and this is repeated again in bk. VII. p. 680. Comp. Palladius, Schol. in Epidem. bk. VI. edit Diez., Vol. II. pp. 143, 145. Marsilius Cagnatus in Gruter’s Lampas, Vol. III. Pt. 2. p. 470.

[406] Progr. de sordidis et lascivis remediis antidysentericis vitandis, (Graduation Essay on Avoiding filthy and licentious Remedies as against Dysentery), pp. 10 sqq.

[407] Suidas writes: ὕπουλος—ὡς ἐπὶ τῶν ἑλκῶν, τῶν ἐχόντων οὐλὰς ὑγιεῖς ἐπιπολαίως, ἔνδοθεν δὲ σηπεδόνας πυώδεις.—ὕπουλα γόνατα καὶ ὕπουλον πόδα καὶ ὕπουλον χεῖρα καὶ σῶμα· τὸ φλεγμαῖνον διά τινας πληγὰς καὶ ἑγγὺς τοῦ ἀφίστασθαι ὄν· Κρατῖνος· ὕπουλα ἕλκη· τὰ κρυπτά.—Hesychius: ὕπουλα δὲ λέγεται τὰ μὴ φανερὰ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἕλκη. ὕπουλος—applied to wounds, those that have healthy scars on the surface, but underneath offensive putrefactions,—said of the knees, or foot, or hand, or body; the part that is highly inflamed in consequence of blows and is near breaking. Cratinus gives: ὕπουλα wounds, i.e. hidden ones.—Hesychius: ὕπουλα is said of wounds that are not manifest to the eye.—The word ὕπαφρον (frothy beneath), which is found in Hippocrates, De Arte, Vol. I. p. 17. K., instead of which the MSS. also have ὑπόῤῥοον (liquid underneath), and Schneider in his Lexicon wished to read ὑπόφερον (bearing underneath), Hesychius explains as τὸ μὴ φανερὸν κρύφιον καὶ ὕπουλον (that which is not visible, concealed and festering underneath).—Ought we to read for καὶ ἴξιν perhaps κατ’ ἴξιν? Comp. Erotion, Glossary to Hippocrates, edit. Franz, p. 322.

[408] A remarkable proof of the acquaintance of Italian scholars with German Literary History. The Author dedicated this letter in the year 1823 to Gruner who died in 1815, and forwarded him a copy with an autograph inscription. Both are preserved in the University Library at Jena.