The Plague of Lust, Vol. 2 (of 2) / Being a History of Venereal Disease in Classical Antiquity

by Julius Rosenbaum

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Festus, p. 135., says: Rumen est pars colli, qua esca devoratur (The rumen, or gullet, is that part of the neck, where food is swallowed). Nonius, p. 18.: rumen dicitum locus in ventre, quo cibus sumitur et unde redditur (rumen was applied to the locality in the belly to which food is taken in and from which it is given back).—Isidore, Etymolog. bk. XII. 37., Ruminatio autem dicta est a ruma, eminente gutturis parte, per quam dimissus cibus a certis animalibus revocatur (Now rumination is so called from the ruma, or gullet, the upper portion of the throat, by which food after being swallowed is brought up again by certain animals). It is true Varro gives another explanation: ruminare propter rumam, id est prisco vocabulo mammam (to ruminate so called on account of the ruma, that is in old Latin the breast); and so one might equally well understand by irrumare the custom of voluptuaries, one that is still practised, of employing the space between the bosoms as vagina. At any rate Dr. Hacker of Leipzig assured the author he had on several occasions observed cases where prostitutes had chancrous swellings between the bosoms, as well as under the arm-pits,—for these also are employed with the same object.—Does ruma possibly stand for rima (a chink)? In any case we should compare what Suidas gives under the words ῥῦμα, ῥῦμη and ῥύμματα. Synonyms are comprimere linguam, buccam offendere, etc. (to compress the tongue, to hit against the cheek).

[2] The etymology of fellare is still obscure. Vossius, Etymolog., derives it from the Æolic φηλᾶν for θηλᾶν and θηλάζειν, to suck the breasts. Pliny, Hist. Nat. bk. XI. 65., says of the tongue of cats: imbricatae asperitatis ac limae similis, attenuansque lambendo cutem hominis (of a ridged roughness of surface, like a file, capable of wearing through the human skin by licking). The meanings which Suidas gives under φελλά, etc. would seem to point to an old stem φέλλω,—to roughen, to file.

[3] Lucian, Works, edit. Lehmann, Vol. VIII. pp. 56-84.

[4] πρὸς θεῶν, εἶπέ μοι, τὶ πάσχεις, ἐπειδὰν κἀκεῖνα λέγωσιν οἱ πολλοὶ, λεσβιάζειν σε καὶ φοινικίζειν; (for translation see text above); as to φοινικίζειν, this will be discussed later on. The word λεσβιάζειν occurs in Aristophanes, Frogs 1335; and he also uses λεσβιεῖν in the same sense, Wasps, 1386., μέλλουσαν ἤδη λεσβιεῖν τοὺς ξυμπότας; (a girl standing ready to λεσβιεῖν—love in the Lesbian mode,—the revellers). On this passage the Scholiast remarks: ἵνα μὴ τὸ παλαιὸν τοῦτο καὶ θρυλλούμενον δι’ ἡμετέρων στομάτων εἴπω σόφισμα, ὅ φασι παῖδας Λεσβίων εὑρεῖν. (this ancient trick, a matter of common gossip to any in our mouths, which they say the children of the Lesbians invented).—Suidas s. v. Λεσβίαι· μολύναι τὸ στόμα. Λέσβιοι γὰρ διεβάλλοντο ἐπὶ αἰσχρότητι. (under the word Λεσβίαι—Lesbian women, to defile the mouth. For the Lesbians were reproached for foulness). Hesychius: λεσβιάζειν· πρὸς ἄνδρα στόμα στύειν. Λεσβιάδας γὰρ τὰς λαικαστρίας ἔλεγον. (to play the Lesbian; to use the mouth to a man for an obscene purpose. For they used to call wanton courtesans Lesbians). Eustathius, Comment. ad Homeri Iliad, p. 741., εἰσὶ βλασφημίαι καὶ ἀπὸ ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων καὶ δήμων πολλαί, ῥηματικῶς πεποιημέναι· ἐθνῶν μὲν, οἵον κιλικίζειν καὶ αἰγυπτιάζειν, τὸ πονηρεύεσθαι, καὶ κρητίζειν, τὸ ψεύδεσθαι· ἐκ πόλεων δὲ, οἷον λεσβιάζειν, τὸ αἰσχροποιεῖν· εἶτα παραγαγόντες Φερεκράτους χρῆσιν ἐν Ἰάμβῳ τὸ δώσει δέ σοι γυναῖκας ἑπτὰ Λεσβίας· ἐπάγουσιν ἀμοιβαῖον τί· καλον γε δῶρον ἕπτ’ ἔχειν λαικαστρίας· ὡς τοιούτων οὐσῶν τῶν Λεσβίων γυναικῶν· ἐκ δήμων δὲ βλασφημία, τὸ αἰξωνεύεσθαι, ἤγουν κακολεγεῖν. Αἰξωνεῖς γὰρ δημόταται Ἀττικοί, σκωπτόμενοι ὡς κακολόγοι, καθὰ καὶ οἱ Σφήττιοι ἐπὶ ἀγριότητι. (And there are many reproaches applying to nations, and cities, and demes, implied in the use of certain words; for instance in the case of nations, to play the Cilician, and to play the Egyptian, i. e. to be a rogue, and to play the Cretan, i.e. to be a liar; again, in the case of cities, to act the Lesbian, i. e. to act filthily; further we may bring forward a passage of Pherecrates in Iambic verse, viz. the line, “And he shall give thee seven Lesbian women,” to which the answering verse is, “Verily! a noble gift, to get seven harlots,” implying that such was the character of the Lesbian women. Lastly an example of such a reproach applying to demes, to play the Æxonian, in other words to be foul-mouthed. For the Æxonians were Attic demes-men, ridiculed as being evil-speakers in the same way as the Sphettians were on the ground of rusticity). The word σόφισμα (trick) in the passage of the Scholiast to Aristophanes explains the word “dogma” in Martial, bk. IX. 48., Dic mihi, percidi, Pannice, dogma quod est? (Tell me, Pannicus, what is the trick of the paederast?). Theopompus in “Ulysses” says: δι’ἡμετέρων στομάτων εἴπω σόφισμ’ὅ φασι παῖδας Λεσβίων εὑρεῖν. (a certain trick common in our mouths which they say children of the Lesbians invented). Strattis in “Pytisus”: τῷ στόματι δράσω ταῦθ’ἅπερ τοῦ αἰσχροῦ τάττεται [ταῦθ’ ἅπερ οἱ Λέσβιοι]. (with my mouth I will do those things that are reckoned as obscene,—those things that the Lesbians do).]

[5] Haud scio an Rhododaphnes cognomine a Syris isti tradito tecte sugilletur cunnilingus, ita ut rosa lateat cunnus, in lauri folio lingua lingens, (I cannot say for certain whether by the surname of “Rhododaphne”—rose-laurel—given the man by the Syrians it is covertly suggested he was a cunnilingus, as much as to say that while a cunnus—female organ—is suggested by the rose, a licking tongue is the same in the laurel-leaf), says Forberg, loco citato p. 281. Suidas, s. v. ῥοδωνία· ἔστι μὲν ὁ τῶν ῥόδων λείμων· ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ τὴν ῥοδοδάφνην οὕτω φασὶ καλεῖσθαι (under the word ῥοδωνία—rose-garden: it is the meadow of roses; but others again say this is called ῥοδοδάφνη). Pliny, Hist. Nat. XVI. 33. Hesychius, s. v. ῥοδωνία says: δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀνδρὸς αἰδοῖον αὕτη. (under the word ῥοδωνία—rose-garden: this signifies also the human genitals).

[6] The explanation of this is to be found in the Priapeia Carmina, 75.

Barbatis non nisi summa petet.

(With bearded men will touch but the extremities).

[7] Pseudo-Galen, Works, edit. Kühn, Vol. XIX. p. 142.

[8] Handbuch der Klinik (Hand-book of Clinical Medicine), vol. VII. p. 88. Also at a yet earlier date in Schmidt’s Jahrbuch 1837., Vol. XIII. p. 101.

[9] Στομάργου, ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ τῶν ἐπιδημιῶν ὁ Διοσκουρίδης οὕτως γράφει, καὶ δηλοῦσθαι φησὶ τοῦ λαλοῦντος μανικῶς· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι στυμάργου γράφουσι καὶ ὄνομα κύριον ἀκούουσι. (Στομάργου: in the second Book of the Epidemia Dioscorides writes the word thus, and says it signifies such as talk insanely; others however write στυμάργου, and understand it as a proper name).

[10] Hippocrates, Bk. II. sect. 2. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 436., Καὶ ἡ Στυμαργέω ἐκ ταραχῆς ὀλιγημέρου πολλὰ στήσασα, κ. τ. λ. (And the female slave of Stymargeos having after a few days’disturbance re-established much, etc.)—The same passage occurs in Galen, Comments on the Epid. bk. II. edit. Kühn, Vol. XVII. A. p. 324., with an explanation of the subject-matter, and also has Στυμαργέω.—Ibidem, p. 458., ἡ Στυμάργεω οἰκέτις ἡ Ἰδουμαια ἐγένετο, κ. τ. λ. (the female slave of Stymargeos, the Idumaean, was, etc.).—GaleἸδουμαῖαn cites the passage, loco citato p. 467., without comment, but he likewise reads Στυμάργεω. In two other passages, in which he comments on the statements last quoted from Hippocrates, the text is obviously corrupt. In “De tremore, palpitatione, convulsione et rigore” (Of Trembling, Palpitation, Convulsion and Rigor), edit. Kühn, vol. III. p. 602, it reads: Ἐστυμάργεω οἰκέτις, ᾗ οὐδὲ αἵμα ἐγένετο, ὡς ἔτεκε θυγατέρα, κ. τ. λ. (a female slave of Estymargeos, in whose case flowed no blood at all, when she gave birth to a daughter, etc.). Also Assmann in his Index to Kühn’s Edition of Galen, pp. 232 and 307., represents it by Estymergi ancilla (a female slave of Estymergus). However there can be no doubt Ἡ Στυμάργεω οἰκέτις (The female slave of Stymargeos) ought to be read in Galen; on the other hand we see clearly from this passage that the text of Hippocrates is quite wrong in giving the Proper name ἡ Ἰδουμαῖα (the Idumaean), and this, as indeed the sense too requires, must be changed into ᾗ αἵμα οὐδὲ (in whose case not even blood); and one is more especially convinced of this on reading the explanation given by Galen, loco citato. Besides this, following Galen’s lead, we should read δεῖ ἐλθεῖν for διελθεῖν and προφάσεως for προφάσιος. Also he has ἀφορμὴν instead of ἀχὴν.—The second passage of Galen occurs in the “De venae sectione” (On the opening of a Vein) adv. Erasistrat., ch. 5.: ἐκεῖνο δέ πως εἴρηται; ἐκ τοῦ μαργέω οἰκέτιδος οὐδὲ αἵμα ἐγένετο, ὡς ἔτεκε θυγατέρα, ἀπέστραπτο τὸ στόμα πρός [τῆς μήτρας καὶ ἐς] ἰσχίον καὶ σκέλος ὀδύνη, παρὰ σφυρὸν τμηθεῖσα ἐράϊσε [ἐῤῥῄισε], καίτοι τρόμοι τὸ σῶμα περικατεῖχον [πᾶν κατεῖχον]· ἀλλ’ἐπὶ τὴν πρόφασιν χρὴ ἐλθεῖν καὶ τῆς προφάσεως τὴν τροφήν. (Now how is this account given? from a female slave of Stymargeos not even blood flowed, when she gave birth to a daughter; the mouth was distorted from (the womb, and in) loin and leg there was pain; on being cut (bled) on the ankle, she found relief, though shudderings ran down the (whole) body; but we must go to the cause, and the origin of the cause). Here too it is evident, besides the emendations already pointed out as necessary, we must read ἐκ Στυμάργεω, as the edition of Kühn, vol. XI. p. 161., does actually and rightly read. Dioscorides may be right so far, that the word, strictly speaking, is not a “Nomen proprium” (Proper name), but in the passage named it stands for one, if only, as is likely enough, for a nickname, as it is called.

[11] Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. I. ch. 8., quotes from the “Phaon” of the Comic Poet Plato: τρίγλη—καὶ στύματα μισεῖ. (a mullet,—and hates erections). Comp. bk. VII. ch. 126.

[12] The verb στύω (I erect the penis) occurs often in Aristophanes, e.g. “Acharnians” 1218., στύομαι (I have an erection), “Peace”, 727., ἐστυκότες (men with penes standing), “Lysistr.” 214., ἐστυκὼς (a man with penis standing), 598., στῦσαι (to make the penis stand), 869., ἔστυκα γὰρ (for my penis was standing); always in the sense of to make, or have, an erection.

[13] Suidas explains μάργος by μαινόμενος (being mad) and Hesychius also by ὑβριστὴς (recklessly insolent), a word we have already learned from repeated examples to recognize as signifying unnatural lust. Clement of Alexandria, Paedag., bk. II. ch. 1. p. 146., says: καὶ ἡ λαιμαργία, μανία περὶ τὸ λαιμόν, καὶ ἡ γαστριμαργία, ἀκρασία, περὶ τὴν τροφήν· ὡς δὲ καὶ τοὔνομα περιέχει, μανία ἐπὶ γαστέρα· ἐπεὶ μάργος, ὁ μεμῃνώς. (And gluttony, i. e. madness in connection with the gullet, and greediness, i. e. intemperance in connection with food, in other words as the name implies, madness as to the belly; for μάργος means a madman).

[14] Lucian, Pseudologist. ch. 21., uses ἔργον (work) of the Irrumator and Fellator. Similarly Horace, Epod. VIII. 19, says:

fascinum

Quod ut superbo provoces ab inguine,

Ore allaborandum est tibi.

(a member ... that needs, for you to provoke it to rise from the unsympathetic groin, to be worked with your mouth). Ovid’s phrase “dulce opus” (sweet task) and Horace’s “molle opus” (gentle task) are familiar. Comp. Hesychius, s.v. ἀῤῥητουργία,—αἰσχρουργία, κακουργία, τὰ ἀῤῥητα ἐργάζεσθαι, (under the word ἀῤῥητουργία, infamous action,—base action, evil action, the performance of infamous tasks).

[15] The word στόμαργος is found in Sophocles, in a passage where Electra says to Clytaemnestra (581):

Κήρυσσέ μ’εἰς ἅπαντας, εἴτε χρὴ, κακὴν,

εἴτε στόμαργον, εἴτ’ἀναιδείας πλέαν.

Εἰ γὰρ πέφυκα τῶνδε τῶν ἔργων ἴδρις

σχεδόν τι τὴν σὴν οὐ καταισχύνω φύσιν.

(Proclaim me to all, if need be, an evil woman, foul-mouthed and full of shamelessness. For if I am cunning in these tasks, it is but that I am not far from sharing your own character). Suidas under the word interprets στόμαργος here by φλύαρος (prating). Philo, De Monarchia bk. I. edit. Mangey, vol. II. p. 219., says: στομαργίᾳ χρήσασθαι καὶ ἀχαλίνῳ γλώσσῃ, βλασφημοῦντας οὓς ἕτεροι νομίζουσι θεούς. (to indulge in loose talking and an unbridled tongue, blaspheming such as other men hold to be gods). The Etymologicum Magnum s. v. γλώσσαργον, στόμαργον ἠ ταχύγλωσσον, (under the word idle-tongued,—foul-mouthed or loose-tongued). Whereas Aristophanes has the word στοματουργός, “Frogs” 848.,

ἔνθεν δὴ στοματουργὸς ἐπῶν

βασινίστρια λίσπη

γλῶσσ’....

(So thence a phrase-making word-sifting, smooth tongue ...)

[16] Comp. p. 172 above. Lucian, Pseudolog. ch. 31., calls it παροινῶν (acting drunkenly). Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XIII. ch. 80., φιλόπαις δ’ἦν ἐκμανῶς καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος, ὁ βασιλεύς. (And he was a lover of boys, to an insane degree, was Alexander the King). Dio Chrysostom, Tarsica I. p. 409., says of the ῤέγχειν (snorting of the Cinaedi): ἀλλ’ ἐστὶ σημεῖον τῆς αἰσχάτης ὕβρεως καὶ ἀπονοίας (but it is a sign of the most abandoned insolence and infatuation), and again p. 412.: ὡς ἤδη μανία τὸ γιγνόμενον ἔοικεν αἰσχρᾷ καὶ ἀπρέπει (so now the resulting condition resembles madness, disgraceful and unseemly madness). Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. bk. III. ch. 8., περὶ τὰ παιδικὰ ἐκμανῶς ἐπτοημένοι (men set upon enjoyments with boys insanely). But above all is the following passage from Juvenal (Sat. VI. 299) apposite in this connection:

... Quid enim Venus ebria curat?

Inguinis et capitis quae sint discrimina nescit.

(For of what does drunken love take heed? What are the differences betwixt groin and head, she ignores). Seneca, De ira II.: Raptus ad stupra et ne os quidem libidini exceptum. (Carried away into obscenities and not even the mouth held secure from lust). Lactantius, VI. 23., Quorum teterrima libido et execrabilis furor ne capiti quidem parcit. (Whose most foul lust and abominable frenzy spares not even the head).

[17] Xenophon, Cyropaed. II. 2. 28. Hence too Cicero, Tuscul. V. 20., Haberet etiam more Graeciae quosdam adolescentes amore coniunctos (he would keep also, after the fashion of Greece, sundry young men bound to him in ties of affection); of course it is a question here of Paedophilia merely, but we have seen how readily this was confounded with Paederastia. Aristophanes, Eccles. 918.,

ἤδη τὸν ἀπ’ Ἰωνίας

τρόπον τάλαινα κνησιᾷς·

δοκεῖς δέ μοι καὶ λάβδα κατὰ τοὺς Λεσβίους.

(Now, wretched woman, you itch after the fashion of Ionia; and you appear to me to long even for the Lambda (licking) of the Lesbian mode). Hence motus Ionicos (Ionic movements) in Horace, Odes III. 5. 24. and Plautus, Stich. V. 7. 1., Quis Ionicus aut cinaedus qui hoc tale facere posset. (What Ionian or cinaedus is there could show himself capable of such an act as this).

[18] Hippocrates, Epidem. bk. II. sect. 1. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 435.

[19] Comment. in Hippocrat. Epidem., bk. II. edit. Kühn, Vol. XVII. A. p. 312.

[20] Martial, bk. XII. 55., Nec clusis aditum neget labellis. (and refuse not access by shutting the lips).

[21] Μύζουσις is cited by Eustathius on Homer, Odyssey XVII. p. 1821. 52. and XIV. p. 1921. end, as also ἀπομύζουρις on Iliad XI. p. 867. 44., in the sense of fellatrix, παρὰ τὸ μυζᾶν, ἤγουν θηλάζειν οὐράν. (connected with μυζᾶν, to suck, that is to say to suck like an infant a man’s member). Suidas says: μυζεῖ καὶ μύζει, θηλάζει λείχει μῦ, μύζει· ἀπὸ τοῦ μῦ παρῆκται τὸ μύζειν, πολλοῖς ἄλλοις ὁμοίως· μύζειν δέ ἐστι τὸ τοῖς μυκτῆρσιν ἦχον ἀποτελεῖν. Ἀριστοφάνης τί μύζεις,—(μυζεῖ and μύζει,—sucks like an infant, licks with a mooing noise, moos); from this mooing noise is derived μύζειν as is the case with other similar words; now μύζειν is to produce the noise made in the nostrils in the act of sucking. Aristophanes has τί μύζεις; (what is the mooing noise you make?) On this passage of Aristophanes (Thesmoph. 238.) the Scholiast observes: τοῦτο δὲ φώνημα σημαίνει ἔκλυσίν τινα ἀφροδισιαστικήν· ὅθεν καὶ μύται ἐλέγοντο τὸ παλαιὸν ἀφροδισιασταὶ καὶ γυναικομανεῖς. (Now this sound proclaims a certain dissoluteness in lovemaking; whence of old voluptuaries and men mad after women were called also μύται). Μῦς, the mouse, also comes from the same stem, from its picking and gnawing; so does μυῖα, the fly, and as Aelian, Hist. Anim. bk. XV. ch. 1., says of a fish, ὑποχανὼν κατέπιε τῆν μυῖαν (it gaped its mouth and swallowed down the fly), we might perhaps read μυιοχάνη after flies, as if she wanted to catch flies, a fly-catcher, fly-trap, unless indeed we prefer to take μυιοχάνη as being a compound-word expressing a high degree of lecherousness. The lecherous nature of the fly is well-known, as well as their habit of licking, which makes Varro, de Re Rust. III. ch. 15., say: Non ut muscae liguriunt. (They do not lick, like flies). Ligurire (to lick) is used in the sense of fellare and cunnilingere. Aelian, Hist. Anim. bk. IV. ch. 5., mentions a fish, χάνη, which is particularly lustful: χάνη δὲ ἰχθὺς λαγνίστατος (Now the χάνη is a most lustful fish). Again μυσαροχάνη (μυσαρὸς, filthy) would be a significant word for a fellatrix.

[22] Suidas, s. v. μυσάχνη, ἡ πόρνη παρὰ Ἀρχιλόχῳ· καὶ ἐργάτις καὶ δῆμος καὶ παχεῖα. Ἱππῶναξ δὲ βορβορόπιν καὶ ἀκάθαρτον ταύτην φησίν. ἀπὸ τοῦ βορβόρου καὶ ἀνασυρτόπολιν, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνασύρεσθαι. Ἀνακρέων δὲ πανδοσίαν καὶ λεωφόρον, καὶ μανιόκηπον· κῆπος γὰρ τὸ μόριον. Εὔπολις εἰλίποδα, ἐκ τῆς εἰλήσεως τῶν ποδῶν τῆς κατὰ τὴν μίξιν. (under the word μυσάχνη; this means “the prostitute” in Archilochus; also in same sense working-woman, and commonalty, and brawny wench. Also Hipponax calls an unclean woman of the sort filthy-eyed (βορβορόπις) from βόρβορος, mire, and town-exposer ἀνασυρτόπολις from ἀνασύρεσθαι, to pull up the clothes. Also Anacreon uses all-giving and public thoroughfare and mad in the privates (μανιόκηπος); for κῆπος (a garden) means a woman’s private parts. Eupolis uses walking with a rolling gait, from the rolling of the legs, the result of sexual intercourse).

[23] Lampridius, Life of Heliogabalus ch. 5. Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. bk. III. p. 254. edit. Potter, ἁβροδίαιτος περιεργία πάντα ζητεῖ, πάντα ἐπιχειρεῖ, βιάζεται πάντα· συνέχει τὴν φύσιν· τὰ γυναικῶν οἱ ἄνδρες πεπόνθασιν καὶ γυναῖκες ἀνδρίζονται παρὰ φύσιν· γαμούμεναί τε καὶ γαμοῦσαι γυναῖκες· πόρος δὲ οὐδεὶς ἄβατος ἀκολασίας. (delicately-living idleness searches out all things, attempts all things, forces all things. It constrains Nature. Men have come to endure the treatment proper to women, while women act as men contrary to nature; women are both given in marriage and themselves take men in marriage, and no way of impurity is left untrod. Again of a similar significance are perhaps the words μυριοστόμος (ten-thousand-mouthed) and ἀθυροστόμος, ἀθυροστομία, ἀθυροστομέω (unrestrained of mouth, unrestrainedness of mouth, to be unrestrained of mouth), and εὐρόστομος (wide-mouthed). Epicrates said of a lecherous girl, ἡδ’ἀρ’ἦν μυωνία (she was a regular mouse-hole), and Philemon called another μῦς λεύκος) (white mouse), while Aelian, Hist. Anim. Bk. XII. ch. 10, gives yet another similar expression, μυωνίαν ὅλην ὀνομάσας (having named her a complete mouse-hole); she is a perfect mouse-hole, in other words she has as many entrances as a mouse-hole. Instead of μυριοχαύνη we might also read μυριομήχανος (of ten-thousand devices), referring to the fessus mille modis (fatigued by a thousand modes of pleasure) in Martial, bk. IX. 58. and on the analogy of Δωδεκαμήχανος (of a dozen devices), a name borne by the “fille de joie” Cyrené, because she had contrived twelve different postures of Love. Comp. Suidas, under word δωδεκαμήχανος, and the Scholiast on Aristophanes, “Frogs” 1356. Also μιαροχάνη (μιαρὸς, polluted) might be defended, on reference to Aristophanes, Acharnians 271-285.

[24] Hippocrates, Epidem. bk. II. Vol. III. p. 436. Galen, vol. XVII. A. p. 322.

[25] Perhaps the word was σαπερδίς, which in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. VIII. 30., signifies a certain fish, for in Athenaeus, Deipnos. p. 591., σαπέρδιον (the diminutive) is the nick-name of a hetaera, and when Diogenes (Diogenes Laertius, VI. 2. 6.) made a scholar wear a σαπέρδης, the latter threw it away (ὑπ’ αἰδοῦς ῥίψας), (having cast it from him in disgust). Note at the same time that the word Sarapis also occurs in Plautus (Paenulus V. 5. 30 sqq.), where Anthemonides says:

Ligula, i in malam crucem

Tune hic amator audes esse, hallex viri?

Aut contrectare, quod mares homines amant?

Deglupta maena, Sarapis sementium,

Mastruga, ἃλς ἀγορᾶς ἅμα; tum autem plenior.

Allii ulpicique, quam Romani remiges.

(Thou mannikin, go to and be crucified! Dost dare to play the lover here, thou Tom Thumb of a man? or to meddle with what male men love? Skinned sprat, Sarapis of the corn-crops, sheepskin, common salt of the market; and yet reeking worse of garlic and leek than Roman bargees!). To restore this undoubtedly corrupt text is beyond our powers, but this much at any rate results from the passage as a whole that Sarapis or Sarrapis here too signifies a vicious man. Anthemonides certainly takes Hanno, to whom this speech is addressed, for a cinaedus, for he says later on: “nam te cinaedum esse arbitror magis quam virum” (but I reckon you to be a cinaedus rather than a man), and he had previously said: “Quis hic homo est cum tunicis longis, quasi puer cauponius?” (Who is this fellow with the long tunics, like a waiter at a cookshop?) and “Sane genus hoc muliebrosum est tunicis demissitiis.” (Surely this is a womanish sort, with his trailing tunics). Similarly Turnebus, Adversar. bk. X. ch. 24., mentions the fact that Hesychius explains σάραπις by περσικὸς χιτὼν (a Persian tunic). However he prefers to read, instead of Sarrapis, arra pisa ementium, (pledge of such as buy at the price of one pea) in reference to the vice of Bacchus, “obscoenum et mollem virum, qui pro arra dari possit vilis mercimonii.” (a foul and deboshed man, fit only to be given as pledge at the value of any cheap commodity).

[26] Comp. the passage of Lucian quoted on p. 229 above. Suetonius, Tiberius ch. 44., “Majore adhuc et turpiore infamia flagravit, vox ut referri audirive, nedum credi, fas sit. Quasi pueros primae teneritudinis, quos pisciculos vocabat, institueret, ut natanti sibi inter femina versarentur ac luderent, lingua et morsu sensim appetentes, atque etiam quasi infantes firmiores, necdum tamen lacte depulsos, inguini seu papillae admoveret; pronior sane ad id genus libidinis et natura et aetate. Quare Parrhasii quoque tabulam, in qua Meleagro Atalanta ore morigeratur, legatam sibi sub conditione, ut si argumento offenderetur, decies pro ea sestertium acciperet, non modo praetulit, sed et in cubiculo dedicavit.” (He was guilty of a yet more flagrant and abominable villainy, so much so it hardly admits of being related or listened to, let alone believed, to this effect. He arranged that boys of tender years, whom he called his little fishes, should move about between his thighs, as he swam, and play there making darts at him with tongue and mouth and biting him softly; also infants of somewhat stronger growth, but still not yet weaned, he would put to his member as if to their mothers’teat, being indeed both by natural disposition and time of life more apt to this form of indulgence. So when a picture of Parrhasius, in which Atalanta is represented gratifying Meleager with her mouth, was willed to him with the stipulation that, if he objected to the subject, he should have a million serterces instead, not only did he choose the painting, but actually enshrined it in his bed-chamber). Theophrastus, Charact. ch. 11., ὁ δὲ βδελυρὸς τοιοῦτος, οἵος ὑπαντήσας γυναιξὶν ἐλευθέραις ἀνασυράμενος δεῖξαι τὸ αἰδοῖον. (But he was such a filthy wretch, that on meeting free women he would pull up his clothes and show his private parts.—Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Excerpt. de Legat. ch. 9. says of the Tarentine Philonis, ἀνασυράμενος τὴν ἀναβολὴν καὶ σχηματίσας ἑαυτὸν ὡς αἴσχιστον ὀφθῆναι, τὴν οὐ λέγεσθαι πρέπουσαν ἀκαθαρσίαν κατὰ τῆς ἱερᾶς ἐσθῆτος τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ κατεσκέδασε. (raising his mantle and throwing himself into the most disgusting posture to be exposed in, he bespattered the Ambassador’s sacred robe with the unspeakable filth).—Galen, Exhortat. ad artes ch. 6., ἀνασυράμενοι προσουροῦσι. (lifting up their clothes, they make water over it).—Lucian, Cataplus 13., καὶ σὺ δὲ ὦ Ἑρμῆ; σύρετ’αὐτὸν εἴσω τοῦ ποδός. (You too, Hermes? drag ye him within your leg). Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. p. 13, mentions an Ἀφροδίτη περιβασίη Aphrodité protectress,—or otherwise, Aphrodité that stretches the legs apart), known also to Hesychius, and explained by some Commentators as “stretching the legs apart”. In Suidas σαίρειν is explained by hiare (to gape open); and the Lexicographers give σάραβος as meaning γυναικεῖον αἰδοῖον (a woman’s privates) and the word is found in Dio Chrysostom, De regno IV. 75., as the name of a Tavern-keeper,—also if we are not mistaken, in Plato. σάρων too Hesychius explains by γυναικεῖον (woman’s parts). He also has ἀρρενώπες (masculine-looking), which some interpret by Androgyne (man-woman) or fellator. The reading ἀγράπους occurring, we might also read γυρόπους (crook-footed); Suidas under word γραῦς (old woman) cites: ἡ γρῆϋς, ἡ χερνῆτις, ἡ γυρὴ πόδας. (the old woman, the spinster, the crooked of feet).

[27] Catullus, Carm. 35. 64.,

An continentes quod sedetis insulsi

Centum, aut ducenti, non putatis ausurum

Me una ducentos irrumare sessores?

(Think you, because you sit there side by side, a hundred fools, or two hundred, think you I shan’t dare to irrumate two hundred sitters at once?).

[28] Aelian, Hist. Anim. bk. VI. ch. 24., ἡ δὲ ἡσύχως καὶ πεφεισμένως τοῦ ἑαυτῆς στόματος ἀνατρέπει αὐτούς. (but the fox, quietly and so as to forbear biting with its mouth, turns them over). ch. 64., ἥδε χανεῖν τε καὶ ἐνδακεῖν οὐ δυναμένη, κᾆτα οὔρησεν αὐτοῦ ἐς τὸ στόμα. (but she—the fox—being unable to open her mouth and fix her teeth in, finally made water into its mouth).

[29] Virgil, Aen. VI. 494., says of Deiphobus, Helen’s paramour:

Atque hic Priamiden laniatum corpora toto

Deiphobum vidit, lacerum crudeliter ora,

Ora manusque ambas, populataque tempora raptis

Auribus, et truncas inhonesto vulnere naris.

(And now Deiphobus he sees, the glorious Priam’s son;

But all his body mangled sore, his face all evilly hacked,

His face and hands; yea, and his head laid waste, the ear lobes lacked,

And nostrils cropped unto the root by wicked wound and grim.

William Morris’s translation).

Martial, bk. III. Epigr. 85.,

Quis tibi persuasit nares abscindere moecho?

Non hac peccatum est parte, marite, tibi

Stulte, quid egisti? nihil hic tua perdidit uxor,

Cum sit salva sui mentula Deiphobi.

(Who persuaded you to crop the adulterer’s nostrils? ’Twas not with this part the offence was done you, sir husband! Foolish man, what have you done? in this your wife has lost naught, so long as her Deiphobus’member is safe and sound). Martial, bk. II. Epigr. 83.,

Foedasti miserum, marite, moechum:

Et se, qui fuerant prius, requirunt

Trunci naribus auribusque vultus.

Credis te satis esse vindicatum?

Erras! Iste potest et irrumare!

(You have mutilated, husband, the unhappy adulterer: and his face cropped of nose and ears asks itself what it was like before. Think you your revenge is complete? Nay! you are mistaken; the fellow can still irrumate!)—a passage that might very well be made to prove our point.

[30] Martial, bk. XI. Epigr. 61.,

Lingua maritus, moechus ore Maneius.

(Maneius is a husband with his tongue, a debaucher with his mouth). Bk. III. Epigr. 84.,

Quid narrat tua moecha? non puellam

Dixi, Tongilion. Quid ergo? Linguam!

(What tale is it your harlot tells? Nay! I did not say girl, Tongilion. What then? Why, tongue!).

[31] Diodorus, Bk. I. ch. 60. Same is related in Strabo, Geogr. bk. XVI. p. 759.—Seneca, De Ira bk. III. ch. 20.

[32] Sozomen, Hist. Eccles. bk. VI. ch. 30., Rhinocolura vero illo tempore viris piis non aliunde advocatis, sed indigenis floruit, quorum optimos sapientiae sese studio hic dedisse intellexi. Novi Melanam, tunc ecclesiae episcopum et Dionysium, monasterium ad septentrionem urbis moderantem, ac Solonem, Melanis fratrem ac successorem in episcopatu. (But Rhinocolura at that time abounded in men of piety, not invited thither, but natives, the most eminent of whom I have been informed devoted themselves in that place to the study of Wisdom. I knew personally Melanas, then Bishop of the church there, and Dionysius, governing a monastery lying to the South of the City, and Solon, brother of Melanas and his successor in the Bishopric.). The same is affirmed by Nicephorus as well, (Hist. Eccles. bk. XI. ch. 38.). Within the last two years there has appeared a Tract or Occasional Paper, dealing with the Colony at Rhinocolura, but unfortunately we cannot put our hand on the more precise memorandum of its contents.

[33] As to his views on the Morbus Phoeniceus (Phoenician Disease), this will be discussed under the head of the vice of the Cunnilingue.

[34] Bonorden, “Die Syphilis” (Syphilis). Berlin 1834., p. 19.

[35] Clossius, “Ueber die Lustseuche” (On Venereal Disease). Tübingen 1797., p. 49.—Perenotti di Cigliano, Of Venereal Disease, p. 92. Fabre, Treatise on Venereal Disease, p. 5.

[36] Martial, XI. Epigr. 30.,

Os male causidicis et dicis olere poetis:

Sed fellatori, Zoile, peius olet.

(The mouth you say smells ill with pleaders and poets; but Zoilus, it smells worse with the fellator). Hence the expressions, os male olens, anima foetida, gravis, graveolens, graveolentia oris spiritus ieiunio macer, ieiuna anima, hircosum osculum, basia olidissima. (evil-smelling mouth, fetid breath, foul, ill-smelling, fetid smell of the breath from the mouth—hungry and lean, fasting breath, goaty kiss, most smelly embraces). Possibly too this was the origin of the Lemnian women’s punishment. Comp. above p. 148.

[37] Galen, Comment. on Hippocrates’De Humor. bk. II., edit. Kühn, Vol. XVI. p. 215. Different means of counteracting this evil are given by Galen, De parabilib. bk. II. ch. 7., Vol. XIV. p. 424. of Kühn’s ed., where amongst other matter we read: διαμασῶνται δέ τινες καὶ τῆς πίτυος φύλλα, ὅταν ἐκπορεύωνται, καὶ ὕδατι διακλύζονται, (but others chew up even leaves of the pine, when they go abroad, and wash out the mouth with water), the Latin lavare, aquam sumere (to wash, to take water)?—as to which later.

[38] Martial, VI. 55.,

Quod semper cassiaque cinnamoque

Et nido niger alitis superbae

Fragras plumbea Nicerotiana,

Rides nos, Coracine, nil olentes,

Malo, quam bene olere, nil olere.

(Because forever scented with cassia and cinnamon and smeared with spices from the nest of the proud phoenix, you are fragrant of the leaden caskets of Niceros, you laugh at us that are unscented; I had rather even than smell sweet, not smell at all).

[39] So Euripides, Medea 525., joins together στόμαργον γλωσσαλγίαν (busy-mouthed tongue-tiresomeness, i.e. wearisome talkativeness).

[40] Perhaps there is an allusion to this in Martial, bk. XI.

[41] Martial, Bk. VI. Epigr. 41. Also bk. IV. Epigr. 41.,

Quid recitaturus circumdas vellera collo?

Conveniunt nostris auribus illa magis.

(Why do you when going to read your verses aloud wind woollen wraps round your throat? The wool were better in our ears). The tacere (to hold his tongue) in the first Epigram stands for fellare, as in Martial, VII. IX. 5. 96. Perhaps too the verse of Epicharmus given in Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. I. ch. 15. is applicable in this connection, οὐ λέγειν δύνατος, ἀλλὰ σιγᾷν ἀδύνατος. (Not able to speak, yet unable to be silent). Comp. Martial, VI. 54. VII. 48. XII. 35.—“Harpocratem reddere (to recall Harpocrates” in Catullus 74. 4.) Again Minutius Felix, In Octav., says: “Esse malae linguae, etiamsi tacerent” (To be of a foul tongue, even if they kept silence). Priapeia, 27. 4., “altiora tangam” (I will touch higher things). In part we may have to look for the same allusion also in Ausonius’ Epigrams 46, 47 and 51, and several other very similar ones in the Anthology.

[42] Aretaeus, De causis et signis acutorum morborum, (Of the causes and symptoms of Acute Diseases). Comp. De Curatione acut. morb., (Of the treatment of Acute Diseases), Bk. I. ch. 9.

[43] Martial, bk. X. Epigr. 56.,

Non secat et tollit stillantem Fannius uvam.

(Fannius does not use the knife, yet removes the dripping uvula).

[44] Martial, Bk. IV. Epigr. 42. Bk. XI. Epigr. 14.: Urbis deliciae salesque Nili. (Darling of the City, savour of the Nile).

[45] The fact that, according to Prosper Alpin De Medicina Aegypt.—(Of Egyptian Medicine, Bk. I. ch. 14.), gangrenous sore-throat prevails all the year round among children in Egypt, need not prejudice our conclusion; in fact it rather helps to explain how the sore-throat brought on by fellation was able so readily and quickly to assume the malignant type described.

[46] Aëtius, Tetrab. I. Serm. IV. ch. 21. Perhaps the “Cancer oris” (cancer of the mouth) in boys, of which Celsus, VI. 15., makes mention, belongs to the same category.

[47] Herodotus, Bk. II. ch. 60.

[48] Plutarch, De superstitione II. 170 D., Τὴν δὲ Συρίαν θεὸν οἱ δεισιδαίμονες νομίζουσιν ἂν μαινίδας τὶς ἢ ἀφύας φάγῃ τὰ ἀντικνήμια διεσθίειν, ἕλκεσι τὸ σῶμα πιμπλάναι, συντήκειν τὸ ἧπαρ. (for translation see text above). We may add that μαινίδας is the maena (sprat) of the Romans, for which Hesychius has σαραπίους, while Plautus uses deglupta maena (skinned sprat) as a contemptuous name for a vicious debauchee (above p. 238. Note 1.). By the Dea Syra some have understood the goddess Derceto, who was worshipped at Ascalon under the image of a maiden, whose lower half ended in a fish. To her the fishes were sacred, and for this reason the Syrians were forbidden to eat fish. Comp. Lucian, De Dea Syra p. 672. Diodorus Siculus, II. 4.

[49] Porphyrius, De Abstinentia bk. IV. ch. 15.,

παράδειγμα τοὺς Σύρους λαβέ·

Ὅταν φάγωσιν ἰχθὺν ἐκεῖνοι διά τινα

Αὑτῶν ἀκρασίαν, τοὺς πόδας καὶ γαστέρα

Οιδοῦσιν· εἶτα σακκίον ἔλαβον· εἰς δ’ ὁδὸν

Ἐκάθισαν αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ κόπρου καὶ τὴν θεὸν

Ἐξιλάσαντο τῷ ταπεινῶσαι σφόδρα.

(As an example take the Syrians: These people, when they have eaten fish, in consequence of some unwholesome quality in themselves, swell in feet and belly. Then they take quickly a wallet; and down they sit by the road-side on dung, and so appease the goddess by their exceeding humbleness). At Athens ἕλκη ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς ἀντικνημίοις (to have sores on the shin-bones) would seem to have been a usual thing, according to Theophrastus, Charact. XIX.

[50] Athenaeus, Deipnosoph. bk. VIII. p. 346. d. Indeed it would seem that the Stoic Antipater of Tarsus related how a Syrian Queen Gatis was excessively fond of eating fish, and accordingly forbad anyone ἄτερ Γάτιδος (except Gatis) in the whole country to indulge in it, and from this circumstance came the name of Atergatis—the Syrian Venus!

[51] Martial, Bk. I. Epigr. 79. Possibly also the passage in Hippocrates, Epidem. bk. VII., Vol. III. 691 of Kühn’s ed., ὁ τὸ καρκίνωμα τὸ ἐν τῇ φάρυγγι καυθεὶς ὑγιὴς ἐγένετο ὑφ’ἡμέων, (The patient who was cauterized for cancer of the throat recovered under our treatment), which Jöhrens in a quotation to be given presently (below § 25.) refers to Venereal disease, as is also done by him in the case of the throat-ulcers mentioned in the Tract of Hippocrates, De Dentitione (On Teething), Vol. I. p. 484. of Kühn’s ed.

[52] A striking analogy to this suicide is to be found in the well-known passage of Pliny (Epist. bk. VI. epist. 24.), one of much importance in connection with affections of the genitals, which may therefore very well be quoted here by anticipation:

C. Plinius Macro Suo S. Quam multum interest, quid a quo fiat! Eadem enim facta claritate vel obscuritate facientium aut tolluntur altissime, aut humillime deprimuntur. Navigabam per Larium nostrum, quum senior amicus ostendit mihi villam, atque etiam cubiculum, quod in lacum prominet. Ex hoc, inquit, aliquando municeps nostra cum marito se praecipitavit. Causam requisivi. Maritus ex diutino morbo circa velanda corporis ulceribus putrescebat: uxor, ut inspiceret, exegit: neque enim quemquam fidelius indicaturam, possetne sanari. Vidit, desperavit: hortata est, ut moreretur, comesque ipsa mortis, dux immo et exemplum et necessitas fuit. Quod factum ne mihi quidem, qui municeps, nisi proxime auditum est; non quia minus illa clarissimo Arriae facto, sed quia minor est ipsa. Vale. (Caius Pliny to his friend Macer, Greeting.—What a vast difference it makes, by whom a particular thing is done! For the very same actions in virtue of the fame or obscurity of the doers are raised to the topmost pinnacle or brought down to the lowest depth. I was sailing along our Lake of Larius, when my companion and elder pointed out a certain country house to me, nay, a particular bed-room, which projects into the Lake. From this chamber, he said, some time ago a fellow-countrywoman of ours threw herself, along with her husband. I asked the reason. The husband, it seemed, in consequence of a disease of long standing was rotting with ulcers on the private parts of the body. The wife demanded a right to look; for she thought no one else likely to give a more conscientious opinion than herself as to whether he could be cured. She saw, and despaired of recovery; so she urged him to die, and herself was companion of his death, giving in fact at once incitement, example and compulsion to the deed. This achievement I had never, though a man of the country, heard of till that moment; not because it was a whit less glorious than Arria’s renowned exploit, but solely because the doer was less famous. Farewell).

[53] Catullus, Carm. 57:

Pulchre convenit improbis cinaedis

Mamurrae pathicoque, Caesarique.

(An excellent understanding exists between the vile cinaedi, the pathic Mamurra and Caesar).

[54] Suetonius, Vita Jul. Caesaris chs. 49, 51, 52., where Curio, the Elder, calls him (Caesar) “omnium mulierum virum, et omnium virorum mulierem” (husband of all women, and wife of all men). The same indeed was said also of Alcibiades. In Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XII. p. 535., we read in a fragment of the Comic Poet Pherecrates:

Οὐκ ὢν ἀνὴρ γὰρ Ἀλκιβιάδης, ὡς δοκεῖ,

ἀνὴρ ἁπασῶν τῶν γυναικῶν ἐστι νῦν.

(For not being a man at all, Alcibiades, it seems, is now husband of all our women).

[55] Catullus, Carm. 80.:

Quid dicam, Gelli, quare rosea ista labella

Hiberna fiant candidiora nive,

Mane domo cum exis, et cum te octava quiete

E molli longo suscitat hora die.

Nescio quid certe est. An vere fama susurrat,

Grandia te medii tenta vorare viri?

Sic certe clamant Virronis rupta miselli

Ilia, et emulso labra notata sero.

(Would you have me tell, Gellius, why those rosy lips grow whiter than the winter’s snow, when you sally out from home in the morning, and when the eighth hour of the long summer day wakes you from gentle sleep? Nay! I know not what it is for sure. Does report say true, that whispers you mouth the swollen member of a man’s middle? So at any rate declare the deboshed vigour of poor feeble Virro, and your own lips marked by the humour you draw out). Martial, Bk. VII. Epigr. 94.:

Bruma est, et riget horridus December,

Audes tu tamen osculo nivali

Omnis obvios hinc et hinc tenere,

Et totam, Line, basiare Romam.

Quid possis graviusque saeviusque

Percussus facere atque verberatus?

Hoc me frigore basiet nec uxor.

Blandis filia nec rudis labellis.

Sed tu dulcior, elegantiorque,

Cuius livida naribus caninis,

Dependet glacies, rigetque barba,

Qualem forficibus metit supinis

Tonsor Cinyphio Cilix marito.

Centum occurrere malo cunnilingis,

Et Gallum timeo minus recentem.

Quare si tibi sensus est pudorque,

Hibernas, Line, basiationes,

In mensem, rogo, differas Aprilem.

(’Tis winter time, and the shuddering chill of December is upon us. None the less, Linus, you dare to greet with your frosty salute all men you meet here and there, and to kiss all Rome. What more disagreeable or more cruel could you do, if you had been struck or thrashed? With an embrace so chilling may no wife kiss me, or unripe maid with wheedling lips. But you,—you think yourself more attractive and more pleasing, you from whose dog-like nose a blue icicle hangs, whose beard is frozen stiff, such a beard as the Cilician shearer crops with his upward-pointing clippers from the chin of a Cinyphian he-goat. I had rather meet a hundred cunnilingues; I am less afraid of a Gaul new come to town. Wherefore, if you possess any sense or any shame, I do beseech you, Linus, defer your wintry salutes till April is come). Now Linus is designated by Martial, bk. VII. Epigr. 9, as a fellator, and bk. XI. Epigr. 26., as a cunnilingue.

[56] Whence also the proverbial saying in Suidas: κύνα δέρειν δεδαρμένην· τὸ τοῦ Φερεκράτους· σχῆμα δέ ἐστι ἀκόλαστον εἰς τὸ αἰδοῖον· εἴρηται δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ, ἄλλο πασχόντων αὖθις ἐφ’οἷς πεπόνθασιν ἡ παροιμία. (to skin the skinned bitch; expression of Pherecrates; is an abominable practice in connection with the private parts; the proverb is spoken of such as suffer something a second time over, after having suffered it once already). Similarly Plautus, Trinum. II. 4. 27., Edepol mutuum mecum facit (By my faith, he plays give and take with me). Again κυνάμυια (shameless fly) is found in Suidas, which he explains by ἀναιδεστάτη· παρεσχημάτικε τὸ ὄνομα ἀπὸ τοῦ κυνὸς καὶ τῆς μυίας· ὁ μὲν γὰρ κύων ἀναιδής, ἡ δὲ μυῖα θρασεῖα, (a most shameless woman: name borrowed figuratively from the dog and the fly; for the dog is shameless, and the fly audacious)—probably with a reference to Homer, II. XXI. 394., where κυνόμυια is found, and the Scholiast observes: ἀναιδής ὡς μυῖα, ἐκ δύο ἀναιδῶν τελείων, τοῦ τε κυνός καὶ τὴς μυίας, διὰ τὸ ὑπερβάλλον τῆς ἀναιδείας. (shameless as a fly; from two completely shameless creatures, the dog and the fly; on account of the excessive degree of their shamelessness). Further there is in this connection the word κυναλώπηξ (fox-dog), which was a nick-name of Philostratus, as we see from Aristophanes, Knights 1078., on which passage the Scholiast observes: λέγει δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ πορνοβοσκὸν καὶ καλλωπιστὴν (now he calls him both brothel-keeper and dandy). If we derive the word from τὸν κύνα (frenulum praeputii,—ligament of the prepuce,—Paulus Aegineta, VI. 54.) ἀλωπίζειν, it would designate the fellator, as ἀλωπὸς, ἀλωπίζειν, ἀλωπηκίζω is formed from α privative (negative) and λῶπος, λώπη (the covering, skin, wool); and ἀλωπηκία is to be explained in the same way,—but not from the scab or mange of the fox, nor yet as the Etymologicum Magnum would have it, because the places where the fox discharges his urine die, the grass e.g. dries up and withers. Hence ἀλώπηξ might be taken as bald-headed, and then the further meaning of licentious dissoluteness given to it, for in Antiquity baldness was very usually looked upon as a consequence of sexual excesses, and as every one knows, Caesar was called by his soldiers moechus calvus (the bald-headed adulterer). But old men, who in particular are bald-headed, especially practised, owing to their lack of the power of erecting the penis, the vice of irrumation and of the cunnilingue, which makes Martial say (IV. 50.) Nemo est, Thai, senex ad irrumandum (No one, Thais, is too old a man for irrumation). κυναλώπηξ would then be a bald-headed cunnilingue. Possibly however this idea was also partly due to a reminiscence of the fox’s habit, when desirous of following up a scent, of sticking his head to the ground (Aelian, Hist. Anim. VI. ch. 24.),—a manœuvre he also adopts, as is generally known, when dying. In evidence of this view may be quoted what Cicero, Orat. pro Domo ch. 18., says to Sextus Clodius: ligurris (you are a licker), and ch. 31. Quaere hoc ex Sexto Clodio, iube adesse, latitat omnino; sed si requiri iusseris, invenient hominem apud sororem tuam (Publii Clodii) occultantem se capite demisso (Require this of Sextus Clodius, bid him appear; he lurks entirely out of sight. But if once you order him to be sought out, they will find the man at your sister’s house (Publius Clodius’s) hiding himself with head held down.) Comp. Catullus, 87. In Martial, Bk. IV. Epigr. 53., canis is used in same sense as κύων in Greek,—apparently? Perhaps the women of Antiquity made use of dogs as well to serve as cunnilingues. According to Brockhusius on Tibullus I. 7. 32., II. 4. 32. they were usual companions of “ladies of pleasure” at Rome, whence too suburanae canes (bitches of the Subura) in Horace, Epod. V. 58. and Subura vigilax (the watchful Subura) in Propertius, IV. 7. 15. During the Middle Ages at any rate such an employment of dogs was nothing unusual. This is stated by Panormita, Hermaph. Epigr. XXX., Epitaphium Nichinae Flandrensis, Scorti egregii:—

Pelvis erat cellae in medio, qua saepe lavabar,

Lambebat madidum blanda catella femur.

(Epitaph on Nichette the Fleming, a famous Harlot:—There stood a basin in middle of the chamber, in which I would many a time wash myself, the while my fawning bitch-pup licked her mistress’s dripping thigh).

and Epigr. XXXVII.,

Te viset Jannecta, sua comitante catella,

Blanda canis dominae est, est hera blanda viris.

(Jeannette shall visit you, her bitch-pup accompanying her; complacent is the hound to its mistress, the lady complacent to men).

[57] Galen, De simplic. medicament. temperamentis ac facultat. Bk. X. ch. 1., edit. Kühn Vol. XII. p. 249.

[58] κοπροφάγος (Excrement-Eater). To this Martial, bk. III. Epigr. 77., seems to allude, when he says:

Nescio quod stomachi vitium secretius esse

Suspicor, ut quid enim, Baetice, saprofagis?

(I suspect there exists some secret vitiation of the stomach; else why, Baeticus, do you eat putrid meat?)

[59] It is evident from this that Meier in his above mentioned Article on Paederastia is wrong in citing the expression αἰσχρουργὸς (worker of obscenities) as being used for the direct equivalent of cinaedus. Incidentally we would take this opportunity of further observing that the word παιδοκόραξ (boy-raven, i.e. a person ravenous after boys), which is also mentioned in the same Article as synonymous with cinaedus, is wrongly referred to paederastia, for it really, like the Latin corvus (raven), signifies a fellator. Its true explanation is given in Pliny, Hist. Nat. bk. X. ch. 15., Corvi pariunt cum plurimum quinos. Ore eos parere aut coire vulgus arbitratur. (Ravens produce at most a brood of five each pair. The vulgar believe these birds produce or copulate with the mouth).—Aristoteles (De gen anim. Bk. III. ch. 6.) negat,—sed illam exosculationem, quae saepe cernitur, qualem in columbis, esse. (Aristotle denies this,—but adds that there is the same billing, which is often noticed, as with doves). Hence also Martial, bk. XIV. Epigr. 74.,

Corve salutator, quare fellator haberis?

In caput intravit mentula nulla tuum.

(You raven that salute your mate, why are you thought to be a fellator? No member ever penetrated into your head). Greek Anthology, bk. II. Tit. 9. 13., λευκὸν ἰδεῖν κόρακα (a white crow to all appearance).

[60] Instead of ᾧ φαίνεται Rost has proposed to read ὧν φαίνεται. (Forbiger, on the Hermaphrod. of Panormita, p. 281. Note b.)

[61] Brunck, Analecta Vol. III. p. 334.,

Δημώναξ, μὴ πάντα κάτω βλέπε, μηδὲ χαρίζου

τῇ γλώσση· δεινὴν χοῖρος ἄκανθαν ἔχει.

Καὶ συζῇς ἡμῖν. ἐν Φοινίκῃ δὲ καθευδεις,

κοὐκ ὢν ἐκ Σεμέλης μηροτραφὴς γεγόνας.

(Demonax, be not for ever looking downwards, and be not complacent with your tongue; that organ—the pudenda muliebria—has a sharp thorn. And indeed you live with us, but you sleep in Phoenicia, and though no child of Semelé, are thigh-bred).

[62] In particular it is the following Epigram in Brunck’s Analecta that has given occasion to this explanation:

Ἀλφειοῦ στόμα φεῦγε· φιλεῖ κόλπους Ἀρεθούσης.

πρηνὴς ἐμπίπτων ἁλμυρὸν ἐς πέλαγος.

(Fly the Alpheus’mouth; he loves the bosom of Arethusa, falling headlong into the salt sea). Forbiger might have further cited the following passage from Aristophanes, Knights 1086, 87.,

ΑΛ. Καὶ γὰρ ἐμοὶ καὶ γῆς καὶ τῆς ἐρυθρᾶς γε θαλάσσης

χὤτι γ’ἐν Ἐκβατάνοις δικάσεις, λείχων ἐπίπαστα.

(Verily for me you shall be judge over earth and the Red Sea to boot and all the realm of Ecbatana, licking up comfit-cakes,—? pickles). Here ἐπίπαστα is, as probably also in v. 103., the Salgama (pickles in brine) of Ausonius, Epigr. 125.; which moreover affords at any rate a partial explanation of the passage in Pollux, Onomast. bk. VI. ch. 9. p. 61., bk. X. ch. 24. p. 96. Still, even if according to this Phoenicia were used in the sense of the genital organs of women at time of menstruation, it by no means follows that φοινικίζειν meant only to have dealings with women in menstruation, any more than it does that it is identical with καταμηνίου πίνων (drinking of menstrual blood), as it has been shown just above not to be. In fact Galen says explicitly: φαίνεταί μοι παραπλήσιον, (it appears to me to be something similar!)

[63] Seneca, De beneficiis bk. IV. ch. 31.

[64] Seneca, Epist. 87.

[65] Galen, Works, edit. Kühn, Vol. XIX. p. 153.

[66] Naumann, Handb. der Klinik (Text-book of Clinical Medicine), Vol. 7. p. 88.

[67] The author at any rate is more cautious than Sprengel, who (Th. Batemann), Prakt. Darstellung der Hautkrankheiten (Practical Exposition of Diseases of the Skin), Halle 1815., p. 427. Note, writes: “Hippocrates appears to mention it (Elephantiasis) under the name φοινικίη νόσος (Phoenician disease), which Galen (Explan. voc. Hipp.) distinctly and definitely explains as Elephantiasis.”

[68] Hippocrates, edit. Kühn Vol. I. pp. 223, 233., Λειχῆνες δὲ καὶ λέπραι καὶ λεῦκαι, οἷσι μὲν νέοισιν ἢ παισὶν ἐοῦσιν ἐγένετό τι τούτων, ἢ κατὰ μικρὸν φανὲν αὔξεται ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ, τούτοισι μὲν οὐ χρὴ ἀπόστασιν νομίζειν τὸ ἐξάνθημα, ἀλλὰ νόσημα· οἷσι δὲ ἐγένετο τούτων τι πολύ τε καὶ ἐξαπίνης, τοῦτο ἂν εἴη ἀπόστησις· γίνονται δὲ λεῦκαι μὲν ἐκ τῶν θανατωδεστάτων νοσημάτων, οἷον καὶ ἡ νοῦσος ἡ φθινικὴ καλεομένη. αἱ δὲ λέπραι καὶ οἱ λειχῆνες ἐκ τῶν μελαγχολικῶν. ἰῆσθαι δὲ τουτέων εὐπετέστερά ἐστιν ὅσα νεωτάτοισί τε γίνεται καὶ νεώτατά ἐστι, καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἐν τοῖσι μαλθακωτάτοισι καὶ σαρκωδεστάτοισι φύεται. (for translation see text above).

[69] J. W. Wedel, Progr. de Morbo phoeniceo Hippocratis, (Graduation Exercise on the Phœnician disease of Hippocrates), Jena 1702. 4to., reprinted in E. G. Baldinger, Selecta doctorum virorum opuscula in quibus Hippocrates explicatur, denuo edita, (Select Tracts of Learned Men dealing with the Interpretation of Hippocrates,—Second ed.), Göttingen 1782., pp. 215-222. The Author does not seem to be really self-consistent; he wavers between Elephantiasis and Purpura.

[70] Rayer, Maladies de la peau. Bruxelles 1836. p. 385. Et quoique les termes de la description du λεύκη se rapportent assez bien à la leucopathie partielle, la plupart des interprètes et des critiques, se fondant sur une passage d’Hippocrate (Prorrhet. lib. II.) ont pensé, que sous ce nom les anciens avoient indiqué une maladie grave, l’éléphantiasis anesthétique ou la lèpre des juifs. (Rayer, Diseases of the Skin. Brussels 1836., p. 385., And although the terms in which this λεύκη is described are pretty well consistent with the symptoms of partial leucopathy, still the majority of interpreters and critics, taking their stand on a passage of Hippocrates (Prorrhet. bk. II.) have held that under this name the Ancients indicated a serious disease, viz. anaesthetic elephantiasis or the leprosy of Jews).

[71] Celsus, Bk. V. ch. 27. 19., λεύκη habet quiddam simile alpho, sed magis albida est et altius descendit: in eaque albi pili sunt, et lanugini similes. (λεύκη has some resemblance to alphus, but is more white in colour, and penetrates deeper; also in it there are white hairs of a woolly appearance). In these last words the interpreters have supposed themselves to find the ἁλὸς ἄχνη (sea-foam) of Pollux, Onom. IV. 193., expressed!

[72] Galen, Isag., edit. Kühn Vol. XIV. p. 758.,—De symptomat. differ. Vol. VII. p. 63.—De symptomat. caus. bk. II. ibid. pp. 225 sqq., where the λεύκη is described as a consequence of nutritio depravata (morbid nutrition), whereby τὴν σάρκα γίνεσθαι φλεγματικωτέραν (the flesh becomes over phlegmatic). Comp. Aetius, Tetrab. IV. I. ch. 133. Paulus Aegineta, bk. IV. ch. 5. Actuarius, Meth. med. II. 11. VI. 8. Oribasius, De morb. curat. III. 58. Scip. Gentilis, Comment. in Apuleii apologiam, note 524.—Suidas s. v. λεύκη· παρὰ Ἡροδότῳ πάθος τι περὶ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα, (under word λεύκη: in Herodotus, a complaint affecting the whole surface of the body). In Alexander, Aphrodis. Problem. I. 146, λεῦκαι signify the white flecks on the finger-nails.

[73] Pollux, Onomast IV. ch. 25. p. 187., mentions among forms of wasting-diseases φθίνης νόσος, for which some editors, and quite rightly, prefer to read φθίνας νόσος (wasting disease). Suidas also says φθίνας ἡ νόσος, but without giving any further explanation; on the contrary in Hesychius we find: s. v. φθινὰ[ς] ἡ ἐρυσίβη, καὶ εἶδος ἐλαίας (under word φθινὰ; the red blight, also a species of olive). But by ἐρυσίβη is signified mildew, blight, smut on grain, the same thing therefore as the Romans called rubigo or robigo, on which Servius, on Virg. Georg. I. 151., has the following observation: Robigo genus est vitii, quo culmi pereunt, quod a rusticanis calamitas dicitur. Hoc autem genus vitii ex nebula nasci solet, cum nigrescunt et consumuntur frumenta. Inde Robigus deus et sacra eius septimo Kalendas Maias Robigalia appellantur. Sed haec abusive robigo dicitur; nam proprie robigo est, ut Varro dicit, vitium obscoenae libidinis quod ulcus vocatur: id autem abundantia et superfluitate humoris solet nasci, quae Graece σατυρίασις dicitur. (Robigo is a sort of blight, that kills the corn-stalks, which is spoken of as a disaster by the peasants. Now this kind of blight commonly springs from a mist or exhalation, the crops blackening and being burnt up. Hence the god Robigus, and his feast-day on the seventh day before the Kalends of May (April 24.), known as the Robigalia. But this is called robigo only by a misnomer; for properly speaking robigo is, as Varro says, a vitiation due to abominable licentiousness and is called an ulcer, and it commonly springs from that abundance and over-copiousness of the humour, which in Greek is called Satyriasis). These words are for our purpose pose of the highest importance, teaching us as they do, that a distinctive form of ulceration, that the patient had brought on himself by sexual excesses, was not only familiar among the Romans but actually bore the special name of robigo. It must have displayed a distinctive redness, and have consumed the parts affected similarly to the smut or rust of grain, or the rust of iron. It is surely a sufficient indication to call the chancre-ulcer a blight, a burning: Comp. anthrax, carbo (malignant pustule, carbuncle). To this day in Germany it is vulgarly said of any one attacked by the primary forms of Venereal disease, “the man has burned himself”. Festus, (edit. Dacier p. 451.) says: Robum rubro colore et quae rufo significare, at bovem quoque rustici appellant, manifestum est, unde et materia quae plurimas venas eius coloris habet dicta est rubor, (Robus clearly indicates things of a red or reddish colour,—now countrymen even speak of an ox as robus; hence any substance having manifold veins of this colour is called rubor). Now such is habitually the case with the penis attacked by phimosis or paraphimosis and under the morbid condition of constant erection (Satyriasis) superinduced by these. Again this shows us the reason why Priapus is so frequently called “ruber hortorum custos” (the red keeper of gardens),—Priapeia Praef. 5.; and why he is said, “Ruber sedere cum rubente fascino,” (to sit, red with his ruddy verge),—Horace, Odes 84. Sat. I. 8. 5. Now as the blight in grain was regarded specially as a consequence of the dew (mildew), and ros (dew) again is used in the sense of the male semen, as well as for the moisture secreted in the female vagina during coition, we might draw yet another analogy from this, and at the same time a proof of the verecundia loquentium (shamefacedness in speech),—p. 43., of the old Romans. Thus it would seem the Greeks too indicated by their φθινὰς the same thing as the Romans by robigo. That it was a human disease, is clearly enough shown by the passage from Pollux, and besides we can see it was so from another in Plutarch in his Life of Galba (ch. 21.), where he says: Τιγελλῖνον μὲν οὐ πολὺν ἔτι βιώσεσθαι φάσκοντος· χρόνον, ὑπὸ φθινάδος νόσου δαπανώμενον, (For he said that Tigellinus would not live much longer, being exhausted by a wasting disease),—a quotation proving at the same time the deadliness of the malady. Once more, Hesychius has for φθινὰ also φοινία, saying, φοινία.ἐρυσίβη (φοινία: red blight, and as the adjective corresponding would necessarily be φοινικίος or φοινίκινος, it follows that φοινικίη νόσος and φθινικὴ νόσος,—φθινικὴ being the adjective from φθινὴ or φθινὰς, (which however would more strictly speaking be φθινακή), would mean exactly the same thing, viz. an “Ulcus rubrum et rodens ex coitu cum foeda muliere natum” (red eating ulcer, coming from coition with an unclean woman), the fatal event of which affection was a matter of common observation among the Ancients. Now if this interpretation is the right one in the passage of Hippocrates, it is clear that λεῦκαι were the consequences of this malady, and accordingly we should have a proof that in Antiquity, no less than in modern times, primary ulcers not only preceded secondary affections of the skin, but were actually recognized as such. However as the proofs for this aperçu are still too fragmentary on the side of the ancient Physicians, we must suspend our immediate judgement on the point, and content ourselves for the present with saying, that φοινικίη νοῦσος stood originally in the text in the sense of cunnilingere (to be a cunnilingue), whereas a later inquirer put φθινικὴ into its place, inasmuch as in his time their meanings had become identical as that of a bodily ailment, and so the consequence of the vice instead of the vice itself found its way even into the text. For granted φθινὰς has the meaning of robigo (blight), there is no doubt this only came to be the case as late as in the time of the Alexandrine critics. Besides this, φοινικιστὴς is also found in the Etymologicum Magnum for Cunnilingus; we read: γλωττοκομεῖον, ἐν ᾧ οἱ αὐληταὶ ἀπετίθεσαν τὰς γλώττας· εἴρηται δὲ καὶ τὸ γυναικεῖον αἰδοῖον ὑπὸ Εὐβούλου φοινικιστὴν σκώπτοντος· (γλωττοκομεῖον, tongue-hole, place in which fluteplayers insert their tongues); the female privates also called so by Eubulus, making a scoff at the φοινικιστὴς,—cunnilingue). The Etymologicum Magnum further has as synonyms for cunnilingere: γλωττοστροφεῖν, περιλαλεῖν καὶ στωμύλλεσθαι· γλωττοδεψεῖν, αἰσχρουργεῖν (to ply the tongue: to talk excessively, to babble; to work or soften with the tongue: to do obscenely), and for cunnilingus, γλώσσαργον, στόμαργον (tongue-busy: mouth-busy).]

[74] Hippocrates, περὶ παθῶν, edit. Kühn Vol. II. p. 409. It is true this Work is reckoned among the spurious ones, and Galen (Vol. XI. p. 63.) ascribes it to Polybius.

[75] Aristophanes, Acharnians 271.

Πολλῷ γὰρ ἐσθ’ἥδιον, ὦ Φαλῆς Φαλῆς

κλέπτουσαν εὑρόνθ’ὡρικὴν ὑληφόρον,

τὴν Στρυμοδώρου Θρᾷτταν ἐκ τοῦ Φελλέως,

μέσην λαβόντ’ἄραντα, καταβαλόντα καταγιγαρτίσαι·

(For ’tis much pleasanter, Phales, Phales! when you have found a blooming woodcutter girl filching wood, say Strymodorus’Thracian maid from Phelleus, to take her round the middle and lift her up and throw her down and take the kernel right away),—where perhaps we should read Στυμοδώρου for Στρυμοδώρου. Knights 1284.,

Τὴν γὰρ αὐτοῦ γλῶτταν αἰρχραῖς ἡδοναῖς λυμαίνεται,

ἐν κασαυρίοισι λείχων τὸν ἀπόπτυστον δρόσον,

καὶ μολύνων τὴν ὑπήνην, καὶ κυκῶν τὰς ἐσχάρας.

(For he pollutes his own tongue with foul delights, in the stews licking up the abominable dew, defiling the hair on the upper lip, and tumbling the girls’nymphae). Peace 885.,

Τὸν ζῶμον αὐτῆς προσπεσὼν ἐκλάψεται.

(Falling upon her he will suck up her broth).

[76] Juvenal, Satir. VI. 455.:

Nec curanda viris Opicae castigat amicae

Verba Soloecismum liceat fecisse marito.

(And rebukes the expressions of her clownish (Opican) friend, things not worth men’s notice. Surely a husband should be allowed to make a solecism).

[77] Martial, bk. I. Epigr. 78.,

Pulchre valet Charinus, et tamen pallet.

Parce bibit Charinus, et tamen pallet.

Bene concoquit Charinus, et tamen pallet.

Sole utitur Charinus, et tamen pallet.

Tingit cutem Charinus, et tamen pallet.

Cunnum Charinus lingit, et tamen pallet.

(Charinus is in excellent health, and yet he is pale. Charinus drinks moderately, and yet he is pale. Charinus digests well, yet he is pale. Charinus takes the sun, yet he is pale. Charinus dyes his skin, yet he is pale. Charinus licks a woman’s organ, yet he is pale).

[78] Martial, bk. XI. Epigr. 86. As to this Zoilus see Martial, bk. XI. Epigr. 61.

[79] Martial, Bk. III. Epigr. 61.

[80] Greek Anthology bk. II. Tit. 13. Note 19.,

Τὴν φωνὴν ἐνοπήν σε λέγειν ἐδίδαξεν Ὅμηρος,

Τὴν γλῶσσαν δ’ἐν ὀπῇ τίς σ’ἐδίδαξεν ἔχειν.

(Homer taught you to utter your voice and speak whole words, but, pray! who taught you to have your tongue in a hole?) Here ὀπὴ (hole) obviously stands for the female organ,—a meaning omitted in the Lexicons.

[81] So too in the following Epigram of Ausonius (127.),

Eune, quod uxoris gravidae putria inguina lambis,

Festinas glossas non natis tradere natis.

(Eunus, you lick the flabby organs of your pregnant wife; is it you are in a hurry to give learned explanations to your babes unborn?) we should explain the putria inguina not so much as rotten, ulcerous, but rather as laxata or laxa (relaxed, flabby). Similarly Horace, Epod. VIII. 7., speaks of mammae putres (the flabby dugs) of an old woman.

[82] Martial, IX. 63.,

Ad coenam invitant omnes te, Phoebe, cinaedi:

Mentula quem pascit, non, puto, purus homo est.

(All the cinaedi, Phoebus, invite you to dinner: a man the penis feeds is not, I think, a clean man).

Petronius, Sat., Non taces, nocturne percussor, qui ne tum quidem, quum fortiter faceres, cum pura muliere pugnasti. (Silence, stabber by night, who not even when you were at your best, ever faced a clean woman).

[83] Martial, Bk. IV. Epigr. 43.

[84] Persius, Satir. V. 186-188.

[85] Wendelinus Hock de Brackenau entitled his Treatise on the Venereal Disease: Mentagra, sive Tractatus de causis, praeseruatis, regimine et cura Morbi Gallici, vulgo Mala Francosz., etc., (Mentagra, or a Treatise on the Causes, Preventives, Treatment and Cure of the so called French Disease, etc.). Strasburg 1514. 4to. Sartorius Frid. praes. Conrad. Johrenio, Diss. de mentagra ad loc. Plinii Secundi hist. nat. lib. XXVI. cap. 1. (Dissertation on mentagra in connexion with the passage of Pliny Secundus’ Hist. Naturalis bk. XXVI. ch. 1.). Frankfurt-on-Oder N. D. 49 pp. 4to. Gives a sort of exegesis of the passage, speaks in first place of new diseases in general, passes on to the Venereal Disease, the antiquity of which the author upholds, and finally discusses Mentagra, which he holds to be a leprous-syphilitic affection. The work is still quite worth reading, more especially as the author quotes some passages from the Chronicle of Anhalt von Beckmann, at that time still unprinted, and which we find mentioned hardly anywhere else.

[86] Hensler, “Vom abendländischen Aussatze im Mittelalter”, (On Occidental Leprosy in the Middle Ages). Hamburg 1790. pp. 67, 206, 307.

[87] Pliny, Hist. Nat. Bk. XXVI. chs. 1, 2, 3.

[88] Galen, De comp. med. secundum locos, edit. Kühn Vol. XII. p. 841. προσχαριζόμενον τῇ ἐξωτάτῳ γραμμῇ τοῦ λειχῆνος μικρόν τι τῶν ἀπαθῶν σωμάτων. (giving up to the external mark of the scab yet another small part of the bodies hitherto unaffected).

[89] Galen, (De comp. med. secundum locos bk. V., edit. Kühn Vol. XII. p. 830.) quotes from Criton the following description in further confirmation: Πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν γενείων λειχῆνας πάθος ἀηδέστατον, καὶ γὰρ κνησμοὺς ἐπιφέρει καὶ περίστασιν τῶν πεπονθότων καὶ κίνδυνον οὐκ ὀλίγον, ἕρπει γὰρ ἔστιν ὅτε καθ’ ὅλου τοῦ προσώπου, καὶ ὀφθαλμῶν ἅπτεται, καὶ σχεδὸν τῆς ἀνωτάτω δυσμορφίας ἐστὶν αἴτιον, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο χρηστέον ἂν εἴη ἐπιμελέστερον τῇ θεραπείᾳ, ἐφορῶντα τοὺς παροξυσμοὺς καὶ τὰ διαλείμματα καὶ συγκρίνοντα ἀπὸ τῶν κεχρονισμένων τὰ νεοσύστατα, ἐφ’ ὧν ἁρμόσει χρῆσθαι τοῖς ξηραίνουσι φαρμάκοις· ὅταν δ’εἰς ψώραν ἢ λέπραν μεταπέσῃ πρὸς τοῖς ξηραίνουσι χρῆσθαι καὶ τοῖς ῥύπουσιν. (But in the case of lichenes, scabs, on the chin the malady is most troublesome. Now it brings on itchings and a critical condition of the afflicted and no small danger; for it creeps sometimes over the whole face, and attacks the eyes, and generally is productive of the most utter disfigurement. Wherefore physicians should devote more than ordinary care to its treatment, watching the crises of the malady, and the intervals, and judging from the symptoms that have become chronic such as have but just broken out, on the appearance of which it will be expedient to exhibit siccative medicines. On the other hand when it has resolved itself into the itch or leprosy, exhibit cathartics in combination with the siccatives). The same is contributed also by Aëtius, Tetrab. II. serm. 4. ch. 16. Besides the discrepant statement to the effect that the eyes are attacked as well, the most noteworthy points are the crises and intervals Mentagra went through, and its passing over into Psora and Lepra (Itch and Leprosy).

[90] Galen and Aëtius, loco citato, give particulars of the composition of a number of these.

[91] Gruner, Morborum antiquitates pp. 162-171.

[92] J. C. Dieterich, Iatreum Hippocraticum, continens Narthecium medicinae veteris et novae (Hippocratic Remedies, containing a Treasury of Ancient and Modern Medicine), Ulm 1661. 4to., p. 692.

[93] Hence also Diogenes Laertius, VI. 2. 6., ἅλα λείχειν (to lick up salt).

[94] The explanation of Galen, De simpl. medicam. temperam. et facult. bk. VII. ch. 11. 6. (edit. Kühn, XII. p. 57.): λειχὴν ὠνομάσθαι δ’οὕτω δοκεῖ διὰ τὸ λειχῆνας θεραπεύειν (and it seems lichen,—moss, is so called because it cures lichenes,—scabs), is hardly likely to find any one else to subscribe to it.

[95] Aristophanes, Knights 1280-1283. In the Wasps, 1280-1283, Aristophanes says, speaking of the same Ariphrades:

Εἶτ’Ἀριφράδην πολύ τι θυμοσοφικώτατον,

ὃν τινά ποτ’ὤμοσε μαθόντα παρὰ μηδενὸς,

ἀλλ’ἀπὸ σοφῆς φύσεος αὐτόματον ἐκμαθεῖν

γλωττοποιεῖν εἰς τὰ πορνεῖ’εἰσιόνθ’ἑκάστοτε

(Then Ariphrades, much more ingenious-clever, who he swore without ever having learnt the trick from any, but all out of his own wisdom, discovered how to work the tongue, going into the brothels everywhere). Also Peace 883-885.:

ΤΡ. τίς; ΟΙΚ. ὅστις; Ἀριφράδης,

ἄγειν παρ’ αὑτὸν ἀντιβολῶν. ΤΡ. Ἀλλ', ὦ μέλε,

τὸν ζωμὸν αὐτῆς προσπεσὼν ἐκλάψεται.

(Trygaeus. Who? Servant. Who? why Ariphrades, begging to bring her to him. Trygaeus. But, dear man, he will fall on her, and lick up her broth).

[96] Anthologia Graeca, cum versione Latina Hugonis Grotii, edita ab H. de Bosch (Greek Anthology, with Latin version by Hugo Grotius, edit. H. de Bosch) Utrecht 1795. 4to., Vol. I. p. 38. bk. II. Tit. 5. Epigr. 9. Brunck’s Analecta, Vol. III. p. 165. Epigr. 76. Here too should be quoted the following Epigram (Brunck’s Analecta, Vol. II. p. 386. Anthology, bk. II. Tit. 5. Epigr. 8.) of Ammianus, which at the same time speaks for the general meaning of licking:

Οὐχ ὅτι τὸν κάλαμον λείχεις, διὰ τοῦτό σε μισῶ,

Ἀλλ’ ὅτι τοῦτο ποιεῖς καὶ δίχα τοῦ καλάμου.

(Not because you lick the reed, not for this do I abominate you; but because you do so even without the reed). Ausonius, Epigr. 126., endeavours in another way, by initial letters, to indicate λείχει (he licks):

Λαῒς, Ἔρως, et Ἴτυς, Χείρων et Ἔρως, Ἴτυς alter

Nomina siscribis, prima elementa adime:

Ut facias verbum, quod tu facis, Eune magister:

Dicere me Latium non decet opprobrium.

(Λαῒς, Ἔρως, and Ἴτυς, Χείρων and Ἔρως, Ἴτυς repeated,—if you write these names, then take off the first letters, you make a verb with them that means what you do, learned Eunus; it does not become me to name the abomination nation in Latian speech). At the same time we see from this that in the IVth. Century, where Ausonius lived at Bordeaux, the vice of the cunnilingue was still constantly practised and that not even in secret. Should the words of Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog. II. ch. 8. p. 178., also be brought into connection with this: ἡ δὲ ἐπιτήδευσις τῆς εὐωδίας, δελεάρ ἐστι ῥαθυμίας, πόῤῥωθεν εἰς λίχνον ἐπιθυμίον ἐπισπωμένης. (And the cultivation of sweet perfume is a bait of idleness, indirectly alluring to dainty voluptuousness)? The male olere (to have an evil smell) held good equally for the cunnilingue.

Diogenes Laertius, V. 65., quotes verses of Crates, where we read: οὔτε λίχνος, πόρνης ἐπαγγελλόμενος παρῇσι (nor dainty desire, proclaimed on the cheeks of a harlot); the same occur also in Clement of Alexandria, loco citato ch. 10. Finally yet another quotation, from Martial (XI. 59.), should come in here; he says to a pathic:

At tibi nil faciam: sed lota mentula laeva

λειχάζειν cupidae dicet avaritiae,

(But to you I will do no harm; nay! rather shall my member, when your left hand has done its work and been washed, say to your grasping avarice,—now lick, fellate, me). This passage has been misunderstood by most of the commentators, because they chose to read lana (woollen cloth) for laeva (the left hand), or else thought to find here a reference to manustupration (masturbation with the hand). But really it means nothing more than that the poet declares he will resort to irrumation, after his mentula (member) has been washed with the left hand, [the Latin cannot mean this; lotā is ablative case, and must be taken with laevā. Transl.],—a usage to which we shall come back again subsequently; but which is at once clearly authenticated by a fragment of Lucilius, where we read:

Laeva lacrimas mutoni absterget amica.

(With the left hand his mistress wipes the tears from his penis).

[97] Galen, Isagoge ch. 18. (edit. Kühn Vol. XIV. 779).

[98] Galen, loco citato ch. 13. pp. 657, 758.

[99] Plato, Phaedo p. 81 A., οἱ ἀφικομένη ὑπάρχει αὐτῇ εὐδαίμονι εἶναι, πλάνης καὶ ἀγνοιας καὶ φόβων καὶ ἀγρίων ἐρώτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κακῶν τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἀπηλλαγμένῃ. (So having come there, the soul is in a state of assured happiness being free of error and ignorance and fear, and fierce passions and the other ills of mankind).

[100] Plutarch, De solert. anim. p. 972 D., Ἔρωτες δὲ πολλῶν οἱ μὲν ἄγριοι καὶ περιμανεῖς γεγόνασιν, οἱ δὲ ἔχοντες οὐκ ἀπάνθρωπον ὡραϊσμόν. (But for the passions of many, some are naturally fierce and frantic, but there are others again that show no anti-social effeminacy). The Etymologicum Magnum says: ἄγριοι οἱ παιδεράσται, ἤτοι ὅτι ἄγριόν ἐστι τὸ πάθος ἡ παιδεραστία. (wild,—means the paederasts, that is, because the passion of paederastia is a wild one). Perhaps too the phrase of Theocritus is referable to the same: ἄγριον, ἄγριον ἕλκος ἔχει κατὰ μηρὸν Ἄδωνις (a savage, savage wound has Adonis in the thigh).

[101] In Hesychius occurs also the form ἀγριοψωρία (malignant itch). Whether the latter is connected with our subject, technical investigations must inform us. The passing over of Mentagra into Psora (Itch) points that way.

[102] Willian, “Die Hautkrankheiten” (Skin-Diseases), transl. by F. Friese, Breslau 1794. 4to., Vol. 1. pp. 29 and 32.

[103] Paulus Aegineta, De re Med. bk. IV. ch. 3., ἀγρίους δὲ καλοῦσι λειχήνας τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν μετρίως ξηραινόντων οὐδὲν ὀνιναμένους. ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν σφοδρῶς παροξύνοντας. (now they call malignant lichens those which get no benefit from the milder siccatives, and are actually aggravated by the more violent).

[104] Oribasius, De morb. curat., edit. Eunap. bk. III. ch. 59., in Steph. collect. p. 637., Ergo quibus nihil affertur auxilii ab iis medicamentis quae mediocriter siccant et exacerbantur ab iis quae siccant vehementer, eas λειχῆνας ἄγριους vocant. (Accordingly such lichens as are in no way benefited by remedies that are moderate siccatives, and are aggravated by those that are violent ones, these they call λειχῆνας ἀγρίους (malignant lichens)).

[105] Jöhrens, in his Dissertation already cited speaks thus on the subject (p. 47): “De feminis, cum suavia maritorum evitare nequiverint, quomodo ab ista infectione liberae evaserint, maius restat dubium: nos opinamur, cum viri barbam saepius radi soliti fuerint, ea propter patentibus a novacula poris virulentum illud fermentum aut incentivum toxicum facilis sese insinuare et characterem suum imprimere; imberbes contra feminas, glabritie cutis resistente porisque minus patulis, sospitari potuisse.” (In the case of women, when they have been unable to avoid the caresses of husbands, it remains very doubtful how they have got off free from this infection. Our own opinion is that as men have always been accustomed to have the beard shaved frequently, for this reason the pores being opened more widely by the action of the razor, that virulent ferment and active poison creeps in more easily and produces its characteristic effect. On the other hand women being beardless, the baldness of the skin offering an obstacle and the pores being less open, have been able to escape).

[106] However this did happen in isolated cases, as is shown by the example of Philaenis, who indeed was a Tribad properly, in Martial, bk. VII. Epigr. 67.,

Post haec omnia cum libidinatur,

Non fellat, putat hoc parum virile.

Sed plane medias vorat puellas.

Di mentem tibi dent tuam, Philaeni,

Cunnum lingere quae putas virile.

(After all these indulgences when she still feels lustful, she does not fellate, this she deems unmanly; she just mouths girls’middles. The gods give you your desire, Philaenis, you who think it a manly vice to act the cunnilingue). Comp. bk. IV. Epigr. 41. But it was always a very exceptional thing to find this vice practised among women; in fact Juvenal, Sat. II. 47-49., denies it altogether:

Non erit ullum

Exemplum in nostro tam detestabile sexu,

Taedia non lambit Cluviam, nec Flora Catullam.

(No such detestable example is to be found in our sex,—Taedia does not lick Cluvia, nor Flora Catulla).

[107] It is a surprising circumstance that the words basium, basiare, basiator (kiss, to kiss, kisser) appear only to have come into use by the Romans from the time of Catullus onwards, and are found almost exclusively in Martial, Juvenal and the still later Petronius, so coinciding with a period in which dissoluteness of morals had reached the highest pitch among the Romans. Some would derive the word basium from βάζω, loqui, (to speak); so perhaps it may have been used in a similar way to narrare (to tell) in Martial (III. 84.) in the sense of cunnilingere. Βάζω, βαίνω, βεινῶ and βινῶ (to speak, to go, to have sexual intercourse) seem all to have one and the same stem. The second of the two Epigrams of Martial quoted in the text reminds us almost involuntarily of the first Tarsica of Chrysostom. Apparently basium and basiare always imply a vicious kiss, to kiss viciously, in a general way. Hence Martial, XI. 62., Mediumque mavult basiare quam summum, (And she had rather kiss his middle than his head). Petronius, Sat., Ultime cinaedus supervenit,—extortis nos clunibus cecidit, modo basiis olidissimis inquinavit. (Finally a cinaedus appeared,—he made at us with writhing buttocks, and anon befouled us with most evil-smelling kisses).

[108] Galen, loco citato, mentions in particular the physicians. Crito and Pamphilus, who lived in the reign of Domitian, and who accordingly were contemporaries of Martial’s, as pre-eminently successful in the treatment of mentagra.

[109] Also Hippocrates, De aere aq. et loc. p. 549. Vol. I. ed. Kühn, says: ἀλλὰ τὴν ἡδονὴν κρατέειν, διότι πολύμορφα γίνεται τὰ ἐν τοῖς θηρίοις· περὶ μὲν οὖν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Λιβύων οὕτως ἔχειν μοι δοκεῖ. (But that love of pleasure gained the mastery, inasmuch as the passions in beasts are of many forms; now with regard to the Egyptians and Libyans this seems to me to be the case).

[110] Julian, Caesares, in “Opera Omnia” Paris 1630. 4to., Pt. II. p. 9., Ἐπιστραφέντες δὲ πρὸς τὴν καθέδραν ὤφθησαν ὠτειλαὶ κατὰ τὸν νῶτον μυρίαι, καυτῆρες τινὲς καὶ ξέσματα, καὶ πληγαὶ χαλεπαὶ καὶ μώλωπες, ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκολασίας καὶ ὠμότητος, ψωραί τινες καὶ λειχῆνες, οἷον ἐγκεκαυμέναι. (for translation see text).

[111] Suetonius, Vita Tiberii ch. 68.

[112] Tacitus, Annals bk. IV. ch. 57.

[113] Galen, De composit. medicament. secundum genera bk. V. ch. 12. edit. Kühn Vol. XIII. p. 836.

[114] Bertrandi, “Abh. von den Geschwüren” (Treatise on Ulcers) from the Italian. Erfurt 1790. 8vo. § 200.

[115] Aëtius, Tetrab. II. serm. 4. ch. 16., Quandoquidem vero plurimi sunt qui illitionum usum aversantur, maluntque adhibere emplastra, utpote quae neque per sudores obtortos defluant, neque rarefacta etiam cutem circumtendant, annectam et horum aliquot apparatus. (However, inasmuch as there are many who are opposed to the use of salves, and prefer to apply plasters, on the ground that the latter are not liable to run through sweatings that are superinduced nor yet to liquify and spread on the skin, I will add some forms of these plasters).

[116] Plinius Valerianus, De re medica bk. II. 56., Graeco nomine lichenes appellatur, quod vulgo mentagram appellant, et est vitium, quod per totam faciem solet serpere, oculis tantum immunibus; descendit vero in collum et pectus ac manus, foedat cutem; eosque, qui sic vexantur, osculari non convenit, quoniam contactus eorum perniciosus fore perhibetur. (In Greek nomenclature the name lichenes is given to what the common people call mentagra, and is a malady that as a rule creeps over the whole face, the eyes alone being unaffected. But it also goes down to the neck and breast and hands, disfiguring the skin. It is not right for those so afflicted to kiss, for their contact is said to be injurious.)—Marcellus Empiricus, De med. liber ch. 19., Ad lichenem sive mentagram, quod vitium neglectum solet per totam faciem et per totum corpus serpere et plures homines inquinare. Nam Soranus medicus quondam ducentis hominibus hoc morbo laborantibus curandis in Aquitania se locavit. (For lichen or mentagra, a malady which if neglected will creep over the whole face and the whole body, and disfigures many men. Indeed Soranus a Physician at one time sold his professional services in Aquitania to two hundred patients suffering from this disease).

[117] Marcellus Empiricus, De medicam. liber ch. 19., Adversum Elephantiasin, quod malum plerumque a facie auspicatur, primumque oritur quasi lenticulis variis et inaequalibus, cute alba, alibi tenui, plerisque locis dura et quasi scabida et ad postremum sic increscit ut ossibus, caro adstricta, tumescentibus primum digitis atque articulis indurescat. Hic morbus peculiariter Aegyptiorum populis notus est nec solum in vulgus extremum, sed etiam reges ipsos frequenter irrepsit, unde adversus hoc malum solia ipsis in balneo repleta humano sanguine parabantur. Mustelae igitur exustae cinis et eiusdem belluae, id est elephantis sanguis immixtus et inlitus, huiusmodi corporibus medetur. (Against elephantiasis, which malady is generally seen in the face, beginning first with a sort of scales of various shape and different size, the skin being white, in some parts thick, in others thin, in most places hard and with a sort of scab over it; eventually the malady increases to such a degree that the flesh is as it were drawn tight over the bones, the fingers and joints swelling first, and becomes indurated. This disease was particularly familiar among the peoples of Egypt, and not merely did it affect the lowest vulgar, but even frequently crept in amongst kings themselves, whence it came that, to combat the evil, baths filled with human blood were prepared for them in the bath-house. The ashes therefore of a burned weasel and the blood of the corresponding beast, that is to say the elephant, were mixed together and used as an ointment in the remedial treatment of bodies so afflicted).—Actuarius, Meth. med. bk. VI. ch. 6. On diseases of the Face, reads: Ad affectus eminentes, facieique pruritus ac principum elephantiae, (For the principal affections, itchings of the face and the beginnings of elephantiasis). Again Aretaeus, De sign. chron. bk. II. ch. 13. edit. Kühn p. 179., says: τὰ πολλὰ μὲν ὅκως καὶ ἀπὸ σκοπιῆς τοῦ προσώπου ἀρχόμενον τηλεφανὲς πῦρ κακόν, (Most oftentimes resembling a far-seen bale-fire beginning from the watchtower, as it were, of the face).

[118] Commentar. in Horatium. Antwerp 1608. Vol. II. p. 469.

[119] Zachar. Platner, De Morbo Compano ad verba Horatii bk. I. Sat. V. v. LXII. prolusio (Dissertation on the Companian Disease as mentioned by Horace). Leipzig 1732. 4to., also reprinted in his Opuscula, Leipzig 1794. 4to. Vol. II. pp. 21-28. The author holds the disease to have been a sort of warts, having a resemblance with those observed in Syphilitic patients.—Nebel, E. L. W., De morbis veterum obscuris (On some Obscure Diseases of the Ancients), Sect. I., Giessen 1794. 8vo. pp. 18-25. The author believes the Morbus Campanus to have been identical with Sycosis or θύμιον (large wart), but to have had no connection with the Lues Venerea (Venereal Contagion).

[120] Noteworthy is the explanation of Isidore, Etymol. bk. IV. ch. 9. 17., Oscedo est, qua infantum ora exulcerantur, dicta a languore oscitantium. (Oscedo is a complaint whereby children’s mouths become ulcerated, so called from the languor of those gaping); the latter part is unintelligible. Were these oscitantes (gapers) possibly fellators? Lucian, Pseudolog. ch. 27. says of Timarchus, ἀναπετάσας τὸ στόμα, καὶ ὡς ἔνι πλατύτατον κεχηνὼς, ἠνείχου τυφλούμενος ὑπ’αὐτοῦ τὴν γνάθον. (and with a gape as wide as is possible to make, you were borne away, your jaw blocked by him).

[121] Horace, Odes III. 27. 11. Ausonius, Idyll. XI. 15.

[122] Luxus in the sense of sexual excess occurs not unfrequently in ancient writers, e.g. in Tacitus, Hist. IV. 14., Suetonius, Nero 29. Capua luxurians is well known from the history of Hannibal. It is worth noting that Paracelsus gives the name luxus to Venereal disease; he says, De causis et origine luis Gallicae, (Of the Causes and Origin of the French Contagion), bk. I. ch. 5.: Luxus autem nomen quod attinet, illud ab influentia, id est, efficiente causa desumptum esse intelligendum est. Est autem luxus irritatio quaedam ac titillatus spermatis, ad perficiendum actum venereum, a morbis in corpore latentibus causata, itaque Veneris impressione a morbo in actu ipso facta, tum ex vulgari luxu fit luxus morbi seu morbidus. Proinde luxus hic non naturalis sed Satyricus dicendus erit. (But luxus the name that is applied to it, this name must be understood as being taken from the influencing circumstance or efficient cause. Now luxus is a certain irritation or tickling of the seed, leading to the performance of the Venereal act and caused by diseases latent in the body, and so a strong motion of love being made in consequence of the disease in the act itself, then from the common expression luxus, is formed luxus of the disease, or morbid luxus. It follows this luxus will have to be called not natural, but Satyric luxus).

[123] Possibly a double entendre lurks even in the ad pugnam venere (they came to the fight). Festus, under the word, says: Osculana pugna in proverbio, quo significabatur victos vincere, (An Osculan—otherwise Asculan,—fight a proverbial saying that signified the vanquished being victorious). The Roman general Laevinus was beaten by King Pyrrhus at Asculum, soon after at the same place the King was himself beaten by Sulpicius.

[124] Ovid, De arte amandi bk. III. v. 778., Nunquam Thebais Hectoreo nupta resedit equo, (Never did his Theban bride—Andromaché,—sit on the Hectorean stallion). Comp. Martial, bk. XI. Epigr. 105.

[125] It is worthy of note that Rhazes, Elchavi seu Continens, Brescia 1486. fol., p. 276., mentions certain ulcers on the verge, that come from ascensio mulieris supra virum (the woman getting on the man)!

[126] Seneca, Nat. Quaest. bk. I. ch. 16., also says of Hostius, who had contrived magnifying mirrors for his use, in order to see himself in all positions: Et quia non tam diligenter intueri poterat, cum compressus erat et caput merserat, inguinibusque alienis obhaeserat, opus sibi suum per imagines offerebat, (But as he could not so accurately see, when he was shut in and had plunged down his head, and was fast to another’s private parts, under those circumstances he had his doings represented to him by pictures).—Catullus, LXXXIII. 7.,

Nam nihil est quidquam sceleris quo prodeat ultra,

Non si demisso se ipse voret capite.

(For there exists no further form of wickedness that he can resort to,—not even if he devour himself with down-pressed head). Propertius, bk. II. 15. 22., Mecum habuit positum lenta puella caput, (A limber girl held her head down-pressed along with me).

[127] Equum, qui nunc aries appellatur, in muralibus machinis, Epeum ad Troiam (sc. invenisse), (The horse, which now is called the ram, among engines for attacking walls, Epeus invented at Troy), says Pliny, Hist. Nat. bk. VII. ch. 57. (edit. Franz, Vol. III. p. 287.); similarly Pausanias, bk. I. ch. 23., ἵππος δούρειος μηχάνημα εἰς διάλυσιν τοῦ τείχους (a horse of wood an engine for the destruction of the wall). Further ἵππος (horse) is used as a nickname for a lewd man. The Scholiast on Oribasius, Collect. Med. bk. XXIV. ch. 8. in A. Mai, Auct. Class. e vatican. codd. edit. Vol. IV. p. 30. mentions ἵππος πύργος (horse tower), but in what sense we have not been able to decide.

[128] Mutilus, κολοβὸς, κόλος, the special expression for beasts that have lost one or both horns. Thus mutilus aries (a mutilated, hornless, ram) Columella de R.R. VII. 3., capella mutila (mutilated she-goat) VII. 6., bos mutilus (mutilated ox) Varro, De ling. Lat. VIII. ch. 26. (Heindorf).

[129] The Scholiast Acro even in his time says on this passage: Campanum in morbum. Aut oris foeditatem aut arrogantiam. Dicuntur enim Campani foedi osse, arrogantes. Sic foeda accipiamus. Aliter, Campani, qui et Osci dicebantur ore immundi. Unde etiam Oscenos dicimus. (As to the Campanian disease, this is either foulness of mouth, or arrogance. For the Campanians are said to be foul, arrogant. So let us take it as foul. In another sense, the Campanians, who were also called Oscans are filthy of mouth. For which reason we say Osceni—obscene). Lambinus expresses himself yet more distinctly: Campani, qui antea Osci dicebantur, habiti sunt ore impuro atque incesto; τοῦτ’ ἔστι τῷ στόματι αἰσχροποιοῦντες καὶ λεσβιάζοντες, morbum igitur animi intellige, ut Od. I. 37. (The Campanians, who were previously called Oscans, were considered of impure and abominable mouth; that is to say as acting uncleanly with the mouth or Lesbianizing; understand therefore a mental disease, as in Od. I. 37.). The Latin Morbus is frequently so used.

[130] Homer, Iliad XI. 233.

(κἀκείνου)

Ἀτρείδης μὲν ἅμαρτε, παραὶ δέ οἱ ἐτράπετ’ἔγχος·

αἰχμὴ δ’ἐξεσύθη παρὰ νείατον ἀνθερεῶνα.

(Now him Atreides missed, and his spear was turned aside past him, and the point sped rushing past the very edge of his chin). Similarly Diogenes according to Diogenes Laertius’(VI. 53.) report parodied the Homeric verse (Iliad X. 282): “No sleeper must drive a spear through your back,” as he woke a handsome youth, who lay incautiously asleep.

[131] In Festus, under the word bigenera (hybrids), we read: Cicursus ex apro et scropha domestica, (Cicursus from the wildboar and the domestic sow). Comp. Varro, De L. L. bk. VII. p. 368. edit. Sp.

[132] Aristotle, De Generatione Animalium, bk. IV. ch. 3., Παραπλήσιον τούτῳ καὶ τὸ νόσημα τὸ καλούμενον σατυρίασις· καὶ γὰρ ἐν τούτῳ διὰ ῥεύματος ἢ πνεύματος ἀπέπτου πλῆθος εἰς τὰ μόρια τοῦ προσάπου παρεμπεσόντος ἄλλου ζώου καὶ σατύρου φαίνεται τὸ πρόσωπον. (Akin to this also is the disease known as Satyriasis; for in this complaint, in consequence of the super-abundance of rheum or crude humour that has become segregated to the regions of the face, the latter seems that of a strange animal or a Satyr).

[133] Besides Acro, Florus Christianus also, in his notes on Aristophanes’Wasps v. 1337., referred the morbus Campanus to fellation, saying, Hac detestanda libidine iuxta Lesbios usi sunt etiam Campani sive Nolani, ut ex Ausonio et Horatio patet, quorum testimonia non arcessam, quia hoc occupatum ab eruditioribus. Hoc tantum dicam, aenigma illud, quod in Clodii Metelli uxorem iactum putant: In triclinio Coa, in cubiculo Nola, respicere ad hanc Lesbiam et Campanam foeditatem. (This hateful form of lust was practised by the Campanians or Nolans, as well as by the Lesbians, as is manifest from what Ausonius and Horace say,—whose evidence however I will not quote, this ground being already preoccupied by more learned writers. This much only will I add, viz. the riddle that was directed against the wife of Metellus Clodius: “On the banquet-couch a Coan, in the bed-chamber a Nolan,” and which is thought to allude to this Lesbian and Campanian abomination). The riddle is found in Quintilian, Instit. Orat. VIII. 6.; but is differently explained in Forberg, loco citato p. 283. He says: Coam dici, quod voluerit in triclinio coire, Nolam, quod noluerit in cubiculo, (that she was called a Coan, because willing to have intercourse on the banquet-couch, a Nolan, because unwilling to do so in the bed-chamber), that is to say, Clodia would satisfy her lust only publicly, not in private.

[134] Hier. Magius, Bk. V. De sodomitica immanitate ad Leg. cum vir nubit. 31. C. ad leg. Jul. De adulter.—Wolfart, Diss. de sodomia vera et spuria in hermaphrod. Erfurt 1743.—Bechmann, De coitu damnato. Pt. II, ch. 1.—Schurig, Gynaecology, § 2. ch. 7.

[135] Plutarch, Bruta animalia ratione uti, (That brutes employ reason), ch. 15.

[136] Lucretius, De rerum natura, bk. V. 888.,

Ne forte ex homine et veterino semine equorum

Confieri credas Centauros posse, nec esse.

(Never suppose that the Centaurs could be framed from man and the bestial seed of horses, and were not so framed). Clement of Alexandria, Coh. p. 51. Aristonymus the Ephesian begat with a she-ass, Fulvius Stella with a mare, the former a girl, the latter a boy. Plutarch, Parall. ch. 26.

[137] Leviticus, Ch. XX, 15-19., “And if a man lie with a beast, he shall surely be put to death: and ye shall slay the beast. And if a woman approach unto any beast, and lie down thereto, thou shalt kill the woman, and the beast: they shall surely be put to death.” Comp. Philo, De specialibus legibus,—Works, edit. Mangey, Vol. II. p. 307.

[138] Plutarch, Bruta animalia ratione uti, (That brutes employ Reason), ch. X., ὁ Μενδήσιος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τράγος λέγεται πολλαῖς καὶ καλαῖς συνειργνυμένος γυναιξὶν οὐκ εἶναι μίγνυσθαι πρόθυμος· ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς αἰγας ἐπτόηται μᾶλλον. (The Mendesian Goat in Egypt is said, though shut up with many beautiful women, not to be eager to have intercourse with them; but rather is he inflamed towards the she-goats). Yet this did sometimes happen; Herodotus, Hist. bk. II. ch. 46., Καλεῖται δὲ ὅ τε τράγος καὶ ὁ Πὰν Αἰγυπτιστὶ Μένδης· ἐγένετο δ’ἐν τῷ νομῷ τούτῳ ἐπ’ ἐμεῦ τοῦτο τὸ τέρας. γυναικὶ τράγος ἐμίσγετο ἀναφανδόν· τοῦτο ἐς ἐπίδεξιν ἀνθρώπων ἀπίκετο. (Now the goat and Pan are called in Egyptian Mendes; and there occurred in this district in my time the following marvel,—a he-goat had intercourse with a woman openly; and this came to be an example among men). Strabo. XVII. p. 802., Μένδης, ὅπου τὸν Πᾶνα τιμῶσι, καὶ ζωὸν τράγον· οἱ τράγοι ἐνταῦθα γυναιξὶ μίγνυνται. (Mendes, where they honour Pan, and a live goat; the he-goats there have intercourse with women). In a fragment (from Pindar) there given, we read:

ἔσχατον Νείλου κέρας αἰγιβάται

ὅθι τράγοι γυναιξὶ μίγνυνται.

(The furthest mouth of the Nile, where bucking he-goats conjoin with women). The Museum Herculanense actually preserves representations of the thing on Monuments. Plutarch, De solertia animalium (Of the Intelligence of Animals), ch. 49., relates a similar case even with crocodiles, which was said to have happened at Antaeopolis.

[139] Boettiger, “Sabina oder Morgenscenen in Putzzimmer einer Römerin,” (Sabina, or Morning Scenes at the Toilette of a Roman Lady), Bk. II. p. 454.

[140] Pliny, Hist. Nat. Bk. XXXIX. ch. 4., Anguis Aesculapius Epidauro Romam advectus est, vulgoque pascitur et in domibus. (The snake of Aesculapius was introduced from Epidaurus to Rome, and is very commonly kept there, even in houses). Martial, bk. VII. Epigr. 86., Si gelidum collo nectit Gracilla draconem. (If Gracilla twines a clammy snake round her neck). Comp. Lucian, Alexander, Works, Vol. IV. p. 259. Philostratus, Heroic. Bk. VIII. ch. 1.

[141] Suetonius, Vita Augusti, ch. 94.

[142] This last statement acquires no little additional interest from the fact that according to more modern observations on the part of J. Carver (Voyage dans l’Amérique Sept., etc. trad. de l’Anglais,—Travels in North America, etc., transl. from the English, Yverdun 1784., pp. 355 sqq.) and Crêve-Cœur (Lettres du Cultivateur Américain,—Letters from an American Farmer, Vol. III. p. 48), the bite of the rattle-snake would appear to call up on the skin of the person bitten, each recurrent year, marks resembling the hue of the snake. Comp. C. W. Stark, “Allgem. Pathologie” (General Pathology), Leipzig 1838. p. 364. Perhaps too the expression κίναδος belongs in this connection, of which the Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds 447., says, εἶδός τι θηρίου.—κακοῦργος οὖν, φησὶν, ὡς ἀλώπηξ, τινὲς δὲ κίναδος ζῶον μικρὸν τὸ αἰδοῖον εἰςσωθοῦν καὶ ἐξωθοῦν. (a kind of beast,—mischievous, they say, as a fox, but others say κίναδος means a little animal that forces its way in and out of the privates). Suidas brings forward the same statement, under the word κίναδος. From the connection in which Democritus mentions it in Stobaeus’Sermon. 42., περὶ κιναδέων τε καὶ ἑρπετέων (Of κίναδοι and Creeping Things), Schmeider in his Lexicon supposes it to signify snakes particularly. Again Schnieder, Arrian’s Indica p. 50., interprets it by ὄφις (a snake). The close resemblance with κίναιδος (Cinaedus) is striking.

[143] Juvenal, Sat. VI. 332, 33.

Hic si

Quaeritur, et desunt homines: more nulla per ipsam,

Quominus imposito clunem summittat asello.

(If he is sought in vain, and men are not to be found; she makes no delay, but straightway submits her rear to the donkey that is made to mount her). Comp. Appuleius, Metamorphos. Bk. X. 226. Pasiphaé’s bull is familiar to all. Comp. Suetonius, Nero II. Martial, Spectac. VI.

[144] Jo. Jac. Reiske and Jo. Ern. Fabri, Opuscula medica ex monumentis Arabum et Ebraeorum, (Minor Medical Treatises derived from the Monuments of the Arabs and Jews), Revised edition by Ch. G. Gruner, Halle 1776. 8vo., p. 61.

[145] Hippocrates, De aere aq. et loc., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 549.

[146] Comp. Simon Zeller von Zellenberg, Abhandl. über die ersten Erscheinungen venerischer Lokal-Krankheitsformen und deren Behandlung, (Treatise on the first Appearances of Local Forms of Venereal disease, and their Treatment), (One treatise under six heads),—Vienna 1820. large 8vo. pp. 11-18.

[147] According to Al. Donné, Recherches microscopiques sur la nature des mucus et la matière des divers écoulements des organes genitourinaires chez l’homme et chez la femme, (Microscopic Researches into the Nature of the Mucous Secretions and the Constituents of the Various Discharges from the genito-urinary Organs in Male and Female), Paris 1837., the vaginal mucus disengaged under normal circumstances always exhibits an acid reaction.

[148] According to J. P. Schotte, Von einem ansteckenden, schwarzgallichten Faulfieber, welches im Jahr 1778 in Senegall herrschte, (Account of a Contagious, black biliary, putrid Fever, prevalent in Senegal in the Year 1778), from the English (Stendal) 1786. 8vo., p. 103., both men and women in Senegal get ulcers, quite without any syphilitic contagion, in the one sex on the glans penis or the under side of the prepuce, in the other on the inner side of the labia.

[149] Virey, De la Femme, 2nd. edition, Brussels 1826., p. 70., En effet, dans la chaleur, lorsque les excrétions de la peau, des glandes sébacées, des cryptes du vagin, augmentent en abondance et en fétidité, il n’est pas étonnant que le sang menstruel, pour peu qu’il séjourne en ces parties voisines de l’anus, qui sont dans un état d’orgasme, acquière bientôt de l’odeur. (Indeed in a hot climate, when the secretions from the skin, from the sebaceous glands, from the recesses of the vagina, increase in abundance and in foulness, it is not surprising that the menstrual blood, remaining for a time as it does in the regions contiguous to the anus, these regions being in a state of sur-excitation, quickly acquires an evil smell). So Haller too says (Elem. Physiolog. Vol. VII. pt. II. p. 146.), Ex Asia videtur opinio de menstrui sanguinis foetida et venenata natura ad nos pervenisse, et per medicos potissimum Arabes ad Europaeos transiisse. In calidissimis certe regionibus, si ad aestuosum aerem immundities accesserit, non repugnat, sanguinem in loco calente, in vicinia faecum alvinarum retentum, acrem fieri et foetire.... Lentorem aliquem possit mucus admistus addidisse. (It is from Asia that the opinion as to the fetid and poisonous character of menstrual blood would seem to have come to us, being transmitted mainly by the Arab physicians to those of Europe. No doubt in very hot climates, if dirty habits be added to the extreme heat of the atmosphere, there is nothing at all unlikely in the blood, retained as it is in a hot locality, in close proximity to the faeces in the bowels, growing sour and smelling foul.... A certain viscous quality may very well have been added by the admixture of mucous discharge). What has been observed as to the injuriousness of menstrual blood by our predecessors since Pliny (Hist. Nat. VII. 15. XIX. 10. XXVIII. 7.) may be found partially collected in Schurig, Parthenologia 227-240. Comp. Frank de Frankenau, Satyrae Medicae (Medical Satires), p. 89. Comp. pp. 54. sqq.—Hensler, Geschichte der Lustseuche, (History of Venereal Disease), Vol. I. pp. 204. sqq., where it is demonstrated that a great proportion of the Writers on Venereal disease at the beginning of the XVIth. Century attribute its rise to intercourse with women during menstruation.

[150] Burdach, Die Physiologie als Erfahrungswissenschaft, (Physiology as an Experimental Science), 2nd. edition, Vol. I. p. 196.—Boerhaave, Tract. de lue venerea, (Treatise on Venereal Contagion), Venice 1753., p. 6., says, In Asia ad partes genitales sub praeputio naturaliter sordes colliguntur, quae acres redditae generant multa mala, quae praecipue ad luem veneream accedere proxime videntur; non vere sunt lues venerea; imo nostri nautae hoc etiam experiuntur, dum in illis terris degunt, nam nisi quotidie praeputium eluerent aqua salsa et aceto, vel similibus remediis brevi eodem morbo laborarent. (In Asia filth of sorts naturally enough collects on the genital parts beneath the prepuce, and this turning sour originates many complaints, which seem above all others to approximate closely to the Venereal disease. This our sailors found out, when living in those regions; for if they did not daily thoroughly wash the prepuce with salt water and vinegar, or similar remedies, they would soon suffer from the disease in question).

[151] Thevenot, Travels, Pt. I., p. 58., says, “The Arabs in fact have the prepuce so long that, if they did not have it circumcised, they would suffer much inconvenience from it; and little children are to be seen among them whose prepuce hangs down to a very considerable length;—not to mention that, supposing their foreskin uncircumcised, every time after passing water some drops would remain behind, rendering them unclean.”

[152] Niebuhr, Beschreibung von Arabien, (Description of Arabia) Copenhagen 1772. 4to., p. 77.

[153] Josephus, Contra Apionem bk. II. ch. 13., ὅθεν εἰκότως μοι δοκεῖ τῆς εἰς τοὺς πατρίους αὐτοῦ νόμους βλασφημίας δοῦναι δίκην Ἀπίων τὴν πρέπουσαν· περιετμήθη γὰρ ἐξ ἀνάγκης, ἑλκώσεως αὐτῷ περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον γενομένης· καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς περιτομῆς ἀλλὰ σηπόμενος ἐν δειναῖς ὀδύναις ἀπέθανεν. (for translation see text). The expression περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον (about the privates) is evidently to be understood here as meaning the glans penis, or at any rate the prepuce. This is implied by the general sense of the whole passage.

[154] Philo, De circumcisione, Works edit. Th. Mangey Vol. II. p. 211. Ἓν μὲν, χαλεπῆς νόσου καὶ δυσιάτου πάθους ἀπαλλαγὴν, ἣν ἄνθρακα καλοῦσιν, ἀπὸ τοῦ καίειν ἐντυφόμενον, ὡς οἶμαι, ταύτης τῆς προσηγορίας τυχόντος, ἥτις οὐ κολώτερον τοῖς τὰς ἀκροποσθίας ἔχουσιν ἐγγίνετο· Δεύτερον, τὴν δι’ ὅλου τοῦ σώματος καθαρότητα πρὸς τὸ ἁρμόττειν τάξει ἱερωμένῃ. Παρ’ὃ καὶ ξυρῶντο τὰ σώματα προσυπερβάλλοντες οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τῶν ἱερέων. ὑποσυλλέγετο γὰρ καὶ ὑποστέλλει καὶ θριξὶ καὶ ποσθίαις ἔνια τῶν ὀφειλόντων καθαίρεσθαι. (for translation see text above).

[155] That is to say so far as it is suffered to remain for any length of time in the vagina and comes more or less in contact with the atmospheric air; for in the case of healthy menstrual blood no injurious combination is set up at all or any foul acridity developed, as John Stedman (Physiolog. Versuche und Beobachtungen,—Physiological Investigations and Observations, transl. from the English, Leipzig 1778. 8vo., pp. 50-54.) long ago maintained. It is more probable however that any slight putrefactive action occurring is in each case due not so much to this as to the acid quality of the menstrual blood, which in conjunction with the acid vaginal mucus undergoes a kind of acetous fermentation in the vagina, the product of which has thus a corrosive effect. Retzius indeed has lately not only found menstrual blood to possess an exceedingly acid reaction, but even proved that it contains free phosphoric and lactic acids. Comp. Arsberättelse om Svenska Läkare Sällskapets Arbeten, 1835., pp. 19-21. Froriep’s Notiz, Vol. 49., p. 237.

[156] Hence too Hugo Grotius writes (Commentar. ad Mosis lib. III.—Commentary on Book of Leviticus, ch. 15.): Sciendum est autem in Syria et locis vicinis non minus τὴν γονόῤῥοιαν quam τὰ ἐμμήνια habere aliquid contagione nocens, (But it is to be observed that in Syria and the neighbouring regions ἡ γονοῤῥοία (discharge from the genitals) no less than τὰ ἐμμήνια (menstrual discharge) contains a principle contagiously injurious). Even Astruc, the eager advocate of the American origin of Venereal disease, says (Vol. I. p. 92.): Sane constat in hac nostra Europa, quae magis temperata est, si cum menstruatis res habeatur, balanum et praeputium leviore phlogosi aut superficiariis pustulis, quae tamen brevi cessant, plerumque affici. Quanto graviora ergo iis impendere credendum est, quos in calidiore et aestuante climate misceri cum foeminis non pudet, dum illis menses actu fluunt natura acerrimi et quasi virosi. Ideo forsan factum est, ut medici Arabes, qui regiones calidiores incolebant, quam Graeci et Latini, et primi et saepe disseruerint de pustulis et ulceribus virgae, oriundis ex coitu cum foeda muliere, hoc est (?), cum muliere menstruata. (It is an undoubted fact that in this Europe of ours, though enjoying a more temperate climate, if intercourse is had with women during menstruation, the glans penis and prepuce are generally attacked by some little inflammation or by superficial pustules, which however soon disappear. What much more serious consequences then must we suppose threaten those who in a warmer climate, one steaming with heat, are not ashamed to make coition with women, whilst their menses are actually flowing, these being from the nature of the case exceedingly acrid and almost poisonous. Perhaps this is why the Arab physicians, who lived in warmer countries than the Greek and Latin practitioners, first and most often treated of pustules and ulcers of the verge, arising from coition with an unclean woman, that is to say (?) with a woman during menstruation). Comp. Fr. Eagle and Judd in Behrend’s Syphilologie, Vol. I. 117 and 285.

[157] Palladius, Lausiaca historia, ch. 39. in Magna Bibliotheca Patrum (Great Library of the Fathers), Vol. XIII., Paris 1644. fol., p. 950.: Οὕτως δὲ γαστριμαργῶν καὶ οἰνοφλυγῶν ἐνέπεσεν καὶ εἰς τὸν βόρβυρον τῆς γυναικείης ἐπιθυμίας· καὶ ὡς ἐσκέπτετο ἁμαρτῆσαι μιμάδι τινὶ προσομιλῶν συνεχῶς τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος ἑαυτοῦ διελέγετο· τούτων οὕτως ὑπ’αὐτοῦ διαπραττομένων γέγονεν αὐτῷ κατά τινα οἰκονομίαν ἄνθραξ κατὰ τῆς βαλάνου· καὶ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐνόσησεν ἑξαμηνιαῖον χρόνον, ὡς κατασαπῆναι αὐτοῦ τὰ μορία καὶ αὐτομάτως ἀποπεσεῖν· ὕστερον δὲ ὑγιάνας καὶ ἐπανελθών ἄνευ τούτων τῶν μελῶν, καὶ εἰς φρόνημα θεϊκὸν ἐλθὼν καὶ εἰς μνήμην τῆς οὐρανίου πολιτείας, καὶ ἐξομολογησάμενος πάντα τὰ συμβεβηκότα αὐτῷ τοῖς ἁγίοις πατράσιν, ἐνεργῆσαι μὴ φθάσας ἐκοιμήθη μετὰ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας. (for translation see text above). For κατὰ τινὰ οἰκονομίαν (by a certain providence) we ought probably to read κατὰ θινὰν or θείαν οἰκονομίαν, a collocation of words constantly found in Palladius, and occurring in this very chapter a few lines before, in the sense of “by Divine providence”. On the other hand the words τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος ἑαυτοῦ διελέγετο are to us absolutely unintelligible. Helvetius translates the passage: Incidit in coenum femineae cupiditatis et cum peccare constituisset cum quadam mima assidue colloquutus, ulcus suum aperuit, (He fell into the mire of lust after women, and having set his mind on sinning, constantly conversing with a certain actress, he opened his sore. Indeed the γυναικείη ἐπιθυμία (womanly lust) itself is ambiguous, as strictly speaking it points to something unmanly, and if we compare with it the γυναικεία νοῦσος (womanly disease) of Dio Chrysostom (p. 209.), our thoughts cannot but turn to the vice of the pathic,—which however Hero could not very well practise with an actress, and to which he could hardly owe an anthrax on the glans penis. But ch. 35. shows us plainly enough that Palladius in using the phrase means lust, indulgence with women, accomplishing coition. It is related in that chapter of the Abbot Elias, how he had founded a nunnery, and was thereupon assailed by violent desire to abuse the nuns; wherefore he prayed, ἀπόκτεινόν με, ἵνα μὴ ἴδω αὐτὰς θλιβομένας. ἢ τὸ πάθος μου λάβε, ἵνα αὐτῶν φροντίζω κατὰ λόγον. (Kill me, that I may not see them troubled, or else take away my passion, that I may look upon them with reason and moderation). Thereafter he fell asleep and dreamed the angels had castrated him, and on waking found indeed that he still possessed his genitals, but he declared, ὅτι οὐκέτι ἀνέβη εἰς τὴν καρδίαν μου πάθος γυναικὸς ἐπιθυμίας. (there no more entered into my heart the passion of lust after women). But now what does τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος mean? Guided by the general sense, we might take it as meaning the genital organs, though we have searched in vain for analogous passages. But in that case it could be made to apply only to the female genitals or to the rectum, because these only exhibit a breach of continuity (ἕλκος,—a wound); or else we should have to suppose the seed to be looked upon in a sort of way as matter discharged, and the male genitals, which secrete it, therefore called ἕλκος (a wound), for otherwise the ἑαυτοῦ (his own) cannot be got in. No less uncertain is the meaning of διελέγετο; “to converse” cannot possibly be taken as the sense here. Suidas and Hesychius explain διαλέγεσθαι by συνουσιάζειν (to associate with). Pollux, Onomast. V. 93. περὶ μίξεως ζώων (On the intercourse of Animals) says, διαλεχθῆναι.—οὐδ’ ἡ διάλεξις, ἀλλὰ διειλέχθην αὐτῇ καὶ διειλεγμένος εἰμὶ ὡς Ὑπερίδης. II. 125. Ὑπερίδης δὲ διειλεγμένος, ἐπ’ἀφροδισίων. Ἀριστοφάνης δὲ διαλέξασθαι ἔφη. (διελεχθῆναι,—not ordinary conversation, but it means “I had converse with her”, or “I am conversant”, as says Hyperides, II. 125. Now Hyperides says “conversant with”, speaking of love intercourse; and Aristophanes “to have converse with”). Comp. Küster and Brunck on Aristophanes’ Plut. 1083. Moeris p. 131. Abresch, lect. Aristaenet. p. 50. But the meaning of accomplishing coition is implied already in προσομιλῶν (associating with), so that διαλέγεσθαι must here indicate some other more special circumstance. The Scholiast of Aristophanes on Lys. 720 interprets διαλέγουσιν by διορύττουσιν (bore through), penetrate); accordingly we must take διαλέγεσθαι as deponent, in which case we should have to read τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος αὐτῆς διελέγετο (he penetrated her private parts), and make the τὰ πρὸς ἕλκος refer to the actress and her hymen (or fibula?), just as in the passage cited from Josephus on p. 315. the expression περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον (about the privates) signifies the foreskin. If we would keep ἑαυτοῦ (his own), then we must take διαλέγομαι in the sense of καθαίρειν (to purify) (Hesychius says διαλέγειν, ἀνακαθαίρειν,—to purify), and put in an οὐκ (not),—i.e. he did not purify his genitals. If we keep to the meaning of separation, division, we might understand the sentence as saying that Hero tore apart his foreskin; though really ἕλκος could scarcely be applied with any propriety to the male genitals at all. For its being used of the female genitals on the other hand a good analogy is offered by ἐσχάρα (a scab), which occurs in Aristophanes, Knights 1286. and often elsewhere. Eustathius, on Odyss. p. 1523., says: δῆλον δ’ὅτι ἐσχάραν καὶ τὸ γυναικεῖον ἐκάλουν μόριον. (Now it is evident they used to call the female part ἐσχάρα). However in this case the learned reader must be left to decide for himself.]

[158] Leviticus ch. 20. v. 18. It is true Maimonides according to Selden, Uxor Hebraica (The Jewish Wife), Frankfurt 1673. 4to., p. 133., says: At vero si esset mensibus immunda, tametsi deducta fuerit, etiam et coitus sit secutus, nuptiae non perficiebantur. (But indeed if she were unclean with menstruation, though she had been led forth to a husband’s house, even if coition had followed, the marriage was not proceeded with)—but in that case of course it happened unwittingly; though no doubt it may very well on the other hand have been done not unfrequently wittingly. Festus explains the Latin word imbubinare by “menstruo mulierum sanguine inquinare” (to pollute with the menstrual blood of women), which might almost justify us in conjecturing, that buboes had been observed to originate from intercourse with women during menstruation. Hippocrates, De natura pueri (On the Bodily Constitution of the Boy), edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 390., derives affections of the sort in women from arrested menstruation.

[159] Leviticus Ch. 15. Want of space forbids our giving this Chapter here; but anyone who will read it through carefully, must easily see that in it the question is merely of a morbid discharge from the genitals (basar), the duration of which was uncertain. For this reason those affected continued still unclean for nine days after the cessation of the flux, whereas the man who had encountered ordinary pollution (verse 16.) was unclean only till the evening. The Septuagint translators render the flux by ῥύσις (flowing, flux), the person affected by the flux γονοῤῥυής (having a flux from the genitals), while they say of ordinary pollution, ὡς ἐὰν ἐξέλθῃ ἐξ αὐτοῦ κοίτη σπέρματος (“if any man’s seed of copulation go out of him”). Astruc and others wished to refer the flux from the genitals to Lepra (Leprosy), but in that case the Leprosy must needs have been previously noticeable in the person affected by the flux, and the flux therefore been really a symptom. Thus it would have demanded no further special ordinance for purification, as that commanded for Leprosy would have been used for it. Again the same would also have occurred, had the flux been noticed as first symptom of the Leprosy, for then the Priest was bound to have confined the person so affected and put him under observation, to see whether the other symptoms of Leprosy would show themselves as well. But of this there is nothing whatever to be found in the writings attributed to Moses, who clearly distinguishes between the flux and Leprosy, as also does the Author of II Samuel III. 29. Speaking generally, no other Author ever mentions the flux as a constant or frequent symptom of Leprosy, while Schilling even denies its occurrence altogether. Comp. Hensler, Vom abendl. Aussatze (On Oriental Leprosy), pp. 130, 396.

[160] Astruc, De morbis venereis (Of Venereal diseases), p. 93., Quid igitur mirum varia, heterogenea, acria multorum virorum semina (et smegmata we may add) una confusa, cum acerrimo et virulento menstruo sanguine mixta, intra uterum aestuantem et olidum spurcissimarum mulierum coercita, mora, heterogeneitate, calore loci brevi computruisse ac prima morbi venerei semina constituisse, quae in alios, si qui forsan continentiores erant, contagione dimanavere?... Cum ergo in omnibus terrae locis, ubi lues venerea antiquitus endemia fuisse videtur, eundem aeris fervorem cum pari incolarum impudicitia coniunctum fuisse manifestum sit, haud inanis inde locus est colligendi morbum natura eundem, quo regiones longissime dissitae et inter quas nulla fuit commercii communio, simili modo infestabantur, a simili causarum earundem concursu, in quo tantum convenirent, generatum olim fuisse et generari etiamnum, si indigenae iisdem moribus vivant. (What is there surprising then in the fact that the various, heterogeneous, acrid seminal fluids of a number of different men (and unguents as well, we may add), all confounded together and mixed with the exceedingly acrid and virulent menstrual blood, confined within the steaming hot and fetid womb of the dirtiest of women, by long continuance in one place, by heterogeneity of components, by the heat of the locality, should very soon have grown putrid, and so laid the first seeds of Venereal disease,—which then passed on by contagion to other men, men that were very possibly more self-restrained?... So, inasmuch as in all parts of the world, wherever Venereal disease appears to have been endemic in Antiquity, it is plain the same heat of the atmosphere was united with a similar immorality on the part of the inhabitants, there is therefore sufficient ground for concluding that the disease, identical in its nature and one whereby regions far removed from one another and between which existed no commercial intercourse were attacked in a like way, was originally produced by a like conjunction of identical causes, a conjunction wherein these only agreed,—and is still so produced, supposing the inhabitants to still live after the same fashion). Wizmann (loco citato p. 32.) moreover is of opinion that Venereal disease under the conditions just named originates in Turkey to this day in its true form. A similar view is shared by Eagle and Judd (loco citato p. 306.).

[161] Herodotus, bk. III. ch. 106., ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὰς ὥρας πολλόν τι κάλλιστα κεκραμένας ἔλαχη. (Hellas possesses seasons in many respects most admirably combined). Comp. Dahlmann, Herodotus pp. 90. sqq. Plato again praises the εὐκρασία τῶν ὡρῶν (happy mingling of the seasons) of Hellas in more than one passage; e.g. Timaeus 24, C., Critias III E., Epinom. 987 D.; and Aristophanes in a fragment of his Horae preserved by Athenaeus, Deipnos. IX. p. 372. says of Attica:

ὥστ’οὐκέτ’οὐδεὶς οἵδ’ ὁπηνίκ’ ἐστὶ τοὐνιαουτοῦ.

(So never yet has any man been able to tell precisely in what part of the year he is).

[162] Galen, De symptomat. causis bk. III. ch. 11., edit. Kühn Vol. VII. p. 267., καὶ μὴν αἰ γονόῤῥοιαι, χωρὶς μὲν τοῦ συντείνεσθαι τὸ αἰδοῖον, ἀῤῥωσίᾳ τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως τῆς ἐν τοῖς σπερματικοῖς ἀγγείοις· ἐντεινομένου δέ πως, οἷον σπασμᾷ τινι παραπλήσιον πασχόντων ἐπιτελοῦνται. (Moreover gonorrhoeas, except in the case of the member being in a state of tension, arise from weakness of the retentive capacity in the spermatic vessels; but when there is tension of any sort, they are subject to a kind of spasm resembling that of convulsive patients).

[163] Larrey, “Relation historique et chirurgicale de l’expédition de l’armée d’Orient, en Egypt et en Syrie,” (Historical and Surgical Account of the Expedition of the Army of the East, in Egypt and Syria), Paris 1803. p. 116., Pendant le travail de la suppuration, les blessés furent seulement incommodés des vers ou larves de la mouche bleue, commune en Syrie. L’incubation des oeufs que cette mouche deposait sans cesse dans les plaies ou dans les appareils, étoit favorisée par la chaleur de la saison, l’humidité de l’atmosphère et la qualité de la toile à pansement (elle étoit de coton) la seule qu’on ait pu se procurer dans cette contrée. La présence de ces vers dans les plaies paraissait en accélérer la suppuration, causait des demangeaisons incommodes aux blessés et nous forçait de les panser trois ou quatre fois le jour. Ces insectes, formés en quelques heures, se développaient avec une telle rapidité, que du jour au lendemain, ils étaient de la grosseur d’un tuyau de plume de poulet. On faisait à chaque pansement des lotions d’une forte décoction de rhue et de petite sauge, qui suffisaient pour les détruire; mais ils se reproduisaient bientot après par le défaut des moyens propres à écarter l’approche des mouches et à prévenir l’incubation de leurs oeufs. (During the action of suppuration, the only inconvenience the wounded met with was from the worms or larvae of the blue fly, common in Syria. The hatching of the eggs, which this fly was continually depositing in the wounds or their dressings, was favoured by the heat of the season, the moisture of the atmosphere, and the nature of the material used for bandages. This was cotton, the only material for the purpose that could be procured in that country. The presence of these worms in the wounds appeared to accelerate their suppuration, caused the wounded men to suffer from troublesome itchings and forced us to renew the dressings three or four times a day. These insects, formed in a few hours, developed with such extraordinary rapidity, that from one day to the next, they reached the size of a fowl’s quill. At each dressing lotions were applied of a strong decoction of rue and dwarf sage, which was effectual in destroying them; but they reappeared again very soon afterwards owing to the want of proper means for preventing the approach of the flies and hindering the hatching of their eggs). Compare what Larrey (p. 278.) says as to the climate of Syria.

[164] Eusebius, Histor. Eccles. bk. VIII. 14., τί δεῖ τὰς ἐμπαθεῖς ἀνδρὸς αἰσχρουργίας μνημονεύειν; ἢ τῶν πρὸς αὐτοῦ μεμοιχευμένων ἀπαριθμεῖσθαι τὲν πληθύν; οὐκ ἦν γέ τοι πόλιν αὐτὸν παρελθεῖν, μὴ οὐχὶ ἐκ παντὸς φθορὰς γυναικῶν παρθένων τε ἁρπαγὰς εἰργασμένον.—cap. 16. μέτεισι γοῦν αὐτὸν θεήλατος κόλασις· ἐξ αὐτῆς αὐτοῦ καταρξαμένη σαρκὸς, καὶ μέχρι τῆς ψυχῆς παρελθοῦσα. ἀθρόα μὲν γὰρ περὶ τὰ μέσα τῶν ἀποῤῥήτων τοῦ σώματος ἀπόστασις γίγνεται αὐτῷ· εἶθ’ ἕλκος ἐν βάθει συριγγώδες καὶ τούτων ἀνιάτος νομὴ κατὰ τῶν ἐνδοτάτῳ σπλάγχνων· ἀφ’ ὧν ἀλεκτόν τι πλῆθος σκωλήκων βρύειν, θανατώδη τε ὀδμὴν ἀποπνέειν, τοῦ παντὸς ὄγκου τῶν σωμάτων ἐκ πολυτροφίας αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τῆς νόσου εἰς ὑπερβολὴν πλήθους πιμελῆς μεταβεβληκότος· ἣν τότε κατασαπεῖσαν, ἀφόρητον καὶ φρικτοτάτην τοῖς πλησιάζουσι παρέχειν τὴν θέαν, ἰατρῶν δ’ οὖν οἱ μὲν, οὐδ’ ὅλως ὑπομεῖναι τὴν τοῦ δυσώδους ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἀτοπίαν οἷοι τε, κατεσφάττοντο. οἱ δὲ διῳδηκότος τοῦ παντὸς ὄγκου καὶ εἰς ἀνέλπιστον σωτηρίας ἀποπεπτωκότος μηδὲν ἐπικουρεῖν δυνάμενοι, ἀνηλεῶς ἐκτείνοντο. (What need to recall the passions and abominations of the man? or to count the multitude of debaucheries done by him? Nay, he could not pass through a city without leaving behind him everywhere ruin of women and rape of virgins.—ch. 16. Yet heaven-sent punishment overtakes him, commencing with his very flesh and going on to assail the life. For an incessant suppurative inflammation attacks him in the region of the private parts of the body; then later on a wound penetrating deep in like a fistula and an incurable eating sore affecting these inmost intestines. Then from these an indescribable number of worms bred, and a corpse-like smell was given off, the whole bulk of the bodily parts having through high living and under the influence of the disease changed into an exaggerated superfluity of fat. Then this rotting away, displayed an intolerable and an appalling spectacle to his attendants; while among his physicians, some finding themselves utterly unable to endure the exceeding horribleness of the stench, put an end to their lives; while others, the whole bulk having gone to complete rottenness, and the patient in a condition that admitted no hope of recovery, being unable to afford any help, were cruelly put to death). This passage occurs as well, word for word, in Nicephorus, Histor. Eccles. VII. 22. Aur. Victor. Epit. ch. 40., Galerius Maximianus consumptis genitalibus defecit, (Galerius Maximianus died, the genital organs being destroyed).—Zosimus, Hist. II. 11. speaks merely of τραῦμα δυσίατον (a wound difficult to cure), and Paulus Diaconus, Hist. miscell. XI. 5., says: putrefacto introrsum pectore, et vitalibus dissolutis, cum ultra horrorem humanae miseriae etiam vermes eructaret, medicique iam ultra foetorem non ferentes, crebro iussu eius occiderentur etc. (the bosom having putrefied within, and the vitals rotted away, when exceeding the climax of human horror and suffering he began to bring up worms, and his physicians unable to bear the excessive foulness of the stench, were being executed at his frequent order, etc.). The same fate happened to Herod, of whom Josephus, Antiq. XVII. 6. says: τοῦ αἰδοίου σῆψις σκώληκας ἐμποιοῦσα (mortification of the genitals producing worms). Comp. Bochart, Hierozoicon, edit. Rosenmüller vol. III. p. 520.

[165] This reading is clearly preferable. The Septuagint translators render it σήπη καὶ σκώληκες κηρονομήσουσιν αὐτὸν, (Rottenness and worms shall be his heritage), where however it must be admitted σῆτες (moths) is also retained by the Editors.

[166] “Nouvelles recherches sur la structure de la peau”, (Recent Investigations as to the Structure of the Skin), with 3 Plates. Paris 1835. 221 pp. 8vo.

[167] “Vergleichende Untersuchungen über die Haut des Menschen und der Haussaügethiere, besonders in Beziehung auf die Absonderungsorgane des Hauttalgs und des Schweisses,” (Comparative Investigations as to the Skin in Man and the Domestic Mammals, with particular reference to the Organs of Secretion of the Sebaceous Humour and the Sweat), in Muller’s Archiv. für Physiologie Jahrg. 1835., pp. 399-418. With copperplates, a comparison of which will very much facilitate the proper understanding of what follows.

[168] Already we find Lorry, “Abb. von den Krankheiten der Haut,” (Treatise on Diseases of the Skin), Vol. I. p. 50., saying: “There is found to exist moreover a certain sympathy between the generative parts of men and women and the skin, which under the violent stimulus of sexual coition swells; but after it is over, sweat comes out on it, and sometimes little heat-pimples appear. p. 83., Now at puberty, a period when all the glands are opened, there is brought to the organs of transpiration a great quantity of a subtle and fluid material, there arises a peculiar smell, and if this matter has accumulated, it clogs the minute vessels, the humour contained in these becomes thick by retardation and solidification,—the result being a pimply eruption on the skin. This much is certain, that if both sexes are fully developed, and live chaste, an extensive series of mutually connected pustules may arise, just as if they were produced by the swelling of the glands in the skin. The pustules are ranged in the same order as that in which the glands lie; exactly as if they were the meeting-place of the humours that would seem to have been dispersed in the skin.” Comp. Haller, Elem. physiolog. Vol. VII. bk. XXVIII. sect. 3. § 4.

[169] More precise information on this, as well as on several other opinions expressed in the course of these Inquiries as to the pathology of Venereal disease, the reader will find placed at his disposal in our forthcoming Work, “Introduction to a Scientific Knowledge of the Venereal Disease.”

[170] Comp. Hillary, “Beobachtungen über die Veränderungen Luft und die damit verbundenen epidemischen Krankheiten auf der Insel Barbados,” (Observations on Changes of Atmosphere and the Epidemic Sicknesses connected with them in the Island of Barbadoes), transl. from the English by J. Ch. G. Ackermann. Leipzig 1776. 8vo., pp. 3 sqq.

[171] Alex. Traj. Petronius, De morbo Gallico, (On the French Disease—Syphilis), bk. II. chs. 24., and 26 (Aphrodisiacus pp. 1225, 1226.) in his time says: Et in regione calida, quoniam secundum naturae suae impetum ad cutem fertur, minus saevire, in frigida vero, quoniam contra suam naturam ad interna migrare cogitur, magis.—Neque nos non lateat, in ambiente (ut dicunt) calido, quoniam ad cutim attractio fit, morbum hunc et secundum naturae suae impetum creari, et simul ad exteriora prorumpere solere. In frigido autem, quia intro repellitur contra suae naturae motum retroverti et solidas corporis partes saepius depasci. Frequentius etiam in regione calida quam frigida apparere; hic enim circumfusus aer, ne morbus ad cutim extendatur, prohibet (nam intro pellit), illic vero et ad cutim trahit et eandem retinet. (Moreover in a hot region, inasmuch as in accordance with the impulse of its nature it is carried to the skin, it is there less virulent; whereas in a cold one, as it is compelled against its nature to travel to the inward parts, it is more so.—Again we should not let this escape our notice, that in a hot environment (as they say), inasmuch as an attraction takes place towards the skin, this disease also according to the impulse of its nature is there brought into being, and is wont to break out towards the external parts. On the other hand in a cold one, because it is drawn within, it is turned back contrary to the motion of its nature, and more often feeds upon the solid parts of the body. Again it appears more frequently in a hot region than in a cold one; for in the latter case the surrounding air (driving it within as it does) hinders the disease from extending to the skin, whereas in the former it draws it to the skin and keeps it there). But specially pertinent in this connection is p. 1211.—Puydebat, “Über den Einfluss des Climas auf den Menschen,” (Of the Influence of Climate on Man), in the “Bulletin méd. de Bordeaux, 1836. May 21. (Froriep Notiz. 1836. Vol. 49. p. 179.) writes: Die immer geöffneten Hautporen hauchen in den heissen Ländern einen reichlichen, mehr oder weniger stark riechenden Schweiss aus. Die Hautdrüsen sondern eine ölige Flüssigkeit in Menge ab, welche die Haut schlüpfrig macht und derselben jenes bei den Negern so auffallende Ansehn giebt. Dieser Zustand der Haut macht sie zu Exanthemen, z. B. Masern, Blattern, Syphilis, Lepra, Elephantiasis geneigt. (The ever open skin-pores expire in hot countries a rich and more or less strongly smelling sweat. The cutaneous glands secrete an oily fluid in quantities, which makes the skin slippery and gives it that appearance so striking in Negroes. This state of the skin makes it liable to exanthematic effections, e.g. Measles, Small-pox, Syphilis, Leprosy, Elephantiasis).—In cold countries the transpiration of the skin is very weak; in consequence the internal secretions are increased in quantity, while in hot countries they are lessened from a directly opposite cause.” Comp. J. von Röser, “Ueber einige Krankheiten des Orients,” (On some Diseases of the East). Augsburg 1837., pp. 67-71., to whose statements we shall have to return on several future occasions.

[172] Joannes Leo, “Descriptio Africae”, (Description of Africa), Leyden 1632. 12mo., p. 86., Paucis admodum toto Atlante, tota Numidia totaque Libya hoc notum est contagium. Quodsi quisquam fuerit qui se eo infectum sentiat, mox in Numidiam aut in Nigritarum regionem proficiscitur, cuius tanta est aeris temperies, ut optimae sanitati restitutus inde in patriam redeat: quod quidem multis accidisse ipse meis vidi oculis, qui nullo adhibito neque pharmaco neque medico, praeter saluberrimum iam dictum aërem, revaluerant. (To very few persons indeed in the whole of the Atlas, the whole of Numidia and of Libya, is this contagion known. But if there should be any man who feels himself attacked by it, he presently journeys into Numidia or the district of the Nigritae, where the nature of the air is such that he returns home again restored to excellent good health. This I have seen happen to many with my own eyes, who without help of druggist or doctor recovered by the exceeding salubrity of the air as aforesaid). Comp. Scaliger, Exercitat. CLXXX. ch. 18.—Petronius, loco citato p. 1213.

[173] Schnurrer, “Geographische Nosologie,” (Geographical Nosology,—Distribution of Diseases), p. 454.

[174] Brown, W. G. “Reisen in Afrika, Egypten und Syrien.” (Travels in Africa, Egypt and Syria), transl. from the English by C. Sprengel. Weimar 1800. 8vo., p. 389., tells us of a marine at Kahira, who had become infected, how the man, having in the mean time taken no means whatever to combat the disease and without giving up either the use of brandy or the practice of copulation, two months later got a violent itching eruption over his whole body, and particularly on the head and over the glands of the neck. This he treated by sprinkling over it a sort of red earth, whereupon it dried up and disappeared, so that four weeks later he found himself completely cured and his skin as clean and smooth as before. Schnurrer, loco citato p. 453., also gives the story, but with sundry inaccuracies. Similar observations were made by Th. Clarke at the Cape of Good Hope, London Med. Gazette 1833. Behrend, Syphilidologie Vol. I. pp. 241 sqq. The Minorite Conti declared in opposition to Norberg (Biörnstähl’s Briefe, 6 vol. p. 410.): “Christian no less than Mussulman in the East is strictly forbidden to cohabit with a woman before the eighth day after her purification. If it is done within that period, the man’s body is poisoned: he experiences swelling, ulcers, sores, itch and pains in the limbs, and shows all the symptoms of leprosy. At this time the female does not become pregnant, because the blood is unclean, but if conception does occur, the child also gets a bad itch, and generally is affected like his parents.” Fr. Eagle (Lancet July 1836., Note 671.). Behrend’s Syphilidologie, Vol. I. p. 118., relates a number of cases that occurred in London where after intercourse with women during menstruation both gonorrhœa and chancre supervened.

[175] Von Roeser, loco citato p. 69. Sonnerat, “Reise nach Ostindien”, (Journey to the East Indies), I. 94, 99. Schnurrer, Geogr. Nosologie p. 409. Note, says: “In Hindostan in particular experience has shown that a badly treated syphilis changes into leprosy.” That this is not a thing of such extreme rarity in Europe either, we shall prove more fully in another place. Meantime compare what Hensler, “Vom Abendländischen Aussatze”, (On Oriental Leprosy), pp. 228 sqq., says on the subject.

[176] Galen, Ad Glaucon. de meth. med. II., edit. Kühn Vol. XI. p. 142., says: κατὰ γοῦν τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἐλεφαντιῶσι πάμπολλοι διά τε τὴν δίαιταν καὶ τὴν θερμότητα τοῦ χωρίου·—ἅτε δὲ θερμοῦ τοῦ περιέχοντος ὄντος καὶ ἠ ῥοπὴ τῆς φορᾶς αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ θέρμα γίνεται· (At any rate in the neighbourhood of Alexandria very many persons suffer from elephantiasis as well through their mode of life as owing to the heat of the locality;—for indeed as a result of the excessive heat of the climate, the tendency of their constitution is also towards heat). In Germany and Mysia he asserts the disease is seldom observed, and in Scythia almost never.

[177] Phlyctaenae (blisters) in erysipelas of the uterus are mentioned by Hippocrates, De ant. mulierum, edit. Kühn II. p. 541. Galen, edit. Kühn Vol. XVII. A. p. 358., ἴσθι γὰρ ὅτι τὰ ἐξανθήματα ἐν ταῖς τῆς μήτρας διαθέσεσιν εἰς τὸ δέρμα ἐκραγέντα σημαίνουσιν ὅτι ἡ φλεγμονὴ ἢ ἐρυσίπελας ἐκ τοῦ ἀποζέοντος καὶ λεπτοῦ αἵματος ἐν ταῖς μήτραις ἐγγίνεται, ὡς ἐν τῷ περὶ γυναικείης φύσεως γέγραπται. (Be assured that those eruptions that break out on the skin in certain morbid conditions of the womb signify that the inflammation or erysipelas proceeds from the deficiency and poorness of the blood in the womb, as is stated in my Work, On the Female Constitution).

[178] Aristotle, Problem IV. 18.

[179] Aëtius, Tetrab, IV. serm. 1. ch. 122., Novimus quosdam audaciores qui sibi ipsis testes ferro resecarunt; castratis enim non in peius malum ipsum procedet. Neque enim temere reperias, inquit Archigenes, ullum aliquem castratum elephantiasi laborantem, neque item facile mulierem. Quare etiam quidam ex confidentioribus medicis manum admoverunt, et quotquot sane ex eis ex sectione periculum evaserunt, per consequentis curationis usum perfecte ab hac maligna affectione liberati sunt. (We know of some bolder spirits who have amputated their own testicles with the knife; for after castration the actual evil will not then proceed to any worse length. For, says Archigenes, you will not readily find any single case of a castrated man suffering from elephantiasis, nor will you easily discover a woman at all affected by this disease. Wherefore, in fact, some of the more daring practitioners have operated, and there is no doubt that such of their patients as escaped the dangerous effects of the operation, have been through the employment of subsequent precautions completely freed from this malignant complaint). Comp. Hensler, “Vom Aussatz”, (On Leprosy), p. 401. With regard to the immunity of women, an assertion likewise made in connection with mentagra (p. 288), von Roeser writes (loco citato p. 67.) referring to Venereal disease: “Above all it is now the case in Greece and Turkey that the practising physician,—and I have been assured of the fact by many persons,—exceedingly seldom meets with syphilitic female patients in his practice; that yet notwithstanding this none of the sequelæ and different forms of subsequent mischief that are usually found resulting from the disease when every kind of medical aid is neglected, are seen in patients of that sex.”—P. 71., “Only poison would seem, as a result of the secretive process exerted by the affected parts of the skin and the mucous membrane, which is much more powerful in women than in men, to be more readily eliminated from the body than is the case with men, so much so indeed that it is an almost unheard of thing in Egypt to find a female patient under medical treatment.”—still this does not justify the conclusion that women never suffered from Venereal disease, as even von Roeser himself admits. Again Larrey, loco citato p. 253., actually found himself constrained in view of the wide dissemination of the disease among the French soldiers, to establish a special hospital for infected women, in order to check the spread of the complaint.

[180] Comp. Foot, “Abh. über die Lustseuche” (Treatise on Venereal Disease), transl. from the English by H. Ch. Reich, Vol. I. p. 62.

[181] Surgeon in Chief of the Esbekieh Hospital at Cairo.

[182] The passage of Aretaeus (Morb. chron. bk. II. ch. 13. edit. Kühn p. 180.) can hardly be cited as evidence on the other side in this case, as the question there discussed is elephantiasis, not the leprosy of the Jews at all. Any how we read there: τρίχες ἐν μὲν τῷ παντὶ προτεθνήσκουσι, χερσὶ μηροῖσι κνήμῃσι, αὖθις ἥβῃ, γενείοισι ἀραιαὶ, ψεδναὶ δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ κόμαι· τὸ δὲ μᾶλλον πρόωροι, πολιοὶ καὶ φαλάκρωσις ἀθρόη· οὐκ εἰς μακρὸν δὲ ἥβη καὶ ἐπιμίμνοιεν παυραὶ τρίχες, ἀπρεπέστεραι τῶν ἀποιχομένων. (Hair dies first in every part, on hands, thighs, shins; again on pubes and cheeks it becomes thin, and scanty also on the head. The locks are prematurely white, and baldness becomes general; nor is it long before pubes and cheeks are bare, and if a few scanty hairs should remain, they are uncomely as compared with those that have disappeared). Nor would it be any fairer to cite the fact that Albinos are covered over the whole body with a fine, white, woolly hair.

[183] Already J. D. Michaelis, “Fragen an eine Gesellschaft gelehrter Männer, die auf Befehl Ihro Majestät des Königs von Dänemark nach Arabien reisen,” (Questions addressed to a Society of Learned Men, travelling at the Command of HM. the King of Denmark to Arabia), Frankfurt-on-the-Main 1762., p. 23., says in the 11th. question on Leprosy under head No. 8.: “Does it possess a natural diagnostic mark in this, if it breaks out everywhere at once, and covers the whole body? From Leviticus XIII. 12-13. we might seem to be almost justified in concluding this to be so. But I am in doubt how in that case this passage is to be interpreted in accordance with the history of the disease.” Comp. p. 335. Note 1.

[184] Philosoph. Transactions Vol. XXXI. Foot, Treatise on Venereal Disease, Vol. I. pp. 25 sqq.

[185] D. Hennen, Sketches of the Medical Topography of the Mediterranean. London 1830.

[186] Galen, De febr. diff., bk. I., edit. Kühn Vol. VII. 284 sqq., δριμὺ δ’ἀποῤῥοῖ καὶ δακνῶδες περίττωμα τοῖς ἤτοι κακοχυμοτέροις, ἢ ἐδέσματα μοχθηρὰ προσφερομένοις τοιαῦτα γοῦν ἐδέσματα καὶ νῦν ἀναγκασθέντες ἐσθίειν πολλοὶ διὰ λιμὸν οἱ μὲν ἀπέθανον ἀπὸ σηπεδονωδῶν τε καὶ λοιμωδῶν πυρετῶν, οἱ δὲ ἐξανθήμασιν ἑάλωσαν ψωρώδεσι τε καὶ λεπρώδεσιν. (But there discharges an acrid and biting excretion, and this in patients already only too much afflicted with evil humours, or else food becomes noxious to them, though normally able to tolerate such food; and now being forced to eat, many died in consequence of the plague, some from putrefying and pestilential fevers, while others again were attacked by exanthematic eruptions of the psora and lepra types).

[187] Martial, Bk. VI. Epigr. 37.,

O quanta scabie miser laborat!

Culum non habet, est tamen cinaedus.

(How sad a scurvy (scabies) does the wretch groan under! Bottom all gone; and yet he is a cinaedus!)

Bk. XI. Epigr. 8.,

Penelopae licet esse tibi sub principe Nerva

Sed prohibet scabies ingeniumque vetus.

(You may be a Penelope under Nerva as Emperor; only that scurvy hinders you and inveterate viciousness). The mala scabies (horrid scurvy) from Horace, Ars Poet. 453., is familiar; as well as the statement of Justin (Hist. XXXVI. 2.) to the effect that the Jews were driven out of Egypt on account of Scabies and Vitiligo (Tetter), that the Egyptians might not be infected by them. Comp. Michaelis, “Mosaisches Recht”, (Mosaic Law) IV. 209. The infectious nature of psora is declared also by Aristotle, Problem. VII. 8. Galen, De puls. diff., IV. 1. The transition of mentagra into psora has been already mentioned.

[188] Aristophanes, Birds 151. makes Euelpides say: βδελλύττομαι τὸν Λέπρεον ἀπὸ Μελανθίου (I detest the “Leprean” of Melanthius), on which the Scholiast remarks: Μελάνθιος ὁ τραγικός· κωμωδεῖται γὰρ εἰς μαλακίαν καὶ ὀψοφαγίαν. Πλάτων δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν Σκύθαις ὡς λάλον σκώπτει· εἶχε δὲ Μελάνθιος λέπραν. (Melanthius the Tragedian; for he is derided on account of his luxurious living and gluttony. But Plato laughs at him in the “Scythians” as a garrulous person; now Melanthius had leprosy). The same thing is mentioned in the “Peace”, 803., with the addition, καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐν Κόλαξιν Εὔπολις ὡς κίναιδον αὐτὸν διαβάλλει καὶ κόλακα· ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς λευκὰς ἔχοντα καὶ λεπράς. (and still more severely does Eupolis in his “Flatterers” ridicule him as being pathic and a flatterer; moreover as having whites,—white leprosies,—and leprosies). Here we would particularly call attention to the λευκαί (white leprosies), which we have already noted as a consequence of the habits of the cunnilingue; and with this the λάλον (garrulous, talkative) of the Comic poet Plato agrees very well, for Hesychius explains γλωσσοστροφεῖν (to ply the tongue) by περιλαλεῖν and στωμύλλεσθαι (to be very talkative, to babble). Thus lepra would seem to be attached as penalty to the vice of the pathic, Elephantiasis is stated to be infectious by Aretaeus, Morb. chron., II. 12. and Paulus Aegineta, IV. 1.; however, present day experience tells us nothing of this, and the later Greek physicians refer it again to deficient gall (Marx, Orig. contag., p. 78.); what was the meaning of its great contagiousness in earlier times?

[189] Von Roeser, loco citato p. 69. Inflammation of the throat, or ulcerations of the throat, are very rare; still rarer are diseases of the bones, and then only taking the form of swellings of the periosteum.

[190] Hippocrates, Epidem. Bk. III., edit. Kühn Vol. III. p. 486., στόματα πολλοῖσιν ἀθώδεα, ἑλκώδεα· ῥεύματα περὶ τὰ αἰδοιᾶ πολλά· ἑλκώματα, φύματα, ἔξωθεν ἔσωθεν τὰ περὶ βουβῶνας, ὀφθαλμίαι ὑγραὶ, μακραὶ χρόνιαι μετὰ πόνων· ἐπιφύσεις βλεφάρων ἔξωθεν ἔσωθεν, πολλῶν φθείροντες τὰς ὄψιας, ἃ σῦκα ἐπονομάζουσιν· ἐφύετο δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀλλῶν ἑλκέων πολλὰ καὶ αἰδοίοισιν. (for translation see text above).

[191] Hippocrates, Bk. IV. Aphor. 82., edit. Kühn Vol. III. p. 735., ὁκόσοισιν ἐν τῇ οὐρήθρῃ φύματα φύεται, τουτέοισι διαπυήσαντος καὶ ἐκραγέντος λύσις. (for translation see text above). The same Aphorism is repeated again Bk. VII. Aphor. 57. p. 763., ὁκόσοισιν ἐν τῇ οὐρήθρῃ φύματα γίνονται, τουτέοισι διαπυήσαντος καὶ ἐκραγέντος λύεται ὁ πόνος. (Patients having abscesses in the urethra, find relief from the suffering, so soon as these have suppurated and broken).—Celsus, bk. II. ch. 8. translates this by: Quibus in fistula urinae minuti abscessus, quos φύματα Graeci vocant, esse coeperunt, iis ubi pus ea parte profluxit, sanitas redditur. (Patients in whom small abscesses have been set up in the urinary canal, which the Greeks call φύματα, recover when once matter has flowed out at the spot).—Galen, in his Explanation of the first Aphorism of Hippocrates (edit. Kühn Vol. XVII. B. p. 778.) says: πρόχειρον γὰρ παντὶ γνῶναι τῶν ἐν τῷ πόρῳ τῷ οὐρητικῷ τῷ κατὰ τὸ αἰδοῖον, τοῦτο γὰρ οὐρήθραν καλοῦσι· συνισταμένων φυμάτων τὴν λύσιν γίγνεσθαι ῥαγέντων· ἐνδέχεται γὰρ ἰσχουρίαν δή τινα γενέσθαι καὶ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον φῦμα καὶ μέντοι καὶ ὡς τὸ φῦμα τοῦτο ῥαγὲν ἰάσεται τὴν ἰσχουρίαν εὔδηλον. (For it is within the knowledge of every observer that in the case of abscesses that have been set up in the urinary canal in the region of the privates,—called the urethra,—relief is afforded when once these have burst. For it is likely some retention of urine occurs on account of such abscess, and so the fact of this abscess having burst will obviously remedy the retention). Comp. Galen, De loc. affect. Bk. I. ch. 1., bk. VI. ch. 6. Paulus Aegineta bk. IV. ch. 22.

[192] Hippocrates, Coact. praenot., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 312., οἷσι δὲ φῦμα περὶ τὴν κύστιν ἐστὶ τὸ παρέχον τὴν δυσουπίην, παντοίως σχηματισθέντες ὀχλέονται· λύσις δὲ τούτου γίνεται πύου ῥαγέντος. (Patients having an abscess in the region of the bladder that causes difficulty of micturition, find themselves troubled and affected in all sorts of ways; but relief from this is experienced, when once the matter has broken out).

[193] Hippocrates, De aere aquis et locis, edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 526., κἢν μὲν τὸ θέρος αὐχμηρὸν γένηται, θᾶσσον παύονται αἱ νοῦσοι· ἢν δὲ ἔπομβρον, πολυχρόνιοι γίνονται καὶ φαγεδαίνας κοινῶς ἐγγίνεσθαι ἀπὸ πάσης προφάσιος, ἢν ἕλκος ἐγγένηται. (And if the Summer is a dry one, the diseases will cease more speedily; if on the other hand it is rainy, they become chronic, and such that cancerous sores are set up on any pretext, if an injury of any sort occur).

[194] Galen, in his Commentary on this passage (Vol. XVII. A. p. 671) says in this connection: διεσήπετο δ’ὑπὸ τῶν μοχθηρῶν χυμῶν ὑγρῶν τὰ στερεά· ποικίλον δ’ εἶναι τὸ ῥεῦμα διὰ τὴν τῶν σηπομένων διαφθορὰν εὔλογον· ὑπὸ γὰρ κοινῆς αἰτίας τῆς σηπεδόνος ἕκαστον τῶν σηπομένων ἴδιον εἶδος ἴσχει τῆς διαφθορᾶς. (But under influence of the morbid moist juices the solid parts rotted away; so it is only reasonable to expect the discharge to be complex, resulting from the destruction of the parts rotted away; for although proceeding from one common cause, that of decomposition, each of the rotting parts has its own particular form of decomposition).

[195] Galen, in his Commentary loco citato p. 672., adds: φοβερωτέραν εἶχε φαντασίαν ἐν τοῖς περὶ κεφαλὴν μορίοις, διὰ τὸ κᾂν βραχὺ τὴν παρὰ φύσιν ἐνταῦθα παραλαχθείη, πλέον γίνεσθαι τὸ αἶσχος ἢ κατὰ τὰ ἄλλα μόρια μεγάλην ἐκτροπὴν εἰς τὸ παρὰ φύσιν ἔχοντα. μηροῦ μὲν γὰρ τὸ βραχίονος ἢ κνήμης ἢ πήχεως ἀποῤῥυὲν δέρμα μικροτέραν ἔχει φαντασίαν, εἰ δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς συναποπέσοιεν αἱ τρίχες τῷ δέρματι καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἡ τοῦ γενείου σὺν αὐταῖς, ἡ μὲν φαντασία τοῦ πάθους γίνεται μεγάλη, ὁ κίνδυνος δ’ᾗττον ἢ εἰ περὶ αἰδοῖα συμβαίη τὸ τοιοῦτον πάθος ἢ λάρυγγα καὶ θώρακαα καὶ τι τῶν κυρίων· οὐ μόνον δὲ τὰ περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν οὕτως γινόμενα φοβερὰ μᾶλλον ἦν ἢ κακίω, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθ’ ὁτιοῦν ἄλλο μέρος οὕτως ἐκπίπτοντα· κακίω γὰρ ἦν ἐφ’ὧν ἀπέστησεν εἰς τὸ βάθος ὁ τὸ ἐρυσίπελας ἐργαζόμενος χυμὸς κ. τ. λ. (It offered a more terrifying appearance where the parts about the head were affected, because even if only a small deviation occur there from what is normal, the feeling of disgust experienced is greater than in connection with other parts of the body, even when showing a great divergence towards what is abnormal. For the fact of the skin of the thigh being perished, or even when showing of the upper arm, or of the leg, or fore-arm, affords a less formidable appearance, but if the hair fall from the head and the skin along with it, and still more if that of the cheeks and chin go with it, the appearance of injury is very great; but the danger is all the while really less than if the like were to happen to the private parts or larynx and thorax or any of the vital parts. And not only are such things when they happen to the head more terrifying than actually dangerous, but also when it so falls out with regard to any other part; for much more dangerous is the case of those in whom the humour that sets up erysipelas has penetrated deeply in, etc.).

[196] Hippocrates, loco citato p. 284., πολλοῖσι μὲν γὰρ βραχίων καὶ πῆχυς ὅλος [ὅλως] περιεῤῥύη· οἷσι δ’ἐπὶ τὰ πλευρὰ ταῦτα ἐκακοῦτο ἢ τῶν ἔμπροσθέν τι ἢ τῶν ὄπισθεν· οἷσι δὲ ὅλος ὁ μηρὸς ἢ τὰ περικνήμια ἐψιλοῦτο καὶ ποὺς ὅλος· ἢν δὲ πάντων χαλεπώτατον τῶν τοιούτων, ὅτε περὶ ἥβην καὶ αἰδοῖα γενοίατο, καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ ἕλκεα καὶ μετὰ προφάσιος τοιαῦτα· πολλοῖσι δὲ ἐν πυρετοῖσι καὶ πρὸ πυρετοῦ καὶ ἐπὶ πυρετοῖσι ξυνέπιπτεν. (for translation see text above). For ἢ τὰ περικνήμια ἐψιλοῦτο should evidently be read more correctly with Galen, De temperam. bk. I., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 532. ἢ τὰ περὶ τὴν κνήμην ἀπεψιλοῦτο.

[197] Galen, Vol. XVII. A. p. 674., Καὶ χωρὶς λοιμώδους καταστάσεως, ὅταν ἐν τούτοις τοῖς χωρίοις ἤτοι φλεγμονή τις ἢ ἐρυσίπελας γένηται, ῥᾷστά τε σήπεται καὶ συμπαθείας ἐργάζεται τῶν ὑπερκειμένων μορίων· διὸ καὶ πολλάκις ἀναγκαζόμεθα μετὰ τὸ περικόψαι τὰ σεσηπότα τὴν χώραν ἐκκαίειν· οὐδὲν οὖν θαυμαστὸν, τοιαύτης καταστάσεως γινομένης ὡς καὶ βραχίονα καὶ μηρὸν καὶ κνήμην, πλευράν τε καὶ κεφαλὴν διασήπειν, ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἥκειν κακώσεως τὰ περὶ αἰδοῖα .... Ἄχρι τοῦ νῦν ὁ λόγος αὐτῷ γέγονε περὶ τῶν ἐρυσιπελάτων, ὅσα δ’ἕλκωσιν ἤ τι μικρὸν οὕτως ἄλλο τῶν ἔξωθεν αἰτίων συνέστη· ἐφεξῆς δὲ περὶ τῶν ἄνευ τοιαύτης αἰτίας γενομένων ποιήσεται τὸν λόγον. (for translation see text above).

[198] Hippocrates moreover, Aphorism. Vol. I. p. 724., says: τοῦ δὲ θέρεος ... καὶ σηπεδόνες αἰδοίων καὶ ἵδρωα. (And in the Summer ... occur also putrefactions of the privates and transpirations).

[199] Very possibly in many cases these affections of the extremities and genital organs owed their existence to anthrax or carbuncle; for not only does Hippocrates (p. 487.) say that ἄνθρακες πολλοὶ κατὰ θέρος καὶ ἄλλα ἃ σὴψ καλέεται (many cases of malignant pustule in Summer-time, as well as other complaints known under the general name of putrefaction) appeared under these meteorological conditions, but Galen likewise (Method. med. bk. XIV., edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. 980.) observed an anthrax epidemic in Asia, that itself began with numerous phlyctaenae (blisterous swellings) resembling millet seeds; these subsequently broke and gave rise to an ἕλκος ἐσχαρῶδες (scabby sore). Indeed the destruction of the skin took place even without the previous occurrence of phlyctaenae. πολλάκις δὲ οὐ μία φλύκταινα γεννᾶται κνησαμένων, ἀλλὰ πολλαὶ μικραὶ καθάπερ τινὲς κέγχροι καταπυκνοῦσαι τὸ μέρος ὧν ἐκρηγνυμένων ὁμοίως ἐσχαρῶδες ἕλκος γεννᾶται· κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ἐπιδημήσαντας ἄνθρακας ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ χωρὶς φλυκταινῶν ἐνίοις εὐθέως ἀπεδάρη τὸ δέρμα. (And often not one phlyctaena is originated on patients scratching themselves, but many minute ones like millet seeds, closely covering the affected part; and when these have broken, a kind of scabby sore is produced. And in cases of anthrax (malignant pustule), which was at one time epidemic in Asia, in some patients even without there having been previous phlyctaenae, the skin was immediately destroyed).—Comp. Galen, De tumor. praeternat. Vol. VII. p. 719. Further, this information is in any case of importance for the more correct appreciation of the facts as to the Plague of Athens.

[200] Thucydides, Peloponnesian War, bk. II. ch. 49., Διεξῄει γὰρ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ σώματος ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον τὸ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ πρώτον ἱδρυθὲν κακόν· καὶ εἴ τις ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων περιγένοιτο, τῶν γε ἀκρωτηρῖων ἀντίληψις αὐτὸν ἐπεσήμαινε· κατέσκηπτε γὰρ ἐς αἰδοῖα καὶ ἐς ἄκρας χεῖρας καὶ πόδας· καὶ πολλοὶ στερισκόμενοι τούτων διέφευγον· (for translation see text above). In this passage it is usual to read ἀντίληψις αὐτοῦ ἐπεσήμαινε, supplying κακοῦ from the previous clause to go with αὐτοῦ—(the seizure of the disease itself on the extremities manifested itself); but even supposing the double genitive with ἀντίληψις defensible, the construction is still very awkward, and is made still more so by the fact that in taking it this way we are compelled to translate ἐπεσήμαινε by “manifested itself” (mali vis, apprehendens extremas corporis partes se prodebat, manifestam faciebat,—the strength of the disease declared itself, made itself manifest, in seizing the extremities of the body,—is Wittenbach’s interpretation, Select. Hist. p. 367.), without by so doing obtaining any clear meaning of the sentence. On the other hand this is got directly we read with Reiske (Annotations p. 21. in his “Thucydides Reden, übersetzt von Reiske, nebst lateinischen Anmerkungen über dessen gesammtes Werk,”—Speeches in Thucydides translated into German by Reiske, together with Latin Notes on his “Histories” generally, Leipzig 1761. 8vo.) ἀντίληψις αὐτὸν ἐπεσήμαινε,—a seizure put its mark on him. But whether αὐτοῦ is read or αὐτὸν in any case it will be impossible to take the sentence as Kraus, p. 54., has done, when he says: “The pustulous suppurative eruption begins with the head and spreads little by little over the entire body even to the hands and feet. The fact that Thucydides had the eruption especially in his mind when he speaks of the gradual spread of the evil throughout the whole body is shown by the expressions chosen by him “The disease goes through the entire body and marks (ἐπεσήμαινε) hands and feet.” Now by what other of the symptoms mentioned would the affection of the hands and feet have been likely to make itself evident except by the eruption?” There must surely be few readers of Thucydides capable of putting so radically false an interpretation on the Historian’s words.

[201] Lucretius, De rerum natura bk. VI. 1205 sqq.

[202] Kraus, “Ueber das Alter der Menschenpocken,“—(On the Antiquity of Small-pox), Hanover 1825., pp. 54 sqq.

[203] Paulinus Fabius, Praelectiones Marciae, etc. 352 (but he defends his accuracy, as do Lambinus and Mercurialis),—Scuderi Pt. I. p. 126. To these we may add Petr. Victorius, Variar. lect. bk. XXXV. ch. 8.

[204] As in the Antonine Plague in the year 235 A. D.,—Galen, De usu part. III. ch. 5., De prob. pravisque alimentor. succ. ch. 1., edit. Kühn Vol. VI. p. 749.; Cyprian, Works, Venice 1728. fol., p. 465.—Further note Hecquet, “Obs. sur la chute des os du pied dans une femme attaquée d’une fèvre maligne,” (Observations on the Falling in of the Bones of the Foot in the case of a Woman attacked by a Malignant Fever), in Memoires de Paris 1746. Histor. p. 40.—J. C. Brebis, De sphacelo totius fere faciei post superatam febrem malignam oborto, (On the Mortification of almost the whole Face supervening after Recovery from a Malignant Fever), in Act. Acad. N. C. Vol. IV. p. 206.—Percival (Samml. auserles. Abh. Vol. XV. p. 335.) observed during an epidemic of putrid fever at Manchester many patients with violent erysipelas on the face and head; and in the Typhus epidemics of 1806-1813, von Hildebrand (“Ueber den ansteckenden Typhus,”—On infectious Typhus), 2nd. edition, Vienna 1814., p. 200. and Horn (“Erfahrungen über die Heilung des ansteckenden Nerven-und Lazarethfiebers,”) (Experiences in the Cure of infections Nervous and Hospital Fevers), 2nd. edition, Berlin 1814., pp. 49, 71. saw violent inflammations of an erysipelas character set up in the nose, elbows, fingers and particularly the toes of their patients, which rapidly passed over into mortification.

[205] A further, question arises whether we should not read, instead of κατέσκηπτε γὰρ καὶ ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα (for it attacked the genitals also), κατέσκηπτε γὰρ κακὸν ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα (for mischief, evil, attacked the genitals).

[206] Joseph Franc, Prax. med. univ. praecept. Pt. I. Vol. III. sect. 2., Typhus, ch. 2. § 4. Note 11. Observation 108., says: “Notwithstanding the fact that in the General Hospital of Vienna Venereal patients were separated from others, yet it often happened at the time I was Physician in Chief there, that patients suffering from concealed Venereal disease or paying patients were admitted into the common Wards. Now if one or the other got typhus, or if such a patient was already lying there, or was brought there, the Venereal cases without exception took the typhus, and particularly so during the mercurial treatment.”

[207] Schönlein, “Vorlesungen”, (Prelections), Vol. II. p. 48., “The syphilitic exanthema either remains stationary when typhus arises, or disappears instantly and for ever—or the part affected with syphilis becomes gangrenous.” Neumann, “Specielle Pathologie und Therapie”, (Special Pathology and Therapeutics), Vol. II. p. 107., “Violent, severe typhoïdal fevers cure syphilis completely; its symptoms disappear with the commencement of the illness and never return.—Again after Petechial fever I have in most cases observed that the syphilis troubles that disappeared at its commencement never came back again.” Historical vouchers will be afforded in plenty by our later investigations.

[208] Works, Vol. I. p. 765. Epistola ad Amunem, monachum. (Letter to Amunis, a monk).

[209] Euripides, Alcestis 98.,

πυλῶν πάροιθεν δ’οὐχ ὁρῶ

πηγαῖον ὡς νομίζεται

χέρνιβ’ἐπὶ φθιτῶν πύλαις,

χαίτα τ’οὔτις ἐπὶ προθύροις

τομαῖος, ἃ δὴ νεκύων

πένθει πιτνεῖ.

(Before the doors I see no lustral water from the fountain, as is wont at the doors of the departed, and in the forecourt is no shorn hair, which is ever cut in mourning for the dead.) Comp. Kirchmann, De funeribus Rom. (On Roman Funerals) bk. I. last ch., bk. II, ch. 15. Lomeier, De veterum gentil. lustrationibus (On Public Purifications among the Ancients), ch. 16. Casaubon, On the “Characters” of Theophrastus, ch. 16.

[210] It may be mentioned by way of supplement that Leprosy among the Ancients was pretty nearly universally regarded as a punishment from the gods. Even the Greeks held this view, as comes out clearly from Aeschylus, Choeph. II. 2. This fact points to various conclusions as to liability to infection in Leprosy and the obscurity in which the causes of the disease are involved.

[211] In accordance with the explanations given on a previous page it might be thought quite conceivable that so long as the hymen was intact, a part of the mucous discharge of the vagina and of the menstrual blood was retained, and acquired a certain degree of malignity. This acting on points of the penis where the surface had been accidentally broken in the act of defloration, or even on the mucous membrane of the urethra, might exert an injurious influence.

[212] Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris 380. Porphyrius, bk. II. περὶ Ἀποχῆς (On Abstinence), Dio Chrysostom, Homily XIII, on Epist. to Ephesians.—Theophrastus, Charact. ch. 16.—Th. Bartholinus, Antiq. veteris puerperii synopsis (Synopsis of Antiquities of Childbirth in Old Times). Copenhagen 1646. 8vo.

[213] Deipnosoph. bk. XII. p. 518., Πάντες δὲ οἱ πρὸς ἑσπέραν οἰκοῦντες βάρβαροι πιττοῦνται καὶ ξυροῦνται τὰ σώματα· καὶ παρά γε τοῖς Τυῤῥηνοῖς ἐργαστήρια κατεσκεύασται πολλὰ, καὶ τεχνῖται τούτου τοῦ πράγματός εἰσιν, ὥσπερ παρ’ἡμῖν οἱ κουρεῖς· παρ’οὓς ὅταν εἰσέλθωσι, παρέχουσιν ἑαυτοὺς πάντα τρόπον, οὐδὲν αἰσχυνόμενοι τοὺς ὁρῶντας, οὐ δὲ τοὺς παριόντας· χρῶντοι δὲ τούτῳ τῷ νόμῳ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ τῶν τὴν Ἰταλίαν οἰκούντων, μαθόντες παρὰ Σαμνιτῶν καὶ Μεσαπίων. (Now all the Barbarians that dwell towards the West, use pitch as a depilatory, and shave their bodies. Indeed amongst the Tyrrhenians establishments are fitted up in numbers for this purpose, and there are artistes who practise this profession, like barbers among ourselves. And when men go into their shops, they expose themselves in every part, feeling no shame of spectators nor of passers-by. And this custom is followed also by many of the Greeks and of the inhabitants of Italy, who have learned it from Samnites and Messapians). The depilation of men and boys was attended to by women (Martial, XI. 79.) at the period of the highest degree of dissoluteness; in fact there was a special guild of such women, known as ustriculae. Tertullian, De pallio ch. 4. In the same way men performed this service for women, as e.g. Domitian, according to Suetonius, ch. 22., Erat fama, quasi concubinas ipse develleret (Rumour went, to the effect that the Emperor used to “pluck” his mistresses with his own hand,)—and Heliogabalus according to Lampridius, ch. 31., In balneis semper cum mulieribus fuit, ita ut eas ipse psilothro curaret, ipse quoque barbam psilothro accurans, quodque pudendum dictu est, eodem quo mulieres accurabantur, et eadem hora. Rasit et virilia subactoribus suis ad novaculam manu sua, qua postea barbam fecit. (At the baths he was always with the women, going so far as to apply the “psilothrum” (a depilatory) in their treatment himself, finishing off his own beard also with “psilothrum”, and using, disgusting to relate, the same as the women were being treated with, and at one and the same time. Moreover he shaved his debauchees’(pathics) privates to the navel with his own hand, and then shaved his own beard).

[214] They used to remove the hair on the face (Martial, III. 74.), from the nose (Ovid, Art. Amand. I. 520.), on the arches of the eyebrows (Cicero, Orat. pro Roscio), from the armpits (Juvenal, XIV. 194., Seneca, Epist. 115.), on the arms (Martial, III. 63.), the hands (Martial, V. 41.), on the legs (Juvenal, IX. 12.) As to the beard, that has already been spoken of.

[215] Martial, II. 62., Cui praestas culum, quem, Labiene, pilas. (To whom you give your fundament, Labienus, that you strip of hair).

[216] Martial, II. 62.,

Quod pectus, quod crura tibi, quod brachia vellis,

Quod cincta est brevibus mentula tonsa pilis,

Haec praestas, Labiene, tuae, quis nescit? amicae.

(You pluck your chest, your legs, your arms, your shaven member is surrounded by short hair,—all these pains you offer, everyone knows it, to your mistress.) Bk. IX. 27.,

Cum depilatos, Chreste coleos portes,

Et vulturino mentulam parem collo,

Et prostitutis laevius caput culis,

Nec vivat ullus in tuo pilus crure

Purgentque crebrae cana labra volsellae etc.

(For you have your testicles freed from hair, Chrestus, and your member like a vulture’s neck, and your head smoother than those posteriors that you prostitute. Not a hair lives on your leg, and frequent application of the tweezers keeps clean your shaven lips, etc.) Comp. Bk. IX. 48. 58. Suetonius, Otho 12. Persius, IV. 37. Ausonius, 131.

[217] Aristophanes, Lysistrat. 151.,

Εἰ γὰρ καθῄμεθ’ἔνδον ἐντετριμμέναι

κἀν τοῖς χιτωνίοισι τοῖς ἀμοργίνοις

γυμναὶ παρίοιμεν, δέλτα παρατετιλμέναι,

στύοιντ’ἂν ἅνδρες κἀπιθυμοῖεν πλεκοῦν.

(For if we sat within doors anointed with unguents, and if we appeared lightly clad in robes of Amorgian flax, our bellies plucked clear of hair, the men would all have erections, and would be fain to lie with us.) For the same reason Mnesilochus was freed of hair on the genitals and in all other parts of the body, so as not to be recognised in the assemblage of women.

[218] Aristophanes, Eccl. 718., says of prostitutes:

καὶ τάς γε δούλας οὐχὶ δεῖ κοσμουμένας

τὴν τῶν ἐλευθέρων ὑφαρπάζειν Κύπριν,

ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῖς δούλοισι κοιμᾶσθαι μόνον.

κατωνάκῃ τὸν χοῖρον ἀποτετιλμένας.

(And the slave-women ought not to bedizen themselves and snatch away the love that is free-women’s by rights; but should lie with slaves only, their pudenda plucked clean to please the wearer of the smock.) Frogs 515., Ξ. πῶς λέγεις; ὀρχηστρίδες; Θ. ἡβυλλιῶσαι κἄρτι παρατετιλμέναι (Xanthius. What say you? dancing-girls? Therap. Yes! young wenches, just plucked clean). Comp. Lysistrat. 88.

[219] Martial, bk. XII. Epigr. 32.,

Nec plena turpi matris olla resina

Summoenianae qua pilantur uxores.

(Nor yet your mother’s jars full of foul resin, wherewith the suburban dames free themselves of hair.)

[220] Martial, bk. X. Epigr. 90.,

Quid vellis vetulum, Ligella, cunnum?

Quid busti cineres tui lacessis?

Tales munditiae decent puellas.

Erras, si tibi cunnus hic videtur,

Ad quem mentula pertinere desit.

(Why pluck you bare, Ligella, your old organ? why vex you the ashes of your tomb? Such nice allurements are for girls. You are mistaken if you think yours is of a sort that a man’s member should be fain to belong to it.) This passage, together with those quoted a little above from Aristophanes and Theopompus, will explain sufficiently what Horace (Sat. I. 2. v. 36.) meant by his “mirator cunni Cupiennius albi,” (Cupiennius admirer of a white organ), for the albus (white) here evidently stands for rasus, depilatus, nudus, (shaven, freed from hair, bare); as in Juvenal, Sat. I. 111., Nuper in hanc urbem pedibus qui venerat albis, (Who but now had arrived in this city with white, i. e. bare, feet.) The commentators have hitherto always explained it by matrona stola alba, seu candida, vestita, (a matron clad in a white, or glistening-white, robe), because, as Heindorf puts it, no other interpretation is to hand. But really there are several possible explanations on similar lines. It might be for “canus cunnus”, (hoary, aged; organ) (Martial, bk. IX. 38., bk. II. 34.), though again the meaning of depilatus (free of hair), in another sense, might equally well be at the bottom of this, as is the case with cana labra (hoary, white, lips)—IX. 28. Or albus (white) may be taken as synonymous with increta, cerussata (whitened with chalk, painted with ceruse), to which Martial supplies the explanation, when he says (III. 42.),

Lomento rugas uteri quod condere tentas,

Polla, tibi ventrem, non mihi labra linis;

(When you endeavour to hide the wrinkles on your stomach with powder, ’tis your own belly, Polla, not my lips, you smear with the stuff),—as also bk. IX. 3., Illa siligineis pinguescit adultera cunnis, (It—i. e. your penis—in adulterous loves, grows fat on women’s organs powdered with fine wheaten flour); [but another way of taking the line is: She, i. e. your mistress,—adulterous dame, grows fat on wheaten cakes—cakes baked in the shape of cunni.] The Lomentum, which is not derived from lavimentum or lavamentum (something to wash with), as Scheller, following Voss, makes it to be, but from the Greek λείωμα faba communita (ground beans), was bean-meal (Vegetius, De re veterin. V. 62., says: in subtilissimo lomento, hoc est farina fabacea, (in the finest lomentum, that is bean-flour.); and at the present day the Japanese, it seems, according to Thunberg, use a kind of bean-meal instead of soap. Roman ladies were most careful to maintain the aequor ventris (smoothness of the belly)—Aulus Gellius, Noctes Att. I. 2.); whence Martial, (III. 72.) says, addressing Laufella, who refuses to bathe with him:

Aut tibi pannosae pendent a pectore mammae

Aut sulcos uteri prodere nuda times.

(Either your breasts hang flabby from your bosom, or you fear, if you strip, to betray the furrows on your belly.) To obviate wrinkles on the face, they sprinkled their faces with chalk; and so Petronius, (Satyr. ch. 23.) says: et inter rugas malarum tantum erat cretae, ut putares detectum parietem nimbo laborare, (and amidst the wrinkles of the cheeks was so much chalk, that you would think a partition-wall had been stripped and was wrapped in a cloud of dust); and we read in Lucian’s poem (Greek Anthology, Bk. II. tit. 9.) μὴ τοίνυν τὸ πρόσωπον ἅπαν ψιμύθῳ κατάπλαττε. (Now don’t besmear all your face with ceruse). However if cunnus must be taken as equivalent to femina (a woman), it would be on all fours with albus amicus (white, white-faced, friend) in Martial (bk. X. 12.), which Farnabius explains by σκιατρόφος (reared in the shade, delicate), answering more or less to our “Whey-face”. At any rate any of these interpretations are for certain nearer the truth than the stola alba (clad in a white robe) one.

[221] Italae nonnullae se depiles tangere amant circa partes hymenaeo sacras, veritae foetationem morpionum (Some Italian women like to feel the skin bare of hair round those parts that are sacred to marriage, fearing the foul breeding of lice), writes Rolfink, “Ordo et methodus generationi dicat. partium cognoscendi fabricam,” (Orderly and Systematic Knowledge of the Structure of the Parts devoted to Procreation). Jena 1664. 4to., p. 185. This may have been one motive among the Ancients also for the removal of the hair, for Aristotle in his time (Hist. Anim. bk. V. ch. 25.) is acquainted with felt-lice (crabs), and calls them φθεῖρες ἄγριοι (wild lice), without however mentioning what part of the person they infest. His words are: ἔστι δὲ γένος φθειρῶν, οἳ καλοῦνται ἄγριοι, καὶ σκληρότεροι τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς γιγνομένων· εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι καὶ δυσαφαίρετοι ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος. (There is another kind of lice, called wild lice, and more troublesome than the common sort. It is most difficult to rid the body of these). Celsus, De re medica bk. VI. chs. 6. and 15., mentions them as occurring in the eye-lashes: Genus quoque vitii est, qui inter pilos palpebrarum pediculi nascuntur. φθειρίασιν Graeci nominant. (There is another kind of taint, lice that breed among the hair of the eyelids; it is called in Greek φθειρίασις—lousiness.)

[222] Lockervitzens, Christ. Disp. II on Circumcision, Witepsk 1679. 4to.—Antonius, Dissertation on the Circumcision of the Gentiles, Leipzig 1682. 4to.—Grapius, Did Abraham borrow Circumcision from the Egyptians? Rostock 1699. 4to. Jena 1722. 4to.—Vogel, Graduation Exercise on Questions as to the Advantages of the Medical Employment of Circumcision, Göttingen 1763. 4to.—Hofmann, On Circumcision as deserving of the name of an Old Testament Sacrament. Altorf 1770. 4to.—Ackermann, J. Ch. G., “Aufsätze über die Beschneidung” (Essays on Circumcision) in Weise’s “Materialien für Gottesgelahrtheit und Religion,” (Materials for Theological and Religious Study), 1 vol. Gera 1784. 8vo., pp. 50 sqq. comp. Blumenbach’s Med. Biblioth. Vol. I. p. 482.—Meiners, Christ., De circumcisionis origine et causis, (On the Origin and Reasons of Circumcision), in Commentat. Societ. Göttingen Vol. XIV. pp. 207 sqq.—Borhek, “Is Circumcision Hebraic by First Origin? and What prompted Abraham to its Introduction? A Historico-exegetical Enquiry,” Duisburg and Lemgo 1793. 8vo.—Bauer, F. W. “Description of the Religious Constitution of the Ancient Jews.” Leipzig 1805. large 8vo. Vol. I. pp. 76 sqq.—Cohen, Moses,“Dissertation on Circumcision, regarded under its Religious, Hygienic and Pathological Aspects”. Paris 1816. 4to.—Brück, A. Th. “A Word on the Advantages of Circumcision,” in Rust’s Magaz. Vol. VII. 1820. pp. 222-28.—Hofmann, A. G. in Ersch and Gruber’s “Encyclopaedie”, Circumcision, Vol. IX, (1822) pp. 265-70.—Autenrieth, J. H., “Treatise on the Origin of Circumcision among savage and semi-savage Peoples, with reference to the Circumcision of the Israelites; together with a Critique by C. Chr. von Flatt.” Tübingen 1829, large 8vo.

[223] Herodotus, Hist. Bk. II. ch. 104. Origen, Bk. V. ch. 41. Works edit. De la Rue, Vol. I. p. 609 D.—Cyril, Contra Julian. Bk. X. edit. Spanhem. p. 354. B.—Diodorus Siculus, Bk. I. ch. 28.—Strabo, Geograph. Bk. XVII. ch. 2. 5. edit. Siebenkess. In Sanchuniathon (Fragments edit. Orelli, p. 36.) Circumcision is actually referred back to Cronos.

[224] Ludolf, Histor. Aethiop. Bk. III. ch. 1. pp. 30 sqq. Paulus, “Sammlg. morgenländischer Reisebeschreibg.” (Collection of Descriptions of Eastern Travel), Pt. III. p. 83.

[225] Forster’s “Beobachtungen,” (Observations), p. 842.—Cook’s Last Voyage, Vol. I. p. 387., Vol. II. pp. 161, 233.

[226] J. Gumilla, “Histoire de l’Oronoque,” (Hist. of Oronoko), Avignon 1708. Vol. I. p. 183. Veigl in Murr’s “Sammlung der Reisen einiger Missionare,” (Collection of Travels of Various Missionaries), p. 67.—de Pauw, “Reflections sur les Américains,” (Reflections on the Natives of America), Vol. II. p. 148. Spizelius, Theoph., Elevatio revelationis Montezinianae de repertis in America tribubus Israeliticis, (Confutation of the Montezinian revelation as to the Finding of the lost Tribes of Israel in America.) Bâle 1661. 8vo. Burdach, Physiology. Vol. III. p. 386.

[227] Gospel of St. John, Ch. VII. v. 23., Εἰ περιτομὴν λαμβάνει ἄνθρωπος ἐν σαββάτῳ, ἵνα μὴ λυθῇ ὁ νόμος Μωσέως, ἐμοὶ χολᾶτε ὅτι ὅλον ἄνθρωπον ὑγιῆ ἐποίησα ἐν σαββάτῳ. (for translation see text above).

[228] I Samuel, Ch. XVII. v. 14. It is true we find even in Genesis the covenant with Jehovah celebrated by Abraham by means of circumcision; but it was in later times only in each case that this custom was referred back to him as being racial father of the Nation. For the same reason in the case of Joshua the matter is so represented as if the Jews had been already circumcised at their expulsion from Egypt. If this had really and truly been the case, it is impossible to see why circumcision was not carried out on those born on the march to Canaan. They were perfectly able to keep other laws, and they could have observed this too, if it had been given them at the time!

[229] Leviticus, Ch. XIX. v. 6.

[230] Leviticus, Ch. XII. v. 3.

[231] J. G. Hofmann, De causa foecunditatis gentis circumcisae in circumcisione quaerenda, (On the Reason for the Fertility of the Circumcised Race to be sought in the fact of their Circumcision), Leipzig 1739. 4to.—S. B. Wolfsheimer, De causis fecunditatis Hebraeorum nonnullis sacr. cod. praeceptibus nitentibus, (On the Causes of the Fertility of the Jews as dependent upon certain Precepts of the Sacred Volumes), Halle 1742.—Bauer, loco citato Vol. I. p. 63.

[232] The Talmud says: Quicunque Israelita liberis operam non dat, est velut homicida. (An Israelite, whoever he be, that fails to give heed to the procreation of children, is a kind of murderer). Selden, Uxor. Hebraic. Bk. I. ch. 9.

[233] Stoll, Praelectiones in diversos morbos chronicos, (Lectures on certain Chronic Diseases), Vol. I. p. 96, writes as follows: Antiquissimum cum Henslero pronuntiavi, atque inter Aegyptios, Judaeos, Graecos dein et Romanos perfrequentem ut quasdam harum gentium consuetudines, mores, leges ac statuta forte inde possis repertere.... Sic praeceptum circumcisionis, antiquissima plane consuetudo, idcirco fortassis instituta fuerat, atque tanquam ritus sacer, tanquam praeceptum quoddam, de quo dispensari nemo queat, introducebatur, quod circumcisus videatur difficilius morbum urethrae contrahere, rariusque ablato scilicet praeputio, intra quod virus haeret, rodit, cancros facit, quod et ipsum efficitur pessime in phymosi, paraphymosi. Glans ipsa in homine minus facile virus resorbere videtur, occallescens nempe.... Nota viriginitatis sedulo examinata est in neonuptis puellis; custodia foeminarum per totum orientem; adulterii crimen, maxime foeminarum, morte expiatum videntur docere, scivisse antiquitatem remotissimam, morbum quendam gravem, immundum volgivaga Venere dari et communicari. (With Hensler I pronounce it—Venereal disease—to be of most ancient origin, and to have been of such frequency among the Egyptians, Jews, as well as the Greeks and Romans, that it may well be possible to discover in it the cause of sundry habits, customs, laws and enactments of these Peoples.... For instance the precept of circumcision, evidently an extremely ancient custom, was very possibly first instituted for this reason, and was introduced in the guise of a sacred rite, a ceremonial precept from which there can be no dispensation, because the circumcised man would seem less readily to contract disease of the urethra, and in cases where the prepuce has been removed, inside which the poison remains adherent and corrodes, less frequently suffers from chancres, an effect that follows in its worst form in phymosis and paraphymosis. The glans penis itself in a man thus treated seems to absorb the poison less easily, being in fact grown partially callous.... The fact that the sign of virginity was scrupulously examined in newly married virgins, the careful guard kept over women throughout the East, the penalty of death attached to the crime of adultery, especially in women, all seem to show that the remotest Antiquity was aware of some serious, foul disease being given and communicated by indiscriminate Love.

[234] Strabo, Geograph. Bk. XVII. ch. 11. § 5.—Reland, De religione Muhamedan., (On the Mohammedan Religion), p. 75. Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 70.

[235] Seezen, in a letter to von Hammer on the Mines of the East. Vol. I. p. 65.

[236] Paulus, “Sammlung morgenländ. Reisebeschreibg.,” (Collection of Descriptions of Eastern Travel), Vol. III. p. 83.—Olivier’s “Reise in Aegypten, Syrien, etc.,” (Travels in Egypt, Syria, etc.), p. 413.—Seezen, loco citato p. 65. Perhaps even the ancient Egyptians circumcised maids in their time. Ambrosius, Abraham Bk. II. ch. 11., in Works Vol. I. p. 347., Paris edition of 1686. Galen, De usu partium Bk. XV.

[237] Ludolf, History of the Ethiopians Bk. III. ch. 1.

[238] Chardin, Voyages en Perse, (Travels in Persia), Vol. X. p. 76., Amsterdam edition.

[239] Mungo Park, Travels p. 180.—Voyage au pays de Bambouc, (Journey to the Land of Bambuk), p. 48.

[240] Veigl’s “Gründliche Nachrichten von der Landschaft Maynas in Südamerika,” (Trustworthy Account of the Province of Maynas in South America), in Murr’s “Sammlung der Reisen einiger Missionarien von der Gesellschaft Jesu,” (Collection of the Travels of various Missionaries of the Society of Jesus), Nüremberg 1785., p. 67.

[241] Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris ch. 94. Hence we commonly find among the Ancients the custom, merely after the evacuation of urine and fæces, of cleansing the parts concerned. Accordingly Josephus, De Bello Judaic. Bk. II. ch. 8., says: καίπερ δὲ φυσικῆς οὔσης τῆς τῶν σωματικῶν λυμάτων ἐκκρίσεως ἀπολούεσθαι μετ’αὐτὴν, καθάπερ μεμιασμένοις, ἔθιζον. (And even though the evacuation of the bodily defilements was in the course of nature, they were accustomed to wash themselves after it, as in the case of men polluted). The Romans used for the purpose a sponge fastened to the end of a stick, as we see from Seneca, Letter 70, where he says: Lignum, quod ad emendanda obscoena adhaerente spongia positum est, totum in gulam sparsit, (The stick that is placed with a sponge fixed to it for cleansing filth, this he shook right in his mouth). Slaves took stones, bulbs, etc. for the purpose. Aristophanes, Plut. IV. 1. After making water it was usual to wash the hands. Petronius, Satyr. 27. Exonerata ille vesica, aquam poposcit ad manus. (After relieving his bladder, he asked for water for his hands). This care for cleanliness roused, as mentioned before, the utmost anger on the part of Saint Athanasius; but it is to this day the custom among the Turks, for it is enjoined by the Koran (Sure IV. 42.), even adding that only one hand ought to be used (Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 78.), namely the left. The same hand was used also by the Romans, as well as perhaps by all ancient Peoples. Hence Martial says, bk. XI. 59., sed lota mentula laeva.... (but my member, when my left hand has been washed....). With the left hand, amica manus (the mistress hand), masturbation was performed, Martial, IX. 42. XI. 74.; it served to cover the genitals, Lucian, Amor. 13., hence according to Ovid, Ars amandi, Bk. II. 613.

Ipsa Venus pubem quoties velamina ponit,

Protegitur laeva semireducta manu

(Venus herself, as oft as she lays aside her garments, half withdrawn covers herself with her left hand), and Priapus is represented in Art holding the penis with the left hand, Priapeia 24. 34. If we are not mistaken, this was also the case with Horus among the Egyptians. What has just been said explains at the same time the reason why the left hand has from of old been held in disrepute, an idea still preserved in the expression, to marry, to be married, with the left hand.

[242] Friedr. Hoffmann, Diss. med. 3., asserit luem Veneream Constantinopolidos non grassari, quod feminae munditiei apprime studiosae post opus aquam sumant et locos diligenter colluant (asserts that Venereal disease is not prevalent at Constantinople, because the women being extremely careful of cleanliness take water after their work and scrupulously wash the parts), says Astruc, I. p. 108. This is further confirmed by Oppenheim, “Ueber den Zustand der Heilkunde etc. in der Türkei,” (On the Condition of Medical Science etc. in Turkey), Hamburg 1838., p. 81., who writes: “Without the great cleanliness of the Turks, who after any single occasion of coition not only practise washing, but wherever at all possible, go to the bath as well, the disease (Venereal) would undoubtedly be still more widely spread.”

[243] Herodotus, Histor. Bk. I. ch. 198., Ὁσάκις δ’ἂν μιχθῇ γυναικὶ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ ἀνὴρ Βαβυλώνιος περὶ θυμίημα καταγιζόμενον ἵζει· ἑτέρωθι δὲ ἡ γυνὴ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ποιέει· ὄρθρου δὲ γενομένου λοῦνται καὶ ἀμφότεροι· ἄγγεος γὰρ ουδενος ἅψονται πρὶν ἂν λούσωνται· ταὐτὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ Ἀράβοι ποιεῦσι. (for translation see text above).

[244] Eusebius, Praeparat. evangel. p. 475. C., Μηδὲ εἰς ἱερὰ εἰσιέναι ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἀλούτοις ἐνομοθέτησαν. (And they enjoined that men should not enter into temples unwashed after women).

[245] Chaeremon in Porphyry, περὶ ἀποχ. bk. IV. §. 7, The expression pollutiones (pollutions) for nocturnal ejaculation of seed shows the Romans also saw a defilement in this. Comp. Heinsius on Ovid’s Art of Love, bk. III. 96.

[246] Josephus, Contra Apionem, bk. II. p. 1381., καὶ μετὰ τὴν νομιμὸν συνουσίαν ἄνδρος καὶ γυναικὸς ἀπολούσασθαι κελεύει ὁ νόμος· ψυχῆς τε καὶ σώματος ἐγγίνεται μολυσμός. (Even after the lawful intercourse of man and wife the Law orders men to wash: a defilement both of soul and body ensues).

[247] Philo Judaeus, De special. legg., τοσαύτην δ’ἔχει πρόνοιαν ὁ νόμος τοῦ μηδ’ἐπὶ γάμοις νεωτερίζεσθαι, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς συνιόντας εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας κατὰ τοὺς ἐπὶ γάμοις θεσμοὺς, ὅταν εὐνῆς ἀπαλλάττωντο, οὐ πρότερον ἐᾷ τινος ψαύειν ἢ λουτροῖς καὶ περιῤῥαντηρίοις χρῆσθαι. (But the Law takes such precautions that nothing strange and unlawful be done in marriage, that it suffers not even such as come together in intercourse, men and women united according to the laws of marriage, when they quit the bed, to touch anything before they have employed baths and sprinklings.) The same Writer, De mercede meretricis non accepienda in sacrar., (Of Harlots’Hire not meet to be Taken in the Holy Place), Works edit. Mangey Vol. II. p. 265., moreover states that in his time the public women made frequent use of warm baths.

[248] Europa bathed in Crete after coition with Zeus (Antigonus Carystius, Hist. mirab. 179.), Venus after the first embraces of Vulcan (Athenaeus, Deipnos. XV. p. 681.), Ceres after lying with Neptune (Pausanias, Arcad. p. 256.).

[249] In Amor. 42. Lucian says of the women (Hetaerae), νύκτας ἐπὶ τούτοις διηγούμεναι, καὶ τοὺς ἑτερόχρωτας ὕπνους καὶ θηλύττητος εὐνὴν γέμουσαν· ἀφ’ἧς ἀναστὰς ἕκαστος εὐθὺ λουτροῦ χρεῖός ἐστι. (passing their nights in this way, enjoying indiscrimate sleep and a couch teeming with wantonness; from the which each man when he has risen, straightway is in need of bathing). Hesiod, Works and Days 731., writes,

μηδ’αἰδοῖα γονῇ πεπαλαγμένος ἔνδοθι οἴκου

ἑστίη ἐμπελαδὸν παραφαινέμεν, ἀλλ’ἀλέασθαι.

(Nor yet when done with generation, within the house hard by the hearth expose the privates, but retire aside).

[250] Persius, Sat. II. 15.,

Haec sancte ut poscas, Tiberino in gurgite mergis

Mane caput bis terque et noctem flumine purgas.

(That you may make this request free from taint, you plunge your head in Tiber’s flood twice and three times at dawn, and purge away your night in the stream). Gregory the Great, Answers to ten Questions of Augustine, first English Bishop: Vir cum propria uxore dormiens, intrare ecclesiam, non debet, sed neque lotus intrare statim debet.... Et quamvis de hac re diversae hominum nationes diversa sentiant, atque custodire videantur, Romanorum tamen semper atque ab antiquioribus usus fuit, post ad mixtionem propriae coniugis et lavacrii purificationem ab ingressu ecclesiae paullatim reverenter abstinere. (A man sleeping with his own wife, ought not to enter a church, and not even when washed ought he to enter immediately after.... And although on this matter different nations of mankind hold different opinions and appear to keep different customs, yet the Romans’practice always and from the most ancient times has ever been, that subsequently to intercourse with his lawful wife and the purification of the bath a man reverently abstain for a while from entering a church). For the same reason Tibullus says, Carmina bk. II. 1.,

Vos quoque abesse procul jubeo discedite ab aris,

Queis tulit hesterna gaudia nocte, Venus.

(You too I bid stand afar off, depart ye from the altars, to whom yesternight Venus brought her joys). Comp. Ovid, Amor., bk. III. eleg. 6.

[251] Ovid, Amor., bk. III. eleg. 7. 84.

Neve suae possent intactam scire ministrae,

Dedecus hoc sumta dissimulavit aqua.

(And that her handmaids might not know her untouched, she dissembled this disgrace by taking water).

Ovid, Ars Amandi, bk. III. 619.,

Scilicet obstabit custos ne scribere possis,

Sumendae detur cum tibi tempus aquae.

(Of course your guard will put obstacles in the way to hinder your writing, though time be given you for taking water).

Martial, bk. VII. Epigr. 34.,

Ecquid femineos sequeris matrona recessus?

Secretusque tua, cunne, lavaris aqua?

(What! do you a matron penetrate into women’s secret haunts? and by stealth are you washed, O female organ, in the water that appertains to you?) Petronius, Sat. 94., Itaque extra cellam processit, tanquam aquam peteret. (And so she came forward outside her chamber, and if she were going for water).—Cicero, Orat. pro Caelio, ch. 14. represents his grandfather Appius Claudius Caecus, who (442 A.U.C.) had constructed the Appian Way, say to his depraved granddaughter: Ideo aquam adduxi ut ea tu inceste uterere? (Was it for this I brought the water to Rome, that you might use it for abominable purposes?) Comp. Casaubon on Cicero, Letters to Atticus, bk. I. Letter 16. For the same reason women and girls who only rarely participated in sexual intercourse were called siccae (dry) (Plautus, Miles Glor. III. 1. 192. Martial, XI. Epigr. 82. Petronius, Sat. 37.), in contrast to the uda puella (wet girl) Juvenal, Sat. X. 321. Martial, XI. 17., who was obliged to wash herself frequently. So too illota or illauta virgo (unwashed maid) stands for intacta virgo (untouched maid), as in Plautus, Poenul. I. sc. 2. 22. Nam quae lavata est, nisi perculta est, meo quidem animo, quasi illauta est. (For she who is washed, unless she is bedecked as well, in my opinion, is as good as unwashed). In fact the whole of this scene is important for our subject.

[252] Festus, p. 19. under word Aquarioli: Aquarioli dicebantur mulierum impudicarum sordidi asseclae. (Aquarioli, or water-boys, a name given to the shameless attendants of immodest women).—Tertullian, Apologet. ch. 43. They were also known as baccariones from baccarium, a word which Isidor explains by aquarium (a water vessel). An old Gloss says: baccario πορνοδιάκονος, meritricibus aquam infundens (baccario, a prostitutes’ attendant, one who pours water for whores); another: aquarioli, βαλλάδες, βαλλὰς, from βάλλων ὕδωρ, ab aqua jaciunda (water-boys, or throwers, from throwing water). These aquarioli at the same time carried on the business of procurers; so Juvenal says, Sat. VI. 331., veniet conductus aquarius. (Some water-carrier will come, hired for the purpose). Comp. Lipsius, Antiq. lect. I. 12. Hence also the word aquaculare was used meaning lenocinari (to be a pandar); see Turnebus, Adversar. XIV. 12. XXVIII. 5. Besides this they held themselves, especially in the public baths, at the disposal of lustful women, very often earning in this way the Bath farthing they had to pay. Probably Dasius in Martial, bk. II. Epigr. 52., was such an Aquariolus.

Novit loturas Dasius numerare, poposcit

Mammosam Spatalen pro tribus, illa dedit.

(Dasius knew well how to count the women going to bathe; he asked big-bosomed Spatalé the price for three, and she gave it). Hence the quadrantaria permutatio (farthing barter) in Cicero, Orat pro Caelio ch. 26. Comp. Juvenal, Sat. VI. 428.,

Callidus et cristae digitos impressit aliptes,

Ac summum dominae femur exclamare coegit.

(The artful masseur too pressed his fingers on the clytoris, and made the upper part of his mistress’thigh resound under his hands). From the passage of Martial it follows that Busch, “Handbuch der Erfindungen,” (Manual of Inventions), vol. II. p. 8., is mistaken in saying: Women and persons not yet adult had the bath gratis; in fact in the passage from Juvenal, Sat. II. 152., quoted by him, it is a question of boys only. For the rest, the Aquarioli recall the λουτροφόροι (water-bearers) of the Greeks; these were boys, whose duty it was to fetch the water for the Bride’s bath before marriage. Pollux, Onomast. III. 43. Harpocration, under the word, p. 49. Meursius, Ceramicus ch. 14. p. 40. Böttiger, “Vasen gemälde” (Vase-painting), I. p. 143. Again the παρανύμφοι (groomsmen), who anointed the bride, and as a rule were from 17 to 19 years old, may be mentioned here by way of illustration. Hancarville, Antiquités Vol. I. plate 45. Vol. III. plate 43. Vol. IV. plate 69.

[253] Columella, De re rust. bk. XII. ch. 4., His autem omnibus placuit, eum, qui rerum harum officium susceperit, castum esse continentemque oportere, quoniam totum in eo sit, ne contractentur pocula vel cibi, nisi aut ab impubi aut certe abstinentissmo rebus venereis. Quibus si fuerit operatus vel vir vel femina, debere eos flumine aut perenni aqua, priusquam penora contingant, ablui. (But all were agreed upon this, that he who should undertake the performance of these duties ought to be chaste and continent, since all depends on his care that drink and food be not defiled, unless indeed they are prepared by one still immature or at any rate one extremely self-restrained in the matter of love. But if it has been indulged in by man or woman, they ought to be cleansed in the river or in flowing water, before they touch the victuals). From what precedes the words quoted, it may be conjectured that this custom prevailed also among the Carthaginians and Greeks.

[254] Propertius, bk. III. eleg. 9., At primum pura somnum tibi discute limpha. (But first shake off your sleep with pure water). Apuleius, Metamorphos. bk. II., Confestim discussa pigra quiete, alacer exsurgo meque purificandi studio, marino lavacro trado. (Soon as ever dull sleep is shaken off, at once I briskly rise, and with the desire of purification, I give myself to the bath of sea water.) Tacitus, Germania ch. 22., Statim e somno, quem plerumque in diem extrahunt, lavantur, saepius calida, ut apud quos plurimum hiems occupat. (Immediately on rising from sleep, which as a rule they prolong into the day-time, they wash, generally in warm water, as one would expect among men whose winter lasts most of the year).

[255] Lomeier, De lustrationibus veterum gentium, (Of the Lustrations of Ancient Peoples), ch. XVI. p. 167., Et Priapus iter ad fontem monstrare dicebatur, quod qui quaeve viros experirentur lotione opus haberent; (Moreover Priapus was said to point the way to the fountain, because such men, or women as had intercourse, were in need of washing); in confirmation of which he then alleges the passage quoted in the text.

[256] Martial, Bk. II. Epigr. 50. Comp. bk. II. 70., bk. III. 69. 81. Petronius, Sat. 67., Aquam in os non coniiciet. (He will not throw water into his mouth).

[257] E. g. the Epigram of Martial (VI. 81.) on Charidemus, who according to VI, 56. was a fellator.

[258] Martial, bk. VII. Epigr. 34. 35.,

Inguina succinctus nigra tibi servus aluta

Stat, quoties calidis tota foveris aquis.

(A slave girt about the loins with a pouch of black leather stands by you, as oft as you are washed all over with warm water). Claudian, I. 106.,

Pectebat dominae crines et saepe lavanti

Nudus in argento lympham portabat alumnae.

(He was wont to comb his mistress’hair, and oft when she bathed, naked, he would bring water for his lady in a silver ewer).

[259] Dio Cassius, Histor. bk. XLIX. ch. 43., τά τε βαλανεῖα προῖκα δι’ἔτους καὶ ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ λούεσθαι παρέσχε. (And he opened the Baths gratuitously throughout the summer both to men and women). Comp. Pliny. Hist. nat. bk. XXVI. ch. 24. 9. Dio Cassios. LIV. 29.

[260] Plutarch, Cato Major ch. 39., συλλούσασθαι δὲ μηδέποτε· καὶ τούτου κοινὸν ἔθος ἔοικε Ῥωμαίων εἶναι. καὶ γὰρ πενθεροῖς γάμβροι ἐφυλάττοντο συλλούεσθαι, δυσωπούμενοι τὴν ἀποκάλυψιν καὶ γύμνωσιν· εἶτα μέντοι παρ’Ἑλλήνων, τὸ γυμνοῦσθαι μαθόντες αὐτοὶ πάλιν τοῦ καὶ μετὰ γυναικῶν τοῦτο πράσσειν ἀναπεπλήκασι τοὺς Ἑλλήνας. (And never bathed together; indeed the common habit of doing so appears to be of Roman origin. For at first sons-in-law used to guard against bathing with fathers-in-law, feeling shame at such exposure and stripping naked. Later on however having learned the habit of stripping naked from the Greeks, they again in their turn have taught the Greeks that of doing so along with women). The balnea virilia (men’s baths) are mentioned in Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. X. 3., where he shows that they were also used by women.

[261] Catalect. Graecor. Poetarum,

ἀνδράσιν Ἑρμῆς εἰμί· γυναιξὶ δὲ Κύπρις ὁρῶμαι·

ἀμφοτέρων δὲ φέρω συμβολά μοι τοκέων

Τοὔνεκεν οὐκ ἀλόγως με τὸν Ἑρμαφρόδιτον ἔθεντο

ἀνδρογύνοις λουτροῖς παῖδα τὸν ἀμφίβολον.

(To men I am Hermes; for women I am looked upon as Cypris; and I bear the tokens of both my parents. Therefore not without good reason have they set me up, the Hermaphrodite, the boy of double nature, before male-female baths).

[262] Martial, Bk. VI. 34. bk. III. 51. bk. II. 76. As early as Ovid, Art of Love, bk. III. 639., we read:

Quum custode foris tunicam servante puellae

Celent furtivos balnea tuta iocos,

(When the doorkeeper at the entrance keeps the girl’s garments, and the discreet baths cover surreptitious amusements); also in Quintilian, Institut. bk. V. ch. 9., nam si est signum adulterae lavari cum viris, etc. (if indeed it is a mark of a lewd woman to bathe with men).

[263] Spartian, Life of Hadrian ch. 18., Lavacra pro sexibus separavit. (He assigned separate baths for the two sexes). Dio Cass. LXIX. ch. 8.

[264] Julius Capitolinus, Life of Marcus Antoninus ch. 23., Lavacra mixta submovit, mores matronarum composuit diffluentes et iuvenum nobilium. (He abolished the mixed Baths, and restrained the loose habits of the Roman ladies and of the young nobles).

[265] Lampridius, Life of Alexander Severus ch. 24., Balnea mixta Romae exhiberi prohibuit, quod quidem iam ante prohibitum Heliogabalus fieri permiserat. (He forbad the opening of mixed Baths at Rome, a practice which, though previously prohibited, Heligabalus had allowed to be followed).

[266] Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog. bk. III. ch. 5., says of women: καὶ δὴ τοῖς μὲν ἀνδράσι τοῖς σφῶν οὐκ ἂν ἀποδύσαιντο, προσποίητον αἰσχύνης ἀξιοπιστίαν μνώμεναι· ἔξεστι δὲ τοῖς βουλομένοις τῶν ἄλλων οἴκοι τὰς κατακλείστους, γυμνὰς ἐν τοῖς βαλανείοις θεάσασθαι· ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἀποδύσασθαι τοῖς θεαταῖς, ὥσπερ καπήλοις σωμάτων, οὐκ αἰσχύνονται ἀλλ’ὁ μὲν Ἡσίοδος

(Oper. et Dies lib. II. 371).

Μὴδὲ γυναικείῳ λυτρῷ

χρόα φαιδρύνεσθαι,

παραινεῖ· κοινὰ δὲ ἀνέωκται ἀνδράσιν ὁμοῦ καὶ γυναιξὶ τὰ βαλανεῖα· κἀντεῦθεν ἐπὶ ἀκρασίαν ἀποδύονται· ἐκ τοῦ γὰρ εἰσορᾶν, γίνεται ἀνθρώποις ἐρᾶν· ὥσπερ ἀποκλυζομένης τῆς αἰδοῦς αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὰ λουτρὰ· αἱ δὲ μὴ εἰς τοσοῦτον ἀπερυθριῶσαι, τοὺς μὲν ὀθνείους ἀποκλείουσιν, ἰδίοις δὲ οἰκέταις συλλούονται, καὶ δούλοις ἀποδύονται γυμναὶ, καὶ ἀνατρίβονται ὑπ’αὐτῶν, ἐξουσίαν δοῦσαι τῷ κατεπτηχότι τῆς ἐπιθυμίας, τὸ ἀδεὲς τῆς ψηλαφήσεως· οἱ γὰρ παρεισαγόμενοι παρὰ τὰ λουτρὰ ταῖς δεσποίναις γυμναῖς, μελέτην ἴσχουσιν ἀποδύσασθαι πρὸς τόλμαν ἐπιθυμίας ἔθει πονηρῷ παραγράφοντες τὸν φόβον. (And of a truth they would not strip before their own husbands, feigning a pretended plausibility of mock-modesty; but for other men, whosoever will, may readily see the women that are so close shut up at home, naked at the Baths. For there they are nowise ashamed to strip before the spectators, looking on like dealers in human flesh; whereas Hesiod (Works and Days, bk. II. 371.) advises “But do not, for the earning of a woman’s price, let her wash her skin bright and clean.” Now the Baths are open for men and women alike. And hence their stripping leads to incontinence; for from seeing, men come to desire, as though their modesty were washed away in the Baths. Other women that have not attained such effrontery, shut out strangers indeed, but wash along with their own house-slaves, and are stripped naked before their servants and are rubbed by them, giving opportunity to the man a-tremble with longing, the free right to handle without fear; for the men that are admitted into the Baths with their naked mistresses take care to strip in such a way as to correspond to the daring audacity of their longing, putting down fear to the count of evil habit).—Cyprian, De Virginum habitu: Quid vero, quae promiscuas balneas adeunt, quae oculis ad libidinem curiosis, pudori ac pudicitae dicata corpora prostituunt, quae cum viros ac a viris nudae vident turpiter ac videntur, nonne ipsae illecebram vitiis praestant. (But in truth, those women that frequent indiscrimate Baths, that expose to prying and lustful eyes their bodies that should be dedicate to modest shamefacedness, that along with men see what is disgraceful to see and in nakedness are seen by men, do not such women offer an enticement to sinfulness?) Comp. Mercurialis, De arte Gymnast. bk. I. ch. 10.—It is true we read in Julius Caesar, De bello Gallico bk. VI. ch. 21., of the ancient Germans: Intra annum vero vicessimum feminae notitiam habuisse, in turpissimis habent rebus; cuius rei nulla est occultatio, quod et promiscue in fluminibus perluuntur, (But to have known a woman under the twentieth year is held by them most disgraceful; and there is no concealment of it, as they bathe indiscriminately in the rivers); but here the antecedent clause bars any suspicion of sexual excesses having been invited by the practice.

[267] Seneca, Epist. 86. says, speaking of the bath of Scipio: Balneolum angustum, tenebricosum ex consuetudine antiqua; non videbatur maioribus nostris caldum nisi obscurum. (A little narrow bath-chamber, dim and gloomy after the antique fashion; our fathers could not believe a bath warm unless it was dark too).—Next he describes explicitly the luxury of the Roman Baths, and then goes on,—In hoc balneo Scipionis minimae sunt rimae magis quam fenestrae, muro lapideo exsectae, ut sine iniuria munimenti lumen admitterent. At nunc blattaria vocant balnea, si qua non ita aptata sunt, ut totius diei solem fenestris amplissimis recipiant; nisi et lavantur et colorantur; nisi ex solio agros et maria prospiciant.... Imo si scias, non quotidie lavabatur. Nam ut aiunt, qui priscos mores urbis tradiderunt, brachia et crura quotidie abluebant, quae scilicit sordes opere collegerant: ceterum toti nundinis lavabantur. Hoc loco dicet aliquis, liquet mihi immundissimos fuisse. Quid putas illos oluisse? militiam, laborem, virum. Postquam munda balnea inventa sunt, spurciores sunt. (In this bath of Scipio there are tiny chinks rather than windows, cut through the stone wall, so as to admit light without detriment to the shelter afforded. But nowadays men call them Baths for night-moths, any that are not disposed in such a way as to let the sunlight enter all day long by immense windows; if they are not washed and sun-burned at once; if they cannot look out on fields and sea from the pavement.... If you must know the truth, he did not bathe every day. For we are told by those who have handed down accounts of the primitive manners of the City, our ancestors would wash daily arms and legs, for these had grown soiled with the dust of toil: but they washed all over only on market-days. Hearing this, it will be said, “It appears to me they must have very filthy people.” Well! what think you it was they smelt of? Of fighting, and honest work, and manly vigour. Sweet, clean Baths have been introduced; but the population is only more foul). Comp. Plutarch, Quaest. convival. VIII. 9. Sidonius Apollinaris bk. II. Epist. 11. Pliny, Hist. nat. XXX. 54.

[268] Ammianus Marcellinus, XXVIII., Tales, ubi comitantibus singulos quadraginta ministris, tholos introierint balnearum, ubi sunt, minaciter clamantes, si apparuisse subito ignotam compererint meretricem, aut oppidanae quondam prostibulum plebis, vel meritorii corporis veterem lupam, certatim concurrunt, palpantesque ad venam deformitate magna blanditarum ita extollunt, ut Semiramin. (Such men, when with forty servants attending each master they have entered the rotundas of the Baths, where they remain with loud threatening shouts, if they should note an unknown courtesan to have put in an appearance, or some prostitute once popular with the common herd, or some old harlot who has sold her person for years, they strive who shall be first on the spot, and wheedling her to the top of her bent, with mighty exaggeration of flattery, praise her beauty as though she were a Semiramis). Lampridius, Life of Heliogabalus ch. 26., Omnes de circo, de theatro, de stadio, de omnibus locis et balneis, meretrices collegit in aedes publicam. (All the prostitutes from circus, from theatre, from race-course, from all places and from the Baths, he brought together into public establishments). Comp. Suetonius, Caligula ch. 37.

[269] Martial, bk. I. Epigr. 24.,

Invitae nullum, nisi cum quo, Cotta, lavaris,

Et dant convivam balnea sola tibi.

Mirabar, quare nunquam me, Cotta, vocasses.

Iam scio, me nudum displicuisse tibi.

(You invite no man, Cotta, but your bathing companion; the Baths only supply a guest for you. I used to wonder, why you had never asked me; now I know that you did not like the look of me when naked). Comp. Martial, Bk. I. 97. bk. VII. 33. bk. IX. 34. Juvenal, Sat. VI. 373.

[270] It must be left to future investigation to decide, whether the great number of phalli found in so many places where Temples formerly existed, is not in part to be explained by supposing these figures to have formed thank-offerings for the happy recovery of the corresponding parts from sickness.

[271] Oppenheim, Ueber den Zustand der Heilkunde in der Türkei, (On the Condition of of Medical Knowledge in Turkey), p. 81., “Without the very great cleanliness of the Turks, who after every occasion of sexual intercourse not only wash carefully, but also wherever it is possible go to the bath likewise, the disease would undoubtedly be yet more widely spread than it is.... Yet the Turk will never admit, or rather he simply cannot bring himself to conceive, that he has contracted an infection through unclean cohabitation, but will be found always to give some other cause as occasioning his sickness. In fact the language itself shows this; the Turkish expression for gonorrhœa is “Belzouk”, literally: chill of the back (from bel, back and zouk, cold), and chill or overheating will always be represented as having brought it on.”—Moreover Zeller von Zellenberg, Abh. über die ersten Erscheinungen venerischer Lokal-Krankheitsformen und deren Behandlung, (Dissertation on the earliest Appearances of Forms of Local Venereal Disease, and their Treatment), Vienna 1810., p. 7., is of the opinion, that the reason of the imperfect knowledge possessed by the Ancients of gonorrhœa, chancre and buboes is to be found in this delayed appearance of the symptoms of disease after coition.

[272] We see this in the clearest possible way from the passage of Herodotus, bk. I. ch. 9, 10., where Candaules wishes to induce Gyges to see his wife naked, in order to convince him of her beauty, but the latter objects: ἅμα δὲ κιθῶνι ἐκδυομένῳ συνεκδύεται καὶ τὴν αἰδῶ γυνή· πάλαι δὲ τὰ καλὰ ἀνθρώποισι ἐξεύρηται, ἐκ τῶν μανθάνειν δεῖ· (but when she strips off her tunic, a woman strips off therewith her modesty likewise; now mankind have long ago ascertained what is honourable, and from this we must learn how to act). Then Herodotus adds to this further (ch. 10.), παρὰ γὰρ τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι, σχεδὸν δὲ παρὰ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι βαρβάροισι, καὶ ἄνδρα ὀφθῆναι γυμνὸν, ἐς αἰσχύνην μεγάλην φέρει· (for among the Lydians, as indeed among pretty nearly all Barbarians, for a person to be seen naked is counted for the greatest disgrace). Comp. Plutarch, De audiend. rat. p. 37. Diogenes Laertius, VIII. 43. Plato, Politics V. 6. p. 457. A., V. 3. p. 452., Οὐ πολὺς χρόνος, ἐξ οὗ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐδόκει αἰσχρὰ εἶναι καὶ γέλοια, ἅπερ νῦν τοῖς πολλοῖς τῶν βαρβάρων, γυμνοὺς ἄνδρας ὁρᾶσθαι. (It is no long time since it appeared to the Greeks, as it does still to most of the Barbarian peoples, shameful and ridiculous for men to be seen naked). In reference to the genital organs Hesiod says (Works and Days 733.):

μηδ’αἰδοῖα γονῇ πεπαλαγμένος ἔνδοθι οἴκου

ἑστίῃ ἐμπελαδὸν παραφαινέμεν, ἀλλ’ἀλέασθαι·]

(Nor yet when done with generation, within the house hard by the hearth expose the privates, but retire aside). St. Augustine, De civit. dei bk. XIV., Omnes gentes adeo tenent in usu pudenda velare, ut quidam barbari illas corporis partes nec in balneis undas habeant. (All nations in fact make it a habit to cover the privates, so much so that some Barbarians do not expose the parts of the body naked even in the Baths). St. Ambrose, Offic. I. 18., Licet plerique se et in lavacro, quantum possunt, tegant, ut vel illic, ubi nudum totum est corpus, huius modi intecta portio sit. (Most men may also cover themselves, as much as they can, even in the Bath, so that even there, where the whole body is naked, a part may so be hidden). Arnobius, bk. V., Propudiosa corporum monstratur obscoenitas, obiectanturque partes illae, quas pudor communis abscondere, quas naturalis verecundiae lex iubet, quas inter aures castas sine venia nefas est ac sine honoribus apellare praefatis. (The foulest abomination of men’s bodies is exhibited, and those parts exposed, which common modesty, the natural law of shamefacedness, bids us conceal, which among ears polite it is forbidden to name without asking pardon and making a preface of apologies).—bk. III., Insignire his partibus, quas enumerare, quas persequi probus audeat nemo, nec sine summae foeditatis horrore mentis imaginatione concipere. (To parade those parts, which no honourable man dare name or describe, nor even without a shudder at such a height of foulness conceive a mental picture of). Comp. p. 42. and Oppenheim, loco citato p. 128., who undoubtedly ranks the importance of the vice of paederastia too high, when he finds in it the main reason for the feeling of shame prevalent among the Turks.

[273] Aristophanes, Wasps 578., παίδων τοίνυν δοκιμαζομένων αἰδοῖα πάρεστι θεᾶσθαι. (Yet when boys are under test, men may see their privates). Comp. Athenaeus, Deipnos. bk. XII. p. 550. Petit, Ad legg. Attic. p. 227. At Rome likewise in cases of marriage disputes the men were obliged to offer their genital organs for examination (Quintilian, Declam. 279.), a Law which was only revoked by Justinian. Comp. Gundlingiana No. 23. pp. 342 sqq. We learn from Plato, Theaetet. 151., ποίαν χρῆ ποίῳ ἀνδρὶ συνοῦσαν ὡς ἀρίστους παῖδας τίκτειν, (what sort of maid must mate with what sort of man to produce as fine children as may be), that the marriageable girls were examined by the midwives,—a procedure that Plato wished to see universally introduced in his ideal State (De legg. bk. XII.). But against this Theodoretus, Contra Graecos bk. IX., declaims vigorously.

[274] In any case it is an error to suppose that by this it is implied that the maidens and young men were absolutely naked. They were merely μονόπεπλοι (single-frocked), clothed in a single short frock, slit up at the hips, for which reason they were also known by the name φαινομηρίδες (showing the thighs) (Pollux, Onomastic. VII. 55.), a costume which was pretty much the general Doric one; thus Moeris says δωριάζειν τὸ παραγυμνοῦσθαί τινα μέρη, (to follow Dorian fashions, to expose certain parts). Comp. Meursius, Laconic. bk. I. end. K. O. Müller, The Dorians, IInd. Part pp. 263, 265. Josephus, De special. legg., Works, Vol. II. p. 328. The meaning of γυμνὸς is nothing more than “lightly clad”, in mere underclothing, without outer cloak. So Eubulus, (Athenaeus bk. XIII. p. 568.) says, speaking of the brothel-girls, γυμνάς—ἐν λεπτονήτοις ὑμέσιν ἑστωτας (standing “naked”—in light-spun garments). Aelian, Var. hist. XIII. 37., ἐν χιτωνίσκῳ γυμνὸς, (“naked” in a tunic). Similarly nudus (naked) in Latin, as Cuper (Observat. bk. I. ch. 7.) long ago pointed out, often has no other meaning, but merely stands for tunicatus (clad in the tunic), in tunic only, without cloak or toga. We see this very clearly in Petronius, Satir. 55., Aequum est induere nuptam ventum textilem,—Palam prostare nudam in nebula linea. (’Tis right a bride should put on woven wind,—that she should stand openly for sale, “naked” in a linen cloud!) In precisely the same way the Jews use their word עָרֹם (arôm), Isaiah Ch. XX. 2., Job Ch. XXIV. 7. 10. I Samuel ch. XIX. 24., and the Arabs مسلوخ (mesluch).

[275] Plato, Republic, bk. II. p. 405. The Speech of Lysias Ὑπὲρ Φανίου contains a passage, preserved for us by Athenaeus, bk. XII. p. 552., in which these principles are expressed in Court, to induce the Judges to condemn the dissolute Cinesias: τοῦτον δὲ τὸν ὑπὸ πλείστων γινωσκόμενον οἱ θεοὶ οὕτως διέθεσαν, ὥστε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ βούλεσθαι ζῆν μᾶλλον ἢ τεθνάναι, παράδειγμα τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἵν’ἴδωσιν ὅτι τοῖς ἄλλοις ὑβριστικῶς πρὸς τὰ θεῖα διακειμένοις, οὐκ εἰς τοὺς παῖδας ἀποτίθενται τὰς τιμωρίας, ἀλλ’αὐτοὺς κακῶς ἀπολύουσι, μείζους καὶ χαλεπωτέρας, καὶ τὰς νόσους, ἢ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις, προσβάλλοντες· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀποθανεῖν ἢ καμεῖν νομίμως κοινὸν ἅπασιν ὑμῖν ἐστίν· τὸ δ’οὕτως ἔχοντα τοσοῦτον χρόνον διατελεῖν, καὶ καθ’ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἀποθνήσκοντα μὴ δύνασθαι τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον, τούτοις μόνοις, προσήκει τοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἅπερ οὗτος, ἐξημαρτηκόσιν. (But this man, who is known to most of you, the gods have brought to such a pass that his enemies may well wish him to live rather than die, to be an example to other men, showing them that where men’s conduct is too violently overbearing towards the gods, these do not inflict punishments on their children, but pay them out in person with misfortunes, bringing down on them calamities and diseases greater and more severe than fall to the lot of others. For death and sickness are admittedly common to all of you; but to continue so long in such a condition, and dying every day, yet not be able to have done with his life, this is the fate only of men who have committed such evil deeds as he has). Again, the Taxili, an Indian people, regarded any bodily sickness as disgraceful, and on its appearance gave themselves to the fire; αἴσχιστον δ’αὐτοῖς νομίζεσθαι νόσον σωματικήν· τὸν δ’ὑπονοήσαντα καθ’ αὑτοῦ τοῦτο ἐξάγειν ἑαυτὸν διὰ πυρὸς νήσαντα πυράν, (But they hold a bodily disease to be most disgraceful; and the man who has formed a suspicion of the existence of such in himself, goes through the fire, after making a funeral pyre) says Strabo, Geograph. bk. XV. p. 716. 65. We should compare with this the suicide of Festus spoken of above and of the “Municeps” Pliny tells of.

[276] Aretaeus, De caus. et sign. chron. morb. (On the Causes and Symptoms of Chronic Diseases), bk. II. ch. 5., says indeed explicitly of gonorrhœa: ἀνώλεθρον μὲν ἡ γονόῤῥοια, ἀτερπὲς δὲ καὶ ἀηδὲς μέσφι ἀκοῆς, (Gonorrhœa is not indeed a dangerous complaint, but it is one that is hateful and abominable of repute).

[277] Martial, bk. VI. Epigr. 31.,

Uxorem, Charideme, tuam scis ipse sinisque

A medico futui. Vis sine febre mori!

(Your wife, Charidemus, you know to be entered by the doctor of your own knowledge, and suffer it. You are fain to die without a fever!) Similar instances occurred equally in the time of Hippocrates, as we gather from the oath, in which stands the clause: εἰς οἰκίας δὲ ὁκόσας ἂν ἐσίω, ἐσελεύσομαι ἐπ’ὠφελείῃ καμνόντων, ἐκτὸς ἐὼν πάσης ἀδικίης ἑκουσίης καὶ φθορίης τῆς τε ἄλλης, καὶ ἀφροδισίων ἔργων, ἐπί τε γυναικείων σωμάτων καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἐλευθέρων τε καὶ δούλων. (Also into whatsoever houses I enter, I will go in there for the succour of sick persons, devoid of all voluntary offence and all evil-doing, and above all of all amorous practices, whether on the persons of women or free men or slaves). At the same time we learn from this document, that even then paederastia was wide-spread enough already, and that physicians were actually not ashamed to abuse their patients in this, as in other vicious ways! Undoubtedly it is from no other reason that the Turk at this very moment will rather expire than allow a clyster to be administered to him.

[278] Martial, bk. II. Epigr. 40.,

Omnes Tongilium medici iussere lavari,

O stulti! febrem creditis esse? gula est.

(All the doctors ordered Tongilius to bathe; fools! think you it is a fever? it is gluttony that is the matter). Comp. bk. XI. Epigr. 87.

[279] Galen, Method. medendi, bk. VIII. ch. 6., edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. 580., σχεδὸν εἴρηταί μοι πάντα περὶ τῶν ἐφημέρων πυρετῶν· οἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ βουβῶσι πυρέξαντες οὐδὲ πυνθάνονται τῶν ἰατρῶν ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν· ἀλλὰ τοῦθ’ἕλκους ἐφ’ᾧπερ ἂν ὁ βουβὼν αὐτοῖς εἴη γεγεννημένος, αὐτοῦ τε τοῦ βουβῶνος προνοησάμενοι, λούονται κατὰ τὴν παρακμὴν τοῦ γενομένου κ. τ. λ. (for translation see text above). The Diatriton mentioned in the next sentence was the fast till the third day, which was generally prescribed by Thessalus and the methodic school. For this reason it was called διάτριτον θεσσαλείον (Thessalus’ diatriton), and the physicians who held to it διατριτάριοι ἰατροὶ (doctors of the diatriton), as we gather from the subsequent statement of Galen. Of the ephemera in case of buboes Galen also speaks, ad Glauconem meth. med. bk. I. ch. 2., edit. Kühn Vol. XI. p. 6., καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ βουβῶσι δὲ πυρετοὶ τούτου τοῦ γένους εἰσὶ, πλὴν εἰ μὴ χωρὶς ἕλκους φανεροῦ γένοιντο, (Moreover the fevers that follow on buboes are of this kind, the exception being if they have not been without open ulceration). Celsus moreover, De re med. bk. VI. ch. 18., says à propos of diseases of the genitals, that he means to undertake their description, quia in vulgus eorum curatio praecipue cognoscenda est, quae invitissimus quisque alteri ostendit, (because a general acquaintance is particularly desirable with the means of curing such complaints as every man is most reluctant to make known to another).

[280] Galen, Meth. med., bk. XIII. ch. 5. p. 881., οὕτως οὖν καὶ δι’ἕλκος ἐν δακτύλῳ γινόμενον ἤτοι ποδὸς ἢ χειρὸς οἱ κατὰ τὸν βουβῶνα καὶ τὴν μασχάλην ἀδένες ἐξαίρονταί τε καὶ φλεγμαίνουσι, τοῦ καταῤῥέοντος ἐπ’ ἄκρον τὸν κῶλον αἵματος ἀπολαβόντες πρῶτοι· καὶ κατὰ τράχηλον δὲ καὶ παρ’ ὦτα πολλάκις ἐξῄρθησαν ἀδένες, ἑλκῶν γενομένων ἤτοι κατὰ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἢ τὸν τράχηλον ἤ τι τῶν πλησίων μορίων· ὀνομάζουσι δὲ τοὺς οὕτως ἐξαρθέντας ἀδένας βουβῶνας. (Thus then in consequence of an ulcer that has formed in a finger or toe the glands of the groin and the arm-pit become swollen and inflamed, having been the first to receive back the blood that flows down to the extremity of the limb. Moreover on the neck and about the ears glands are frequently swollen, when ulcers have been set up in the head or neck or any of the neighbouring parts. And glands swollen up in this way are known as buboes).

[281] Hippocratic Oath, in Hippocrates, Vol. I. p. 2., ἃ δ’ἂν ἐν θεραπείῃ ἢ ἴδω ἢ ἀκούσω, ἢ καὶ ἄνευ θεραπείης, κατὰ βίον ἀνθρώπων, ἃ μὴ χρή ποτε ἐκκαλέεσθαι ἔξω, σιγήσομαι, ἄῤῥητα ἡγεύμενος εἶναι τὰ τοιαῦτα. (and whatsoever I may see or hear in my practice, or even apart from practice, connected with men’s life, what ought not in any case to be revealed, this I will say nought of, holding such secrets inviolable).

[282] Hippocrates, De locis in homine, edit. Kühn Vol. II. p. 139.

[283] Galen, Method. medendi bk. IV. ch. 2., edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. 238.

[284] Oppenheim, loco citato p. 123. The Eastern Christian woman in question actually assured Niebuhr herself that she would never agree to the knife being applied to her husband’s genitals, and yet in this case it was merely a question of dividing an over short frenulum. Michaelis, “Mosaisches Recht”, (Mosaic Law), Vol. IV. p. 3.

[285] Examples of such are at any rate plentiful in Martial, e.g. bk. XI. Epigr. 75.,

Curandum penem commisit Bacchara Graecus

Rivali medico: Bacchara Gallus erit.

(Bacchara entrusted the cure of his member to a rival doctor: Bacchara was a Greek, he will now be a Gaul,—“Gallus”, castrated Priest of Cybelé).

bk. II. Epigr. 46.,

Quae tibi non stabat, praecisa est mentula, Glypte.

Demens, cum ferro quid tibi? Gallus eras.

(Your member, Glyptus, that you could never get to stand erect, has been cut. Fool,—why! what had you to do with the knife? You were a “Gallus” already).

bk. III. Epigr. 81.,

Abscissa est quare Samia tibi mentula testa,

Si tibi tam gratus, Baetice, cunnus erat?

(Why has your member been cut with a Samian potsherd, if the female organ, Baeticus, was so dear to you)?

[286] Scribonius Largus, De compos. medicam. edit. Bernhold, Strasburg 1786., p. 2., writes in his Introduction to the Callistus: Siquidem verum est, antiquos herbis ac radicibus eorum corporis vitia curasse: quia etiam tunc genus mortalium inter initia non facile se ferro committebat. Quod etiam nunc plerique faciunt, ne dicam omnes; et, nisi magna compulsi necessitate speque ipsius salutis, non patiunter sibi fieri, quae sane vix sunt toleranda. (If in fact it is true that the Ancients cured the diseases of their bodies by means of herbs and roots: for even then the race of mortals at the beginning did not readily entrust its cure to the knife. And this is what even now the most part do; and, unless constrained by a sore need and by the hope of actual recovery, do not suffer operations to be performed on them, which in very deed are hardly to be endured).

[287] Galen, Method. medendi bk. IV. ch. 1., edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. 233.

[288] Hippocrates, Coact. praenot., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 343., τὰ ἑρπηστικὰ ὑπεράνω βουβῶνος πρὸς κενεῶνα καὶ ἥβην γινόμενα, σημαίνει κοιλίην πονηρευομένην. (Spreading eruptions that appear above the groin towards the flank and pubes point to an evil condition of stomach).

[289] Galen, Method. medendi bk. IV. ch. 3., edit. Kühn Vol. X. pp. 243 sqq.

[290] Hence Hensler is quite right in saying as he does (History of Venereal Disease Vol. I. p. 298.): “It is extraordinary that a precision should have been demanded on the part of the Ancients, which they could not possibly possess, such indeed as cannot be expected in any disease during its childhood. As to requiring them to have announced the cause of the evil with certainty and clearness, this is always only the result of time and reiterated experience.”

[291] Galen, De locis affect. bk. VI. ch. 5., edit. Kühn Vol. VIII. p. 422., φαινομένου δὲ σαφῶς, ἰσχυροτάτην ἔχειν τὴν δύναμιν ἐνίας τῶν οὐσιῶν, ὑπόλοιπον ἂν εἴη ζητεῖν, εἰ διαφθορά τις ἐν τοῖς ζώοις δύναται γενέσθαι τηλικαύτη τὸ μέγεθος, ὡς ἰῷ θηρίου παραπλησίαν ἔχειν ποιότητά τε καὶ δύναμιν. (But it being plainly evident that there are some creatures that have the power developed in the highest degree, it would be superfluous to enquire whether there can exist in animals a destructive force so great in amount as to possess a quality and power similar to poison in snakes). In fact he answers this question in the affirmative so far as regards semen and menstrual blood, appealing to the poisonous quality of the spittle of dogs in rabies.

[292] Heyne, De febribus epidemicis Romae falso in pestium censum relatis Progr., (On certain Epidemic Fevers at Rome incorrectly referred to the Category of Plagues,—a Graduation Exercise), Göttingen 1782., p. 4. (Works vol. III.), Hoc enim erat illud, quod antiquitatem omnino ab subtiliore naturae adeoque et morborum cognitione revocavit et retraxit, quod ea, quae ad interiorem eius notitiam spectabant, inprimisque quae ab solenni rerum cursu recedebant, ad religiones metumque deorum referebantur. (For indeed this was the cause which withdrew and kept back Antiquity generally from a more precise acquaintance with nature and so with diseases, viz. that everything which regarded the more intimate knowledge of it, and above all everything that was somewhat out of the common course of things, became a matter of religious scruples and superstition). Comp. C. F. H. Marx, Origines Contagii, (Original Causes of Contagion) Carlrühe and Baden 1824.

[293] As a rule they ascribed the origin of the contagion to σῆψις (putrefaction), and from their point of view septic, or putrefactive, diseases were pretty much the same as infectious (Galen, De febr. diff. I. 4.). Hence it would seem probable the ἕλκεα σηπεδόνα (putrefying ulcers) were at any rate partly looked at in the same light,—a circumstance of the highest importance as bearing on ulcers of the genitals, as in that case these latter are manifestly represented as being infectious. It is to be hoped that experts will give their decision as to this. At any rate as early as Galen’s time (De locis effect. bk. VI. ch. 5., edit. Kühn Vol. VIII. p. 422.) the action of contagion was regarded as analogous to that of the electric ray-fish (νάρκη θαλάττιος) and the magnet, and the conclusion was drawn: ταῦτά τε οὖν ἱκανὰ τεκμήρια τοῦ σμικρὰν οὐσίαν ἀλλοιώσεις μεγίστας ἐργάζεσθαι μόνῳ τῷ ψαῦσαι. (these then are sufficient evidences of the fact that a small creature may produce very great variations by contact alone).

[294] These were treated by the female physicians (αἱ ἰατρίναι), Galen, De loc. effect. VI. 5., Vol. VIII. p. 414. and the midwives, who had to examine the female genitals in cases of disease affecting them, and report the results to the Physicians. Σκέψασθαι κέλευσον τὴν μαῖαν ἁψαμένην τοῦ τῆς μήτρας αὐχένος, (bid the midwife examine by touch the neck of the womb), Galen says, loco citato p. 433.

[295] Galen, De morborum causis, ch. 9., edit. Kühn Vol. VII. p. 39.

[296] Galen, Methodus medendi bk. II. ch. 2., edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. 84.

[297] Hensler, History of Venereal Disease Vol. I. p. 191. He says explicitly: “However I do not propose to follow up to its original cause the history either of gonorrhœa, valuable as the results might be, nor that of any other complaint liable to occur. It is sufficient for my purpose to elucidate my Authorities for Venereal disease at its first appearance from the circumstances of their epoch, though no doubt incidentally the eye must sometimes take a wider sweep and look further and higher.”

[298] Galen, De loc. affect, bk. VI. 6. (VIII. p. 439.), τὸ δὲ τῆς γονοῤῥοίας ὄνομα προφανῶς ἐστι σύνθετον ἐκ τῆς γονῆς καὶ τοῦ ῥεῖν· ὀνομάζεται γὰρ τὸ σπέρμα καὶ γονός. (Now the name of gonorrhœa is evidently compounded from the words γονὴ and ῥεῖν. For the semen (σπέρμα) is also known as γονός.)

[299] Galen, loco cit. p. 441., γονόῤῥοια μὲν οὖν τῶν σπερματικῶν ὀργάνων ἐστὶ πάθος, οὐ τῶν αἰδοίων, οἷς ὁδῷ χρῆται πρὸς ἔκρουν ἡ γονή· (Gonorrhœa accordingly is an affection of the seminal organs, not of the privates, which the seed merely uses as its passage for excretion).—De usu partium bk. XIV. ch. 10. (IV. p. 188.), κατὰ δὲ τὰς γονοῤῥοίας αὐτῶν μόνων ἐστὶ τὸ πάθημα τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων. (But in gonorrhœas the affection is one solely of the seminal vessels).

[300] Galen, De symptom. caus. bk. II. ch. 2. (VII. p. 150.), ὥσπέρ γε καὶ τῆς γονοῤῥοίας ἡ ἑτέρα διαφορά· εἰ μὲν γὰρ μετὰ ἐντάσεως τοῦ αἰδοίου γένοιτο, οἷον σπασμός ἐστιν, εἰ δὲ χωρὶς ταύτης, ἀῤῥωστία τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως. (As is the case too with the second variety of gonorrhœa. For if it be combined with tension of the private, it is a sort of spasm, but if without this, a weakness of retentive force).—Bk. III. ch. 11. (p. 267.), καὶ μὴν καὶ αἱ γονόῤῥοιαι, χωρὶς μὲν τοῦ συνεντείνεσθαι τὸ αἰδοῖον, ἀρρωστία τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως τῆς ἐν τοῖς σπερματικοῖς ἀγγείοις· ἐντεινομένου δέ πως, οἷον σπασμῷ τινι παραπλήσιον πασχόντων ἐπιτελοῦνται. (Moreover also gonorrhœas, if not combined with a state of tension of the private, are from a weakness of retentive power in the seminal vessels; but if there is any tension, they are marked by a sort of spasm resembling that of spasmodic patients).

[301] Galen, De tumoribus praeternat., ch. 14. (VII. p. 728.), καθάπερ καὶ τὰς κατὰ φύσιν ἐντάσεις τῶν αἰδοίων μὴ καθισταμένας τινὲς ὀνομάζουσι σατυριασμὸν, τινὲς δὲ πριαπισμόν. (Precisely as tensions of the privates not originating in a natural way are called by some Satyriasis, by others Priapism). The latter, as we gather from Galen, Method. XIV. ch. 7. (X. p. 968.), by the younger physicians.

[302] Galen, De usu partium bk. XIV. ch. 10. (IV. p. 187.), πηλίκην γὰρ ἔχει δύναμιν εἰς τὴν τῶν περιεχομένων ἔκκρισιν ὁ οἷον σπασμὸς τῶν μορίων τοῖς ἀφροδισίοις ἑπόμενος, ἔνεστί σοι μαθεῖν ἔκ τε τῶν ἐπιληψίων τῶν μεγάλων κἀκ τοῦ παθήματος, ὃ δὴ καλεῖται γονόῤῥοια· κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὰς ἰσχυρὰς ἐπιληψίας, ὅτι τὸ πᾶν σῶμα σπᾶται σφοδρῶς, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰ γεννητικὰ μόρια, διὰ τοῦτο ἐκκρίνεται τὸ σπέρμα· κατὰ δὲ τὰς γονοῤῥοίας αὐτῶν μόνων ἐστὶ τὸ πάθημα τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων· ὁποίαν οὖν τάσιν ἐν τοῖς εἰρημένοις νοσήμασι πάσχει, τοιαύτην ἴσχοντα ταῖς συνουσίαις ἐκκρίνει τὸ σπέρμα. (for how great a force in the way of stimulating the secretion of the surrounding glands is exerted by the species of spasm of the parts that follows on amatory action, you may learn from the seizures in the more serious forms of epilepsy, as also from the affection which is known as gonorrhœa. For in violent epileptic seizures, because the whole body is strongly convulsed, and with it the procreative parts, for this reason the semen is secreted; whereas in gonorrhœas the affection is one solely of the actual seminal vessels. Accordingly whatever tension these parts undergo in the diseases mentioned is the same in degree as they experience on secreting semen in acts of sexual intercourse). Comp. Note 2.

[303] Galen, Method. medendi bk. XIV. ch. 7. (X. p. 967.), αὐτίκα γέ τοι πάθος ἐστὶ τὸ καλούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν νεωτέρων πριαπισμὸς, ἐπειδὴ τὸ αἰδοῖον ἀκουσίως ἐξαίρεται, τῶν οὕτω διακειμένων· ὃ θεασάμενός τις τῶν ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι προγεγυμνασμένων ἑτοίμως γνωριεῖ τοῦ τῶν ἐμφυσημάτων ὑπάρχον γένους· (The immediate complaint is what is called by the younger school Priapism, when the private part is erected involuntarily in patients so afflicted; and if any of my readers who have been prepared beforehand in the present memoranda see this, he will readily recognize the phænomenon to belong to the class of the emphysemata, or inflations). De sympt. caus. bk. III. ch. 11. (VII. p. 266).

[304] Galen, De causis morb. ch. 6. (VII. p. 22.), καὶ ὡς ἐνίοτε μὲν εἰλικρινὴς ἐπιῤῥεῖ τούτων ἕκαστος τῶν χυμῶν, ἐνίοτε δ’ἀλλήλοις ἐπιμίγνυνται· καὶ ὡς αἱ τῶν οἰδούντων—μορίων διαθέσεις ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ποικίλλονται ... καὶ σατυριάσεις ἐκ τούτου τοῦ γένους εἰσὶ. (And so sometimes each of these humours is secreted pure, while at other times they are mixed one with the other; and so from this circumstance the conditions of the parts suffering swelling vary in the highest degree.... Now cases of satyriasis are of this kind). Comp. Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 7.

[305] Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 56., ἡ σατυρίασις ἐστὶ παλμὸς τοῦ αἰδοίου φλεγμονώδει τινι διαθέσει τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων ἑπόμενος μετ’ἐντάσεως· καὶ εἰ μὴ παύσαιτο ὁ παλμός, κατασκήπτειν εἴωθεν εἰς πάρεσιν τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων ἢ σπασμόν, καὶ ἀπόλλυντας ὀξέως οἱ σπασθέντες· τελευτῶντες δὲ φυσῶνται γαστέρα καὶ ὑδροῦσι ψυχρόν. (Satyriasis is palpitation of the private part following on an inflammatory condition of the spermatic vessels and accompanied with tension. If the palpitation do not cease, it commonly passes into paresis of the spermatic vessels or spasm, and patients attacked by the spasm quickly succumb; and in their last moments they have the abdomen distended and suffer from cold sweats.)

[306] Actuarius, Method. med. bk. I ch. 22., Priapismus vero est permanens constansque colis extensio.—Corripit hic affectus cum calidus crassusque spiritus in colem decumbit, qui ubi non facile egredi permittitur, penem vi extendit. Hi exiguum vel nihil seminis eiaculantur, sentiunt tamen quod spiritus una excludatur et levari quidem aegri ita quadamtenus videntur: verum denuo eodem malo corripiuntur, donec intensionis causa fuerit sublata. Coles resolvitur, aut quod nervi illius aliqua intemperie debilitentur aut quod spiritus confluens deficiat vel meatus eius obstruantur dissecenturve. (Now priapism is a permanent and chronic state of erection of the member.—This complaint attacks a patient, when a hot and heavy spirit descends into the member, which not being suffered to readily escape, violently erects the penis. Such patients ejaculate little or no semen, yet feel that the spirit is voided along with it, and so far as there is any emission, appear to be relieved thereby; but they are again attacked afresh by the same evil, until the cause of the tension has been removed. Then the member is relaxed, either because its muscles are weakened by some morbid condition, or because the spirit converging to it fails or its passages are blocked and become dried up).

[307] Aretaeus, Morb. chron. sympt. bk. II. ch. 5., ἀπὸ σατυριήσεως ἐς γονοῤῥοίης ἀπόσκηψιν ἡ κατάστασις. (The established tendency after satyriasis is towards a determination of gonorrhœa). Caelius Aurelian, Acut. morb. bk. III. ch. 18., Omnibus tamen in ultimo conductio nervorum fit, quam Graeci spasmon vocaverunt et voluntarius seminis iactus. (Yet in all cases eventually a certain action of the muscles takes place, which the Greeks call spasm, and a voluntary ejaculation of semen).

[308] Galen, Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 7. (X. p. 970.), γίνεται δὲ οὐ πολλοῖς μὲν τὸ πάθος τοῦτο, νεανίαις γε μὲν μᾶλλον ἢ κατ’ἄλλην ἡλικίαν· (Now this complaint does not attack many, and young men are more liable than any other age). Caelius Aurelian, Acut. morb. bk. III. ch. 18., Sed antecedentes ipsius passionis causae sunt epota medicamina—ἐντατικὰ—, item immodicus atque intemporalis usus veneris. Est autem communis passio viris atque feminis, quae solet accidere aetatibus mediis atque iuventuti. (But the antecedent causes of the actual complaint are the taking of drugs, viz. aphrodisiacs, as also immoderate and unseasonable indulgence in love. And the complaint is common both to men and women, and regularly attacks persons in middle life as well as the young).

[309] Galen, Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 7. (X. pp. 969 sqq.). Comp. De Composit. medicam. secund. locos, bk. IX. ch. 9. (XIII. p. 318.). Caelius Aurelian, Acut. morb. bk. III. 18., Chron. morb. bk. II. 1. V. 9. Actuarius, Method. med. I. 15. Nonnus, Epitom. ch. 194. Priscian, bk. II. ch. 11.

[310] Caelius Aurelian bk. III. ch. 18., Prohibentes etiam hominum ingressum et magis iuvenum feminarum atque puerorum. Pulchritudo enim ingredientium admonitione quadam provocat aegrotantes; quippe cum etiam sani saepe talibus usi statim in veneream veniant voluptatem, provocati partium effecta tentigine. (Forbidding the entrance even of men, much more that of youths, women and boys. For the beauty of those entering excites the patients by calling up remembered images; for even healthy subjects frequently enjoying such sights straightway fall in lustful love, incited by a certain tension of the parts being produced). He also recommended shaving the hair of the pubis.

[311] Galen, De loc affect. VI. 6. (VIII. p. 439.), ἡ μὲν οὖν γονόῤῥοια σπέρματος ἀπόκρισίς ἐστιν ἀκούσιος, ἔξεστι δὲ καὶ ἀπροαίρετον ὀνομάζειν, ὥσπερ καὶ σαφέστερον, ἀπόκρισιν σπέρματος συνεχῶς γιγνομένην, χωρὶς τῆς κατὰ τὸ αἰδοῖον ἐνστάσεως ... ὥσπερ δὲ καὶ τ’ἄλλα πάντα τὰ ἐκ τοῦ σώματος ἡμῶν ἐκκενούμενα κατὰ διττὸν τρόπον τοῦτο πάσχει, ποτὲ μὲν ἐκ τῶν περιεχόντων αὐτὰ σωμάτων ἐκκρινόμενα, ποτὲ δὲ αὐτομάτως ἐκρέοντα δι’ ἀῤῥωστίαν τῶν αὐτῶν σωμάτων οὐ κατεχόμενα, οὕτως καὶ τὸ σπέρμα· (Now gonorrhœa is an involuntary discharge of semen, or we may call it unintentional, if we prefer, as being a clearer term, the discharge of semen taking place continuously, without erection in the member.... And just as other parts of our body when evacuated, suffer this in one of two ways, sometimes being discharged by the bodies that surround them, at others flowing out automatically, as failing to be retained through some weakness in the bodies themselves, so is it also with the semen).—Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 55., ἡ γονόῤῥοια σπέρματος ἐστὶν ἀκούσιος ἀπόκρισις σανεχῶς γινομένη χωρὶς τῆς κατὰ τὸ αἰδοῖον ἐνστάσεως, διὰ τὴν τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως ἀσθένειαν γινομένη. (Gonorrhœa is an involuntary discharge of seed going on persistently without erection in the member, being due to feebleness of the retentive power). Nonnus, Epitome ch. 193., says the same.

[312] Galen, loco citato p. 441., ὥσπερ γε καὶ τὴν τῆς γονοῤῥοίας, ἀνάλογον οὔρων ἐκκρίσεσιν ἀκουσίοις, ὅταν ἡ κατέχουσα δύναμις αὐτὴ παραλυθεῖσα τύχῃ. (Similarly too the discharge of gonorrhœa, analogous to the involuntary discharges of urine, whenever the retentive power itself has come to be paralysed). Actuarius, Method. med. bk. I. ch. 22., Causa autem eius est, seminalium vasorum fluxus facilitas, aut impotentia aut quod ob enatam intemperiem semen continere nequeant, aut quod humor quispiam mordax ibi abundans stimulet. (Now the cause of it is the facility of flow from the seminal vessels, either from impotence or because they are unable to retain the semen in consequence of a morbid condition that has arisen, or else because some acrid humour is there in over-abundance, stimulating the flow).

[313] Galen, De sanitate tuenda Bk. VI. ch. 14. (VI. p. 443.), Μοχθηροτάτη δὲ σώματός ἐστι καὶ ἡ τοίαδε· σπέρμα πολὺ καὶ δερμὸν ἔνιοι γεννῶσιν, ἐπείγει γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἰς ἀπόκρισιν, οὗ μετὰ τὴν ἔκκρισιν ἔκλυτοί τε γίγνονται τῷ στόματι τῆς κοιλίας, ... ἀσθενεῖς γίγνονται, καὶ ξηροὶ καὶ λεπτοὶ, καὶ ὠχροὶ, καὶ κοιλοφθαλμιῶντες οἱ οὕτω διακείμενοι· εἰ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ταῦτα πάσχειν ἐπὶ ταῖς συνουσίαις ἀπέχοιντο μίξεως ἀφροδισίων δύσφοροι μὲν τὴν κεφαλὴν, δύσφοροι δὲ καὶ τῷ στομάχῳ, καὶ ἀσώδεις· οὐδὲν δὲ μέγα διὰ τῆς ἐγκρατείας ὠφελοῦνται· συμβαίνει γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐξονειρώττουσι παραπλησίας γίνεσθαι βλάβας, ἃς ἔπασχον ἐπὶ ταῖς συνουσίαις· ὡς δέ τις ἐξ αὐτῶν ἔφημοι, δακνώδους τε καὶ θερμοῦ πάνυ τοῦ σπέρματος αἰσθάνεσθαι κατὰ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, οὐ μόνον ἑαυτὸν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας αἷς ἂν ὁμιλήσῃ· (However the most troublesome condition of body is the following: some patients produce copious and hot semen, and this provokes them to ejaculation, then after its ejaculation, they grow relaxed at the neck of the belly, ... and become weak, and dried up, and thin, and pale, and hollow-eyed,—the patients that find themselves so affected. And if after suffering in these ways, they then indulge in the intercourse of sexual love, they are afflicted in head and in stomach, and with nausea. Nor on the other hand do they get any great benefit from continence; for they come, by having pollutions in dreams, to undergo similar inconveniences to those they incurred in sexual intercourse. And as one of them said to me, he experienced a biting and exceedingly hot sensation from the semen in its ejaculation,—and not himself only, but also such women as he had intercourse with).

[314] Aretaeus, De morbor. chronic. symptom. bk. II. ch. 5., Ἀνώλεθρον μὲν ἡ γονόῤῥοια, ἀτερπὲς δὲ καὶ ἀηδὲς μέσφι ἀκοῆς· ἣν γὰρ ἀκρασίη καὶ πάρεσις τὰ ὑγρὰ ἴσχῃ καὶ γόνιμα μέρεα, ὅκως διὰ ψυχρῶν ῥέει ἡ θορὴ, οὐδὲ ἐπισχεῖν ἐστὶ αὐτὴν οὐδὲ ἐν ὕπνοισι· ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἤν τε εὕδῃ, ἤν τε ἐγρηγορέῃ, ἀνεπίσχετος ἡ φορὴ, ἀναίσθητος δὲ ἡ ῥοὴ τοῦ γόνου γίγνεται· νοσέουσι δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες τήνδε τὴν νοῦσον, ἀλλ’ἐπὶ κνησμοῖσι τῶν μορίων καὶ ἡδονῇ προχέεται τῇσι ἡ θορή· ἀτὰρ καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρας ὁμιλίῃ ἀναισχύντῳ· ἄνδρες δὲ οὐδ’ὅλως ὀδάξονται· τὸ δὲ ῥέον ὑγρὸν λεπτὸν, ψυχρὸν, ἄχρουν, ἄγονον· πῶς γὰρ ζωογόνον ἐκπέμψαι σπέρμα ψυχρὴ οὖσα ἡ φύσις· ἢν δὲ καὶ νέοι πάσχωσι, γηραλέους χρὴ γενέσθαι πάντας τὴν ἕξιν, νωθώδεας, ἐκλύτους, ἀψύχους, ὀκνέοντας, κωφούς, ἀσθενέας, ῥικνούς, ἀπρήκτους, ἐπώχρους, λευκοὺς, γυναικώδεας, ἀποσίτους, ψυχροὺς, μελέων βάρεα, καὶ νάρκας σκελέων, ἀκρατέας, καὶ ἐς πάντα παρέτους· ἥδε ἡ νοῦσος ὁδὸς ἐς παράλυσιν πολλοῖσι γίγνεται· πῶς γὰρ οὐκ ἂν τῶν νεύρων ἥδε ἡ δύναμις πάθοι τῆς ἐς ζωῆς γένεσιν φύσιος ἀπεψυγμένης. (Gonorrhœa is not indeed a dangerous thing, but it is a disagreeable one, and one that is in the highest degree unseemly in repute. For if incontinence and paresis attack the soft procreative parts, the semen flows all the same even though the organs are cold, nor is it possible to stop it even in sleep; for whether a man sleep, or wake, the running is continual, and the flow of the seed goes on unconsciously. And women also are subject to this complaint; but in their case the discharge of the semen is accompanied with itchings and with pleasurable feeling, as well as with shameless intercourse with men, whereas men are not in any way excited. And the moisture that is discharged is thin, cold, colourless, unfruitful; for how should its nature, that is cold, send forth fertile semen? And if young men suffer from it, they are bound to grow old in constitution and condition, sluggish, relaxed, lifeless, hesitating, dull of hearing, weak, shrunken, ineffectual, pallid, white, womanish, without appetite, chilly, heavy of limb, and stiff of leg and palsied in every part. This complaint is the avenue to paralysis for many; for how should this power of the nerves not suffer when the natural parts pertaining to the generation of life are chilled).

[315] Celsus De re med. bk. IV. ch. 21., Est etiam circa naturalia vitium, nimia profusio seminis, quod sine venere, sine nocturnis imaginibus sic fertur, ut interposito spatio, tabe hominem consumat. (There is another complaint connected with the private parts, viz. excessive discharge of semen, which apart altogether from love, and apart from nocturnal pollutions in dreams, is so persistent that, given a sufficient interval of time, it destroys a man by wasting).

[316] Alexander of Tralles, bk. IV. ch. 9., δέονται γὰρ οὗτοι τῶν ἐπικιρνώντων καὶ ἐμψυχόντων πάνυ καὶ λουτρῶν εὐκράτων· ὥστε παχυνθεῖσαν ἠρέμα τὴν γονὴν καὶ εὔκρατον γενομένην, μηκέτι φέρεσθαι. (For these patients require compound and very cooling drugs, and lukewarm baths; so that the seed growing quietly thicker and well-conditioned, may no longer flow away).

[317] Galen, Definit. medic. n. 288. (XIX. p. 426.), Γονόῤῥοιά ἐστιν ἀπόκρισις ἐπιφέρουσα σπέρματος νόσημα μετὰ τοῦ τήκεσθαι τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἀχρούστερον ἀποτελεῖσθαι· γίνεται δὲ ἀτονησάντων τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων, ὥστε τρόπον τινὰ παρειμένων αὐτῶν μὴ κρατεῖσθαι τὸ σπέρμα. (Gonorrhœa is a discharge producing a diseased state of semen accompanied by wasting of the body and an unhealthy-looking complexion; and it arises through the semen vessels having become atonic, so that, these being in a way paralysed, the semen is not retained).

[318] Actuarius, Method. med. bk. I. ch. 22., Et in seminis quidem profluvio, neque coles intenditur, neque aeger eadem qua sanus afficitur voluptate, sed perinde ac si superfluum quiddam excerneretur, sensu privatur. Quod si morbus moram traxerit, necesse est ut aeger in colliquationem collabatur ac pereat; quod pinguior humoris portio eiiciatur ac vitalis spiritus non parum una effluat. (Moreover in this excessive flux of semen, neither is the member erected, nor does the patient experience the same pleasure as he does in health, but exactly as though something superfluous were being eliminated, he is robbed of sensation. But if the malady runs a more protracted course, the sufferer cannot but fall into collapse and succumb, inasmuch as the richer portion of the humour is ejaculated, and the vital spirit must escape along with it). As early as Hippocrates, De morbis bk. II., edit. Kühn Vol. II. p. we read: ἡ νωτιὰς φθίσις ἀπὸ τοῦ μυελοῦ γίνεται· λαμβάνει δὲ μάλιστα νεογάμους καὶ φιλολάγνους ... καὶ ἐπὴν οὐρέῃ ἢ ἀποπατέῃ, προέρχεταί οἱ θορὸς πουλὺς καὶ ὑγρὸς, καὶ γενεὴ οὐκ ἐγγίνεται, καὶ ὀνειρώσσει, κἂν συγκοιμηθῇ γυναικί, κἂν μή. (Spinal consumption arises from the marrow; and it attacks particularly newly married men and lascivious subjects.... And every time the patient makes water or evacuates, semen flows from him copious and wet, and he does not succeed in generating, and has nocturnal pollutions, whether he sleep with a woman or no). Ought this not to be referred to gonorrhœa?

[319] Aretaeus, p. 424. loco citato; also De curat. morb. chron. bk. II. ch. 5., καὶ τοῦ ἀτερπέος τοῦ πάθεος εἵνεκεν καὶ τοῦ κατὰ σύντηξιν κινδυνώδεος καὶ τῆς ἐς διάδεξιν γένος χρείης λύειν χρὴ μὴ βραδέως τὴν γονόῤῥοιαν πάντων κακῶν οὖσαν αἰτίην· (Equally on account of the disagreeable nature of the malady as on account of the risk of tabes or wasting and for the sake of the needful maintenance of posterity, gonorrhœa should be rapidly cured, being the cause of very many evils). Truly if not another passage remained to us from the Ancient writers besides these two of Aretaeus’, they alone would suffice to convince us of the existence in his time of virulent gonorrhœa brought on by sexual intercourse; and it is quite inconceivable how Simon, Versuch einer krit. Gesch. (Essay towards a Critical History), Bk. I. p. 24., can say: “Thus for instance all the symptoms, which Aretaeus mentions in his Chapter on Gonorrhœa, speak for true seminal flux!”

[320] Theodorus Priscianus, bk. II. logic, ch. 11., Satyriasis, gonorrhœa vel priapismus, quibus similis est sub immoderata patratione molestia, his accidentibus disterminantur. Gonorrhœa sine veretri extensione vel usus venerii desiderio, spermatis affluentissima sub effusione corpora debilitat et per chronica tempora producitur. (Satyriasis, gonorrhœa or priapism, maladies involving similar inconvenience as in immoderate copulation, are distinguished by the following particularities. Gonorrhœa without erection of the member or desire for the enjoyment of love, debilitates the body by a most copious discharge of semen, and is protracted over chronic periods of time).

[321] Julius Firmicus Maternus, Astronomica bk. III. chs. 7 and 8., In loco octavo ♀ ab horoscopo constituto ... si ☿ cum ea fuerit vel cum ☿ Venerem in hoc loco positam, malevola stella respexerit, vel per quadratum vel diametrum, vel si cum ipsis, in hoc loco fuerit inventa, omne eius qui natus fuerit patrimonium dissipatur vel qualicunque proscriptione nudatur, mors vero illi per gonorrheam, id est defluxionem seminis, aut contractionem vel spasmum aut apoplexin fertur. (In the eighth place determined by the horoscope stands ♀ Venus.... If ☿ (Mercury) be in conjunction with it, or if Venus standing in this place with ☿ (Mercury) be faced by an evil star, whether by quadrate or diameter, or if such star is found in conjunction with them in this place, all the patrimony of him who has been born under this conjunction is wasted, or is lost utterly by some proscription or another, and his death is brought about by gonorrhœa, that is to say a flux of the semen, or cramp or spasm or apoplexy.)

[322] Caelius Aurelianus, Morb. Chron. bk. V. ch. 7., Item antecedens causa supradictae passionis, quam seminis appellamus lapsum, fuisse probatur, a qua discernitur, si quidem illa passio etiam per diem vigilantibus aegris fluere facit semen, nulla phantasia in usum venereum provocante. (Such is proved to have been another antecedent cause of the above named malady, which we call discharge of semen; but a distinct cause has to be assigned, if it so be that the malady in question makes the semen flow even by day and when the patients are awake, and though no dream provokes to the exercise of love). Philagrius appears to have made this distinction quite correctly, when as quoted by Aëtius (Tetrab. III. serm. 3. ch. 34.), De seminis in somno profluvio, Philagrii (On the discharge of semen in sleep, according to Philagrius), he says: Semen in somnis profundere dicuntur quicumque dum dormiunt, naturae genitale semen emittunt, quod ipsum eis ut plurimum ob vitiati humoris materiam, aut materiae multitudinem aut ob partium seminalium robur contingit. Iam vero quidam et ob animi moestitiam aut inediam, per somnos praeter consuetudinem semen excreverunt, atque id materiae acrimonia irritati, non ob partium seminalium robur, pertulerunt etc. (They are said to discharge semen in sleep, whoever during slumber, ejaculate the genital seed of nature, because they possess it in the greatest degree of abundance either on account of the constituting material of the semen being vitiated or on account of the copiousness of this material, or else on account of the vigour of the seminal organs. But there are also many cases where men have emitted semen in sleep contrary to their wont in consequence of sadness of spirits or fasting, having done so because irritated by the acridness of the material, and not through any vigour of the seminal organs, etc.). The only pity is that Aëtius has not preserved for us his (Philagrius’) opinion as to gonorrhœa, and has not shown clearly exactly what belongs to Philagrius in the Chapter; for a great deal, as indeed is stated, is from Galen and referred by the compiler to gonorrhœa. Philagrius in fact only lived in the latter half of the Fourth Century,—A.D. 364 according to Sprengel, 300 according to Lessing.

[323] Actuarius, Meth. med. bk. IV. ch. 8., Convenit ad haec reliqua victus ratio, quae ad siccitatem declinet, sed non sit calidior, verum frigida. Insuper nutriendus aeger est, viresque modice reficiendae; namque ob continuam excretionem languet corpus et imbecillum est. Quies apta est, et balnea quae humectent tamen alioqui non sunt idonea. Animalia agrestia, quae refrigerantibus exsiccantibusque condiantur, sunt accommodata et vinum pauculum tenueque. (Consistent with this are the remaining rules of diet. This should incline towards dryness, but must not be at all hot, but cold. Further the sufferer must be adequately nourished, and his strength fairly well kept up; for owing to the constant ejaculation of semen the body grows languid and weak. Rest is desirable, and baths, in other circumstances used for moistening the body, are not here advisable. Game, seasoned with cooling and desiccating condiments, is appropriate, and a little thin wine.)

[324] Celsus, bk. IV. ch. 21. In hoc affectu salutares sunt vehementes frictiones, perfusiones natationesque quam frigidissimae. (In this complaint violent frictions are advantageous, also aspersions and plunge baths as cold as they can be borne).

[325] Galen, De sanitate tuenda bk. VI. ch. 14. (VI. p. 444.),—The best illustration in reference to the statements made in this connection by Aëtius (Tetrab. III. serm. 3. ch. 33.), which indeed is superscribed as Galen’s and draws most of its material from him and from Aretaeus, showing however in many ways that it was based on personal observation or that the author had before him some better and older authority. Unfortunately the passage, previously glanced at, was subsequently mislaid by us, and so we are able merely to give it in a Footnote, with the request that the reader will complete from it what is said in the text. Profluvium igitur seminis, vasorum seminariorum affectio est, non pudendi, quae dolorem quidem non ita valde inferre solet, molestiam autem non vulgarem et pollutionem exhibet ob assiduum et invitis contingentem seminis fluxum. Oboritur autem aliquando etiam ex seminariorum vasorum fluxione, quandoque etiam satyriasi praecedente profluvium seminis succedit. Contingit autem affectio maxime pubertatem transgressos citra decimum quartum annum, imo aliis etiam aetatibus. Est autem semen quod profluit, aquosum, tenue, citra appetentiam coeundi et ut plurimum quidem citra sensum, quandoque vero cum voluptate quadam promanans. Corrumpitur affectis sensim universum corpus ac gracilescit, praesertim circa lumbos. Consequitur et debilitas multa, non ob multitudinem seminis profluentis sed ob locorum proprietatem. Non solum autem viris sed et mulierculis hoc accidit, et in feminis sane aegre tollitur. Ceterum cura communis est cum ea quae in omni fluxione adhibetur. Primum igitur in quiete et pauco cibo ac aquae potu affectos asservare oportet; deinde etiam lumbos et pubem contegere lanis vino et rosaceo aut oenanthino aut melino madefactis. Neque vero ineptae sunt spongiae posca imputae. Sequentibus vero diebus cataplasmatis ex palmis, malis, acacia hypocisthide, oenanthe, rhoe rubro et similibus. Insessibus item adstringentibus utendum est, ex lentisci, rubi, myrti et similium in vino austero sive mero sive diluto decocto. Cibis autem utendum qui aegre corrumpantur et difficulter permutantur et resiccandi vim habent. Dandum etiam cum potu et cibis, viticis ac cannabis semen praesertim tostum. Rutae item semen ac folia, lactucae semen et cauliculi ac nymphaeae radix. In potu vero quotidie pro communi aqua, aqua in qua ferrum saepe extinctum est praebeatur. Quidam vero corticem radicis halicacabi ex aqua eis bibendum praebuerunt, neque ineptum fuerit huius aliquando periculum facere. Antidotus etiam haec magnae celebritatis tum ad hoc modo semen profudentes, tum ad assidua in omnis profluvia commode exhibetur. Seminis salicis ʒvjj calaminthae ʒvj seminis viticis albae ʒv rutae ʒjv seminis cicutae ʒjj cum aqua in pastillos digerito et ex eis ad Ponticae nucis magnitudinem cum poscae cyathis tribus praebeto. Omnem vero acrium rerum esum et multi vini potum et olerum exhibitionem vitare oportet, diaetam vero universam resiccatoriam et adstringentem constituere. Post prima autem mox tempora ad unctiones et exercitatricem diaetam transeundum, per quam totum corpus et praesertim affecta, ad sanitatem perducantur, et plurima quidem tempora circa unctiones immorandum, paucies vero lavandum, si aut lassitudini aut cruditati mederi velimus. Bonum fuerit etiam, si nihil prohibuerit, ad frigidae lavationem defugere, quae omnem morbum ex fluxione obortum depellere consuevit, maxime si medicamentaria qualitate aqua praedita sit, velut sunt in Albulis aquae, quae etiam in potu acceptae eis summe prosunt. Sunt autem sapore subsalso et tactu lactei teporis. Convenit item per intervalla quaedam illitionibus et epithematis et malagmatis uti, quae rubefacere et emollire possint, atque ea quae in profundo haerent ad superficiem transferre. Decubitus porro frequenter in latus fiat, calaminthae foliis et rutae et viticis substratis. Epithema autem in eis usu venit hocce. Capillum Veneris multum contundito et terito cum aceto aut apii succo aut seridis aut psyllii eoque cochlearum carnes coctas excipito et simul in linteolum infarta coxendicibus imponito. Utendum vero et praescripto ad priapismum cerato et iis quae paulo mox ad seminis in somno profluvia dicentur. Omnem autem de rebus venereis cogitationem excludere oportet. (Thus we see excessive discharge of semen is an effection of the seminal vessels, not of the member. This complaint does not indeed as a rule cause any very great pain, but it does occasion no ordinary degree of inconvenience and defilement in consequence of the constant involuntary discharge of semen. However sometimes it may arise from a flux in the seminal vessels, and occasionally on an antecedent attack of satyriasis profuse discharge of semen supervenes. The malady particularly attacks those who have passed the period of puberty but are under fourteen, but other ages are also liable. And the semen that is discharged is watery, thin, the discharge being unaccompanied with any desire for coition, and indeed as a rule without any feeling whatever, though at times taking place with a certain voluptuous sensation. The whole body of those attacked suffers and becomes wasted, especially in the lumbar region. There follows great weakness, not so much owing to the amount of the semen discharged as to the nature of the parts affected. Again, this disease is not peculiar to men, but assails young women as well, and in the case of females is eliminated with very great difficulty. However the treatment is the same as that applied in all fluxes. First of all therefore patients must observe rest and a scanty diet both in food and drinking water; then the loins and pubis should be covered with cloths moistened with wine, and rosaceum and oenanthinum and melinum (oil of roses, of young vine buds, of melilot). Sponges soaked in posca (acid drink of vinegar and water) are also appropriate. Then on the succeeding days cataplasms of palms, apples, acacia, hypocisthis (parasitic plant growing on the cisthus), wild vine, red wild-poppy, and the like. Embrocations moreover should be employed of an astringent character, consisting of a decoction of the mastic, bramble, myrtle and the like, in hard wine, whether unmixed or diluted. Diet should embrace such foods as resist corruption and deterioration, and possess a desiccative quality. Along with the food and drink should be administered the juice of the agnus castus and of hemp, especially after boiling. Also the juice and leaves of rue, the juice of lettuce and colewort and the root of nymphaea (water-lily). As to drink for daily use, instead of ordinary water, water should be given in which iron has been repeatedly tempered. Some practitioners indeed have administered the bark of the root of the bladder-wort in water as a beverage for such patients, and it will not be inappropriate to make trial of this on occasion. Another antidote of great renown is exhibited with advantage both for sufferers from this discharge of semen, as well as for constant fluxes of all kinds. Take of juice of the sallow Ʒvjj, of calamint Ʒvj, of juice of the white agnus castus Ʒv, of rue Ʒjv, of juice of hemlock Ʒjj; compound with water into small cakes or lozenges, and administer one of these of the size of a hazel-nut along with three cups of posca (vinegar and water). But the patient must avoid all eating of acrid things and the drinking of much wine and the use of vegetables; the diet must be generally of a desiccative and astringent type. Moreover presently after the earlier stages embrocations and an active mode of life should be adopted, whereby the whole body and particularly the parts affected are brought into a healthy state; the embrocations should be persevered in for long periods of time, but washing on the other hand sparingly employed, if we wish to remedy the lassitude and acrid habit of body. It will be of advantage moreover, if there is nothing to prevent, to have recourse to cold bathing, which has the property of expelling all diseases arising from flux, more especially if the water is endowed with a healing quality, such as the waters of Albulae, which also are of the greatest use in these cases when taken as a drink. They are of a slightly salt taste, and of a milky warmth to the touch. Further, it is suitable to employ at intervals lotions and poultices and plasters, such as will redden and soften the skin, and bring to the surface those matters that lie latent underneath. Again, rest should frequently be taken lying on the side, the leaves of calamint and rue and agnus castus being spread as a couch. A poultice employed in these cases is as follows. Pound a quantity of Venus-hair and rub it up with vinegar or parsley juice or that of endive or fleabane, add to it the cooked meat of snails, pack all together in a linen cloth and lay upon the hips. Also the wax plaster prescribed for priapism should be employed, and the remedies to be mentioned presently for discharges of semen during sleep. Lastly all thinking about love ought to be avoided.)

[326] Similarly Aretaeus, Morb. chron. therap. bk. II. ch. 5., says: εἰ δὲ καὶ σώφρων ἔοι ἐπὶ τοῖσι ἀφροδισίοισι καὶ λούοιτο ψυχρῷ, ἐλπὶς ὡς ὤκιστα ἀνδρωθῆναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον, (And if he indulge with moderation in love and bathe in cold water, there is good hope that the man will rapidly recover manly vigour). This need surprise us the less, if we remember that the notion of a superfluitas seminis (superfluity of seed),—this was why Diogenes practised onanism, Galen, Vol. VIII. p. 419.,—was all the time in the background, and gonorrhœa according to Caelius Aurelianus and other authorities actually arose from too great self-continence. Si igitur Venerem exercere consueverit et crebriore uti concubitu, nunc autem continentius et purius innocentiusque degat, sine dubio a copia id sustinet cum partes illam ferre nequeunt. (If therefore a man is in the habit of practising love and indulging in fairly frequent cohabitation, well and good; but if on the contrary he live a too continent, pure and innocent life, without a doubt he endures this evil from the over-copiousness (of semen), as the parts cannot tolerate it.) This idea owed its origin partly to the confusion of gonorrhoea with nocturnal pollutions,—a confusion found even in the passage from Galen quoted a little above, and in especial was revived in the XVth. and XVIth. Centuries under the auspices of the monks and nuns. It at the same time gave occasion to the practice of resorting to copulation with a maiden as a cure for gonorrhœa. At any rate it was an opinion already found in Hippocrates, that copulation was a desiccative measure which in diseases arising from the phlegmatic humour (Hippocrates, Epidem. bk. VI. Vol. III. p. 609., Galen, XVII. A. p. 284.) is of advantage to hot and moist constitutions (Galen, Vol. VI. p. 402.)

[327] Galen, De sympt. caus. bk. III. ch. 11. (VII. p. 265.), ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ μοχθηρὰ διὰ τῶν ὑστερῶν ῥεύματα, καλεῖται δὲ τὸ σύμπτωμα ῥοῦς γυναικεῖος, ἐκκαθαιρομένου κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μόριον ἅπαντος τοῦ σώματος γίγνεται. (Besides there are the troublesome fluxes by way of the womb; and the symptom of these is known as “female discharge”, and takes place as the whole body purges itself by this part). Nonnus, ch. 204. Paulus Aegineta, bk. II. ch. 63. Rufus of Ephesus, bk. I ch. 44.

[328] Aretaeus, De sign, chron. morb. bk. IV. ch. 11., ἄλλος ῥόος λευκὸς ἡ ἐπιμήνιος κάθαρσις λευκὴ δριμεῖα καὶ ὀδαξώδης ἐς ἡδονήν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖσι καὶ ὑγροῦ λευκοῦ, πάχεος, γονοειδέος πρόκλησις· τόδε τὸ εἶδος γονόρῤῥοιαν γυναικείαν ἐλέξαμεν· ἔστι δὲ τῆς ὑστέρης φύξις, οὕνεκεν ἀκρατὴς τῶν ὑγρῶν γίγνεται· ἀτὰρ καὶ τὸ αἷμα ἐς χροιὴν λευκὴν ἀμείβει. (Another white discharge is the menstrual purging, white, acrid, and provoking a pleasurable itching. But in addition to these forms there is also a calling out of a moist, white, thick, semen-like discharge; and this species we have named “female gonorrhœa”; and it is an escape from the womb, because this cannot retain the moist humours. Further, it actually changes the blood to a white colour.) Perhaps too what Galen, De semine bk. II. ch. 1. (IV. p. 599.), says is pertinent in this connection: ταῖς δ’ ἄλλαις ἔλαττόν τε καὶ ὑγρὸν ἐκπίπτον φαίνεται πολλάκις ἔσωθεν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ὑστερῶν, ἵναπερ οὐρεῖ. (but in other women there appears to be a smaller and moist discharge very often, inside, coming from the womb itself, in micturition). Again Theod. Priscianus, bk. III. 10., says: Aliquando etiam spermatis spontanei et importuni fluxu feminae fatigantur, quod Graeci gonorrhœam appellant. (Sometimes too women are troubled with a discharge of involuntarily and unexpectedly emitted semen, a complaint the Greeks call gonorrhœa.) Comp. the passage quoted above from Aëtius.

[329] Celsus, De re medica bk. VI. ch. 18., Solet etiam interdum ad nervos ulcus descendere; profluitque pituita multa sanies tenuis malique odoris, non coacta at aquae similis, in qua caro recens lota est; doloresque is locus et punctiones habet. Id genus quamvis inter purulenta est, tamen lenibus medicamentis curandum est.... Praecipueque id ulcus multa calida aqua fovendum est, velandumque neque frigori committendum. (Moreover the ulcer is wont sometimes to descend to the cords; and then there is discharged a quantity of phlegm, a thin sanies of an ill odour, not congealed but like water in which a piece of fresh meat has been washed; and the place experiences pain and a pricking sensation. This sort, though it comes under the head of purulent complaints, should nevertheless be treated with mild drugs.... And above all this form of ulcer should be fomented with copious warm water, and should be covered and not exposed to cold). From the last sentence it may be concluded that it is not the acute form of blennorrhœa of the urethra that is in question here (bk. IV), but the chronic. The words ad nervos (to the cords) have given occasion to some very extraordinary explanations. Simon, Krit. Gesch. Vol. I p. 23., considers it would be most natural to refer this to the inside of the member, to the urethra in fact, though as a matter of fact gonorrhœa of the glans penis might just as likely be intended in the passage. But in the latter case the interpretation is absolutely impossible, as the glans penis is never called nervus. The corpora cavernosa it is true are described in several places by Galen, e.g. De loc. aff. bk. VI. ch. 6., as “a pipe-like cord, for the body is cord-like in form, the whole being hollow like a pipe”, but he adds χωρὶς τῆς καλουμένης βαλάνου (always excepting the glans penis, as it is called), and indeed that nervus generally signifies the penis is evident at once from Horace, Epod. XII. 19.; even the plural nervos is found in Petronius, Sat. 129., 134.,—so the Greeks similarly use νεῦρον (nerve, cord) for the penis, sometimes with the addition σπερματικὸν (spermatic, seminal), as Eustathius points out,—Comm. on the Iliad, X. 1390. However Celsus had no idea of this in his mind; everything shows that with him the ad nervos points to nothing but the vasa deferentia or spermatic cords, as he distinctly declares himself in bk. VII. ch. 18: Dependent vero (testiculi) ab inguinibus per singulos nervos, quos κρεμαστῆρας Graeci nominant. (But the testicles hang from the groin by separate cords, which the Greeks call κρεμαστῆρες,—suspenders). Similarly Columella, De re rustic. bk. VI. ch. 26., Testium nervos, quos Graeci κρεμαστῆρας ab eo appellant, quod ex illis genitales partes dependent. (The cords of the testicles, which the Greeks name κρεμαστῆρες,—suspenders, because the genital parts hang by them); again Pollux, Onomast. bk. II. Ch. 4., κρεμαστῆρας δὲ λέγονται τὰ νεῦρα, τοῦς διδύμους ἀνέχει. (κρεμαστῆρες,—suspenders, is the name of the cords; and they support the testicles). The possibility of the suppuration extending to the seed reservoir and the spermatic cords is proved by the case lately observed and made known by Ricord.

[330] Actuarius, Method. med. bk. IV. ch. 8., Caeterum non est ignorandum, nonnunquam in interna penis parte exiguum tuberculum oboriri, quod dum disrumpitur, sanguinem aut exiguum puris effundit; quare quidam arbitrantur ex profundo ea prodire, citraque rationem metuere coeperunt. Verum res ex penis dolore deprehenditur. Venae autem sectione sola, victuque frigidiusculo aegrum a molestia vindicavimus. Quod si vitium moram traxerit et vulnus (ἕλκος?) altius pervenerit, enemata morsus expertia, qualibus in lippitudine utimur, infundimus. Balneo ac omni mordenti evidenterque calefaciente tum cibo tum potione abstinemus, ita namque promptius aeger valetudinem recipit. (However it must not be forgotten that sometimes a small tubercle is established in the internal part of the penis, which on bursting discharges blood and a small quantity of pus; for which reason some suppose these symptoms to proceed from a deep-seated evil, and have been unreasonably alarmed. But the truth may be gathered from the pain in the penis. However by the mere opening of a vein and a cooling diet we have saved a patient from all inconvenience. On the other hand if the mischief has followed a protracted course and the sore (ἕλκος?,—ulcer) has penetrated farther in, we introduce clysters free from biting acridity, such as we make use of for blear-eyed patients. We forbid the bath, and everything acrid and manifestly heating whether in food or drink, for in this way the sufferer recovers his health more rapidly).

[331] Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59., εἰ δὲ κατὰ τὸν καυλὸν ἔνδον τῆς τοῦ αἰδοίου τρήσεως ἀφανὲς ἕλκος γένηται, γινώσκεται ἐκ τοῦ πύον ἢ αἷμα κενοῦσθαι χωρὶς οὐρησέως. Θεραπεύεται δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὑδαρεῖ μελικράτῳ κλυζόμενον, ἔπειτα δὲ γάλακτι, κἄπειτα μίξαντες τῷ γάλακτι τὸ τοῦ ἀστήρος κολλύριον, ἢ τὸν λευκὸν τροχίσκον, ἢ τὸν διὰ λωταριῶν ἐν μολυβδαίνῃ θυίᾳ παραπέμπειν, ἥγουν καὶ πτερὸν βάψαντες διαχρίειν, εἶτα λεπτὸν στρεπτὸν χρίσαντες ἐνθῆναι· κάλλιστον δὲ ἐστί καὶ τὸ λαμβάνων κηκίδος καὶ πομφόλυγος, ἀμύλου τε καὶ ἀλόης ἶσα, λειωθέντα ῥοδίνῳ καὶ χυλῷ ἀρνογλώσσου. (But if in the canal within the perforation of the member an invisible ulcer arise, it is recognized from the fact of matter or blood being discharged without micturition. And it is treated first by being rinsed with a weak honey-mixture, and then with milk and afterwards by mixing with the milk the salve of the aster atticus, or the white lozenge, or a preparation of lotus pounded in a leaden mortar; a feather should be dipped in this and it should be rubbed on, or else a piece of thin material made into a twist should be smeared with it and the drug introduced by this means; but the best of all is by taking equal parts of gall-apple, flowers of zinc, starch-flour and aloes smeared with rose-sap and plantain-sap).

[332] Caelius Aurelianus, Morb. chron. bk. II. ch. 8., In iis enim qui ulcus habuerint, cum mictum fecerint, sanguis fluet attestante mordicatione et dolore et aliquando egestione corpusculorum, quae ἐφελκύδας Graeci vocaverunt. (In patients who have got an ulcer, whenever they make water, blood will flow and the fact be attested by accompanying biting sensation and pain and sometimes by the ejection of small particles which the Greeks have named ἐφελκύδες).

[333] Galen, De loc. affect. bk. I. ch. 5., εἰ γοῦν ὑμενώδους χιτῶνος ἐκκριθείη μόριον, ὅτι μὲν ἕλκωσίς ἐστὶ που, δηλώσει.... εἰ δ’ οὐρηθείη τῆς οὐρήθρας αὐτῆς. (If for example a small portion of the membranous coat be shed, this will show there is ulceration somewhere.... And if in micturition particles of the urethra itself be passed). Comp. Paulus Aegineta, loco citato.

[334] Galen, De symptom. caus. bk. III. ch. 8., ἴσχονται μὲν γὰρ ἢ ἀδυνατούσης ἐκκρίνειν τῆς κύστεως, ἢ στεγνωθέντος αὐτῆς, τοῦ στομάχου· ταυτὶ μὲν οὖν ἄμφω τὰ νοσήματα τῆς κύστεως ἓν κοινὸν ἔχει σύμπτωμα, τὴν ἰσχουρίαν·—αἱ μὲν οὖν στεγνώσεις τοῦ στομάχου δι᾽ ἔμφραξίν τε καὶ μύσιν ἀποτελοῦνται· καὶ γίνεται ἡ μὲν ἔμφραξις ὑπὸ θρόμβου τε καὶ πύου παχέος καὶ λίθου καὶ πώρου καὶ διὰ βλάστημά τι κατ’αὐτὸν ἐπιτραφὲν τὸν πόρον ὁποῖα κἀν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἐκτὸς ὁρᾶται γινόμενα κατά τε τὰ ὦτα καὶ ῥῖνας αἰδοῖά τε καὶ ἕδραν· ἡ δὲ μύσις ἤτοι δι’ὄγκον ἐπὶ φλεγμοναῖς ἀποτελεῖται καὶ σκίῤῥοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις οἰδήμασιν, ὅσα τε τὸν τράχηλον ἐξαίροντα τῆς κύστεως εἰς τὸν ἐντὸς πόρον ἀποχεῖ τὸν ὄγκον. (For they suffer either because the bladder is unable to secrete or because its orifice is stopped; but both these complaints of the bladder have one symptom in common, viz. retention of urine.... Now the stoppages of the orifice are produced by blocking or by closing up; and stoppages are caused by a clot or dense matter or a calculus or chalkstone or some growth that has formed in the actual passage, as is also observed to occur in other, external, organs, the ears, the nostrils, genitals, or fundament; but closure is due either to a tumour following on phlegmonous affections or by indurations or other swellings which dilate the neck of the bladder and discharge the tumour into the internal passage). Comp. Caelius Aurelianus bk. V. ch. 4.

[335] Galen, De loc. affect. bk. I. ch. 1. (VIII. p. 12.), οὕτω δὲ εἰ καὶ σάρκα τινὰ δι᾽ ἕλκωσιν ἐπιτραφεῖσαν ἡγούμεθα τὸν τράχηλον τῆς κύστεως ἐμφράττειν, ἔκ τε τῶν προηγησαμένων τοῦ ἕλκους σημείων ἔκ τε τοῦ κενωθῆναι τὸ οὖρον ἐπὶ τῷ καθετηρι συλλογιούμεθα· καί ποτε καὶ γενόμενον οἶδα τοιοῦτόν τι πάθημα· διαβαλλομένου γοῦν τοῦ καθετῆρος, ἤλγησεν κατ’ἐκεῖνο τοῦ πόρου τὸ μέρος, ἔνθα καὶ πρότερον ἐτεκμηράμεθα τὴν ἕλκωσιν εἶναι· θλασθείσης δὲ τῆς σαρκὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ καθετῆρος, ἠκολούθησε μὲν μετὰ τὴν τῶν οὔρων ἔκκρισιν αἵματός τέ τι καὶ θρύμματα τῆς σαρκός· ... τὸ δ’εἴτε πάθος εἶναι λεκτέον τοῦ πόρου τὸ γεγονός, εἶτε αἴτιον ἰσχουρίας ἐν τῷ πόρῳ περιέχεσθαι, τῶν ἀχρήστων εἰς τὴν τέχνην ἐστίν. (Accordingly if we suspect some accretion of tissue, the result of ulceration, to be blocking the neck of the bladder, our diagnosis will depend both on the foregoing signs of the existence of an ulcer and also on the fact of the urine being voided on the introduction of a catheter. Sometimes moreover I have noted the following case to occur; on turning the catheter about pain was experienced at the part of the canal where we had previously conjectured the ulceration to be situated, and the tissue being broken down by the catheter, there followed after the evacuation of the urine some blood and particles of tissue.... Whether in this case we ought to describe the mischief as something affecting the urethral canal, or say that the cause is something lying in the same canal, is scientifically unimportant). For the catheter must always have the shape of the passage leading to the bladder (Method. med. bk. IV. ch. 7. X. p. 301.); accordingly it must be bent into the shape of the letter “S” (Introduct. ch. 19. Vol. XIV. p. 788). The inventor of it was Erasistratus (ibid. p. 751.). The employment of the catheter is well described by Paulus Aegineta bk. VI. ch. 59., who adds that different catheters must be used according to age and sex.

[336] Oribasius, Bk. L. ch. 8. (Mai’s Classicor. auctor. e Vatican. codd. edit.—Classical Authors edited from the Vatican MSS.), Vol. IV. p. 187.

[337] The word ἰποτήριον is also found written ἰπωτήριον in Galen, De comp. medic. sec. gen. bk. IV. ch. 7. (XIII. p. 725.), who gives it as a φάρμακον (remedy) invented by Heraclides of Tarentum, but which is not described in detail. The word is missing in our Lexicons, though Castellus gives it.

[338] Galen, In Hippocrat. de diaet. in acut. (XV. p. 759.), γίνεται δ’ἔντασις ὄρχεως ἐνίοτε μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς καθ’ ἑαυτὸν φλεγμονῆς, ἐνιοτε δὲ ὑπό τινος τῶν ἄνω φλεγμαινόντων ἑλκομένου. (Now tension of the testicles occurs sometimes owing to inflammation in the testicles itself, at other times owing to one of more inward parts that are inflamed becoming ulcerated).

[339] Paulus Aegineta, Bk. III. ch. 54.

[340] Galen, De prognost. ex puls. bk. IV. ch. 10. (IX. p. 416.). Synops. de puls. ch. 31. (ibid. p. 540).

[341] Celsus, Bk. VII. 18. VI. 18.

[342] Hippocrates, de Nat. Homin. edit. Kühn. Vol. I. p. 364. Galen, Vol. XV. p. 131.

[343] Galen, Vol. XI. p. 877., XII. p. 50.

[344] Aretaeus, De sign. chronic. bk. II. ch. 8., θώυμα δὲ τουτέων μέζων, εἰς ὄρχιας καὶ κρεμαστῆρας ἀδόκητον ἄλγος ἐπιφοιτῇ· πολλοὺς τῶν ἰητρῶν ἥδε ἡ ξυμπαθείη λήθει· καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐξέταμόν κοτε τοὺς κρεμαστῆρας, ὡς ἰδίην ἔχοντας αἰτίην· (And there is another thing more surprising than this, when the pain suddenly shifts to the testicles and spermatic cords. Now this sympathy between the different organs escapes many physicians; and sometimes they actually cut out the spermatic cords as if these contained the special cause of the suffering). In the edition due to Kühn’s industry the word κρεμαστῆρες is translated by musculos cremasteres dictos (the muscles called cremasteres). The expression is also found in the “De sign. acut.” II. 6., and Petit in his Commentary on the first named passage declares in all seriousness that the sympathy was sufficiently well known to anatomists, arising from the connection of the cremasteres muscles with the peritonaeum and its processes, which statement appears to rest on the datum of Galen, De usu partium bk. XIV. ch. 11. (IV. p. 193.) and De semine bk. II. ch. 5. (IV. p. 635.), where the cremasteres certainly are called μυώδη σώματα (muscular bodies) and compared with the round ligaments of the womb. Still Galen says distinctly in the latter passage that they contained arteries, veins and the spermatic ducts, in the Isagoge ch. 11. (XIV. p. 719.) ὃς (γόνος) φέρεται ἐπ’αὐτοὺς διὰ τῶν κρεμαστήρων (it,—the seed,—is conveyed to them through the cremasteres). On the other hand in the “De musc. sect.” Vol. XVIII. B. p. 997., the musculi cremasteres properly so called are clearly described, and the statement added: Τὸ δὲ ἔργον αὐτῶν ἀνατείνειν τὸν ὄρχιν· ὅθεν ἔνιοι κρεμαστῆρας αὐτοὺς ὀνομάζουσι (but their duty is to hold up the testicles, for which reason some name them the cremasteres,—suspenders). Neither Blancard-Kühn nor yet Kraus’s Lexicon give under the word “Cremaster” any meaning but that of the muscles; the same is true of Schneider. Comp. Paulus Aegineta bk. VI. ch. 61., where the spermatic cords are also called παραστάται (supporters), as also by Galen, Defin. med. XIX. p. 362. and De semine bk. I. Vol. IV. p. 565., where they are spoken of as κιρσοειδῆς παραστάται (varicose parastatae). A denomination Herophilus first made use of (Galen IV. p. 582.) and which according to Athenaeus Deipnos. bk. IX. p. 396. was likewise given to the testicles.

[345] Hippocrates, Epidem. bk. V., edit. Kühn Vol. III. p. 548. Besides Hippocrates mentions almost exclusively the sympathetic swellings of the testicles that occur in cases of interruptions of the respiration, particularly in coughs. Sextus Placitus Papyriensis likewise, ch. 92. 4., ch. 101. 2., speaks of prurigo veretri (itching of the privates).

[346] Galen, De semine ch. 15. (IV. p. 564).

[347] Galen, De medic. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. 317.). Paulus Aegineta bk. III. ch. 54. Both authors also make mention in this connection of sarcosis testium (swelling of the flesh of the testicles). Rambach, Thesaurus Eroticus, a work which now for the first time is within our reach to consult, quotes under ova pro coleis (ova,—eggs, put for testicles):

Vel tantus ad ora veniret

Aut aliis causis ita computresceret ovum,

Ne fieri posset quin crudelis medicina

Ova recidisset, medici reprobabilis usus.

(In fact such foulness appeared, or from other causes the testicle was so rotten, that nought could be done but for cruel surgery to cut out the testicles,—the horrid habit of doctors), and assigns to it the name Ovidius Pseud. Is this perhaps a specimen of those old lines properly to be ascribed to some mediaeval monk?

[348] Galen, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 4. (X. p. 325.), καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο ἐπ’ αἰδοίων καὶ ἕδρας εἰς τὴν τοιαύτην ἀνάγκην ἀφικνούμεθα πολλάκις, ὅτι ῥᾳδίως σήπεται τὰ μόρια διά τε τὴν σύμφυτον ὑγρότητα καὶ ὅτι περιττωμάτων εἰσὶν ὀχετοί. (And in this respect with regard to the privates and fundament we constantly come back to the same conditions of causation, viz. that these parts are readily affected by putrefaction, as well owing to their natural moistness as because they are channels for excretions). Commentar. in Hippocrat. De humor. (XVI. p. 414.), ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ φύσις τῶν τόπων οὐ μικρὸν πρὸς τὸ δέχεσθαι σηπεδόνας ποιεῖ· καὶ γὰρ τὸ στόμα καὶ τὰ αἰδοῖα πολλὴν ὑγρότητα τῇ φύσει κέκτηται· καὶ προσέτι τοὺς ἀδένας ἔχουσιν ἐγγὺς, ἄπερ πάντα τὰ περιττὰ εἰσδέχεσθαι πεφύκασιν. (Moreover the nature of the localities has no small influence on their liability to putrefactive changes. For the mouth and the private parts possess much moisture of their very nature; and besides this they have the glands close by, all which circumstances tend naturally to make them the receptacles of excessive moisture). De usu partium bk. XI. ch. 14. (III. p. 910.), ἤδε δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν αἰδοίων φύσιν αἱ τρίχες ἅμα μὲν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐγένοντο, θερμὰ γὰρ καὶ ὑγρὰ τὰ χωρία. (Now this quality and the fact of the privates being naturally surrounded with hair would seem to be necessary consequences, because the localities are hot and damp).—Cassius, Problem. 2., Cur supremae corporis sedes ad nomas sunt opportunae, similiter et concavae? An quia noma putrefactio est quaedam et sensus interitus atque extinctio. Supremae autem partes ob alimenti penuriam calore facile destituuntur, ita ut hac de causa census ablationem incurrant. Concavae vero ob humidae in ipsis materiae affluentem copiam, cuius occasione putredine corripiunter. (Why are the extreme parts of the body liable to nomae (eating ulcers), and likewise the concave parts? It is because a noma is a form of putrefaction and a perishing and extinction of sensation? Now the extreme parts owing to the scantiness of the nourishment they get are easily robbed of heat, so that for this reason they incur loss of sensation. On the other hand the concave parts owing to the excess of moist matter that collects in them, which is the occasion of their being attacked by putrefaction). Comp. what was said above under the head of “Climate”.

[349] Hippocrates, Aphorism. Vol. III. p. 724. Galen, Vol. XVI. p. 27.

[350] Galen, Comment in Hippocrat. De humor. Vol. XVI. p. 414.

[351] Hippocrates, De nat. muliebr. Vol. II. p. 586., ἀφθήσῃ τὰ αἰδοῖα (the privates affected with aphthae). De morb. muliebr. bk. II. Vol. II. p. 614.

[352] Galen, Method. med. bk. XIII. ch. 11. (X. p. 903.), ἀντισπᾶν γὰρ χρὴ τῶν ἀρχομένων ῥευματίζεσθαι παρρωτάτω τὸ περιττὸν, οὐχ ἕλκειν ἐπ’αὐτὰ· κατὰ τοῦτον οὖν τὸν λόγον οὐδὲ γαστρὸς οὐδ’ ἐντέρων ἀρξαμένων φλεγμαίνειν ὑπηλάτῳ χρῆσθαι προσήκει· τὴν δ’ αὐτὴν ἔνδειξιν ἔχει τούτοις μὲν μήτρα τοῖς ὀργάνοις αἰδοῖα· τό γε μὴν ἐμέτοις χρῆσθαι τῶν αἰδοίων πεπονθότων ἀντισπαστικόν ἐστὶ βούθημα. (For what is necessary is to reject the excess as far as may be from the parts that are beginning to be congested, not to draw it towards them. Therefore in accordance with this reasoning neither in the case of belly nor of intestines, when these have begun to be inflamed, is it expedient to employ purging medicine; also the same indication as in the case of these organs holds good for womb, and private parts. The treatment when the privates are attacked is revulsory, viz. the use of emetics).

[353] Galen, loco citato p. 904., ἐπὶ δὲ νεφρῶν καὶ κύστεος αἰδοίου τε καὶ μήτρας τὰς ἐν τοῖς σκέλεσι, μάλιστα μὲν τὰς κατὰ τὴν ἰγνύαν, εἰ δὲ μὴ, τὰς παρὰ σφυρόν (In complaints of the kidneys and bladder, of the privates and womb, bleedings on the legs, and particularly in the hollow of the knee, or otherwise at the ankle).

[354] Oribasius, Medicin. collect. bk. IX. ch. 24., Pudendis incommoda sunt pinguia, prosunt autem adstringentia. (Fatty matters are prejudicial to the privates, astringents on the contrary are of advantage).

[355] Galen, De medicam. sec. loc. compos. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. 315.), τὰ δ’ἐν αἰδοίοις ἕλκη καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἕδραν χωρὶς φλεγμονῆς ὄντα ξηραινόντων πάνυ δεῖται φαρμάκων. (Now ulcers on the privates and about the fundament, if free from the phlegmonous condition, require dessicative drugs above all). Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 381.).

[356] Galen, loco citato pp. 317, 383.—Oribasius, Synops. bk. IX. ch. 38.

[357] Galen, Method. med. bk. X. ch. 9. (X. p. 702.).—Aëtius, Tetrab. II. serm. 1. ch. 91.

[358] Galen, De compos. medic. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. 316.). Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59. Oribasius De loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 102.

[359] Galen, loco citato p. 316. Paulus Aegineta, loco citato. Oribasius, loco citato.

[360] Galen, loco citato p. 317.

[361] Galen, loco citato p. 316. De simplic. medic. temperam. ac facult. bk. X. (XII. p. 235.). Paulus Aegineta, loco cit. Oribasius, loco cit.

[362] Galen, De simplic. medic. temperam, ac. facult. bk. X. ch. 2. (XII. p. 268.).

[363] Galen, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 382.), De composit. medic. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p, 316.). Paulus Aegineta, loco cit. Aëtius, Tetrab. I. serm. 1. Nonnus, Epit. ch. 195.

[364] Galen, De simplic. medic. temperam. ac facult. bk. VI. (XI. p. 822.). Aëtius, loco cit.

[365] Oribasius, De virtute simplicium bk. II., under word “Molibdos”,—lead.

[366] Hippocrates, De natura muliebri Vol. II. p. 586.

[367] Galen, De composit. med. sec. loc. bk. VII. (XIII. p. 36.).

[368] Galen, loco cit. p. 316., Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 382.), De simplic. medicam. temperam. ac facult. bk. VI. (XI. p. 832.). Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59. Oribasius, De loc. affect. IV. 102. Collect. IX. 24. Nonnus, Epitom. ch. 195.

[369] Orpheus de lapidibus XVIII. 33.,

ἀνδρός τ’αἰδοίων ἄκος ἔσσεται, ὅς κε πίῃσι.

(And it shall be a cure of the privates of a man, whosoever shall drink thereof).

[370] Galen, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 363.).

[371] Galen, De simplic. medic. temperam. ac facult. bk. X. (XII. p. 285.).

[372] Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59. Oribasius, Collect. bk. IX. ch. 24. Nonnus, Epitom. ch. 195.

[373] Paulus Aegineta, bk. IV. ch. 44. Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 17.

[374] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 24. Collect. L. ch. 9.

[375] Hippocrates, Coac. praenot. Vol. I. p. 389., Aphorism. Vol. III. p. 752. Galen, Method. med. bk. III. ch. 1. (X. p. 161.).

[376] Galen, Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 15. (X. p. 1001 sqq.).

[377] Galen, loco cit. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 381.), De simplic. medic. temperam. ac facult. bk. VI. (XI. pp. 832, 806.).

[378] Paulus Aegineta, bk. VI. ch. 57.

[379] Galen, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15 (X. p. 381.), Aëtius, Tetrab. III. 2. ch. 15., recommended drawing the prepuce forwards in micturition, so as to make the urine flow between the foreskin and glans penis, by which means the ulcers and fissures are readily cured.

[380] Galen, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. 381.). Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. 59. Oribasius, Synops. IX. 37. Marcellus Empiricus, ch. 33.

[381] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3.

[382] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 17.

[383] Actuarius, Method. med. II. ch. 12. Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 18. Sextus Placitus Papyriensis, ch. V. 2. V. 43. Theodor. Priscianus I. 25.

[384] Galen, Isag. ch. 16. (XIV. p. 777.).

[385] Galen, De temperam. 4. (I. p. 532.).

[386] Pollux, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 26. 206., θηρίωμα, γίνεται μὲν ἕλκος περὶ ἀνδρῶν αἰδοῖα, ἔστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ περὶ δακτύλους [read δακτυλιους], καὶ ἀλλὰχοῦ, αἷμα πολὺ καὶ μέλαν καὶ δυσῶδες ἀφιὲν μετὰ μελανίας τὴν σάρκα ἀνεσθίον. (θηρίωμα,—malignant sore, is an ulcer affecting men’s privates, as well as sometimes the fingers (? the anus), and other parts, discharging much black evil-smelling blood, accompanied with black colour and eating away the flesh).

[387] Sextus Placitus Papyriensis, XV. 3.

[388] Galen, Isagog. ch. 11. (XIV. p. 719.), ταῖς δὲ γυναιξὶν ἡ ὑστέρα ἔοικεν ὀσχῇ ἀνεστραμμένῃ, (but in women the vagina is like a scrotum inverted), though in accordance with what comes next the uterus may also by understood to be here intended. Commentar. in Hippocrat. De Alimento (XV. p. 326.), περὶ δὲ τῆς ὑστέρας ὀλίγα ῥηθήσεται· καὶ πρῶτον μὲν, πότερον ὑστέρον ἢ μήτραν κλητέον ἐστὶ τὸ μόριον ἐκεῖνο, ὃ πρὸς τὴν κύησιν ἔδωκε φύσις ταῖς γυναιξὶν, οὐδὲν διαφέρει. (Now about the vagina we shall not say much. However first of all we may remark as to the question whether we should name the part which nature has given to women for connection ὑστέρος or μήτρα, that this is a matter of indifference). Moreover the Physicians use κόλπος (fold, bosom), e.g. Galen, De tumoribus praeter naturam ch. 4. (VII. p. 717.) for the vaginal canal, as the Romans did sinus (fold, bosom) in Latin.

[389] Celsus, bk. V. ch. 25. Marcellus, De medic, ch. 7. 17. Sextus Placitus Papyriensis II. 7., XV. 2., XXXI. 12. L. Apuleius, De herb. XLIX. 1., LXXIV. 3., CXXI. 2.

[390] Celsus, bk. V. 28. 25. Galen, Vol. II. p. 150., X. p. 993. XI. p. 9. 1001., XVI. p. 180., XVII. B. pp. 274, 855., XIX., p. 428, Oribasius, De virt. simpl. bk. II. 1. under word “Leucoion”, De loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 112. Aëtius, Tetrab. I. serm. 1. under word “Leucoion”, Tetrab. IV. serm. 4. ch. 83. Actuarius, Method. med. bk. VI. chs. 8, 9.

[391] Aretaeus, De sign. chron. bk. II. ch. 11.

[392] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 4. chs. 88-94.

[393] The uterine speculum is mentioned by Aëtius also chs. 86, 88. and its use described; as also by Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 65., bk. VI. ch. 73., and for the examination of the rectum, bk. VI. ch. 78.

[394] Galen, De loc. affect. bk. VI. ch. 5. (VIII. p. 436.). Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. chs. 59, 75. Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 15., serm. 4. ch. 107.

[395] Hippocrates, De natura muliebri Vol. II. pp. 586, (588), 591., De morbis mulier. bk. II. Vol. II. 878.

[396] Nonnus, Epitom. ch. 206., distinguishes between ῥυπάρον ἕλκος, νομὴ μετὰ φλεγμονῆς (foul ulcer, eating sore with inflammation) and ἄνευ φλεγμονῆς νομή (eating sore without inflammation); as does Paulus Aegin., bk. III. ch. 66.

[397] By means of the uterine syringe, μητρεγχύτης. Galen, Synopsis medic. sec. loc. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. 316.). Oribasius, Collect. medic. bk. X. ch. 25.

[398] Celsus, bk. VII. ch. 28. Pliny, Histor. nat. XXX. 4. Sextus Placitus Papyriensis, XXXII. 2. Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 73.

[399] Cedrenus, Σύνοψις ἱστορικὴ (Historical Survey), edit. J. Goar and H. Fabrot, Paris 1647. fol., p. 266. In Diocletian’s time when persecutions of the Christians were general, a fair and modest maiden was charged with having spoken disrespectfully of the gods; for punishment she was sent to a brothel with the order that she must reimburse the brothel-keeper three shillings a day. The latter was to make her serve as a prostitute, and she was to receive all who wished to go with her. Account however was taken of the fact that she declared she had an ulcer on her privates, and this obliged them to wait till it was cured (προσφασιζομένη ἕλκος ἔχειν ἐπὶ κρυπτοῦ τόπου καὶ τούτου ἀπαλλαγὴν ἐκδέξασθαι) (pretexting she had an ulcer in a secret place, and must wait for its removal). The same story is told by Palladius, Hist. lausiac. ch. 148., as having happened at Corinth, who calls the ulcer an evil-smelling one, that might easily stir the repugnance of her visitors against the girl, (λέγουσα, ὅτι ἕλκος ἔχω τι εἰς κεκρυμμένον τόπον, ὅπερ ἐσχάτως ὄζει, καὶ δέδοικα μὴ εἰς μῖσός μου ἔηθητε τῷ ἀποτροπαίῳ τοῦ ἕλκους· ἔνδοτε οὖν μοι ὀλίγας ἡμέρας καὶ ἐξουσίαν μου ἔχετε καὶ δωρεάν με ἔχειν,)—(saying “I have an ulcer in a secret part, which smells very ill, and I fear you may come to feel repugnance towards me owing to the foulness of the ulcer; grant me therefore a few days, then may work your will of me and I undertake to give myself freely”). The last sentence shows clearly that the ulcer was easy to cure. Comp. Nicephorus, Hist. eccles. bk. VII. chs. 12, 13.

[400] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. II. chs. 1, 2, 3, 9, 10. Galen, Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 7. (XIII. p. 315.). Oribasius, De loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 93. Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59.

[401] Galen, Euporist. bk. I. ch. 14. (XIV. p. 382.), Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 7. (XIII. p. 315.), Oribasius, De loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 93. Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59.

[402] Galen, Euporist. bk. I. ch. 14. (XIV. p. 382.). Oribasius, De loc. affect, bk. IV. ch. 94.

[403] Galen, Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. IV. ch. 6. (XIII. p. 309.), ch. 7. (p. 314.), Synops. med. sec. gen. bk. V. ch. 12. (XIII. p. 837.). Oribasius, De loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 92. Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59. Nonnus, Epit. ch. 198.

[404] Celsus, bk. VI. ch. 18., bk. VII. 30., bk. V. 20. Galen, Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 6. (XIII. p. 309.), Synops. med. sec. gen. bk. V. ch. 13. (XIII. p. 840.), De simplic. med. temp. ac facult. bk. IX. chs. 3, 23. (XII. p. 231.), bk. XI. ch. 1. (XII. p. 333.), Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59., bk. VI. ch. 80. Oribasius, De loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 95. Dioscorides bk. I. ch. 34., ch. 94. Scribonius Largus, De compos. med. ch. 223. Marcellus, ch. 31. Nonnus, Epitom. ch. 196. Isidorus, Origin. bk. IV. ch. 7.

[405] Aëtius, loco citato ch. 9. from Leonidas. Paulus Aegineta, bk. VI. ch. 78.

[406] Celsus, VI. 18. Galen, (X. p. 381.), Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 6. (XIII. p. 307.), De simplic. temperam ac facult. bk. VI. (XI. p. 821.). Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59.

[407] Paulus Aegineta, bk. VI. ch. 80.

[408] Galen, Method. med. ad Glaucon. bk. II. ch. 1. (XI. p. 77.), De tumor. praet. nat. ch. 15. (VII. p. 729.), Comment. in Hippocrat. Aphorism. (XVII. B. p. 636.).—Paulus Aegineta, bk. IV. ch. 22. Actuarius, bk. II. ch. 12. Cassius, Problem. 42. Nonnus, Epitom. 247. Heliodorus, in Mai’s Class. auctor. e Vatic. codd. edit. Vol. IV. p. 13. note 3.

[409] Galen, Method. med. bk. XIII. ch. 5. (X. pp. 180 sqq.). Comp. Celsus, bk. V. ch. 28. Oribasius, Sympos. bk. VII. 31., De morb. curat. bk. III. ch. 46.

[410] Hippocrates, De natura pueri, Vol. I. p. 390.

[411] Hippocrates, Epidem. bk. VI. Vol. III. p. 619.

[412] In reference to ανθραξ Galen says, Isagog. ch. 16. (XIX. p. 777.): ἀνθράκωσις δέ ἐστιν ἕλκος ἐσχαρῶδες μετὰ νομῆς καὶ ῥεύματος καὶ βουβῶνος ἐνίοτε καὶ πυρετῶν γινομένων περὶ τὸ ἄλλο πᾶν σῶμα, ἔστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ περὶ ὀφθαλμούς. (But ἀνθράκωσις (malignant ulcer) is a scabby ulcer conjoined with eating ulcer and discharge and bubo, as also with fevers sometimes affecting the whole body and at other times the eyes in particular).

[413] Galen, loco citato p. 887., ἐχούσης δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης τὸ μῆκος μεῖζον τοῦ πλάτους, ἐγκάρσιον ἔστω τὸ μῆκος ἐπὶ τοῦ Βουβῶνος, οὐ κατ’εὐθὺ τοῦ κώλου· καὶ γὰρ κατὰ φύσιν οὕτως ἐπιπτύσσεται τὸ δέρμα ἑαυτῷ, καμπτόντων τὸ κῶλον. (But such an incision having greater length than breadth, the length should be diagonally to the groin, not in the line of the direct diameter of the limb. For in this way the skin is naturally folded over itself, when patients bend the limb).

[414] Sextus Placitus Papyriensis, De medicamentis ex animal. ch. 1. note 14., Cervi pudenda si tecum habueris, inguina tibi non tumebunt, et si tumor antiquus fuerit, velociter recedet. (If you carry with you a stag’s genitals, your groin will never swell, and if you have a long-standing swelling, it will quickly disappear.) We must further note supplementarily that Prophylactics against female gonorrhœa appear also to have been known and used; at any rate Galen, Euporist. bk. II. ch. 26. note 37. (XIV. p.485.), cites measures against humidity of the genital organs during coition πρὸς τὸ μὴ καθυγραίνεσθαι τὸ αἰδοῖον ἐν ταῖς συνουσίαις τῶν γυναικῶν;—(to guard against the humidity of the genitals in coition amongst women), consisting in fact in unripe gall-apples, ashes and wine as a lotion, or infusion of gall-apples with sulphurated wool as a vaginal-plug, honey and nitre as an embrocation!

[415] Galen, Method. med. bk. II. ch. 2. (X. p. 83).

[416] Hippocrates, Aphorismor. Vol. III. p. 742., De liquidorum usu Vol. II. p. 163.

[417] Galen, Synops. medic. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. 317).

[418] Celsus, bk. V. ch. 28. Oribasius, De morb. crat. bk. III. ch. 54. Synops. bk. VII. ch. 37, ch. 42., Collect, bk. XLIV. ch. 11. Mai loco cit. p. 31. Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 61. Paulus Aegineta bk. IV. ch. 9.

[419] Hippocrates, Prorrhet. bk. II. Vol. I. p. 204.

[420] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 15.

[421] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 20.

[422] Galen, Definit. medic. Vol. XIX. p. 446.

[423] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3.

[424] Oribasius, Synops. medic. sec. loc. bk. V. ch. 4. (XII. p. 823.). Aëtius, Tetrab. II. serm. 4. ch. 14.

[425] Oribasius, Synops. bk. VII. ch. 40. Aëtius, loco citato. Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 3.

[426] Marcellus, De medic. ch. 31., gives prescriptions “ad ficos qui in locis verecundioribus nascuntur,” (for fig-like swellings that occur in the more private parts). Nonnus, Epit. 214.

[427] Aspasia, De natura mulier. Vol. II. p. 588., De morb. mulier. bk. II. Vol. II. p. 879. The Etymologicum Magnum under the word explains κίων by ἀπὸ τοῦ κίειν καὶ ἀνίεναι εἰς ὕψος (so called from its going upwards and rising to a height). Comp. Phil. Ingrassias, De tumor. praet. natur. p. 273.

[428] Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 4. ch. 106.

[429] Celsus, bk. VI. ch. 18. Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3. Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59., bk. IV. ch. 15., bk. VI. ch. 80. Sextus Placitus Papyriensis, XI. 7. Apuleius, De herb. LXXX. 8. A large number of remedies against them are given by Galen: Vol. XIII. 309, 312, 422, 447, 512, 560, 715, 738, 781, 787, 824, 828, 831, 833, 837, 840.

[430] Celsus, bk. V. ch. 28. Comp. Galen, Defin. med. (XIX. p. 444.). Oribasius, Synops. VII. ch. 39., Collect. bk. XLV. ch. 12., bk. L. ch. 7. (in Mai loco cit. p. 43, p. 186). Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3., serm. 4. ch. 105. Paulus Aegineta, bk. III. ch. 59., bk. VI. chs. 58, 71. Nonnus, Epit. ch. 197. Pollux, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 25. sect. 194., θύμος, ὐπέρυθρος ἔκφυσις, τραχεῖα, ἔναιμος, οὐ δυσαφαίρετος, μάλιστα περὶ αἰδοῖα καὶ δακτύλιον καὶ παραμήρια· ἔστὶ δ’ὅτε καὶ ἐπὶ προσώπῳ. (θύμος,—thymus, a reddish outgrowth, rough, suffused with blood, not difficult to remove, occurring chiefly on the genital organs and anus and insides of the thighs; but sometimes on the face too). Marcellus, ch. 33. Myrepsus, XXXVIII. ch. 157.

[431] Hippocrates, De ulcer. Vol. III. p. 319., shows a knowledge of them very uncommon so early as his time.

[432] Celsus, bk. V. ch. 28. ch. 1. Galen, Defin. med. (XIX. p. 444.) Oribasius, Collect. bk. XLV. ch. 11. ch. 14. (Mai loco cit. 41, 43.) Aëtius, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3., serm. 4. ch. 105. Paulus Aegineta, bk. IV. ch. 15., bk. VI. ch. 87. Actuarius, bk. II. ch. 11., bk. IV. ch. 15., bk. VI. ch. 9. Pollux, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 25, sect. 195.

[433] Galen, Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 17. (X. p. 1011.).

[434] Perhaps some weight should be attached to the fact that the ancient physicians recommend as remedies against ulcers of the nose and mouth exactly the same means as they employed in cases of ulcer of the genitals. Comp. Celsus bk. VI. ch. 18.

[435] Celsus, bk. VI. ch. 8., bk. VII. ch. 11. Galen, Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. III. ch. 3. (XII. 678.). Oribasius, De loc. affect. Vol. IV. chs. 45, 46. Aëtius, Tetrab. II. serm. 2. chs. 90, 91, 93. Paulus Aegineta bk. III. ch. 23. Alexander of Tralles bk. III. ch. 8. Caelius Aurelianus morb. chron. bk. II. ch. 1. Actuarius, Method. med. bk. II. ch. 8., bk. VI. ch. 4. Nonnus, Epit. ch. 93. Pollux, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 25. sect. 204. The remark of Galen, Isagog. ch. 20. (XIV. p. 792.), is interesting that falling way of the nose from the palate gives sufferers an apelike look, ἀλλὰ κἂν ἐξ ὑπερώας μεσίζῃ ἡ ῥὶς, ὥς φησι, σιμοῦνται ἀθεραπεύτως,—(but if the nose separates from the palate, they get flat-nosed, as they say, like monkeys,—incurable.) A special nasal syringe, rhynenchytes, is mentioned by Caelius Aurelianus, Chron. bk. I. ch. 4., bk. III. ch. 2. Comp. Calmasius, Ad Solin p. 274.

[436] Johannes Moschus, Pratum spirituale (Meadow of the Soul) ch. 14. in Magna Bibliotheca veterum Patrum (Great Library of the Ancient Fathers) Vol. XIII. Paris 1644. fol., p. 1062. Ὁ Ἀββᾶς Πολυχρόνιος πάλιν ἡμῖν διηγήσατο, ἡμῖν λέγων, ὅτι ἐν τῷ κοινοβίω τοῦ Πενθουκλὰ, ἀδελφὸς ἦν πάνυ προσέχων αὑτὸν καὶ ἀσκητής· ἐπολεμήθη δὲ εἰς πορνείαν, καὶ μὴ εἰσενεγκὼν τὸν πολέμον, ἐξῆλθεν τοῦ μοναστηρίου καὶ ἀπῆλθεν εἰς Ἰεριχὼ πληρῶσαι τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν αὐτοῦ· καὶ ὡς εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸ καταγώγιον τῆς πορνείας, εὐθέως ἐλεπρούθη ὅλως· καὶ θεασάμενος ἑαυτὸν ἐν τοιούτῳ σχήματι, εὐθέως ἐπέστρεψεν εἰς τὸ μοναστήριον αὐτοῦ, εὐχαριστῶν τῷ θεῷ καὶ λέγων, ὅτι ὁ θεὸς ἐπήγαμέν μοι τὴν τοιαύτην νόσον, ἵνα ἡ ψυχή μου σωθῇ. (The Abbot Polychronius again related an incident to us, telling us how in the Monastery of Penthula there was a brother well self-disciplined and ascetic. But he was sorely tempted to fornication, and unable to fight the temptation, he went forth from the Monastery and departed to Jericho to fulfil his desire; and when he entered into the common house of fornication, straightway he became leprous all over. And when he saw himself in such a case, straightway he returned to his Monastery, blessing God and saying, “God hath brought down this disease upon me, that my soul might be saved”).

[437] Galen, De locis affect. bk. II. ch. 8. (VIII. pp. 91, 104.). τοὺς δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ τὰ ὀστέα προστυπεῖς εὑρήσεις, ὡς αὐτῶν δοκεῖν τῶν ὀστέων ὄντας· ... ὅτι δ’οἱ τῶν περικειμένων τοῖς ὀστοῖς ὑμένων πόνοι βύθιοί τ’εἰσὶν, τοῦτ’ ἔστι διὰ βάθους τοῦ σώματος ἐπιφέροντες αἴσθησιν, αὐτῶν τε τῶν ὀστῶν ἐπάγουσιν φαντασίαν ὡς ὀδυνωμένων, οὐδὲν θαυμαστόν· ὀνομάζουσι γοῦν αὐτοὺς ὀστοκόπους οἱ πλεῖστοι, γίνονται τὰ πολλὰ μὲν ἐπὶ γυμνασίοις, ἔστιν ὅτι δὲ καὶ διὰ ψύξιν, ἢ πλῆθος. (Now you will find patients suffering from pains in the parts surrounding the bones inclined to suppose they are suffering from the bones themselves.... And it is not at all surprising that pains in the membranes that lie about the bones being deep-seated, that is giving a sensation of being deep-seated in the body, make patients imagine it is the bones themselves that suffer. In fact they call them generally bone-racking pains; and they are set up as a rule after bodily exercises, but also sometimes as a consequence of cold or heat).

[438] Natalis Comes, Mythologia bk. III. p. 383., Deinde dicta (Cyprus) Cerastia, ut inquit Xenagoras in libro secundo de insulis, quod illam homines habitarent, qui multos tumores, tanquam cornua quaedam in capitibus habere viderentur, cum cornua κέρατα dicta sint a Graecis et κεράσται cornuti. (Then it (Cyprus) was also named Cerastia, as Xenagoras says in his second Book “On Islands”, because its inhabitants often had protuberances that looked like horns on their heads, for horns are called κέρατα in Greek, and those having horns κεράσται. Comp. Stephanus, De urbibus, under word Κύπρος, and Σφήκεια. Tzetzes, in Lycophron. Cassandr. 474. p. 173., ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ καὶ Κεραστία, ὡς μὲν Ἀνδροκλῆς ἐν τῷ περὶ Κύπρου λέγει, διὰ τὸ ἐνοικῆσαι αὐτῇ ἄνδρας, οἳ εἶχον κέρατα· ὡς δὲ Ξεναγόρας ἐν τῷ περὶ Νήσων, διὰ τὸ ἔχειν πολλὰς ἐξοχὰς, ἃς κέρατα καλοῦσι, Κεραστία ὠνομάσθη. (And it was also called Κεραστία, according to Androcles in his Book “On Cyprus”, because men lived in it who had horns; but according to Xenagoras in his “On Islands”, because they had many protuberances, which they call horns, for this reason it was named Κεραστία). Even supposing the etymology to be a fable, is the fact therefore on which it was based bound to be mythical too? Again Pollux, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 25., says, Κέρατα, ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τῶν κεράτων περὶ τὸ μέτωπου πωρώδεις ἐκφύσης, (horns,—a sort of callous outgrowths at the place where horns grow on the forehead). The words succeeding περὶ τὸ δέρμα (on the skin) are no doubt more appropriately taken with ἕρπης (creeping eruption) that comes next after them. In Sextus Placitus Papyriensis, ch. XI. 5. we read: Elephantis stercus illitum omnes tumores emendat, et duritias, quae in fronte nascuntur, mire tollit, (Elephant’s dung rubbed on cures all swellings, and removes in a wonderful way the callosities that grow on the forehead), but this really and truly can only be held applicable to cutaneous tubercles.)