Footnotes
[1.]The map of Northern Greece was not received until that of the Peloponnese had been engraved; and being intended by the author for circulation in Germany, as well as in England, the names are given in Latin. This must serve as an apology for this want of uniformity in the two maps.[2.]See particularly Pouqueville's list of Albanian words. Compare Thunmann's Geschichte der Europäischen Völker, p. 250. Concerning the Illyrians, see App. 1, § 21, 28.[3.]Strabo VII. p. 321 A.[4.]Illyrian words in use among the Macedonians: σαυάδαι (Sileni) in Macedonian, δευάδαι in Illyrian; δράμις, bread, in Macedonian, δράμικης among the Athamanes. Orchomenos, p. 254. Compare Hesychius in βατάρα. See the copious collection in Sturz de Dialecto Macedonica.[5.]As this expression is often used in the following pages, I take this opportunity of stating, that by an aboriginal people, I mean one which, as far as our knowledge extends, first dwelt in a country, before which we know of no other inhabitants of that country.[6.]Justin, VII. 1. Compare Æsch. Suppl. 261.[7.]Herod. I. 57. See Orchomenos, p. 444.[8.]Compare, for example, δαίνειν to kill, δάνος death, with θανεῖν, θάνατος; ἐέλδω (ἐέλδωρ in Homer) with ἐθέλω; ἀδραία for αἰδρία, in which θ loses its aspiration, as φ does in κεφαλὴ (so in German haubet for haupt), ἀφροῦτις for ὀφρὺς (brow), Βίλιππος, Βερενίκη, βαλακρὸς, &c. The aspirate is also frequently lost; ἐνδομενία or ἐνδυμενία, furniture (in Polybius), with a change of υ and ο.[9.]E.g. the nominatives ἵπποτα, &c., which are also called Æolico-Bœotic, Doric, and Thessalian. Sturz ut sup. p. 28.[10.]E.g. ζέρεθρα for βάραθρα.[11.]E.g. ταγῶν ἀγὰ, the leading of the Tagus, as in Thessaly; ματτύα, dainties, a Thessalian, Macedonian, and also Spartan word.[12.]E.g. βίρροξ, hirsutus, hirtus; γάρκαν, virgam; ἴλεξ, ilex. The want of aspirates also forms a point of comparison.[13.]Apollodorus, III. 8, 1.[14.]Ap. Constant. Porph. de Themat. II. 2, p. 1453. Sturz Hellan. Fragm. p. 79. The passage of Hesiod is probably from the Ἠοῖαι, and there is no reason for supposing it spurious. The second verse should be read, υἶε δύω Μάγνητα Μάκεδνόν θ᾽ ἱππιοχάρμην.[15.]Concerning the Macedonians, see [Appendix I].[16.]I allude here particularly to the ending of the genitive case of the second declension in οιο, which the grammarians quote as Thessalian.[17.]See [Appendix I. § 28]. The ancient Macedonian coins represent precisely the same dress as the Thessalian.[18.]Compare Θετταλικὰ πτερὰ in several grammarians, with Didymus in Ammonius in χλαμύς. More will be found on this subject in book IV. c. 2, § 4.[19.]Compare Theocritus XII. 14, with Alcman quoted in the Scholia, and b. IV. c. 4, § 6.[20.]Hesychius in δεσποίνας. See book IV. c. 4, § 4.[21.]According to Ælian, V. H. III. 15, the women of Illyria were present at banquets and wine-parties; Herod. V. 18, says the contrary of the Macedonians.[22.]Strabo, V. p. 221.[23.]See particularly Stephan. Byzant. in Ἔφυρα.[24.]Alexander Ephesius ap. Stephan. Byz. in Χαονία.[25.]Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. i. p. 46, ed. 2, English tr. Hence many names were the same in both countries; as, e.g., Pandosia (Justin, XII. 2), Acheron, Acherontia, &c.[26.]Herodotus also says, that the Ionians and Æolians had formerly been Pelasgians, having, as it were, swallowed up that nation; he must however assume that they changed their language (μετέμαθον τὴν γλῶσσαν), as the language of the Pelasgi who dwelt near Creston and Placia (which was probably nothing more than an ancient dialect) appeared to him barbarous. Æschylus (Suppl. 911) opposes them, as genuine Greeks, to the καρβανοι, or barbarians.[27.]Thus, e.g., the Amphilochians and Chaonians, according to Thucyd. II. 68, 80. The following ancient Greek forms occur in the Epirot dialect: γδοῦποσ for δοῦποσ (Maittaire, p. 141), γνώσκω, nosco, Orion p. 42, 17. Ἄσπετος Achilles, Plut. Pyrrh. 1. (α-ἕπομαι.)—The account in Strabo VII. p. 327, of two languages being spoken in some districts, doubtless refers to the coexistence of Grecian and Illyrian dialects.[28.]Polyb. XVII. 5, 8.[29.]Orchomenos, p. 253.[30.]According to Hesychius, Βρέκυς (Βερεκύντιος) is the same word as Βρύξ. Bruges was also used by Ennius, and, as it appears, by Marcus Brutus (Plutarch, Brut. 45).[31.]See the Chrestomathia of Proclus. Briges, or Phryges, in the region of Dyrrachium, Appian, Bell. Civ. II., 39.[32.]Creuzer Fragment. Histor. p. 171. Strabo XIV. p. 680. Compare Conon in Photius I.[33.]Concerning this point, see Hoeck's History of Crete, vol. I. p. 109, sqq.[34.]According to the opinion of their colonists, Herod. VII. 73. Eudoxus ap. Steph. in Ἀρμενία. Compare Heeren De Linguarum Asiaticarum in Persarum Imperio Cognatione, Comment. Gotting. vol. XIII.[35.]The Armenians frequently occur in the ancient traditional history of the oriental kingdoms; e.g., in Diod. II. 1 as conquered by Ninus. They are likewise represented as the original inhabitants in the native legends collected by Moses of Chorene.[36.]
Plato, Cratyl. p. 410 A. It is remarkable that these words are also in the German language. Πῦρ (see Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I. p. 584, 2d ed.) in ancient High German was viuri, in Low German für. Κύων, canis, hund (d added as in μὴν, μὰν—Phrygian for moon—and mahnd, mond). Ὕδωρ, in High German wazar, in Low German water; the digamma is present the genuine Phrygian form βéδυ, which, on account of ancient vicinity, was also a Macedonian and Orphic word (see Neanth. Cyzicen. ap. Clem. Alexand. Strom. V. p. 673. Jablonsky de Lingua Phrygia, p. 76), and is sometimes translated water, and sometimes air.
Lastly, the Phrygian inscription in Walpole's Memoirs, especially the words ΜΙΔΑΙ ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, prove that it had a great resemblance, both in radical forms and inflexion, with the Greek.
This is the meaning of the passage in Steph. Byzant. Ἀβαντίς,—ὡς Ἡσίοδος ἐν Αἰγιμίου δευτέρῳ περὶ Ἰοῦς;
—Νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐν Ἀβαντίδι δίῃ,
τὴν πρὶν Ἀβαντίδα κίκλησκον Θεοὶ αἰὲν ἐόντες
τήν ποτ᾽ ἐπώνυμον Εὔβοιαν βοὸς ὠνόμασε Ζεύς.
These are followed by the four verses concerning Argos and Io quoted by Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1151. Apollodorus II. 1, 3, alludes to this passage. Also what he mentions from this poem in II. 1, 5, belongs to the Eubœan fables. Apollodorus, in both passages, quotes the Ægimius under the name of Cercops. Compare Fabric. Bibliothec. vol. I. p. 592. ed. Harles.
Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων, καλλιστεφάνου πόσις Ἥρης,
Ζεὺς Ἡρακλείδαις τήνδε δέδωκε πόλιν.
Οἷσιν ἅμα προλιπόντες Ἐρινεὸν ἠνεμόεντα,
Εὐρεῖαν Πέλοπος νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα.
τήνδε πόλιν is Laconia. We mean the Dorians: Erineus the Tetrapolis. Strabo VIII. p. 362 has not correctly understood and applied these verses. (See below, note to [ch. 7. § 10].) Tyrtæus also calls the Dorians generally Ἡρακλῆος γένος—whence Plutarch de Nobil. 2. p. 388.
See Pausan. IV. 2. 1. There are two other passages of Hesiod referring to the expedition of the Heraclidæ. Schol. Apollon I. 824.
Θεσσάμενος γενεὴν Κλεαδαίου κυδαλίμοιο,
the connexion of which is very obscure (see Bentley ad Callim. Cer. Calath. 48); and Schol. Pind. Olymp. XI. 79. e cod. Vratisl.
Τιμάνδην Ἔχεμος θαλερὴν ποιήσατ᾽ ἄκοιτιν.
From this passage Apollod. III. 10. 6. Pausan. VIII. 5. 1. draw their materials. This, however, might also occur among the actions of Hercules, particularly at the first Olympian festival, as may be seen from Pindar.
Ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. The words of the inscription are as follows:—
πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὖρε δίκνην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι,
εὖρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην
ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἐπίορκον.
χαῖρε Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν.
There is some difficulty in the chronology of this family; the following is a genealogical table:—
[Transcriber's Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table:
Aristocrates of Orchomenus: Father of Aristodemus and Eristhenea.
Eristhenea married Procles of Epidaurus, and bore Melissa.
Aëtion fathered Cypselus, who fathered Gorgus and Periander, who married Melissa.
Melissa and Periander parented Cypselus and Lycophron.]
There are also Gordias and Psammetichus, as to whom nothing is known. See Æginetica, p. 64. sqq. Periander ruled from Olymp. 38. 1. (Eusebius) to Olymp. 48. 4. (Sosicrates ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 74.), 44 years according to Aristotle. This is not inconsistent with the fact mentioned by Herodotus V. 95 and Apollodorus (p. 411. Heyn. comp. Timæus ap. Strab. 13. p. 600. A. Aristot. Rhet. I. 15. 14.) that he decided between Athens and Mytilene concerning Sigeum, since Phrynon of Athens (victor in the 36th Olympiad, Afric.) had contended on this same point with Pittacus in Olym. 43. 1. (Eusebius), before the time of Pisistratus. Compare Polyænus I. 25. Plutarch de Herod. Malign. 15. Diog. Laert. i. 74. Festus in Retiarii. Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 401. The narrative of Herodotus is not arranged entirely in a chronological order. Periander, however, was reigning, according to Herodotus I. 20. in the fifth year of the reign of Halyattes (Olymp. 41), and before his death sent him a present of Corcyræan boys, in the third generation (i.e. in the 16th Olympiad), before the siege of Samos by the Lacedæmonians (Olymp. 63.), as Panofka (Res Samiorum, p. 30.) has rightly corrected in Herod. III. 48. (γ᾽ γενεῇ πρότερον) from Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. Cypselus, according to Herodotus, reigned thirty years, and therefore ascended the throne in Olymp. 30. 3.; the Cypselidæ ruled altogether 76-1/2 years (according to my emendation of Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22); Procles reigned from about the 35th to the 49th Olympiad; Aristocrates goes as far back as the 25th Olympiad.
ἀνάθημα πόλεως ἢ τινὸς πραθεὶς ὕπο.
Eurip. Ion. 322.
ἱερὸν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θεῷ δίδωμ᾽ ἔχειν.
Ver. 1299.
Boreas, according to Sophocles ap. Strab. VII. p. 204. carried Orithyia.
Ὕπέρ τε πόντον πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα χθονὸς,
Νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ᾽ ἀναπτυχὰς,
Φοίβου τε παλαιὸν κῆπον.