FOOTNOTES:
[824] "It is most astonishing that there ever could have been people idle enough to write and read such endless heaps of the same stuff. It was, however, the occupation of thousands in the last century, and is still the private though disavowed amusement of young girls and sentimental ladies," wrote Chesterfield in the eighteenth century (Letters to his Son, 1774, p. 242). Even Johnson read and enjoyed these lengthy romances.
[825] Jusserand, The English Novel in the Time of Shakespeare, p. 381.
[826] Letters from Dorothy Osborne to Sir Wm. Temple, 1652-54, London, 1888, p. 318.
[827] He in turn passed them on to Lady Diana Rich.
[828] T. P. Courtney, Memoirs of the Life, Works and Correspondence of Sir Wm. Temple, London, 1836, i. p. 5.
[829] Letters, p. 172; ep. Goldsmith, Essay on the Use of Language: "If again you are obliged to wear a flimsy stuff in the midst of winter, be the first to remark that stuffs are very much worn at Paris."
[830] Pepys used Cotgrave's Dictionary; Diary, February 26, 1660-1.
[831] This book was very widely read in England. But there does not seem to have been an English translation of it before 1709 (Pepys's Diary, Oct. 13, 1664, ed. Wheatley, 1904).
[832] Diary, Jan. 13, Feb. 8 and 9, 1667-8.
[833] L'Hydrographie contenant la théorie et la pratique de toutes les parties de la navigation, 1643.
[834] He read Descartes's Musicae Compendium, but did not think much of it.
[835] Pepys relates how one evening Penn and he fell to discoursing about some words in a French song Mrs. Pepys was singing—D'un air tout interdict: "wherein I laid twenty to one against him, which he would not agree to with me, though I know myself in the right as to the sense of the word, and almost angry we were, and were an houre and more upon the dispute, till at last broke up not satisfied, and so home."
[836] Les Résolutions Politiques ou Maximes d'État, par Jean de Marnix, Baron de Potes, Bruxelles, 1612.
[837] Cp. E. Gosse, Seventeenth Century Studies, 1897; J. J. Jusserand, The English Novel in the Time of Shakespeare, p. 373.
[838] D. Canfield, Corneille and Racine in England, 1904. How common was the presence of Frenchmen in English families of high standing may be gathered from Orinda's statement that "one, Legrand, a Frenchman belonging to the Duchess of Ormond, has by her order set the fourth [song in Pompey to music], and a Frenchman of my Lord Orrery's the second" (Letters of Orinda to Poliarchus, London, 1705, Letter dated Jan. 31, 1663).
[839] Fifth ed., Amsterdam, 1686. Translated into English by F. Spence, London, 1683. Queen Henrietta Maria had done much to foster the spirit of the Astrée and the Hôtel de Rambouillet in England: cp. J. B. Fletcher, "Précieuses at the Court of Charles I.," in the Journal of Comparative Philology, vol. i. 1903.
[840] Between ladies and "cavaliers." Herbert explains that by "cavalier" he means galant homme. Here is a specimen of their style: "Cavalier: La voilà, je la vois.—Dame: Que voyez-vous, mons.?—Je vois la Gloire du beau sexe, l'Ornement de ce siècle, et l'Objet de mes affections.—Vous voyez ici bien des choses.—Toutes ces choses sont en une.—C'est donc une merveille.—Dites, ma chère Dame, la merveille des merveilles.—Je le pourrois dire après vous, car votre bel esprit ne se sauroit tromper.—Il se peut bien tromper, mais non pas en ceci.—Je veux qu'il soit infaillible en ceci: il faut pourtant que je voye cette Gloire, cet Ornement et cet Objet, pour en pouvoir juger.—Vous ne les sauriez voir que par réflexion.—Je ne vous entens pas.—Approchez-vous de ce miroir, et vous verrez ce que je dis. Qu'y voyez-vous, ma Belle?—Je vous y vois, monsieur.—Voilà une belle réponse.—Belle ou laide, elle est vraye.—Elle l'est effectivement: mais n'y voyez-vous rien que moi?—Je m'y vois aussi bien que vous.—Vous voyez donc cette illustre merveille, etc."
[841] "Il y a des particuliers qui ne sont pas dans mes intérêts, qui les (i.e. his works) décrient hautement, non pas tant par malice que par jalousie, quelques-uns étant des personnes intéressées qui sont de ma profession, ou des critiques ignorans qui trouvent à redire à tout ce que les autres font, pour faire paroître ce qu'ils n'ont point, s'imaginant qu'on les prend pour des hommes d'esprit, quand on les entend reprendre les choses les mieux faites."
[842] See p. 290, supra.
[843] Arber, Stationers' Register, iv. 333.
[844] Schickler, Églises du Refuge, ii. pp. 148-9, and 153. Despagne became a denizen in 1655 (Hug. Soc. Pub. xviii.). Cp. also Haag, La France protestante, ad nom., and the Bulletin de la société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme français, viii. pp. 369 et seq. He died in 1658.
[845] Harmony of the Old and New Testament, 1682, Brown's preface.
[846] Schickler, op. cit. ii. p. 224.
[847] Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1660-61, p. 277.
[848] That translation was not always the means of interpretation is shown by the following passage from Mauger; a stranger questions one of his pupils:
Entendez-vous tout ce que vous lisés?
J'en entends une partie.
Entendez-vous bien le sens?
Fort bien, monsieur.
Probably French was not 'construed' word for word, as Latin was, the clause, on the contrary, being made the starting-point. "Construing word for word is impossible in any language," wrote Joseph Webbe in his Petition to the High Court of Parliament, quoting as an example the "barbarous English of the Frenchman, 'I you pray, sir,' for Je vous prie, monsieur."
[849] An Essay on Education, London, 1711.
[850] Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson, ed. C. H. Firth, London. 1885, i. p. 16.
[851] Ibid. p. 23.
[852] Autobiography of Lady Anne Halkett, 1622-1699, 1701, Camden Society, 1875, p. 2.
[853] The Lives of Wm., Duke of Newcastle and of his wife Margaret ... written by the thrice noble and illustrious princess Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle, ed. M. A. Lower, 1872, p. 271.
[854] Loveday's Letters, Domestick and forrain to several persons ..., London, 1659, p. 31.
[855] Letters, p. 105. Cp. also pp. 26, 47, 79, 135, etc. It is evident from the letter of Dorothy Osborne quoted above, p. 320, that she had learnt French chiefly by ear. Several of the inaccuracies, such as the use of the past participle for the infinitive, would not be noticeable in pronunciation.
[856] F. Watson, Grammar Schools, pp. 276 sqq.
[857] J. Webbe, An Appeale to Truth in the Controversie between Art and Verse about the best and most expedient course in languages, 1622.
[858] There was a strong feeling at this period in favour of a freer use of English in the teaching of Latin, chiefly on account of the time such a course would save. Thus Milton recognized the mistake of spending a great number of years in learning one language "making two labours of one by learning first the accidence, then the grammar in Latin, ere the language of those rules be understood." The remedy, he thought, was the use of a grammar in English (A. F. Leach, "Milton as Schoolboy and Schoolmaster," Proceedings of the British Academy, iii. 1908). Snell (Right Teaching of Useful Knowledge, 1649), Mrs. Makin or M. Lewis (?) (Essay to Revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen, 1671), and others also argued that English should be the groundwork of the teaching of Latin. Most of the English grammars produced in the seventeenth century claim to be useful to scholars as an introduction to the rudiments of Latin; and it was on this footing, no doubt, that English grammar first made its way into the schools. Chief among these, perhaps, was J. Poole's English Accidence for attaining more speedily the Latin Tongue, so that every young child, as soon as he can read English, may by it turn any sentence into Latin. Published by Authority, and commended as generally necessary to be made use of in all schooles of this commonwealth, London, 1655. For a list of English grammars cp. F. Watson, Modern Subjects, chap. i. Lily's Grammar came to be almost always used with the English rendering by Wm. Hume. Cp. Watson, Grammar Schools, p. 296.
[859] An advertisement ... touching school books, 1659.
[860] An Essay to Revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen, London, 1673 (by Mrs. Makin or Mark Lewis).
[861] G. Miège, A New French Grammar, 1678, p. 377.
[862] Appeale to Truth, 1622, p. 41.
[863] Petition to the High Court of Parliament, in behalf of auncient and authentique Authours, for the universall and perpetuall good of every man, 1623.
[864] Essais, liv. i., ch. xxv.
[865] Cp. The Brain Breaker's Breaker, or the Apologie of Th. Grantham for his Method of Teaching, 1644.
[866] The Examination of Academies, wherein is discussed ... the Matter, Method and Customes of Academick and Scholastick Learning, and the insufficiency thereof discovered and laid open, 1653, p. 21.
[867] Thus Sir Wm. Petty, in his Advice to S. Hartlib for the advancement of some particular parts of learning (1648), argues that languages should be taught by "incomparably more easy wayes then are now usuall." An anonymous "Lover of his Nation" proposed that children should learn Latin as they do English, by having no other language within their hearing for two years; and similarly with other languages (Watson, Modern Subjects, p. 482). Ch. Hoole, teacher at a private grammar school in London, also proposes that Latin should be learnt by speaking and hearing it spoken, and attributes the unsatisfactory knowledge of the language to the too frequent use of English in schools (New Discoverie of the old art of Teaching Schooll, 1660). The French teacher Miège suggests that Latin should be taught in special schools, on the same lines as French was taught in the French ones (French Grammar, 1678). In 1685 was published The Way of Teaching the Latin Tongue by use to those that have already learn'd their Mother Tongue; and in 1669 had appeared a work translated from the French, called An Examen of the Way of Teaching the Latine Tongue to little children by use alone. Among other publications of similar import are: An Essay on Education, showing how Latin, Greek, and other Languages may be learn'd more easily, quickly and perfectly than they commonly are, 1711; and An Essay upon the education of youth in Grammar Schools in which the Vulgar Method of Teaching is examined, and a new one proposed for the more easy and speedy training up of Youth, to the knowledge of the Learned Languages ..., by J. Clarke, Master of the Public Grammar School in Hull (London, 1720).
[868] Right Teaching of Useful Knowledge to fit scholars for some honest Profession, London, 1649, p. 186.
[869] Locke, Some thoughts concerning Education (1693), ed. J. W. Adamson, in Educational Writings of Locke, London, 1912, p. 125.
[870] Op. cit. p. 127.
[871] "Why does the Learning of Latin and Greek need the rod, when French and Italian need it not?" (op. cit. p. 69). And again, "Those who teach any of the modern languages with success never amuse their scholars to make speeches or verses either in French or Italian, their business being language barely and not invention" (op. cit. p. 71).
[872] J. Palairet, New Royal French Grammar, The Hague, 1738.
[873] Languages, he held, were best learnt by rules of a simple nature, comparison of the points of difference and resemblance between the known and unknown language, and exercises on familiar subjects.
[874] A compendious way of teaching Ancient and Modern Languages ..., 2nd edition, London, 1723, pp. 45 et seq.
[875] He would then learn Italian and Spanish on the same plan.
[876] An Essay to Revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen ..., 1673.
[877] Essay on Education, 1711. The case of Queen Elizabeth, who is said to have learnt only one or two Latin rules, is also quoted.
[878] An Essay on the education of children in the first rudiments of learning, together with a narrative of what knowledge Wm. Wotton, a child of 6 years of age, had attained unto upon the Improvement of those Rudiments in the Latin, Greek and Hebrew Tongues. Reprinted, London, 1753, p. 38.
[879] Diary, July 6, 1679.
[880] Ibid., Jan. 27, 1688.
[881] For this purpose he wrote The True and readie way to learne the Latin Tongue, expressed in an answer to the Question whether the ordinary way of teaching Latin by Rules of Grammar be best, 1654.