FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER I

[1] Prutz, p. lxx.

[2] See Bolingbroke’s Chamberlain’s Accounts, Prutz, 99; Expeditions of Derby, 107. William of Worcester, ii. 443, gives the date of Humphrey’s birth as 1390. Holkham MS., p. 7, ventures on the entirely imaginary date of June 3, 1393.

[3] See Doyle, ii. 317, and under the title ‘Hereford.’

[4] Duchy of Lancaster Accounts (Various), Bundle i. No. 6.

[5] Duchy of Lancaster Accounts (Various), Bundle iv. No. 1.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Elmham, Vita, 5.

[8] See Anstis, Order of the Bath (Observations Introductory).

[9] Liberatio Pannorum in Magna Garderoba, printed in Anstis, Order of the Bath, 22. Cf. Fabyan, 565; Holinshed, iii. 3.

[10] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 45. Cf. Froissart’s Chronicle, Book iv. C. 16.

[11] Gregory, 102; Fabyan, 565.

[12] Rot. Pat., 1 Henry IV., Part iv. m. 7; Add. MS. 15,664, f. 15.

[13] Rot. Pat., 1 Henry IV., Part viii. m. 1.

[14] Ibid., Part v. m. 24.

[15] Lord Treasurer’s Remembrancers, Roll xi. m. 12, printed in Wylie, iv. 219.

[16] Chron. Henry IV., 7, 8; Annales Henrici Quarti, 323-330; Lond. Chron., 86; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 243-245; Higden, f. 150vo; Chronique des Pays Bas, 316-325.

[17] Rot. Pat., 2 Henry IV., Part ii. m. 22.

[18] See Cal. Rot. Pat., 245-249, 251, 256; Rot. Parl., iii. 670.

[19] Queen’s Remem. Ward. Acct., printed in Wylie, iv. 205; Devon, Issue Roll, 294.

[20] Waurin, ii. 61.

[21] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 258; Gregory, 103; Elmham, Vita, 7.

[22] Beltz, p. clv. Humphrey’s name occurs as a creation of Henry IV. in the list in Ashmole, Order of the Garter, 506.

[23] Anstis, Order of the Garter, i. 14.

[24] Beltz, p. clv.

[25] Ibid.

[26] Rymer, IV. i. 76.

[27] Ibid., IV. i. 106; cf. Chron. Henry IV., 49.

[28] Capgrave, Chron. of Eng., 292; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 274; Chron. Henry IV., 49.

[29] Leland, Collectanea, vi. 300, 301.

[30] Duc. Lanc. Accounts (Various), Bundle iv. No. 1.

[31] Ibid.; Receiver Gen. Rec., 1 Henry IV. Holkham MS., p. 7, says that Humphrey was ‘instructed in the fundamentals of good literature’ by Sir Lewis Clifford, but there is no known authority for this statement.

[32] Bale (1559 edition), 583. He does not mention it in his 1548 edition, which seems to imply that he was using some newly acquired authority, though of course implicit confidence cannot be placed in the statement. Leland, Commentarii, 422, follows Bale’s later statements.

[33] Rymer, iv. ii. 14, 15.

[34] Waurin, ii. 162.

[35] May 7, 1413. Rot. Pat., 1 Henry V., Part iii. m. 44.

[36] Such at least were the duties of the Chamberlain under Edward IV.; Ordinances of the Household, 29.

[37] Rot. Pat., 1 Henry V., Part v. m. 8.

[38] Ibid., Part iv. m. 4.

[39] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 297.

[40] Rot. Pat., 6 Henry IV., Part i. m. 25.

[41] Rot. Parl., iv. 17, 443.

[42] Ibid., iv. 270.

[43] Ibid., iv. 17.

[44] Ibid., iv. 24.

[45] Basin, i. 5, 6; St. Rémy also hints this.

[46] The original MS. of this treaty is preserved at Dijon. See De Beaucourt, i. 132, 133.

[47] Des Ursins, 502.

[48] Rymer, IV. i. 77, 79, 80; Des Ursins, 500.

[49] Des Ursins, 500.

[50] See St. Rémy, 586.

[51] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 305; St. Rémy, 387, 388; St. Denys, v. 499.

[52] Ordinances, ii. 153.

[53] Memorials of London, 604, 605, document printed from the City of London Letter Book, i. f. cl. London lent Henry 10,000 marks, Rymer, IV. ii. 141.

[54] Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 114; Lydgate’s poem printed in Lond. Chron., Appendix, p. 216.

[55] Monstrelet, 361, 362; St. Denys, v. 501.

[56] An earlier embassy to France had reported that the French were behaving treacherously (Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 301), whilst these French envoys reported on their return that Henry had never meant to come to terms (St. Denys, v. 531-533). Such distrust of each other’s intentions made an agreement impossible.

[57] Monstrelet, 363; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 305; St. Denys, v. 513-525; St. Rémy, 387, 388; Redmayne, 32-37.

[58] Holkham MS., p. 13, ascribes the discovery of the conspiracy to the ‘prudence and careful circumspection’ of Gloucester.

[59] Edmund, Earl of March, was the grandson of Philippa, daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III., and so had a claim to the throne of England as a descendant of that King by an elder line than Henry V., who claimed through John of Gaunt, the younger brother of Lionel, Duke of Clarence.

[60] St. Rémy. 389.

[61] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 306, 307.

[62] Rot. Parl., iv. 65; Stowe, 346, 347.

[63] Rot. Parl., iv. 66. Probably the Duke of York was made to serve in order to minimise the dynastic aspect of the plot.

[64] Eng. Chron., 40. See also Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 305-307; Redmayne, 41. Certain hitherto unused matter with regard to this conspiracy is to be found in the Deputy Keeper’s Forty-third Report, 579-594.

[65] Rot. Parl., iv. 64.

[66] Gesta, 13; Hardyng’s Journal, 389; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 307. Cotton MS., Claudius, A. VIII. f. 2, says there were only three hundred and twenty sail.

[67] Elmham, Vita, 35.

[68] For discussion of probable number of army, see Ramsay, i. 200, and Kingsford, 137, note.

[69] Rot. Parl., iv. 320.

[70] Ordinances, iii. 9.

[71] Hunter’s Tracts, i. 21, 22.

[72] Printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, 373.

[73] Ordinances, v. 26.

[74] Hunter’s Tracts, i. 21, 22.

[75] Nicholas’s Agincourt, 333-336.

[76] Hunter’s Tracts, i. 22.

[77] Gesta, 13; Elmham, Vita, 36, 37.

[78] Elmham, Vita, 40.

[79] Gesta, 15; Hardyng’s Journal, 389.

[80] So at least says St. Denys, v. 535.

[81] Elmham, Vita, 37-39; Gesta, 15; Livius, 8; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 307; Hardyng’s Journal, 389.

[82] Gesta, 15, 19; Hardyng’s Journal, 389; Elmham, Vita, 38, 39; St. Denys, v. 537; Delpit, Doc. Fr., 217, No. CCCXXIX.

[83] Livius, 8.

[84] Gesta, 16, 17.

[85] Elmham, Vita, 38-41; Gesta, 20; Livius, 9; Hardyng’s Journal, 389.

[86] Elmham, Vita, 42; Livius, 10.

[87] Elmham, Vita, 42. Livius, 9, says that Gloucester was given control over the whole siege. He is followed by Stow, 348. This, however, is very improbable.

[88] Elmham, Vita, 42.

[89] Hardyng’s Journal, 389; Elmham, Vita, 43.

[90] St. Denys, v. 537; Gesta, 21.

[91] Gesta, 22, 24, 25; Hardyng’s Journal, 389; Livius, 10; Waurin, ii 184.

[92] Gesta, 26.

[93] Epist. Acad., 237. For a short account of Ægidius de Columna (Romanus), who lived from 1296 to 1316, see W. Cave, Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria (Oxford, 1743), ii. 340.

[94] Cambridge University Library MS., Ee. 2. 17.

[95] Gesta, 23, 24.

[96] Ibid., 27.

[97] Ibid., 28.

[98] Gesta, 29-32; Elmham, Vita, 46, 47; Hardyng’s Journal, 390; Delpit, Doc. Fr., 217, No. CCCXXIX.

[99] St. Denys, v. 542.

[100] St. Rémy, 391. The two castles at the mouth of the harbour held out for two more days; Waurin, ii. 187.

[101] ‘Le souverain port de toute Northmandie, et le plus prouffitable pour leur guerre mener en ce quartier’; Waurin, ii. 184.

[102] Monstrelet, 367. Elmham, Vita, 44, denies the scarcity of provisions.

[103] Gesta, 26, 27, 31.

[104] Waurin, ii. 187; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 309. The Earls of March and Arundel and the Earl Marshal also returned home.

[105] Delpit, Doc. Fr., 217, No. CCCXXIX.; Livius, 11.

[106] Livius, 10.

[107] Gesta, 34; St. Rémy, 391. Complaint of the Sieur de Gaucourt printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, App. VI. p. 25.

[108] Rymer, IV. ii. 147.

[109] Gesta, 36, which, however, gives October 7 in another place. Hardyng gives October 1, but he is a week too early all through. Waurin, ii. 188, says the English stopped a fortnight at Harfleur.

[110] So Gesta, 36; Hardyng’s Journal, 390; but Waurin, ii. 188, gives 2000 lances and 14,000 archers, an absurd estimate. See Nicholas’s Agincourt, 78, where it is concluded that Henry had between six and nine thousand men.

[111] Roll of men at Agincourt printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, 336.

[112] Gesta, 36; Livius, 11, 12.

[113] Waurin, ii. 188.

[114] Gesta, 37; Elmham, Vita, 52: Livius, 13.

[115] Gesta, 39; Hardyng’s Journal, 390; Waurin, ii. 191; Monstrelet, 371.

[116] St. Rémy, 393. Cf. Waurin, ii, 191.

[117] Gesta, 42. Stow, 349, attributes these stakes to the forethought of the Duke of York.

[118] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 310.

[119] Gesta, 43, 44; St. Rémy, 393; Waurin, ii. 193; Monstrelet, 371.

[120] Livius, 14; Elmham, Vita, 54, 55; Waurin, ii. 195; Gesta, 45.

[121] Monstrelet, 373; St. Rémy, 396; Elmham, Vita, 58, 59.

[122] Gesta, 47; Livius, 16; St. Rémy, 396.

[123] St. Rémy, 397, 399.

[124] Des Ursins, 518.

[125] Waurin, ii. 211; St. Rémy, 399; Gesta, 49.

[126] Monstrelet, 369; St. Rémy, 395. For the letters which passed between the Duke of Burgundy and the King of France at this time, see Des Ursins, 510-518.

[127] Gesta, 50; St. Rémy, 397; Redmayne, 43.

[128] St. Rémy. 400.

[129] Gesta, 50; Basin, i. 20.

[130] St. Rémy, 398. Cf. Des Ursins, 520.

[131] Des Ursins, 518.

[132] Gesta, 52; St. Rémy, 400.

[133] Gesta, 53; St. Rémy, 400.

[134] Livius, 20; Gesta, 59.

[135] Polit. Songs, ii. 125. This poem is also printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, 281.

[136] Dux incautius, Livius, 20. Indiscreet hardiness, Holkham MS., p. 14.

[137] Livius, 20; Elmham, Vita, 67; Gesta, 59; Redmayne, 47. Cf. Stow, 350; Holkham MS., p. 15.

‘Hic frater Regis Humfredus nobilis est Dux

Inguine percursus; defluit ense cruor

Huic ad humum presso Rex succurrendo superstans

Fratris defensor hoc in agone fuit.’

Elmham, Liber Metricus, 121.

[138] Gesta, 55; Livius, 20; Elmham, Vita, 68; St. Rémy, 401.

[139] Gesta, 59.

[140] Poem printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, 323, and also at the end of Lond. Chron.

[141] Holkham MS., p. 15.

[142] Gesta, 58; Basin, i. 23.

[143] Gesta, 58; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 313.

[144] St. Rémy, 402; Lond. Chron., 102; Gesta, 59; Elmham, Vita, 71. There is a long account of the entry into London in the Gesta, 61-68, and in Lydgate’s poem printed in Lond. Chron., 231-233.

CHAPTER II

[145] Gesta, 59.

[146] Cal. Rot. Pat., 265. Llanstephan had belonged to Henry Gwyn, killed on the French side at Agincourt.

[147] November 27, 1415. The actual patent of appointment is not given, but it is referred to in a later entry. Rot. Pat., 4 Henry V., m. 22.

[148] Rot. Parl., iv. 91. Bedford is mentioned as Lieutenant of England in the same document, and this definitely shows that it was of a date anterior to the King’s return.

[149] December 28, Rot. Pat., 3 Henry V., Part ii. m. 16. In the reign of Henry VI. Gloucester alludes to having the reversion of Carisbrooke and the Isle of Wight, then in the hands of the Dowager-Duchess of York (Ancient Petitions, File 85, No. 4220), so no absolute grant of this was made at this time.

[150] Jan. 27, Rot. Pat., 3 Henry V., Part ii. m. 12.

[151] See Aschbach, passim.

[152] Elmham, Vita, 74; Gesta, 76.

[153] Rymer, iv. ii. 157.

[154] Ibid., iv. ii. 157.

[155] Ordinances, ii. 195, 196.

[156] MSS. of Corporation of New Romney, Hist. MSS., Rep. v. 539.

[157] Holinshed, iii. 85. Aschbach, ii. 162, accepts the story. Windeck, Sigismund’s secretary, who might have described the incident in his Life of the Emperor, did not come over at the same time as his master, but followed a few days later. See cap. 59.

[158] Redmayne, 49, gives a variation of the story, placing the incident at Calais, and Warwick as the actor; but as Sigismund arrived there by land, this is manifestly impossible. Hall also gives it in yet another version.

[159] Windeck, cap. 59; Des Ursins, 529, 530.

[160] Lond. Chron., 103; Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 118; Gesta, 75, 76; Elmham, Liber Metricus, 133; Livius, 23; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, c. iv. f. 28vo, gives May 4 as the day of arrival at Dover.

[161] Gesta, 76.

[162] Rot. Parl., iv. 95, 96.

[163] Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 118; Elmham, Liber Metricus, 134.

[164] Rymer, iv. ii. 135; Elmham, Vita, 87; Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 118.

[165] Caro, Bundniss von Canterbury, 57; Aschbach, ii. 164.

[166] A detailed account of the banquet in celebration of Sigismund’s enrolment in the Order of the Garter is given in Lond. Chron., 159.

[167] Elmham, Liber Metricus, 134.

[168] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. i. 688; Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 44, App. 583.

[169] The King at first intended to lead this expedition. Memorials of London, 628; Elmham, Vita, 78, 79; Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 120; Livius, 25; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 180; Rymer, iv. ii. 168. Des Ursins, 532, says that Gloucester accompanied Bedford.

[170] Windeck, cap. 60.

[171] Sigismund and his followers distributed copies of the following verses among the citizens of Calais, as a tribute to their royal reception in England:

‘Vale et gaude gloriosa cum triumpho!

O tu felix Anglia et benedicta!

Quia quasi angelica natura gloriosa,

Laude Jhesum adorans, es jure dicta.

Hanc tibi do laudem quam recte jure mereris.’

Gesta, 93; Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 120; Elmham, Liber Metricus, 141.

[172] Elmham, Vita, 77; Des Ursins, 532. Cf. Rymer, iv. ii. 17.

[173] Rymer, IV. ii. 178; Elmham, Liber Metricus, 142.

[174] Rymer, IV. ii. 176; Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 44, App. 584.

[175] Gesta, 100, 101; Gregory, 114; Capgrave, De Illustrious Henricis, 120; Waurin, ii. 236; St. Rémy, 410; Monstrelet, 393.

[176] Waurin, ii. 236, 237; St. Rémy, 410.

[177] Monstrelet, 394, followed by Holinshed, iii. 87.

[178] Monstrelet, 394; Elmham, Liber Metricus, 146.

[179] Windeck, cap. 66; Capgrave, Chron., 315; Otterbourne, 278; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 317.

[180] Rot. Parl., iv. 94.

[181] The Sheriff was to have the indentures ready by February 14, 1417; Rymer, IV. ii. 192.

[182] Ordinances, ii. 230, 231.

[183] Ibid., iii. 9; Rot. Parl., iv. 320.

[184] Muster Rolls of the Army, preserved in the Chapter-House at Westminster, printed in Gesta, 265. Livius, 31, gives 100 lances and 300 archers. Stowe, 353, follows Livius. 100 spears and 300 archers in Holkham MS., p. 15. Holinshed, iii. 89, gives 470 lances and 1410 archers.

[185] Gesta, 111; Elmham, Vita, 96. Harleian MS., 2256, f. 181, gives Portsmouth as the place of starting.

[186] Livius, 33; Gesta, 111; Monstrelet, 406.

[187] Livius, 31, 32, gives a list of the retinues which amounts to 9066 men, though he ends by saying 16,000. Gesta, 190, gives 16,400. See Ramsay, i. chap, xvii., Appendix, pp. 250-252.

[188] Elmham, Vita, 97.

[189] Basin, i. 26. See also Waurin, ii. 242; St. Rémy, 429; Livius, 34.

[190] Rot. Norm., 316, 317.

[191] Delpit, Doc. Fr., p. 219, No. CCCXXXVII.; Livius, 34; Gesta, 111, 112; [Stow], 353, followed by Holkham MS., p. 15.

[192] Elmham, Vita, 101.

[193] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 321, 322; Elmham, Vita, 99, 100.

[194] St. Denys says it was besieged unsuccessfully, but there could have been no time for this. Cf. Elmham, Vita, 98.

[195] Livius, 35; Gesta, 113; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 322.

[196] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 322-324; Livius, 35.

[197] Livius, 36.

[198] Gesta, 113; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 323.

[199] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 322.

[200] Chronique de Normandie, 228.

[201] Elmham, Vita, 104; Livius, 36.

[202] Cotton MS., Claudius. A. VIII. f. 6.

[203] Elmham, Vita, 105.

[204] Livius, 37.

[205] Livius, 38, 39; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 324; Elmham, Vita, 107-111; Gesta, 114. See also Waurin, ii. 244; Monstrelet, 426; St. Rémy, 429 and 422. On September 5 the castle agreed to surrender, if not relieved before the 19th. Delpit, Doc. Fr., pp. 220, 221, Nos. CCCXXXIX., CCCXL.

[206] Rot. Norm., 164; Carte, i. 247.

[207] Rot. Norm., 167; Rymer, IV. iii. 16; Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. 1. 746.

[208] Elmham, Vita, 116; Livius, 40, 41.

[209] Redmayne, 51; Elmham, Vita, 116; Livius, 42; Gesta, 115.

[210] Redmayne, 51.

[211] Livius, 43, 44; Gesta, 116.

[212] Elmham, Vita, 117, 118; Livius, 42; Gesta, 116.

[213] Livius, 44; Elmham, Vita, 122. Elmham says that Clarence was posted opposite the castle. Stow, 356, says that Gloucester besieged the castle, while the King besieged the town. Holkham MS., p. 16, follows Stow.

[214] Livius, 44; Elmham, Vita, 122, 123; Rot. Norm., 187.

[215] Livius, 45: Elmham, Vita, 123, 124; Gesta, 117.

[216] Rymer, IV. iii. 23, 24; Gesta, 117; Elmham, Vita, 124, 125.

[217] List of the captains of castles conquered in 1417; Appendix to Gesta, 275. Holkham MS., p. 16.

[218] Livius, 46.

[219] Elmham, Vita, 128. He calls the leader of this expedition the Duke of York, at the time a boy of only six years old.

[220] Livius, 46.

[221] Ramsay, i. 250, calls this the south side of the town. It is hardly credible that the gate on the road to Caen would be on the south side when that town lies north of Falaise.

[222] Gesta, 118; Elmham, Vita, 128; Livius, 46.

[223] Rot. Norm., 312; Gregory, 121.

[224] Rot. Norm., 312; Elmham, Vita, 129-132; Livius, 46, 47; Gesta, 118.

[225] Otterbourne, 279, says that Henry spent Christmas at Bayeux in 5 Henry V., that is, 1417, though in another place he calls it 1418. Walsingham, Hist. Angl., also calls it 1418, but his computations of years are always a little hazy, and he seems to begin the new year at Christmas. Both authors mention that it was at this time that Falaise surrendered, which makes the date 1417.

[226] Rot. Norm., 308. Livius, 49, gives the date of the delivery of the castle as February 6.

[227] Elmham, Vita, 133-138; Livius, 49; Gesta, 118.

[228] Waurin, ii. 242.

[229] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 248; Walsingham, Ipodigma Neustriæ, 486; Elmham, Vita, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120; Chronique de Normandie, 182; Gregory, 121.

[230] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 328; Walsingham, Ipodigma Neustriæ, 486; Elmham, Vita, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120; Chronique de Normandie, 182; Gregory, 121.

[231] Rot. Norm., 248; Rymer, IV. iii. 362.

[232] Carte, i. 276.

[233] Ibid., 273.

[234] Ibid., 273.

[235] Ibid., 274, 276.

[236] See p. [64, note 271], for an estimate of his forces in this expedition. Elmham, Vita, 141, calls it a strong force.

[237] Gregory, 121. He includes the Earl of March in the list, who, however, did not join the expedition till later, as he was at present in England.

[238] See Commission to the Earl of Huntingdon of March 17, Rot. Norm., 381.

[239] Elmham, Vita, 139, 143.

[240] Gesta, 120; Elmham, Vita, 141. Both these authorities call this place ‘Cawdey,’ and are followed therein by Holkham MS., p. 16. The editor of the Gesta thinks this is a clerical error for Hambie. This town, however, was captured after Vire, and it is hardly likely that both these contemporaries would have made the same clerical error. Elmham may have copied from the Gesta, but as he was personally acquainted with Humphrey, and gives by far the fullest account of this expedition, it is probable that he wrote on good authority, if not from personal experience.

[241] Rot. Norm., 289-292.

[242] Elmham, Vita, 141; Gesta, 120; Livius, 50.

[243] Rot. Norm., 298-300.

[244] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746

[245] Robsart was at St. Lo before the day of surrender. Rymer, IV. iii. 41.

[246] Rot. Norm., 300-303; Rymer, IV. iii. 41.

[247] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii. 40.

[248] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii. 44.

[249] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 708.

[250] Rot. Norm., 381; Elmham, Vita, 144.

[251] Paston Letters, i. 10.

[252] This place is called ‘Noo’ in Gesta, 120, and is taken by the editor of that chronicle to be Pont Douve, now called Pont d’Ouilly. In Elmham, Vita, 142, and Livius, 50, it is called ‘Nehoo.’ Pont Douve was captured by Gloucester (Rymer, IV. iii. 44; Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746), but it is not the same place as this, which is obviously Néhou, a place situated four kilometers from St. Sauveur le Vicomte. I cannot locate Pont Douve, but should gather from the date of surrender that it was near Carentan on the Douve, for it fell on March 17, the day after Carentan. This is the date given in the Norman Rolls and in the text of the Fœdera, though in the margin Rymer calls it March 27 and is followed by Hardy in his syllabus of the Fœdera, without any reason being assigned.

[253] For whole campaign see Elmham, Vita, 141, 142; Livius, 50; Gesta, 120, 121.

[254] Gregory, 121, who, however, gives the number of castles as twenty-four. The higher estimate is to be found in a record of the Parlimentary Rolls in the year 1428. Rot. Parl., IV. 320.

[255] Stow, 356.

[256] Walsingham, Ipodigma Neustriæ, 486; Gregory, 120.

[257] Livius, 51; Elmham, Vita, 148.

[258] Elmham, Vita, 148, 149; Livius, 52.

[259] Waurin, ii. 244; Monstrelet, 426.

[260] Even at the end of the siege there was abundance of corn and wine in the city. Elmham, Vita, 163.

[261] Walsingham, Ipodigma Neustriæ, 486; Gregory, 120.

[262] Elmham, Vita, 148; Livius, 52.

[263] Elmham, Vita, 150; Holkham MS., p. 17.

[264] Elmham, Vita, 151; Livius, 52.

[265] Ibid.

[266] Elmham, Vita, 152, 153; Livius, 53.

[267] Elmham, Vita, 153; Livius, 53.

[268] They had been brought over to France by the Earl of March, Harleian MS., 2256, f. 182vo.

[269] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 693; Carte, i. 265.

[270] Elmham, Vita, 153; Livius, 54.

[271] When Gloucester reached the King before Rouen at the end of this campaign, he had 3000 men under his command (Chron. Norm., 241). However, he had then been reinforced by another force of some 2000 men sent over from England (see [p. 67] below). Whether these last reinforcements followed him to Rouen, or whether, when their work was done, they returned to England, we cannot tell, but they were certainly over and above the numbers he commanded at this present time. If they became a definite part of his following and took part in the rest of this year’s campaign, as seems most probable, they would help to fill the gaps in Humphrey’s ranks caused later by casualties before Harfleur, which must have been severe, and by the garrison left to hold that town. Perhaps with these deductions they might have increased his force by some thousand men or more, which would compel us to conclude that before the siege of Cherbourg Humphrey had at his disposal some 2000 men. This is confirmed by taking a list of men serving under the Duke in the Côtentin. It is compiled from the statements of the chroniclers and from the official records which give the names of those who acted for Gloucester in the matter of signing terms with the various towns. The retinues are taken from the muster-roll of Henry’s army printed in the Appendix to the Gesta (pp. 265-272). The list, of course, cannot be taken as exhaustive, as many who are not mentioned may have taken part in the campaign.

Lances.Archers.
Gloucester’s own retinue captained
by—Reginald Cobham,
45114
William Beauchamp,45152
The Earl of March,93302
The Earl of Suffolk,3190
Lord Grey of Codnor,51174
Sir Walter Hungerford,91276
John, Lord Clifford,50150
Sir Gerard Ufflete,2067
John de Robsart,13

Total:—427 Lances and 1328 Archers.

This list includes the names of captains who appear before Cherbourg as well as earlier in the campaign. Charles de Beaumont, Marshal of Navarre, was also with Gloucester, and probably had a contingent under his command. The total number of 1755 men approximates to our 2000 estimate, whilst at the same time allowance can be made for possible contingents which, though in the field, are not mentioned. Chron. Norm., 230, tells us that at the beginning of the campaign Talbot was sent into the Côtentin with 500 or 600 men, and Gloucester went to open up the road to Rouen. This may be a mere mistake of names, and so Humphrey may have only had a small force, little in excess of his own retinue, when he started out on his expedition, though this is not likely, if the men who served under him brought their whole contingents.

[272] Elmham, Vita, 154, 155; Livius, 54.

[273] Elmham, Vita, 155-158; Livius, 54.

[274] Rymer, iv. iii. 64; Cal. of Norm. Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746.

[275] Waurin, ii. 244; Monstrelet, 426.

[276] Elmham, Vita, 159; Livius, 55.

[277] Elmham, Vita, 160, 161, 162; Livius, 55, 56.

[278] Holkham MS., p. 17.

[279] List of captains printed in Appendix to Gesta, 276.

[280] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 329; John Page, 6; Elmham, Vita, 179; Gesta, 123.

[281] Des Ursins, 539, 545.

[282] Ibid., 540-542.

[283] Delpit, Doc. Fr., 222.

[284] Chronique de Normandie, 230, says that Gloucester arrived on St. Catharine’s Day (November 25), but his men were ‘arrayed’ at Rouen on November 6; Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 718. Cf. Livius, 64.

[285] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746.

[286] Paston Letters, 10; Gesta, 123, 124; Elmham, Vita, 180, 181; Livius, 61 John Page, 6-8; Chronique de Normandie, 238; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 185, 185vo.

[287] Elmham, Vita, 191; Livius, 64. Chronique de Normandie, 241, says that Gloucester brought with him some three thousand men.

[288] John Page, 11; Cotton MS., Claudius, A. VIII. f. 8vo; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 186.

[289] John Page, 16.

[290] Delpit, Doc. Fr., 224, 225.

[291] Elmham, Vita, 182; Livius, 62.

[292] Waurin, ii. 247; St. Rémy, 431.

[293] Waurin, ii. 249.

[294] John Page, 20; Waurin, ii. 253; Elmham, Vita, 192; St. Rémy, 432. St. Rémy says that Henry fired on these people, and both he and Waurin say that they were ultimately taken back into the town.

[295] John Page, 16.

[296] John Page, 18.

[297] Waurin, ii. 257; St Rémy. 433.

[298] John Page, 21.

[299] John Page, 33.

[300] Waurin, ii. 261.

[301] Elmham, Vita, 199.

[302] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 189.

[303] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746.

[304] Waurin, ii. 262. Livius, 68, says 300,000 crowns, which is equal to 150,000 English nobles.

[305] Des Ursins, 545.

[306] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Elmham, Vita, 205, 206.

[307] Monstrelet, 450.

[308] Elmham, Vita, 191.

[309] Waurin, ii. 252.

[310] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 739.

[311] Rymer, IV. iii. 130; Elmham, Vita, 209, 210.

[312] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 762; Rymer, IV. iii. 102-104.

[313] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 44, App. 610.

[314] Rymer, IV, iii. 102. William Beauchamp was the leader of a company in Gloucester’s retinue. Stokes was much employed by the King in negotiations at this time, and is possibly the John Stoke who in 1440 became Abbot of St. Albans.

[315] Rymer, IV. iii. 112.

[316] There is considerable uncertainty as to when Gloucester went to besiege Ivry. Elmham (Vita, 210) says that Gloucester was sent from Vernon, but at this time Elmham was absent with Warwick (Vita, 215), and so may well have made a mistake. The Chronique de Normandie, 244, says that the siege was begun by Gloucester in March, on the Friday after the Feast of our Lady (March 25), and lasted forty days. Ivry surrendered on May 10, therefore this would mean that Gloucester began the siege on April 1, marching thither from Evreux, where the King was on that day. It is inconceivable that Gloucester would go to Vernon and then back to Ivry, which would be to make two sides of a triangle. See also Livius, 32, who puts the expedition immediately after the fall of Rouen. The fact that Gloucester promised to observe the treaty signed at Vernon April 7, does not prove that he was there. Clarence did the same, and he had gone to Mantes long before.

[317] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 42, App. 314.

[318] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii. 52. In Rymer, though the document expressly says May 10, 1419, it is put under May 5, 1418; Elmham, Vita, 211; Livius, 72; Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 776; Carte, i. 303.

[319] The Chronique de Normandie, 244, says that after taking Ivry Gloucester overran the county of Chartres with a large force. No other authority mentions this, and it seems unlikely that Gloucester would have taken the offensive in Chartres, in view of the truce which he had sworn to observe. The truce excluded the Duchy of Normandy, so that his operations before Ivry did not infringe it. See Rymer, IV. iii. 102-104. Holinshed, iii. 107, follows the Chronique de Normandie.

[320] See Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII., vol. i. pp. 296, 297.

[321] Elmham, Vita, 219.

[322] Waurin, ii. 268, 269; Elmham, Vita, 222. Elmham takes a long time to describe in his usual florid style the maiden modesty with which Catherine received Henry’s kiss.

[323] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 783; Rymer, IV. iii. 119.

[324] Elmham, Vita, 219-226; Chronique de Normandie, 246; Waurin, ii. 268-270; Monstrelet, 453, 454.

[325] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. I. 789.

[326] Waurin, ii. 276; Elmham, Vita, 227-231; St. Rémy, 438.

[327] He was still at Mantes on August 5, when he wrote to tell the Londoners of the capture of Pontoise. Delpit, Doc. Fr., p. 227, No. CCCLIII.

[328] Elmham, Vita, 231, 232.

[329] Elmham, Vita, 232-234; Waurin, ii. 276, 277.

[330] Chronique de Normandie, 248, says November 6; Elmham, Vita, 239, says October 29; Gesta, 132, October 30. Cf. Livius, 79.

[331] Chronique de Normandie, 248. Gesta, 132, puts this expedition before the siege of Meulan; Elmham, Vita, 239, puts it during the progress of the siege of Meulan; Livius, 79, puts it immediately after the Conference of Meulan; Stow, 359, follows Livius.

[332] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 331; Otterbourne, 283.

[333] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 42, App. 331; Carte, i. 527; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 331.

CHAPTER III

[334] Rymer, IV. iii. 146.

[335] He arrived in Rouen on his way to join Henry on April 17, 1420. Cochon, 439.

[336] Rot. Parl., iv. 108.

[337] An ordinance, issued at Mantes on November 13, 1419, points to the fact that deserters were becoming unpleasantly numerous. Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 42, App. 355.

[338] Ellis, Original Letters, 1st Series, i. 1.

[339] Herald’s Debate, 61.

[340] See ‘The Libel of English Policy,’ Political Songs, ii. 187-205.

[341] In 1415, for instance, crown jewels were pledged to London for the loan of 10,000 marks; Rymer, IV. ii. 141.

[342] Third Rep. of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, 232, Trial of Edward, Duke of Buckingham.

[343] Anstis, Order of the Garter, ii. 70.

[344] Waurin, ii. 331, 332.

[345] Devon, Issue Roll, 362, 363.

[346] This idea is supported by the fact that in 1425 a rumour was abroad that James was going to help Gloucester in Hainault with 8000 Scotch. Dynter, iii. 465.

[347] Waurin, ii. 280-294; St. Rémy, 439-442; Monstrelet, 460-465; Des Ursins, 553, 554.

[348] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 42, App. 337; Chastellain, 25-29; Gesta, 134, 135.

[349] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 42, App. 374.

[350] Gesta, 137; Elmham, Vita, 252; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 196; Chastellain, 44. Livius does not mention Gloucester as being there. Probably the chroniclers confuse Meulan and Troyes.

[351] Rymer, IV. iii. 175.

[352] Rymer, IV. iii. 179; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 335.

[353] Rot. Parl., iv. 123.

[354] Ibid., iv. 107.

[355] Ibid., iv. 107, 117.

[356] Stubbs, iii. 90. Ramsay, i. 228, thinks that money was asked for but refused. See Wake, 355.

[357] Rot. Parl., iv. 125.

[358] Ibid., iv. 124, 127, 128.

[359] London Chron., 188; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 336; Elmham, Vita, 296.

[360] Gesta, 148.

[361] London Chron., 164, 165.

[362] London Chron., 162; Gregory, 139, calls him ‘ovyr seer’; Short English Chron., 57, calls him ‘surveour’; Fabyan calls him ‘overloker’ and gives a long description of the feast, 586-588; Holinshed, iii. 125, calls him overseer.

[363] London Chron., 162-165; Short English Chron., 57; Gregory, 139.

[364] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 337; Waurin, ii. 344; Elmham, Vita, 300-1.

[365] Elmham, Vita, 304; St. Rémy, 454; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 339.

[366] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 339.

[367] Rot. Parl., iv. 129.

[368] See above, p. 38.

[369] See Chastellain, 69. As a rule the Cods (Kabbeljan) were the citizen party, and the Hooks (those who were to catch them) consisted of nobles.

[370] St. Rémy, 453.

[371] For the causes of quarrel between John of Brabant and Jacqueline see Chastellain, 69.

[372] Chastellain, 69; see also Monstrelet, 497.

[373] According to another chronicler, this was Lewis Robsart ‘per Lodowicum Robishert voluntarie de ducta’ (Chron. Henry VI., 6). A certain ‘Lewis de Robstart’ was left by Henry as his representative with Catherine between the Convention of Troyes and his marriage (St. Rémy, 443). Also a certain ‘Lodovico Robersart’ was an executor of Henry V.’s will (Rot. Parl., iv. 172), and this man was also a supervisor of the Duke of Exeter’s will (Testamenta Vetusta, i. 210). Lewis Robsart had indented for men in the 1415 campaign (L. T. R., Foreign Accounts, 10 Henry V.). This almost looks as if Henry had helped to engineer the flight. On the other hand, there is a possibility that the chronicler quoted above mistook the Christian name, for in 1424 we shall find Sir John Robsart accompanying Gloucester and Jacqueline to St. Albans (St. Alban’s Chron., i. 8), and admitted to the confraternity of the monastery at this time (Cotton MS., Nero, D. 7, f. 147); also a Sir John Robsart was naturalised on October 20, 1423 (Rymer, IV. iv. 103). There was a John de Robsart whom we have seen serving under Gloucester in the Côtentin expedition. If this is the man who brought Jacqueline over, the inference is that Gloucester was partly responsible for her flight to England. A Sir Lewis Robsart also took part under Gloucester in the fighting before Cherbourg, so in either case the Duke’s complicity seems possible.

[374] Chastellain, 70.

[375] St. Rémy, 453.

[376] Ordinances, ii. 241.

[377] Rymer, IV. iv. 8.

[378] Chastellain, 70, 71.

[379] Waurin, ii. 356; Ordinances, ii. 291; Rymer, IV. iv. 34.

[380] Letters discovered at Lille seem to prove that Henry not only encouraged Jacqueline to flee to England, but also favoured her marriage with Gloucester as a help towards his policy of strengthening his position in France. See Beiträge, i. 48.

[381] Miss Putnam (Mediæval Princess, p. 86) suggests that Gloucester had met Jacqueline on the way home from Dordrecht. Leopold Devilliers in the preface to vol. iv. of Cartulaire, p. xxvi, says, ‘Leur liaison remontait à l’Epoque où ils s’étaient vus en France pour la première fois,’ but he does not say when this hypothetical meeting took place.

[382] Rymer, IV. iv. 24, 25.

[383] Rot. Parl., iv. 320. In theory three archers went to every man-at-arms, but this was often exceeded. In Henry IV.’s wars in Wales, and later in the French wars, there were often as many as four or five archers to each man-at-arms.

[384] See Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 44, App. 624-635.

[385] Rot. Parl., iv. 320.

[386] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 44, App. 624; Rymer, IV. iv. 27.

[387] Rymer, IV. iv. 27. Miss Putnam (Mediæval Princess, 89), following Löher (Beiträge, i. 48), says that Gloucester sailed on the day that his passport was granted—a fortnight before Henry—and that this was arranged in order to remove him from the attractions of Jacqueline. There is no evidence that Gloucester sailed before Henry. Others, e.g. the Earl of March, got their passports at this time, and it seems likely that they were given them merely because the embarkation was beginning.

[388] June 10. Elmham, Vita, 308; Gesta, 153; St. Rémy, 445; Monstrelet, 503; Waurin, ii. 348; Chastellain, 79. The French chroniclers all give it as St. Barnabas Day, June 11.

[389] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 340; cf. Add. MS., 4003, quoted in Ramsay, i. 295. The French chroniclers give 4000 men-at-arms and 24,000 archers; St. Rémy, 455; Chastellain, 79.

[390] Chastellain, 79.

[391] Monstrelet, 503.

[392] Chastellain, 79.

[393] Elmham, Vita, 309.

[394] Delpit, Doc. Fr., p. 231, No. CCCLXIII.; Monstrelet, 504.

[395] Rot. Parl., iv. 320. Gloucester’s men were arrayed on July 13. Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 42, App. 427.

[396] Chastellain, 80.

[397] Elmham, Vita, 311.

[398] Rot. Scot., ii. 228-230.

[399] Elmham, Vita, 310, 311; Gesta, 153; Chastellain, 94.

[400] Chastellain, 94.

[401] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 44, App. 635.

[402] For this campaign see Elmham, Vita, 312-314; Monstrelet, 512, 513; Gesta, 153, 154; Chastellain, 95, 96; Waurin, ii. 398-400.

[403] When Henry first landed in 1424 Chastellain says that Gloucester was governor of Paris. This, of course, is a mistake, for the post was at that time held by Exeter, who, however, joined the army at Mantes. It is possible that this is merely a mistake of date and that Gloucester took Exeter’s place, and if this is so, it may be that he went thither straight from the siege of Dreux, and did not take part in Henry’s campaign on the Loire. See Chastellain, 79.

[404] After March 27 mention of Gloucester ceases in the French Rolls; Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 44, App. 635.

[405] Lond. Chron., 110; Chron. Henry VI., 1.

[406] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 197.

[407] Rymer, IV. iv. 50.

[408] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 32.

[409] Rymer, IV. iv. 66; see Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 342.

[410] Ashmole MS., 1109, ff. 146, 147.

[411] Gesta, 159, 160; Livius, 95; Elmham, Vita, 333; Chastellain, 112. According to Waurin, ii. 422, and Monstrelet, 530, the regency of England was given to the Duke of Exeter. Waurin also says that the regency of France was to devolve on the Duke of Burgundy, but if he refused, Bedford was to take his place, and this chronicler goes on to say that Bedford only undertook the office after Burgundy’s refusal to accept the post.

[412] Gesta, 160.

[413] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 344.

[414] Hall, 114.

[415] Ramsay, ii. 78.

[416] Stubbs, iii. 94.

[417] Rymer, IV. ii. 139. By this will Gloucester was left a bed and £100.

[418] Testamenta Vetusta, i. 21.

[419] Rymer, IV. iii. 8.

[420] Rymer, IV. iii. 7. Ramsay, i. 246, while allowing that no chronicler gives any reason for the breach between Henry V. and the Bishop of Winchester, suggests that it may have been due to a possible demand of the latter for some security for the money he had lent to the former. Security had been given on July 18, but there is nothing in this to explain the Chancellor’s resignation. At any rate, if these two men could not agree as to this debt, it is obvious that they had no confidence in one another.

[421] Hardyng, 391.

[422] Rymer, IV. iv. 80.

[423] Lords’ Reports, iii. 856; Ordinances, iii. 3.

[424] Ordinances, iii. 6; Rot. Parl., iv. 169; Rymer, IV. iv. 82.

[425] ‘Ad parliamentum illud finiendum et dissolvendum de assensu concilii nostri plenam commisimus potestatem.’ Ordinances, iii. 7. Stubbs thinks that it is probable that ‘de assensu concilii nostri’ alludes to the last three words, that Gloucester misconstrued the sentence, and that the Council accepted his misconstruction for their own ends (Stubbs, iii. 96, n. 3); but judging from their general attitude to Gloucester it seems more likely that the lords intended to put a check on him all along, else why introduce words which had not occurred before? It is more than possible that they wished Gloucester to accept it in the way Stubbs reads it, and at a later date to construe them to their own advantage. Gloucester’s only chance was to try to preclude this possibility. He threw his stake and lost.

[426] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 345.

[427] Ibid., ii. 345, 346.

[428] Rymer, IV. iv. 82; Rot. Parl., iv. 170.

[429] Hardyng, 390.

[430] Delpit, Doc. Fr., No. CCCLXVII. p. 233.

[431] Rot. Parl., iv. 171, 172.

[432] Lords’ Reports, v. 192.

[433] Rot. Parl., iv. 326.

[434] Rot. Parl., iv. 174; Rymer, IV. iv. 83; Lords’ Reports, v. 192; Hall, 115; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 346.

[435] Rot. Parl., iv. 175.

[436] Rot. Parl., iv. 175; Ordinances, iii. 15, 16.

[437] Rot. Parl., iv. 178.

[438] Ordinances, iii. 18.

[439] Ibid., iii. 16, 17, 18; Rot. Parl., iv. 176.

[440] Rot. Parl., iv. 176.

[441] Polydore Vergil, 2.

[442] Hall, 115; Polydore Vergil, 2.

[443] Monstrelet, 533.

[444] Ibid., 538; Waurin, iii. 6, 7.

[445] Beckington Correspondence, i. 139-143. This document has no date, but it was evidently drawn up early in the reign. Stubbs, iii. 102, puts it as probably occurring before the Parliament at Leicester in 1426, and points to the last clause for evidence that Gloucester’s Hainault expedition was alluded to. On the other hand, this may have been dictated by a presentiment of Gloucester’s intentions in Hainault, which became evident soon after the opening of the reign, if not before. Bedford probably wanted to restrain Gloucester, and Gloucester must have desired the support of his powerful brother. There is also ample evidence that Bedford was in the hands of Beaufort in 1426, certainly till after the Parliament of Leicester, and therefore would not at that time ally himself with his brother.

[446] Ordinances, iii. 26, 27; Rymer, IV. iv. 86; Cal. Rot. Pat., 269.

[447] Ordinances, iii. 10, 15.

[448] Ibid., iii. 51.

[449] Rot. Parl., iv. 174; Cal. Rot. Pat., 269.

[450] Ordinances, iii. 69, 77.

[451] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, p. 226.

[452] Carte, ii. 250.

[453] Beltz, pp. lxi, lxii. Wardrobe accounts, however, are not always reliable.

[454] Rymer, IV. iv. 102; Rot. Parl., iv. 197; Cal. Rot. Pat., 270.

[455] London Chron., 112 and 165.

[456] Rot. Parl., iv. 200.

[457] Ibid., iv. 201. Ordinances, iii. 151, where an additional paragraph decrees that any matter of dispute between any members of the Council is to be submitted to the judgment of the rest.

[458] Rot. Parl., iv. 299.

[459] Rymer, IV. iv. 98.

[460] Chron. Henry VI., 4, 5.

[461] Rymer, IV. iv. 115. It was not long before Gloucester was remonstrating with James for giving support to the French in 1424. Polydore Vergil, 11.

[462] Later in the reign Gloucester complained that this marriage was an insidious attempt by Beaufort to increase the power of his house.

[463] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198; Rot. Parl., iv. 202.

[464] Cotton MS., Julius, B. i. f. 68.

[465] Chron. Henry VI., 6.

[466] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198vo; Chron. Henry VI., 6.

[467] Ordinances, iii. 169. March died January 19, 1425.

CHAPTER IV

[468] Lond. Chron., 110; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 342; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 196vo.

[469] Ordinances, iii, 10.

[470] Polydore Vergil, 5.

[471] This story is told by Wagenaar, see Beiträge, 48, 49.

[472] Chron. Henry VI., 6. Allusion to advice given by Italian clerics justifying the marriage is made in Jacqueline’s claim that Gloucester should be recognised as Regent of Hainault. Particularités Curieuses, 77. Martin V. also in a letter to his representatives in England alluded to the existence of an opinion, signed by many persons under seal, to the effect that in the question of divorce justice was on the side of Gloucester. Papal Letters, vii. 27.

[473] A Latin chronicler in the Low Countries certainly says ‘Quibus nupciis regaliter in Anglia celebratis’ (Beiträge, 16). But this cannot stand against the unanimous silence of all other contemporary writers.

[474] Cartulaire, iv. 599.

[475] Ibid., iv. 318. Also Particularités Curieuses, 58.

[476] Cartulaire, iv. 328.

[477] Beiträge, 51.

[478] Hall, 116. Stow also, wise after the event, alludes to the marriage as ‘a thing thought unreasonable’; Annales 366.

[479] Rymer, IV. iv. 90.

[480] Dec. 20, 1423. Rot. Parl., iv. 242; Lords’ Reports, v. 197, 198; Rymer, IV. iv. 103. Löher says that before the marriage of Bedford and Anne of Burgundy Humphrey had been a candidate for this lady’s hand (Löher, Jakobäa von Bayern, ii. 141). He is followed in this statement by Miss Putnam (A Mediæval Princess, 87), but I can find no authority for it. Probably it is a mistake arising from the fact of Bedford’s early candidature for the hand of Jacqueline.

[481] St. Albans Chron., i. 4, 5.

[482] Ibid., i. 66. The date given is 1423, but this is old style; cf. Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. f. 154.

[483] Waurin, iii. 24-27. The Duke of Brittany was included in this alliance.

[484] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 387. This letter is here attributed to Beaufort, but merely on presumptive evidence. It is given in fuller form in the Journal des Savants, 1899, pp. 192-194. It was sent to the Council through some English prelate, probably Beaufort.

[485] Beltz, p. lxii.

[486] The University of Paris saw the danger too, and besides the warning letter to the English Council, referred to above, had written both to Burgundy and Gloucester, urging them to keep the peace. Journal des Savants, 1899, pp. 189 and 191, 192.

[487] Cartulaire, iv. 354, 355, October 8, 1423.

[488] Ibid., iv. 341, June 16, 1423.

[489] Cartulaire, iv. 340, 341, 355, 356.

[490] Monstrelet, 551; Waurin, iii. 84.

[491] Cartulaire, iv. 368.

[492] Monstrelet, 581; Waurin, iii. 89.

[493] Cartulaire, iv. 380, 381. Jacqueline agreed to this on May 8, and Gloucester on May 28.

[494] Ibid., iv. 373, 374.

[495] Cartulaire, iv. 386-388.

[496] Ibid., iv. 109.

[497] Cartulaire, iv. 388, 389.

[498] Ibid., iv. 384-386.

[499] Ibid., iv. 391. This judgment was given on June 19, 1424.

[500] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 388, 389,

[501] Cartulaire, iv. 350.

[502] There is no evidence that he asked for it, but he certainly was not given it, else some record of it would survive.

[503] The Prior of Ely refused to lend £200; MSS. of Dean and Chapter of Ely. Hist. MSS. Rep., xii. App. IX. 395.

[504] Hist. MSS. Rep., v. 546; MSS. of Corporation of New Romney.

[505] St. Albans Chron., i. 8. This comes under 1426, but Jacqueline was not in England then. The editor changes it to 1425, and suggests that Jacqueline was over in England at that time. There is no ground for this suggestion.

[506] Cartulaire, iv. 408 find 410; Particularités Curieuses, 71.

[507] Ordinances, iii. 165; Devon, Issue Roll, 395.

[508] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 397; Beckington Correspondence, i. 281.

[509] Cartulaire, iv. 413; Particularités Curieuses, 73.

[510] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 398. Letter of one of Gloucester’s followers to Beaufort. There were other copies of this letter addressed to other English lords.

[511] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 398.

[512] Monstrelet, 563; Waurin, iii. 126-128. The terms were despatched from Paris on October 28; Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 273, 274. Stevenson attributed this document to 1434 for no good reason. Owing to delays it did not reach Gloucester till November 18; Ibid., ii. 400.

[513] Dynter, iii. 854, 855; Preuves de l’histoire de Bourgogne, iv. No. XLVI. p. 53; St. Rémy, 471.

[514] Monstrelet, 563; Waurin, iii. 129-131.

[515] Waurin, iii. 133.

[516] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, i. 279-285.

[517] Ibid., ii. 392, 393.

[518] Desplanque, Projet d’Assassinat, Preuves, pp. 57, 59.

[519] For a discussion upon these documents, see the above treatise in Mémoires couronnés par l’Académie royale de Belgique, vol. xxxii.; and also Cosneau, Richemont, 501, 502; De Beaucourt, ii. 658-660.

[520] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 399.

[521] Ibid., ii. 399; Cartulaire, iv. 418.

[522] Cartulaire, iv. 418. A letter written to Mons telling of Gloucester’s coming. This corresponds with Eberhard Windeck’s report of 4000 men (Windeck, cap. 215, p. 162). Waurin, iii. 125, says 5000. Holkham MS., p. 8, follows Stow in saying 1200. Pierre de Fénin, p. 601, also says 1200. An entry in the Registre de Mons of November 27, 1424, says Gloucester arrived near Mons with between 4000 and 5000 men (Cartulaire, iv. 420), but he had then been joined by some of the troops belonging to the Dowager-Duchess.

[523] Waurin, iii. 126; Monstrelet, 562.

[524] Kymer’s ‘Dietary,’ in Liber Niger Scaccarii, App. vol. ii. pp. 551-559.

[525] Cartulaire, iv. 418; Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564.

[526] Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564; Pierre de Fénin, 601.

[527] In October 1424 the Duke of Brabant had written to Mons to announce his intention of resisting Gloucester; Cartulaire, iv. 414. Resistance to Jacqueline and her husband was therefore a certainty.

[528] St. Rémy, 472.

[529] Cartulaire, iv. 419.

[530] Chron. Henry VI., 7.

[531] Cartulaire, iv. 382, 383.

[532] Ibid., iv. 407.

[533] See Ibid., iv. 81, 82.

[534] Ibid., iv. 419.

[535] Ibid., iv. 420.

[536] Registre de Mons, Cartulaire, iv. 420.

[537] It is possible that this ‘Jan Lorfevre’ is none other than the chronicler Jean Le Fevre Seigneur de St. Rémy, who was with the English army on the day of Agincourt, but of whom we know nothing more till he reappears in 1430 as an ambassador from Burgundy.

[538] Particularités Curieuses, 76, 77; Cartulaire, iv. 423; St. Rémy, 472.

[539] Cartulaire, iv. 424; Particularités Curieuses, 78.

[540] Dynter, iii. 858.

[541] Monstrelet, 564; Waurin, iii. 135.

[542] Cartulaire, iv. 425, 426.

[543] Ibid., iv. 427.

[544] Ibid., iv. 428, 430, 433.

[545] Hal is mentioned by Monstrelet and Waurin, and in an entry in the archives of Valenciennes as an exception to the rule that all the Hainault towns accepted Gloucester’s rule; but Hal was in Brabant and therefore was not called on to acknowledge the new governor of Hainault. See Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564; Cartulaire, iv. 421.

[546] Cartulaire, iv. 437, 438. On Jan. 9 Gloucester alludes to this grant as 80,000 pounds tournois; Cartulaire, iv. 441.

[547] Chronique des Pays Bas, 387.

[548] Cartulaire, iv. 428.

[549] Ibid., iv. 434. For another protest on the same subject from the citizens of Mons, see Particularités Curieuses, 86.

[550] Particularités Curieuses, 92.

[551] Cartulaire, iv. 431.

[552] Ibid., iv. 438-440.

[553] Ibid., iv. 436, December 25, 1424.

[554] February 4, 1425, Particularités Curieuses, 86.

[555] Cartulaire, iv. 448. The letter reached Mons on February 24, 1425.

[556] Ibid., iv. 446, 447.

[557] Ibid., vi. 295; Papal Letters, vii. 29. Martin V. also wrote to the papal nuncios in England to the same effect; Papal Letters, vii. 27.

[558] Brabant received the letter on April 29, 1425; Dynter, iii. 866, 867.

[559] Letter to the Bishop of Winchester, dated January 8, 1425, in Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 416; Dynter, iii. 859.

[560] Pierre de Fénin, 601; Dynter, iii. 859.

[561] Letter as above, Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 410.

[562] Ibid., ii. 411.

[563] Monstrelet, 563, 564; St. Rémy, 471.

[564] Stowe MS., 668, f. 32vo; Waurin, iii. 136; Monstrelet, 564.

[565] So Waurin, iii. 164; Monstrelet, 569. Pierre de Fénin, 602, gives 50,000 men, and Dynter, iii. 861, estimates the army at 60,000.

[566] Pierre de Fénin, 601.

[567] Waurin, iii. 137, 138; Monstrelet, 564; Chronique des Pays Bas, 388; Dynter, iii. 859-861.

[568] Pierre de Fénin, 602; Waurin, iii. 167.

[569] So Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. 165. Pierre de Fénin, 602, says the siege lasted twelve days.

[570] Dynter, iii. 861-863; Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. 165-167; Pierre de Fénin, 602.

[571] Cartulaire, iv. 451; St. Rémy, 472.

[572] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 401-404. The letter is undated, but owing to its allusions to the recent invasion of Hainault, it seems to have been written at this time.

[573] Dynter, iii. 864.

[574] Monstrelet, 570; Waurin, iii. 170-174; Dynter, iii. 864. The English forces despatched to follow St. Pol are estimated at 6000 by St. Rémy, 472, 473, while the Chronicon Zanfleet in ‘Amplissima Collectio,’ v. 416, suggests that the only reason why St. Pol did not attack those who followed him was because some of the Brabant nobles in his army were in Gloucester’s pay.

[575] Monstrelet, 570; Waurin, iii. 169, 170.

[576] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 33, 34; Monstrelet, 565; Waurin, iii. 139-145; St. Rémy, 474.

[577] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 34, 35vo; Monstrelet, 566, 567; Waurin, iii. 145-152; St. Rémy, 474.

[578] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 35, 36vo; Monstrelet, 567, 568; Waurin, iii. 153-157; St. Rémy, 475, 476. The various authorities differ as to the dates of the letters. For the first letter the Stowe MS., Waurin, and Monstrelet have January 12, whilst St. Rémy has it as January 22. For the second letter the dates are Waurin and Stowe MS., March 13; Monstrelet, March 3; St. Rémy, March 12. For the third letter, Monstrelet and St. Rémy give March 16; Stowe MS. and Waurin, March 26. I am inclined to follow the Stowe MS. all through.

[579] Waurin, iii. 159-163; Monstrelet, 568, 569.

[580] Pierre de Fénin, 603.

[581] Waurin, iii. 161-169.

[582] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 390, 391.

[583] Waurin, iii. 175; Pierre de Fénin, 603.

[584] Particularités Curieuses, 97, 98. This demand was made on March 21.

[585] Particularités Curieuses, 99. The letter reached Mons on March 29.

[586] Dynter, iii. 864.

[587] Ibid., iii. 865.

[588] On a MS. copy of Froissart’s Chronicles—MS. français, 831, of the National Library at Paris—these words are written at the end of the text: ‘Plus leid n’y a Jaque de Baviere; la meins amée est Jaque; plus belle n’y a que my Warigny, nulle si belle que Warigny.’ The interpretation is not plain, but the inference is that Jeanne de Warigny was the object of Gloucester’s affections while he was in Hainault. This lady had married Henri de Warigny, one of Jacqueline’s esquires, in 1418, and though she was of no lineage herself, her husband came of one of the oldest families in Hainault. The MS. in which this is found once belonged to Richard, Earl of Warwick, but the writing is not in his hand. For a discussion of this matter see Kervyn de Lettenhove, Froissart, ii. 260-263, also Beiträge, 274, 275, and Putnam, A Mediæval Princess, pp. 305-309.

[589] Particularités Curieuses, 90.

[590] Pierre de Fénin, 603; St. Rémy, 476.

[591] Waurin, iii. 175; Monstrelet, 571; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 33.

[592] St. Rémy, 476; Cartulaire, iv. 549.

[593] Waurin, iii. 176; Monstrelet, 571.

[594] This date is established by a letter written by Gloucester to Jacqueline on his way home; Particularités Curieuses, 112.

[595] Chronique des Pays Bas, 388.

CHAPTER V

[596] Lond. Chron., 166.

[597] Rot. Parl., iv. 462.

[598] See Monstrelet, 575; St. Rémy, 476; Waurin, iii. 188. This last says that a demand for men and money made by Gloucester was refused.

[599] Rot. Parl., iv. 289.

[600] Ibid. iv. 267-274.

[601] Ordinances, iii. 169. The date of this gift is May 22, 1425.

[602] See the tone of Bedford’s letter to the Pope urging the divorce of Jacqueline from the Duke of Brabant. Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 388, 389.

[603] See Ashmole MS., 59, ff. 57-60, where Lydgate voices the universal sympathy for Jacqueline, and also the action of the London women below.

[604] Commonly called Lord Cobham, because both his father and grandfather had been summoned to Parliament, though he himself never was. See Nicolas, Historic Peerage, and G. E. C., Peerage, under his name. He is possibly the Reginald Cobham who commanded part of Gloucester’s retinue in 1417, and served under him in the Côtentin.

[605] Monstrelet, 571; Chron. Henry VI., 7.

[606] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198vo. Mons had already petitioned Burgundy to take Jacqueline under his protection, that is, assume control over her. Cartulaire, iv. 465.

[607] Monstrelet says June 13, an obvious mistake. Cartulaire, iv. 475.

[608] Monstrelet, 573: Waurin, iii. 182, 183. In a letter written to Jacqueline from Calais, on his homeward journey, he had promised her to return to Hainault speedily. See Particularités Curieuses, 112.

[609] Waurin, iii. 183.

[610] Monstrelet, 574; St. Rémy, 477.

[611] Rot. Parl., iv. 277.

[612] Ibid.

[613] Monstrelet, 576, describes Burgundy’s measures, ‘tout en abstinence de sa bouche, comme en prenant peine pour lui mettre en haleine.’ See also Waurin, iii. 190; St. Rémy, 477.

[614] Monstrelet, 577.

[615] Besides the attempt to settle the dispute by arbitration before the campaign to Hainault which we have already mentioned, Bedford had been in constant communication with his brother, in the hope of bringing the incident to a close. See Stevenson’s Letters and Papers, Appendix to Introduction, 1. pp. lxxxii and lxxxv; Devon, Issue Roll, 390.

[616] This Bull was published on May 1 at Rome; Cartulaire, iv. 296. Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 412-414, gives the date as April 24.

[617] Planché, Preuves, IV. pp. lii, liii, Document No. XLVI. Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 412-414, gives the date of this decision as September 24.

[618] Monstrelet, 577; St. Rémy, 477. Waurin, iii. 196, says that both dukes were angered at this decision.

[619] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 407-409.

[620] Monstrelet, 577; St. Rémy, 480.

[621] Dynter, iii. 465.

[622] Rastell, 258; Waurin, iii. 200-204; Fabyan, 595. Monstrelet, 578, gives the number of men as 500; Pierre de Fénin, 604, gives 1000; and St. Rémy, 480, estimates the expedition at 1500 men.

[623] Ordinances, iii. 167. The appointment is dated February 26, 1425.

[624] Beaufort himself confessed to this action of his when answering his opponent’s charges at the Parliament of Leicester; Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 74vo, 75vo; Hall, 131, 132.

[625] Ordinances, iii. 174-177.

[626] Lond. Chron., 114; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 34; Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 72.

[627] Gregory, 159; Fabyan, 595.

[628] Gregory gives the date as September 29, but this is obviously a mistake, for Eng. Chron., 53, and Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 83, both give October 29. It was the custom at this time to elect the Mayor on the feast of St. Simon and St. Jude (October 28), but falling as it did this year on a Sunday the ceremony was postponed till the Monday. See Chronicles of London Bridge, 235. Cf. Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198vo.

[629] Gregory, 159; Eng. Chron., 53, 54; Fabyan, 595, 596. See also Monstrelet, 578, and Chronicles of London Bridge, 235.

[630] Short Eng. Chron., 59. The authorities above cited all emphasise Gloucester’s popularity in London. For this, see also Chron. Henry VI., 7.

[631] October 31.

[632] i.e. battle.

[633] Hall, 130; Fabyan, 596; MSS. of the Duke of Sutherland, Hist. MSS. Report, v. App. p. 213. Cf. Holkham MS., p. 28.

[634] Ramsay, i. 361, asserts that Gloucester was the aggressor.

[635] Ramsay, i. 362, note 3. The suggestion that this was a commendable action, however, originates with the Bishop of Winchester himself. See Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 80.

[636] This is stated by Ramsay, i. 362, note 1, but he gives no authority for the statement, nor can I find any.

[637] Ordinances, iii. 178.

[638] Gregory, 160.

[639] Ordinances, iii. 179.

[640] Ibid., iii. 197.

[641] Ibid., iii. 210.

[642] Gregory, 160; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 200; Hall, 130.

[643] Fabyan, 596.

[644] Lords’ Reports, iv. 863.

[645] These instructions to the messengers of the Council are to be found in Ordinances, iii. 181-187. Cf. Fabyan, 596.

[646] Rot. Parl., iv. 296.

[647] Gregory, 160; Fabyan, 596.

[648] Rot. Parl., iv. 296.

[649] Ibid.

[650] Ibid., iv. 297.

[651] Ibid., iv. 298.

[652] He had accompanied Gloucester to Hainault.

[653] We find him at variance with Gloucester later. See below, pp. 230, 234.

[654] He resigned the treasurership at the same time that Beaufort resigned the chancellorship, after the judgment.

[655] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 72vo-74; Arnold’s Chron., 287, 288; Hall, 130, 131; Fabyan, 597. There is a copy of these articles also in the MSS. of the Inner Temple, MS. 538, 17, f. 45vo; Hist. MSS. Rep., xi. App. VII. p. 238.

[656] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 74, 75vo; Hall, 132.

[657] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 68vo.

[658] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 76, 77vo; Hall, 132, 133.

[659] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 76.

[660] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 78; Hall, 133.

[661] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 78-80; Hall, 132, 133. Arnold’s Chron., 288-295, also gives the whole account. Holkam MS., pp. 30-32.

[662] Rot. Parl., iv. 298, 299; Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 80-86; Hall, 135, 136; Arnold’s Chron., 296-300.

[663] Eng. Chron., 54.

[664] Rot. Parl., iv. 299, says March 13 for Beaufort and March 18 for Bath. Ordinances, iii. 212, 213, says March 16.

[665] Rot. Parl., iv. 299. March 16, Rymer, IV. iv. 119.

[666] St. Alban’s Chron., i. 8, 9.

[667] Chron. Henry VI., 9; Hall, 138

[668] Rot. Scot., ii. 256; Rymer, IV. iv. 121.

[669] St. Albans Chron., i. 11. Exeter died in the last days of 1426. After the obsequies at St. Paul’s his body was taken to Peterborough and buried there. See Harleian MS. 2256, f. 199.

[670] Ordinances, iii. 327-329; Rot. Parl., v. 409, 410.

[671] Ordinances, iii. 239, 240; Rot. Parl., v. 410.

[672] Ordinances, iii. 240, 241.

[673] Beaufort was about to accompany Bedford to France and to go on a pilgrimage. See below, p. 192.

[674] Ordinances, iii. 242; Rot. Parl., v. 410, 411.

[675] Ordinances, iii. 195, 196.

[676] Lond. Chron., 115; Fabyan, 597; Chron. Henry VI. 9; Short, Eng. Chron., 59, 60; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 199vo.

[677] Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i. 800.

[678] St. Albans Chron., i. 12, 13.

[679] Ibid., i. 13.

[680] Ordinances, iii. 267.

[681] Paston Letters, i. 12-17; St. Albans Chron., i. 16. Aslak does not appear to have been one of the six men executed, for he is spoken of in the Paston Letters as alive after 1427.

[682] St. Albans Chron., i. 16.

[683] Ibid., i. 12-17.

[684] Bibliothèque Nationale MS. français, 2, f. 511. See Appendix A.

[685] Paston Letters, i. 24-26.

[686] Cartulaire, iv. 539-541.

[687] Waurin, iii. 213; Monstrelet, 584.

[688] Ordinances, iii. 211. On March 16, 1426, the Pope’s nephew, Prospero de Colonna, was given permission to hold benefices in England, a concession for which Martin V. had sought Gloucester’s good offices two years earlier; Rymer IV. iv. 119. This was probably a propitiatory offering to Rome.

[689] Cartulaire, iv. 579-582.

[690] Cartulaire, iv. 590-593. Letter dated May 27.

[691] Dynter, iii. 480; Monstrelet, 586; Waurin, iii. 223.

[692] Cartulaire, iv. 598-601.

[693] Ibid., iv. 601.

[694] Ibid., iv. 614.

[695] Rymer, IV. iv. 128.

[696] Rot. Parl., iv. 139; Ordinances, iii. 271.

[697] Ordinances, iii. 272-276.

[698] Waurin, iii. 113, 114.

[699] Pierre de Fénin, 604; Waurin, iii. 212, 213; Monstrelet, 580.

[700] Cartulaire, iv. 622-624, July 11.

[701] Ibid., iv. 265, July 21.

[702] Cartulaire, iv. 635, 636; August.

[703] Monstrelet, 580; Waurin, iii. 212, 213. It is probably to these messengers that the St. Albans Chronicle refers, when it says that about All-Saints’-Day (November 1), 1427, foreign envoys appeared before the Council, asserting that a peace between Burgundy and Jacqueline was a necessity; St. Albans Chronicle, i. 19. The names differ from those of Bedford’s embassy.

[704] Cartulaire, iv. 632.

[705] Ibid., iv. 638, 639.

[706] Monstrelet, 580; St. Rémy, 485; Pierre de Fénin, 604, 605.

[707] Cartulaire, iv. 648.

[708] Ordinances, iii. 291, 292.

[709] Delpit, Doc. Fr., Introduction, p. lxxv, quoting Reg. K., folio 50vo. Cf. Guild Hall Archives.

[710] ‘After Christmas and before Easter.’ Easter fell on April 20.

[711] The Market ‘called the Stokkys’ was begun in 1410. Fabyan, 575.

[712] St. Alban’s Chron., i. 20.

[713] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 35.

[714] Rymer, IV. iv. 147.

[715] Æneas Sylvius, De Viris Illustribus, p. 52; Waurin, iii. 177.

[716] Monstrelet, 585.

[717] Eng. Chron., p. 59. This legend is copied by Robert Burton in his Anatomy of Melancholy. Cf. Shakespeare and Drayton.

[718] Chron. Henry VI., 7.

[719] Hall, 129.

[720] Monstrelet, 585.

[721] Ashmole MS., 59, f. 592.

[722] Rot. Parl., iv. 317.

[723] Ibid., iv. 326.

[724] St. Albans Chron., i. 19.

[725] Rot. Parl., iv. 326.

[726] Rot. Parl., iv. 326, 327.

[727] Rot. Parl., iv. 335. ‘Pro defectu justicie superhabundat injuriarum et oppressionum nephanda perversitas.’

[728] Rot. Parl., iv. 320, 321.

[729] St. Albans Chron., i. 20.

[730] Ibid., i. 20-22.

[731] Rot. Parl., v. 411; Devon, Issue Roll, 407.

[732] Rot. Parl., iv. 334.

[733] St. Albans Chron., i. 25.

[734] St. Albans Chron., i. 25.

[735] Ibid., i. 26; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 200vo.

[736] St. Albans Chron., i. 31.

[737] Ibid., i. 32.

[738] Stubbs, iii. 108.

[739] Ordinances, iii. 318; St. Albans Chron., i. 33, 34.

[740] Beltz, p. lxv.

[741] Ordinances, iii. 323, 324; Rymer, IV. iv. 143.

[742] Ordinances, iii. 330-332.

[743] Ibid., iii. 339.

[744] Fabyan, 599.

[745] Ordinances, iii. 322.

[746] Cotton MS., Vespasian, C. xiv. f. 118, contains the original warrant. Rymer, IV. iv. 150; Cal. Rot. Pat., 275; Ordinances, iv. 14.

[747] Rymer, IV. iv. 151.

[748] Gregory, 168. Fabyan, 599-601, gives a detailed account of the banquet. Eng. Chron., 54; St. Albans Chron., i. 44.

CHAPTER VI

[749] Rot. Parl., iv. 337; Rymer, IV. iv. 151.

[750] Rot. Parl., iv. 338.

[751] Ibid., iv. 350.

[752] 8 Henry VI., c. 7; Statutes, ii. 243.

[753] Rot. Parl., iv. 343, 344.

[754] Ordinances, iv. 35-38; Rot. Parl., v. 416-418.

[755] Rot. Parl., v. 415.

[756] Ordinances, iv. 12; Devon, Issue Roll, p. 44.

[757] St. Albans Chron., i. 48-50; Rot. Parl., v. 415.

[758] Rymer, IV. iv. 159.

[759] Ibid., IV. iv. 160. The commission was approved in Council on April 21. Ordinances, iv. 40, 41.

[760] Eng. Chron., 54; Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, App. 273.

[761] Ordinances, iv. 16.

[762] Ibid., iv. 53, 73-75.

[763] Ibid., iv. 68; see also Polydore Vergil, 46.

[764] Rot. Parl., iv. 367.

[765] Ordinances, iv. 79.

[766] Rot. Parl., iv. 371.

[767] Polydore Vergil, 45.

[768] Devon, Issue Roll, 413.

[769] St. Albans Chron., i. 63. The petition is printed in the Appendix to St. Albans Chron., i. 453-457.

[770] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 61-63vo; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 282, 283; Redmayne, 24, 25.

[771] Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 121.

[772] Eng. Chron., 54.

[773] May 17.

[774] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 37; St. Albans Chron., i. 63, 64; Ordinances, iv. 107; Devon, Issue Roll, 415; Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, i. 104, 105; William of Worcester, 455, 456; Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 93vo.

[775] St. Albans Chron., i. 61.

[776] Devon, Issue Roll, 412; Ordinances, iv. 91. Gloucester also sent one of the judges to put an end to the rebels round Kenilworth and Coventry; ibid., iv. 89.

[777] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. ff. 36vo, 37vo.

[778] Henry was crowned at Paris on December 11, 1431; Chron. Henry VI., 13.

[779] Ordinances, iv. 100, 101; Rymer, IV. iv. 174, 175.

[780] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 35.

[781] Ordinances, iv. 101; Rymer, IV. iv. 175.

[782] Ordinances, iv. 8.

[783] Ibid., iv. 105.

[784] Ibid., iv. 104; Devon, Issue Roll, 414, 415.

[785] Devon, Issue Roll, 412.

[786] Ordinances, iv. 104-106; Devon, Issue Roll, 414, 415.

[787] Rot. Parl. iv. 424.

[788] Chron. Henry VI., 13.

[789] Chron. Henry VI., 13. The entry into London is described in a poem by Lydgate printed at the end of the London Chronicle, 235-248. A prose account is to be found in Delpit, Doc. Fr., pp. 244-248, No. CCCLXXXII., giving the date as February 20. Cf. Fabyan, 603-607.

[790] Rot. Parl., v. 433.

[791] Rymer, IV. iv. 176.

[792] Ibid., IV. iv. 177.

[793] Ordinances, iv. 112.

[794] Ramsay, i. 439.

[795] See Gloucester’s indictment of Cardinal Beaufort below, p. 262.

[796] Rot. Parl., iv. 389.

[797] Rot. Parl., iv. 390, 391.

[798] Ibid., iv. 391.

[799] Ibid., iv. 391.

[800] Ibid., iv. 392.

[801] See Ordinances, iv. 238.

[802] So Stubbs, iii. 115, copied by Ramsay, i. 441.

[803] Rot. Parl., iv. 392.

[804] He had been dismissed for ‘certain reasons’ not specified. See Rymer, IV. iv. 177.

[805] Rot. Parl., iv. 392. See also Miscellaneous Rolls, Bundle xix. No. 3.

[806] Rot. Parl., iv. 396.

[807] Ordinances, iv. 136-138.

[808] De Beaucourt, ii. 462.

[809] Ordinances, iv. 158.

[810] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, App. 290.

[811] Rymer, IV. iv. 194; Gregory, 176.

[812] Monstrelet, 666.

[813] Ibid., 673; Lond. Chron., 120; Leland, Collectanea, i. 491; Polydore Vergil, 47.

[814] Devon, Issue Roll, 425.

[815] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 417, 418. This document, which is undated, is put under the year 1428 by the editor, though no reason is assigned for so doing. The fact that Beaufort is alluded to as a cardinal, and the mention of Bedford, confines the possible date of the manifesto within 1427 and 1435. This was the only occasion between these two dates that Gloucester set foot in Calais, where this document was signed.

[816] Rymer, IV. iv. 194.

[817] Lond. Chron., 120.

[818] Cal. Rot. Pat., 277; G. E. C., Peerage, iv. 44.

[819] Rot. Parl., iv. 420.

[820] Ibid., iv. 420.

[821] Ordinances, iv. 175.

[822] Rot. Parl., iv. 420.

[823] Rot. Parl., vi. 422.

[824] See the evidence of a contemporary; Chron. Henry VI., 14.

[825] Rot. Parl., iv. 423.

[826] Rot. Parl., iv. 423.

[827] Ibid., iv. 424.

[828] Ordinances, iv. 186.

[829] Rot. Parl., iv. 132-139.

[830] See Stubbs, iii. 117, 118.

[831] Rot. Parl., iv. 439.

[832] Rot. Parl., iv. 424.

[833] Register of Abbot Curteys, part of which is printed in Archæologia for the year 1806, vol. xv. pp. 66-71.

[834] Probably April 24, the last Saturday in the month.

[835] Ordinances, iv. 210, 211.

[836] Ordinances, iv. 213-215.

[837] Ordinances, iv. 211-213.

[838] Ibid., iv. 243-247.

[839] His quarrel with Gloucester never seems to have been made up, for in his will, made in 1435, the name of his brother does not once appear, and the chief executors were the Archbishop of York and Beaufort—two of Gloucester’s most determined opponents. Testamenta Vetusta, i. 242.

[840] English envoys were appointed July 20, 1435; Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 43, App. 306.

[841] Waurin, iv. 69-84.

[842] Ibid., iv. 84, 85.

[843] Chron. Henry VI., 15.

[844] Waurin, iv. 94, 95.

[845] Ibid., iv. 96-101.

[846] Ibid., iv. 97, 98.

[847] Rot. Parl., iv. 481.

[848] Ramsay, i. 475.

[849] Beckington Correspondence, i. 209-294.

[850] Rymer, IV. i. 23; Carte, ii. 285; Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, App. 306, 307. Parliament agreed to Gloucester’s indentures for the command on October 29; Rot. Parl., iv. 483, 484.

[851] ‘Libel of English Policy,’ Political Songs, ii. 157-205.

[852] Ordinances, v. 5.

[853] Beltz, p. ccxxiii.

[854] Rymer, V. i. 36.

[855] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, App. 313.

[856] Rymer, V. i. 31. Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, App. 322, calls it 1438.

[857] Rymer, V. i. 32.

[858] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, App. 134; Carte, ii. 289; Rymer, V. i. 34; Lords’ Reports, v. 234.

[859] London Chron., 122, 172; Short English Chron., 62; Fabyan, 610. Gregory, 179, gives July 26, and is followed by Holkham MS., p. 37—obviously the mistake of a week. Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 53vo, gives July 27.

[860] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. xlix.

[861] Brief English Chron., 63; Chron. Henry VI., 16. The Earl of Devonshire is included only in Lond. Chron., 122, but his indenture survives.

[862] Ten thousand, Waurin, iv. 200; Monstrelet, 473: fifteen thousand, Basin, i. 130: forty thousand, Gregory, 179: sixty thousand, Rede’s Chron., Rawlinson MS., C. 398; Brief Latin Chron., 165: fifty thousand, William of Worcester, 458. The payments in the Issue Roll printed in Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. pp. xlix seq., give Gloucester’s retinue as 4497 men, and those of the lords who accompanied him as 4132, in all 8629 men. This approximates to the 10,000 estimate.

[863] Waurin. See his Chronicle, iv. 185, 201.

[864] Waurin, iv. 160. Fourteen thousand exclusive of camp-followers and two or three thousand Picards, etc., Basin, i. 126, 127. Fifty thousand men, Chron. Henry VI., 15.

[865] Lond. Chron., 121.

[866] Engl. Chron., 55.

[867] Waurin, iv. 176-178.

[868] Ibid., iv. 171.

[869] Ibid., iv. 175-180; Basin, i. 128.

[870] Waurin, iv. 172, 173; Monstrelet, 740.

[871] Rede’s Chron., Rawlinson MS., C. 398; Brief Latin Chron., 165; Chron. Henry VI., 16; Engl. Chron., 55; Hardyng, 396.

[872] Waurin, iv. 173, 174.

[873] Ibid., iv. 186-188; Basin, i. 128, 129; Gregory, 179; Fabyan, 610, 611.

[874] Contemporary ballad on Siege of Calais; Political Songs, ii. 156.

[875] ‘The Libel of English Policy,’ written before 1437; Political Songs, ii. 170.

[876] Waurin, iv. 174; Monstrelet, 738. A good account of the siege by an eye-witness is found in a poem entitled ‘The Siege of Calais,’ Political Songs, ii. 151-156.

[877] Monstrelet, 738; Waurin, iv. 173.

[878] Basin, i. 130; Waurin, iv. 192.

[879] Monstrelet, 743, says next day to landing, i.e. August 3. Gregory, 179, and Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 53vo, say he rested Friday, Saturday, and Sunday at Calais, and started on the Monday, i.e. the fourth day after landing. London Chron., 122, however, says that Gloucester crossed the river at Gravelines on the fourth day after coming over, which would not prevent his having left Calais on August 3, and that he only entered Flanders on August 6. William of Worcester, 458, also gives August 6 as the day of entry into Flanders. The confusion arises from the divergence of the chroniclers as to where the campaign started, and this is obvious as William of Worcester gives the campaign as lasting nine days (Gloucester was back at Guisnes on August 15), whereas others compute it at eleven or twelve days, counting in the time spent between Calais and Gravelines. Brief Latin Chron., 165; Chron. Henry VI., 16; London Chron., 122. Short Engl. Chron., 62, gives August 13 as the day of leaving Calais.

[880] Short English Chron., 62.

[881] Waurin, iv. 201; Short Engl. Chron., 62.

[882] Monstrelet, 743.

[883] Waurin, iv. 201, 202. Waurin himself marched out from Gravelines.

[884] Brief Latin Chron., 165.

[885] Waurin, iv. 203; Monstrelet, 743.

[886] Waurin, iv. 204. He gives the day as ‘Nostre Dame de Septembre,’ i.e. the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, September 8. It is obviously a mistake for the Assumption in August. Gloucester was back in England in September; Brief Latin Chron., 165.

[887] Waurin, iv. 204, 205.

[888] Monstrelet, 743.

[889] Ibid.

[890] Waurin, iv. 205, 206; Brief Latin Chron., 165.

[891] Contemporary ballad; Political Songs, ii. 156.

[892] Hardyng, 396. Cf. Ramsay, i. 488.

[893] See Issue Roll printed in Stevenson’s Letters and Papers, ii. p. xlix.

[894] Cf. Stubbs, iii. 123.

CHAPTER VII

[895] Excerpta Historica, 148-150.

[896] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 54. There is no evidence that Catherine did oppose Gloucester. She appointed him a supervisor of her will. Rot. Parl., iv. 506.

[897] Chron. Henry VI., 17; Polychronicon, f. 336; cf. Stow, 377.

[898] Devon, Issue Roll, 431; Ordinances, v. 15.

[899] Rot. Parl., iv. 502.

[900] Ibid., iv. 496-499.

[901] Ordinances, v. 56.

[902] Ibid., v. 80.

[903] Rot. Parl., v. 438, 439: Cal. Rot. Pat., 280.

[904] Rot. Scot., ii. 303. Rymer, V. i. 17, gives date as 1437.

[905] There is a hint of a gift in 1435; Epist. Acad., 114. The first important gift of one hundred and twenty vols. is in 1439; Epist. Acad., 117-119.

[906] Lydgate’s Prologue to The Falls of Princes.

[907] Ordinances, iv. 132.

[908] Cal. Rot. Pat., 280; Dugdale, ii. 199.

[909] See the autograph inscription at the end of Oriel MS., xxxii.

[910] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, App. 322.

[911] See the ‘Diary of Beckington’ printed in Ordinances, v. 335-407.

[912] See Beaucourt, iii. 149-151.

[913] This document is printed by Stevenson, and is called ‘A protest against the enlargement of Orleans’; Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 440. He copies the title and document from Ashmole MS., 856, ff. 392-405, but the title is a mistake. This is an indictment of Beaufort and the Archbishop of York, his ally, and the reasons against the release of Orleans are to be found on ff. 405-412 of the same MS. In Arnold’s Chron., pp. 279-286, where this same document is printed, the title runs more correctly ‘A complaynte made to Kynge Henry VI. by the Duke of Gloster upon the Cardinal of Winchester.’

[914] Ashmole MS., 856, ff. 392-405, printed in Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 440-451; Arnold’s Chron., 279-286. The indictment must have been written in January or February 1440, as the month of March is referred to in the future.

[915] Plummer’s Fortescue, p. 134.

[916] Plummer’s Fortescue, notes, p. 318.

[917] Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 102, says that these articles were laid to the charge of Beaufort in the Parliament which met on January 14, 1440.

[918] Ashmole MS., 856, ff. 405-412: Speed, 660, printed from a copy in the chronicler’s possession; Rymer, V. i. 76, 77. Cf. Hist. MSS. Commission, App. to Report iii., 279.

[919] Stubbs, iii. 126, and Ramsay, ii. 25, both regard the first manifesto by Gloucester as the one that influenced public opinion, but the opening words of the King’s reply to his uncle confute this theory. These two historians also fail to distinguish clearly between Gloucester’s two manifestoes, and imply that the second followed on the King’s indication of his policy.

[920] Ashmole MS., 856 ff. 417-423; Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 451-460.

[921] Paston Letters, i. 40.

[922] Rymer, V. i. 97.

[923] Rot. Parl., v. 311.

[924] February 19, 1440; Rot. Pat., 18 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 25.

[925] Ordinances, v. 138, 139.

[926] Amundesham, Annales, ii. App. D. 295.

[927] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 604. Cf. de Beaucourt, iii. 179, 180. When the Duke of York was appointed Captain-General in France in 1440, he was given the same powers as the Duke of Bedford used to have ‘or as my Lord of Gloucester, or shulde have had now late.’ So it seems that the plan of commissioning Gloucester to undertake the French war had gone some way.—Stevenson, Letters and Papers (William of Worcester collections), ii. [586].

[928] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, App. 347. This appointment was not finally confirmed until August 28, 1442. Thomas Kyrel acted as Lieutenant of Calais in the interval, Ordinances, v. 205.

[929] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. [586].

[930] Eng. Chron., 56.

[931] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 249, 250.

[932] St. Albans Chron., i. 50.

[933] Eng. Chron., 57, gives Sunday July 25, but in 1441 Sundays fell on July 16 and 23, and the former seems the more likely day in view of subsequent dates. Moreover, the same chronicler gives July 22 as the date of Eleanor’s subsequent summons before the ecclesiastical commissioners.

[934] The Eve of St. Margaret, July 19; William of Worcester, 460. Eng. Chron., 58, gives July 25.

[935] Eng. Chron., 58; Chron. Henry VI., 30; Rymer, V. i. 110; Gregory 183, 184; William of Worcester, 468; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 58vo, Political Songs, ii. 207; Stow, 381. There is considerable doubt as to who Stanley was. In the various chronicles and official documents there is mention of a Sir Thomas Stanley, a Sir John Stanley, and a John Stanley, Esquire. Probably these were two men bearing the same surname, and were both concerned in the matter.

[936] Eng. Chron., 58, 59; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 59; Lond. Chron., 129; Stow, 381.

[937] Lond. Chron., 129; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 59, 59vo; Gregory, 184; William of Worcester, 460, 461; Stow, 182.

[938] Lond. Chron., 129; Eng. Chron., 59, 60; William of Worcester, 461; Gregory, 184; Fabyan, 614; Stow, 581.

[939] Sir Thomas Stanley was an officer of the King’s household and King of the Isle of Man (Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 102vo). Later he played a subordinate part in the arrest of Gloucester at Bury.

[940] William of Worcester, 461; Eng. Chron., 60.

[941] Ellis, Letters, 2nd Series, i. 107; Lond. Chron., 130; Devon, Issue Roll, 441.

[942] Rymer, V. i. 127; Devon, Issue Roll, 448.

[943] Ordinances, vi. 51; Fabyan, 614; Holkham MS., p. 10.

[944] Brief Notes, 154.

[945] Chron. Henry VI., 31.

[946] Devon, Issue Roll, 448.

[947] Excerpta Historica, 278, Will of Sir John Steward. This, however, does not prove that Eleanor was confined at Calais, as the editor of this will thinks, for Steward or Stiward was one of the two gentlemen appointed to take care of her at Leeds Castle, and in her later confinement.

[948] See Ellis, Letters, 2nd Series, i. 107; Devon, Issue Roll, 441.

[949] Hall, 202. See also ‘Lament of the Duchess of Gloucester,’ a contemporary ballad, ‘A word for me durst no man say,’ Political Songs, ii. 206.

[950] Rymer, V. i. 110.

[951] Lansdowne MS., i. f. 79.

[952] Sloane MS., 248. See App. A.

[953] William of Worcester, 461.

[954] Fabyan, 614.

[955] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 68vo, 75. Randolph seems to have had considerable connection with Gloucester, and to have been one of his literary followers. There still exists amongst a collection of astrological tables certain ‘Canones pro tabulis ejus (i.e. Humphrey) astronomicis secundum Fratrem Randolfe’; Sloane MS., 407, ff. 224-227.

[956] Eng. Chron., 60.

[957] Political Songs, ii. 205.

[958] Rawlinson MS., Classis, C. 813, ff. llvo, 12, a sixteenth-century collection of songs, but this one by internal evidence was evidently written by a contemporary.

[959] Chron. Henry VI., 30.

[960] See Political Songs, ii. 207.

[961] See e.g. Cal. Rot. Pat., 277.

[962] Ancient Correspondence, vol. lvii. No. 97.

[963] Add. Charters, 44, 531.

[964] Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. f. 154 (June 25, 1431).

[965] Bedford described Joan of Arc as ‘a disciple and Lyme of the Feend called the Pucelle that used fals enchantements and Sorcerie’; Rymer, IV. iv. 141.

[966] Rot. Parl., iv. 118.

[967] Lond. Chron., 107; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 331. See also Harleian MS., 2256, f. 193vo.

[968] Fabyan, 614; Holkham MS., p. 10.

[969] Shakespeare, second part of King Henry VI., Act II. Scene iv.

[970]

‘But then he fell into a foul error,

Moved by his wife Eleanor Cobham,

To truste her so men thought he was to blame.’

This is how the incident struck the rhyming chronicler Hardyng, 400.

[971] Ordinances, v. 199.

[972] Ibid., v. 280.

[973] Amundesham, Annales, ii. App. B. 289. We find him at Greenwich in the following year also (Dugdale, Monasticon, ii. 245), and again on another occasion (Beckington Correspondence, ii. 244). See also Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part i. m. 16.

[974] Inquisitiones, A.Q.D. File 449, No. 1 (June 13, 1442).

[975] We find Gloucester and Kemp adopting the same attitude with regard to the prosecution of the war in 1443; Ordinances, v. 224. Kemp was alienated from the Beaufort counsels by the advent of Suffolk, with whom he could not agree (see Ramsay, ii. 115).

[976] Ordinances, v. 266.

[977] Charter printed in Dugdale, Monasticon, ii. 244, 245. The transfer was completed, for reference is made to it in 1454; Rot. Parl., v. 253.

[978] Rot. Parl., v. 56.

[979] Rymer, V. i. 130.

[980] Ordinances, vi. 32; cf. Rymer, V. i. 130.

[981] Rymer, V. i. 112.

[982] Beckington Correspondence, ii. 177-248.

[983] Ibid., ii. 212-215, 244.

[984] Eng. Chron., 61. The writ to Gloucester as Warden of the Cinque Ports to observe and proclaim the truce is dated January 2, 1445; Rymer, V. i. 153.

[985] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, i. 123. See also Polychronicon, f. 337; Fabyan, 618; Grafton, i. 624; Holinshed, iii. 207.

[986] Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 104.

[987] Polychronicon, f. 337vo; Fabyan, 617; Holinshed, iii. 207; Stow, 384; cf. Chronicles of London Bridge, 275; Carte, Hist. of England, ii. 727.

[988] Rot. Parl., v. 73.

[989] Polydore Vergil, 69.

[990] Basin, i. 189.

[991] Ægidius, De Regimine Principium, III. ii. 15.

[992] Basin, i. 150, says that the subsequent events justified Gloucester’s wish to continue the war.

[993] Basin, i. 150, says that Somerset’s secrecy was so great, that it is doubtful whether at the end of his campaign his intentions were known even to himself.

[994] Waurin, iv. 351, 352. He says the Bishop of Salisbury was one of this party, but he probably means Moleyns, who was Dean of Salisbury.

[995] For an account of this see T. Gascoigne, Loci e Libro Veritatum, edited by J. E. Thorold Rogers (Oxford, 1881), p. 190.

[996] This is the fear ascribed to Gloucester’s enemies in Fabyan, 619, and Leland, Collectanea, I. ii. 494. Eng. Chron., 63, hints at some plan which the common people did not know of as yet, and which Suffolk and his party could not carry out until Gloucester should be out of the way. Basin, i. 189, also suggests that Gloucester’s known hostility to the cession of Maine had something to do with his suspicious death.

[997] Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Hall, 209; Polydore Vergil, 71.

[998] Chron. Henry VI., 33; Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Whethamstede, i. 179. Cf. Hardyng, 400.

[999] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, i. 110, 111.

[1000] Ibid., i. 116, 123.

[1001] Chron. Henry VI., 33; Waurin, iv. 353.

[1002] Polydore Vergil, 72; Hall, 209; Holinshed, iii. 210, 211; Holkham MS., p. 58.

[1003] Eng. Chron., 62.

[1004] Hist. Croyland. Contin., i. 521.

[1005] Stubbs, iii. 135. Cf. Carte, Hist. of England, ii. 727.

[1006] Gloucester was a member of the Fraternity.

[1007] Brief Notes, 150; Richard Fox, 116.

[1008] Eng. Chron., 62; Chron. Henry VI., 33; Short Eng. Chron., 65; Lond. Chron., 135.

[1009] From a pardon to one of Gloucester’s servants of a later date it seems that the Duke came to Bury straight from Greenwich (Rymer, V. i. 179). Stow, 386, followed by Holkham MS., p. 59, says he came from ‘his Castle of Devizes in Wiltshire.’ Brief Notes, 150, says he came from Wales.

[1010] Ramsay, ii. 73, says, ‘Gloucester made a show of resistance, a crowning act of folly, of which his adversaries made the most.’ I can find no authority to justify this statement.

[1011] Chron. Henry VI., 33; Lond. Chron., 135, says ‘he mekely obeied’ when put under arrest.

[1012] Brief Notes, 150.

[1013] Chron. Henry VI., 33.

[1014] Richard Fox, 116.

[1015] Rot. Parl., v. 128.

[1016] The ruins of St. Saviour’s Hospital can still be seen on the road leading from Bury to Thetford.

[1017] Richard Fox, 116, 117; Eng. Chron., 62, 63; Gregory, 188; Chron. Henry VI., 33, 34; Hardyng, 400; William of Worcester, 464; Lond. Chron., 135; Brief Notes, 150; Stow, 386; Hist. Croyland. Contin., i. 521; Short Eng. Chron., 65. An entry on the verso of the last folio of Lincoln MS., 106, records the death of Gloucester. Holinshed, iii. 211.

[1018] Brief Notes, 150; Fabyan, 619.

[1019] Brief Notes, 150, erroneously states that he was buried here. The site of this Franciscan monastery can still be traced about half a mile outside Bury St. Edmunds on the Thetford road. Lewis, Topographical Dictionary, i. 659.

[1020] Richard Fox, 117, 118.

[1021] Mathieu de Coussy, 31, is the only contemporary writer to lay stress on this.

CHAPTER VIII

[1022] Whethamstede, i. 179.

[1023] Hardyng, 400. Another rhymer of the same period says:

‘For shame and anguishe off whiche jealousy

It toke hym sone after and soo lowe brought hym dawne

That in short while after it caused hym to dye.’

Rawlinson, MS., Classis, C. 813, f. 12vo.

[1024] Chron. Henry VI., 34.

[1025] Eng. Chron., 63. Cf. Polychronicon, f. 338vo. Short Eng. Chron., 65, says, ‘And sone after he disseyed, the sykness howe God knoweth.‘

[1026] Lond. Chron., 135.

[1027] Waurin, v. 3. Cf. Hist. Croyland. Contin., i. 521.

[1028] Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Basin, i. 190. The latter adds that a report that he died of natural causes was circulated to disarm suspicion.

[1029] Rot. Parl., v. 226.

[1030] Gregory, 189.

[1031] It is possible that this second allusion to Gloucester’s death is the work of Gregory’s continuator.

[1032] Stow’s Memoranda, 97, evidently the transcript of an original document. Cf. Stow (Annales), 390, and also a proclamation by Jack Cade at the same time. ‘It is a hevy thynge that ye good Duke of Gloucester was apeched of treason by a fals traytour alone, and so was murderyd and might never come to his answer.‘ Stow’s Memoranda, 95.

[1033] ‘The Dyrge of the Commons of Kent,’ printed in Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles (Camden Series), p. 103.

[1034] Gregory, 193.

[1035] Political Songs, ii. 224.

[1036] Eng. Chron., 88.

[1037] Political Songs, ii. 268.

[1038] Brief Notes, 149.

[1039] He is said to have finished his chronicle in 1493.

[1040] Fabyan, 619.

[1041] See, for instance, Polydore Vergil, 73; Hall, 209; Leland, Collectanea, I. ii. 494; Speed, 622; Weever, Ancient Funeral Monuments, 555; Tanner, Bibl. Brit., 421; Sandford, Genealogical Hist., 309. Cf. Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 210.

[1042] See Kymer’s Dietarium in Liber Niger Scaccarii, ii. 550-559. Cf. Sharon Turner, ii. 299, note 35.

[1043] George Chastellain, Œuvres (ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Bruxelles, 1865), vii. 87.

[1044] Ramsay, ii. 76, giving as a reference Eng. Chron., 118 (the account of Fox), says, ‘It is more material to point out that two Chaplains and twelve gentlemen of the Household remained with Gloucester through his illness and followed him to his grave.’ The writer quoted does not say this, he merely states that these retainers followed the body to St. Albans, and it is definitely established by Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 105, that all Gloucester’s servants were removed from attendance on him after his arrest. This is not contradicted by the assertion that some of them followed him to the grave after his death. It may be noticed, by the way, that the account of Fox is not quite accurate, for he places Richard Nedam among the mourners who followed the coffin, a man who was then under arrest at Winchester, and later condemned to death and reprieved.

[1045] Second Part of Shakspeare’s King Henry VI., Act III. Scene ii.

[1046] Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 1.

[1047] Stow’s Memoranda, 95.

[1048] Fabyan, 619.

[1049] Waurin, v. 4; Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Basin, i. 190. Cf. Chron. Henry VI., 34.

[1050] Suffolk as his share of the plunder received the title of Earl of Pembroke with some of Gloucester’s possessions in South Wales, including Pembroke, Tenby, and Kilgerran Castles; Lords’ Reports, v. 254, 255; Cal. Rot. Pat., 285. He was also created Chamberlain; Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 35. The same membrane gives his appointment as Constable of Dover and Warden of Cinque Ports in succession to Gloucester, but another membrane gives the appointment of Lord Saye de Sele to this office on the same day, which is more probably the effective gift; Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 1. Margaret’s share consisted of the Manor of Middleton and the Hundreds of Middleton and Merden, the Castle and Lordship of Colchester and the Hundred of Tendring, the Castle, Town, and Lordship of Marlborough, with the forest of Savernake and the office of Constable of Gloucester Castle. All these had belonged to Humphrey. Rymer, V. i. 170. See also Duchy of Lancaster Accounts (Various), Bundle v. No. 8.

[1051] Rot. Parl., v. 132.

[1052] Inquisitiones Post Mortem, 25 Henry VI., No. 26, m. 8; Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 1 and m. 35; Rymer, V. i. 170. Another grant of Gloucester’s possessions was made on February 27; Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part i. m. 5.

[1053] Ellis, Letters, 2nd Series, i. 108. Gregory, 188, says 38 servants.

[1054] So Rymer, V. i. 179, but Gregory, 188, says July 14 at Westminster.

[1055] Rymer, V. i. 179; Cal. Rot. Pat., 290; Gregory, 188; Short Eng. Chron., 65; Leland, Collectanea, I. ii. 494.

[1056] Eng. Chron., 62. Eleanor was at this time imprisoned in Wales, so the accusation may have seemed plausible at first; Brief Notes, 154.

[1057] See list of prisoners in Ellis, Letters, 2nd Series, i. 108.

[1058] Statutes of the Realm, ii. 344.

[1059] Chron. Henry VI., 33.

[1060] Mathieu de Coussy, 30.

[1061] Gregory, 188; Richard Fox, 118; Short Eng. Chron., 65. For pardons see Rymer, V. i. 179, and Cal. Rot. Pat., 290, 291. Cf. Excerpta Historica, 281-390.

[1062] Richard Fox, 118.

[1063] Fabyan, 619.

[1064] Mathieu de Coussy, 30.

[1065] Polychronicon, f. 338vo. Whethamstede, i. 182, says much the same thing.

[1066] Political Songs, ii. 268. Cf. Leland, Collectanea, I. iv. 494.

[1067] Rawlinson MS., Classis, C. 813, f. 126.

[1068] His last recorded presence at the Council Board was in June 1443.

[1069] Chron. Henry VI., 35; Waurin, iv. 353, 354; Ordinances, vi. 89.

[1070] Beaucourt, iii. 10.

[1071] See above, p. 262.

[1072] Rot. Parl., v. 335; Whethamstede, i. 181. Cf. Speed, 667.

[1073] Stow, 365, puts this event as the first sign of the breaking up of the Burgundian alliance.

[1074] Shakespeare’s Second Part of King Henry IV., Act IV. Scene v.

[1075] Waurin, ii. 423.

[1076] Harleian MS., 139, f. 206; Rot. Pat., 5 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 16.

[1077] For this state of anarchy and distress see Ramsay, ii. 51-53.

[1078] Rot. Parl., v. 115.

[1079] Rot. Parl., v. 448.

[1080] Polydore Vergil, 72; Holinshed, iii. 211.

[1081] Chron. Henry VI., 30.

[1082] Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part i. m. 5 and m. 19.

[1083] Hist. Croyland. Contin., i. 517.

[1084] Gregory, 188.

[1085] Sandford, Genealogical History, 309.

[1086] Whethamstede, i. 179-181. A free translation of the Latin original. For a like opinion, cf. Rastell, 262.

[1087] Political Songs, ii. 157, 205.

[1088] Rot. Parl., iv. 300, 301.

[1089] Accounts (Exchequer Q. R.), Bundle 515, No. 7.

[1090] Ancient Correspondence, vol. lvii. No. 97.

[1091] Ibid., vol. xliv. No. 40.

[1092] Holkham MS., p. 27.

[1093] William of Worcester, 463.

[1094] Walsingham, Hist. Angl. ii. 283.

[1095] Ibid., ii. 282.

[1096] Cf. St. Albans Chron., i. 31, et passim.

[1097] See Ashmole MSS., 1796, in the Bodleian Library, a book dealing with astrological subjects, written at St. Albans.

[1098] Epist. Acad., 217. It is perhaps worth noticing that when addressing letters to Bedford and Gloucester in support of the candidature of Thomas Chace to the Bishopric of Meath, the University of Oxford dwelt at some length in the letter to Gloucester on the energy with which this man, when Chancellor of the University, had extirpated heresy, but did not allude to this favourable trait in his character to Bedford; Epist. Acad., 105. This would seem to imply that Gloucester’s orthodoxy was known to be more rigid and unbending than that of Bedford.

[1099] Oriel MS., xxxii. f. 1vo.

[1100] Durham MS., C. iv. 3, f. 7.

[1101] Paston Letters, i. 24; Beckington Correspondence, i. 223.

[1102] Wilkins, Concilia, iii. 471.

[1103] Wilkins, Concilia, iii. 472.

[1104] Ibid., iii. 473.

[1105] Papal Letters, vii. 36.

[1106] A papal collector was released from the Tower in 1427. St. Albans Chron., i. 16, 17.

[1107] Ordinances, iii. 211.

[1108] May 24, 1426. See Creighton’s Papacy, ii. 158.

[1109] The letters exchanged are to be found in Wilkins’s Concilia, iii. 471-486. See also Creighton’s Papacy, ii. 158, 159, and Hook’s Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, v. 91-103.

[1110] See Beckington Correspondence, i. 281.

[1111] See various letters in Beckington Correspondence, i. 279-284.

[1112] Papal Letters, vii. 29.

[1113] Beckington Correspondence, i. 284, 285.

[1114] However, Wheathampsted, Gloucester’s friend, wrote to Martin V. excusing the Archbishop’s conduct, Cotton MS., Claudius, D. 1, f. 1, and 1vo.

[1115] He was evidently interested in the conciliar movement, for among his books was a volume containing records of all the doings, both public and secret, at the Council of Constance. Cotton MS., Nero, E. v.

[1116] Martène and Durand, Amplissima Collectio, viii. 816, 817. Cf. Harleian MS., 826, f. 15.

[1117] Add. MS., 26, 784 f. 30vo.

[1118] Beckington Correspondence, ii. 37.

[1119] See Henry’s justification of the release of Orleans, Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 451-460.

[1120] Register Curteys, in Archæologia, xv. 70, 71.

[1121] Tanner MS., 196, f. 40vo.

[1122] Amundesham, Annales, i. 308.

[1123] St. Albans Chron., passim.

[1124] Newcome, Hist. of the Abbey of St. Albans, 510.

[1125] Amundesham, Annales, ii. 189, 190.

[1126] Ibid., i. 65; Rot. Parl., v. 307.

[1127] Amundesham Annales, App. A, ii. 265; App. D, ii. 295. Cf. Arundel MS. 34, ff. 66vo, 67, and Whethamstede, i. 26.

[1128] Amundesham, Annales, App. B, ii. 278-290.

[1129] Charter printed in Dugdale’s Monasticon, ii. 244, 245; Whethamstede, i. 94.

[1130] Cotton MS., Claudius, A. viii. f. 195. Gough, in his addition to Camden’s Britannia, i. 348, wrongly attributes the building of this tomb to Wheathampsted.

[1131] Camden’s Britannia (Gough’s additions), i. 348; Grainger’s Biographical History of England, i. 121.

[1132] Archæologia, viii. 104.

[1133] Camden’s Britannia (Gough additions), i. 348.

[1134] See App. E.

[1135] Camden’s Britannia, ii. 73.

[1136] Holinshed, iii. 211, 212.

[1137] Hall, 212; Sandford, Genealogical Hist., 308. They follow Polydore Vergil.

[1138] Holkham MS., p. 63.

[1139] Fabyan, 619.

[1140] Mathieu de Coussy, 30.

[1141] Waurin, iii. 214.

[1142] Whethamstede, i. 183.

[1143] Pii Secundi Pontificis Maximi Commentarii (Rome, 1584), 414.

[1144] Chron. Henry VI. A paraphrase of the original Latin.

[1145] See his Dietary printed in Liber Niger Scaccarii, 552-559. Cf. Hearne MS. Diary, cxvii. ff. 136, 137, and cxvii. f. 37; Sharon Turner, ii. 299, n. 35.

[1146] ‘A Ballade: Warning men to beware of Deceitful Women,’ by John Lydgate. Printed in Chaucerian and other Pieces, edited by W. W. Skeat as a supplement to The Complete Works of Chaucer.

[1147] Ancient Correspondence, vol. lvii. No. 97.

[1148] Chron. Henry VI., 30.

[1149] Sandford, Genealogical Hist., 311; Brooke’s Catalogue of the Nobility, 170; Doyle, iii. 511.

[1150] Dugdale, ii. 284.

[1151] List of letters of legitimisation printed in Beaucourt, v. 331.

[1152] Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archæological Society, iii. 308; Dugdale, i. 362. Dugdale quotes an old MS. in Berkeley Castle as his authority.

[1153] MSS. of the Dean and Chapter of Ely, Hist. MSS. Rep., xii. App. IX. 95.

[1154] MSS. of the Corporation of Hythe, Hist. MSS. Rep., iv. 435.

[1155] Beckington Correspondence, i. 279.

[1156] St. Albans Chron., i. 139.

[1157] Amundesham, Annales, i. 308.

[1158] Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève, MS. français, 777. Inscription on last folio.

[1159] Whethamstede, i. 179.

[1160] See Chapter IX.

[1161] Bodley MS., 3618. f. 2.

[1162] Cod. Laurentiano, Plut., lxii. 30, f. 2.

[1163] Macray, Annals of the Bodleian, 4, 5.

CHAPTER IX

[1164] We find payments made for covering the King’s books in velvet and satin; Rymer, IV. ii. 155.

[1165] Stow, 344. He tells us that he had himself seen copies of these translations.

[1166] Tyler, Henry of Monmouth, i. 394-400, where the poem is printed.

[1167] Ashmole MS., 59, f. 135.

[1168] Tyler, Henry of Monmouth, 331.

[1169] Hoccleve’s Works, iii. 75.

[1170] Ipodigma Neustriæ, 1-5.

[1171] Rymer, IV. iv. 105.

[1172] Voigt, ii. 254-256.

[1173] Vatican Transcripts, v. 34-42, copied from Bibl. Vat. MS., 5221.

[1174] Vespasiano, 547, 548. Cf. Voigt, ii. 255.

[1175] Delisle, Sir Kenelm Digby, Paris, 1892, p. 11; Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, i. 52, 53.

[1176] Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève, MS. français, 777.

[1177] See Bale, 583, and the testimony of several Italian humanists.

[1178] Monstrelet, 265.

[1179] Æn. Sylv., Opera, 548, Epistola lxiv.

[1180] For this date see Voigt, ii. 256. For Poggio’s visit to England see Shepherd’s Life of Poggio, 136.

[1181] Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 8537, f. 300.

[1182] Archivio Lombardo, vol. x. Anno xx. p. 62.

[1183] Engl. Hist. Review, xix. 519. Letter of Candidus to Gloucester.

[1184] Leonardi Bruni, Epistolæ, vol. ii. lib. VIII. No. 6.

[1185] Bodley MS., 2143 (Auct. F., v. 27), f. 1. The dedication is printed in Chandler Catalogue of the editions of Aristotle, 41-44.

[1186] This dedication can be seen in Bodley MS., Laud. Lat., 60. No mention is made of Gloucester.

[1187] Vespasiano, 437. Gloucester is mixed up with John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, by Vespasiano, who ought to have known better, as he was the latter’s friend.

[1188] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 512-513. A summary of the letter is given in Bibliographia, i. 325, 326.

[1189] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 55.

[1190] Ibid., ff. 55vo, 56vo.

[1191] Ibid., f. 57vo.

[1192] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 58.

[1193] Voigt, ii. 259, says that Gloucester’s relations with Candido dated back from the time when he translated the Vita Henrici Quinti of Livius into Italian. As this was done in 1463, after Gloucester’s death, it cannot exactly be said to have originated his connection with the translator. See Tabulæ Codicum Palatina Vindobonensi, ii. 106.

[1194] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 513, 514; Bibliographia, i. 326.

[1195] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, ff. 59, 60.

[1196] Ibid., f. 13vo.

[1197] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 31vo.

[1198] Durham MS., C. iv. 3, ff. 6, 7. Since securing a transcript of this letter I find that it has been printed by Dr. W. L. Newman, in Eng. Hist. Review, xx. 496-498, together with a discussion of the rest of the correspondence between Gloucester and Candido. Cf. Sassi, Historia Literaria-Typographica, p. ccc.

[1199] Leonardi Bruni, Epistolæ, vol. ii. lib. VIII. No. 6, pp. 119-122.

[1200] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 61vo.

[1201] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 514; Bibliographia, i. 326.

[1202] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 514, 515; Bibliographia, i. 327. Two of these dedications—those to the sixth and tenth book—are in Durham MS., C. iv. 3.

[1203] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 515.

[1204] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 60vo.

[1205] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 525.

[1206] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 515, 516. Dated March 23, 1439 (1440, New Style), in Durham MS., C. iv. 3. This is not a literal translation of the letter.

[1207] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 516. Letter of Candido to Gloucester.

[1208] Of these the two volumes of the two Plinies and the Varro were in Gloucester’s last gift of books to Oxford; Epist. Acad., 235, 236.

[1209] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 517. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1210] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 517, 518. Letter of Candido to Gloucester.

[1211] Ibid., xix. 518-520. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1212] Ibid., xix. 519. Letter of Candido to Gloucester. The same merchants had brought Bruni’s translation of the Politics to Gloucester; Leonardi Bruni, Epistolæ, vol. ii. liber VIII. No. 6.

[1213] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 520. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1214] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 82vo.

[1215] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 524. Letter of Candido to Gloucester.

[1216] Ibid., xix. 519. Letter of Candido to Gloucester.

[1217] Probably the third-century grammarian, Censorius, who wrote a still extant work, De Die Natali, is here meant.

[1218] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 524. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1219] Ibid., xix. 522. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1220] Sassi, Historia Literaria-Typographia, 293. Letter of Candido to Nicomedus Tranchedinus.

[1221] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 523. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1222] Ibid., xix. 523. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1223] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 524. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1224] Ibid., xix. 522, 523. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.

[1225] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 520-522. Letter of Candido to Gloucester.

[1226] Archivio Lombardo, vol. x. Anno xx. p. 432. Letter of Candido to the governor of Milan.

[1227] Ibid., vol. x. Anno xx. p. 66; Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 523, 524.

[1228] Agostini, Scrittori Veneziani, i. 346-372; Voigt, ii. 259.

[1229] Voigt, ii. 39.

[1230] Bodley MS., 3618 (E. Museo, 119), f. 1.

[1231] Bodley MS., 3618 (E. Museo, 119), f. 2.

[1232] Eng. Hist. Review, x. 100, 101. Letter of Piero del Monte to Gloucester.

[1233] Cent Dix Lettres Grecques, 25-28; Voigt, ii. 37, 176, 177.

[1234] Cod. Laurentiano, Plut., lxiii. 30, f. 1vo. Cf. Cent Dix Lettres Grecques, 25.

[1235] This is undoubtedly ‘Besia’ in the MS. I cannot suggest an interpretation.

[1236] Bodley MS., 3618 (E. Museo, 119), ff. 116-118.

[1237] Cod. Laurentiano, Plut., lxiii. 30, ff. 1vo., 2vo.

[1238] Magdalen MS., 37, ff. 1, 2.

[1239] I presume from the way this man is alluded to without comment or explanation that he had come from Alfonso, or at least that through him the two friends had become acquainted by letter.

[1240] Eng. Hist. Review, x. 102, 103. Letter of Gloucester to Alfonso V. of Aragon.

[1241] This MS. is said to be now in the library of Holkham Hall. See Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo de Medici (London, 1846), 64, 485.

[1242] Æn. Sylv., Opera, 602, Epist. cv.

[1243] Beckington Correspondence, i. 223, et passim.

[1244] Rot. Parl., iv. 314.

[1245] See Giuliani, Della Letteratura Veronese, 66; Warton, iii. 51; Voigt, ii. 258.

[1246] Royal MS., 5, F. ii.

[1247] ‘Postquam, serenissime princeps, ex peregrinatione mea redii, quam in visendo hac tua clarissima patria suscipam, etc.’ Royal MS., 5, F. ii. f. 92.

[1248] King’s College, Cambridge, MS., 27, f. 3.

[1249] MS. in a private library, f. 1vo.

[1250] MS. in a private library, ff. 1, 2.

[1251] Titi Livii Forojuliensis Vita Henrici Quinti, ed. Th. Hearne, Oxon., 1716.

[1252] Rymer, V. i. 37.

[1253] Einstein, 4.

[1254] Warton, iii. 51.

[1255] Livius, 2.

[1256] Ibid.

[1257] Rymer, V. i. 37.

[1258] Voigt, ii. 258.

[1259] Archivio Lombardo, vol. x. Anno. xx. p. 428. Letter of Livius to P. C. Decembrio.

[1260] Epist. Acad., 256.

[1261] Ibid., 177.

[1262] Ibid., 116.

[1263] Ibid., 256. Kymer had been Chancellor formerly for two years (1431-1433); on this occasion he did not resign till 1453. Anthony Wood, History of Oxford, App. 44, 51.

[1264] Rot. Parl., iv. 473. A certain ‘John Swanwych,’ who is described as a ‘Clerk’ of Gloucester, was also a Bachelor of Physick. Rymer, IV. iv. 84.

CHAPTER X

[1265] Admundesham, Annales, ii. 233, and Introduction to vol ii. p. liv.

[1266] Bale (1559 edition), 584.

[1267] Wheathampsted spent much money on other improvements to the monastery as well. Dugdale, Monasticon, 199, 200.

[1268] Bodley MS., F. infra , i. 1. Inscription.

[1269] Arundel MS., 34, f. 666.

[1270] Epist. Acad., 237.

[1271] Amundesham, Annales, ii. App. A. 256.

[1272] Epist. Acad., 235. These two parts of his Granarium which Wheathampsted gave to Humphrey were at one time amongst the books of Thomas Allen of Gloucester Hall. Twyne, Collectanea, in the Oxford University Archives, vol. xviii. p. 123.

[1273] Arundel MS., 34, f. 67.

[1274] See Early English Text Society’s edition, 1893.

[1275] Bale, 582; Leland, Commentarii, 453.

[1276] Oriel MS., xxxii. f. 1vo. This dedication is printed in Appendix IV. to Capgrave’s De Illustribus Henricis, pp. 239-301.

[1277] Oriel MS., xxxii. f. 1vo.

[1278] Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 109.

[1279] Bale, 583; Pits, 672.

[1280] Nicolaus Uptonus, De Studio Militari (London, 1654), p. 2.

[1281] History from Marble, i, pp. 79 and clxviii.

[1282] Ordinances, iv, 345.

[1283] Ibid., iii. 99.

[1284] Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part i. m. 16.

[1285] Beckington Correspondence, ii. 255.

[1286] Beckington Correspondence, passim.

[1287] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, iii. 731.

[1288] Ramsay, ii. 203. No authority is given for the statement.

[1289] See Political Songs, passim . Cf. Stow, 385.

[1290] Harleian MS., 2251, ff. 279vo-282vo; Additional MS., 29, 729, ff. 157vo-161.

[1291] Ashmole MS., 59, ff. 57-59.

[1292] Harleian MS., 2251, ff. 7-8vo; Additional MS., 34, 360, ff. 65vo-67vo.

[1293] Caxton’s edition of the Falls of Princes (1494). Cf. MS. 23 of the Library of the Earl of Jersey at Osterley Park, Hist. MSS. Report, viii. Part i. p. 100.

[1294] Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,421.

[1295] On this point see Hortis, 646.

[1296] Minor Poems of Lydgate, Percy Society Publications (London, 1840), ii. 49-51.

[1297] Bodley MS., 263, ff. 5, 6.

[1298] The poem is printed in F. J. Furnivall’s Manners and Meals in Olden Times (Early English Text Society, 1868), pp. 115-198.

[1299] Letters of Queen Margaret, edited by Cecil Monro (Camden Society, 1863), p. 114.

[1300] Amundesham, Annales, ii. Appendix D, p. 295.

[1301] Cotton MS., Claudius, D. I, f. 8vo; Letter of Wheathampsted to Norton.

[1302] See Warton, iii. 131.

[1302] Bodley MS., Arch. F. d. 1. A photographic reproduction of a MS. once in the possession of Earl Fitzwilliam at Wentworth-Woodhouse, but now denied to be there. It has been published by A. S. Napier.

[1304] Palladius, p. 66.

[1305] Ibid., p. 85.

[1306] Palladius, p. 22.

[1307] Ibid., pp. 21, 22.

[1308] Bodley MS., Arch. F. d. 1, f. 12; Palladius, p. 22.

[1309] Palladius, p. 21. Cf. St. Albans Chron., i. 12-17.

[1310] Epist. Acad., 103.

[1311] Epist. Acad., 198-241.

[1312] Munimenta Acad., 266.

[1313] Ibid., 277-279.

[1314] Epist. Acad., 152.

[1315] Ibid., 106.

[1316] Ibid., 201-211.

[1317] Ibid., 645.

[1318] Munimenta Acad., 333-335; Epist. Acad., 266.

[1319] Epist. Acad., 61.

[1320] Ibid., 77-79.

[1321] Beckington Correspondence, ii. 256-258.

[1322] Epist. Acad., 162-168.

[1323] Ibid., 61, 62.

[1324] Epist. Acad., 64, 65.

[1325] Ibid., 105, 196.

[1326] Ibid., 152.

[1327] Ibid., 35-37.

[1328] Beckington Correspondence, ii. 249, 250; Epist. Acad., 110.

[1329] Epist. Acad., 115-133.

[1330] Ibid., 134, 135.

[1331] Ibid., 136.

[1332] Epist. Acad., 155-157.

[1333] Ibid., 139, 140. It was also through Gloucester’s influence that Bedford was induced to promise to endow his lectureships; Ibid., 81-83, 95.

[1334] Ibid., 152, 153.

[1335] Munimenta Acad., 266, 267.

[1336] Epist. Acad., 114, 115.

[1337] The numbers are variously stated in different letters as 120, 126, and 129. This last corresponds with the number of books in the indenture; Ibid., 179-183.

[1338] Ibid., 177-179, 184.

[1339] Ibid., 177-179. This was not the first time that Gloucester had been likened to Julius Cæsar.

[1340] Epist. Acad., 184.

[1341] Munimenta Acad., 758; Epist. Acad., 179.

[1342] Epist. Acad., 198, 204, 205.

[1343] Ibid., 232-237. The indenture mentions one hundred and thirty-five volumes as the total, but only one hundred and thirty-four are given in the list.

[1344] Ibid., passim.

[1345] Additional MS., 4608, f. 100, 100vo.

[1346] By counting the same items more than once Anthony Wood brings the total to five hundred and thirty-nine; Wood, History of the Antiquities of the University of Oxford, 914, 915.

[1347] Munimenta Acad., 261-266.

[1348] Ibid., 326-328; Epist. Acad., 188-191.

[1349] Epist. Acad., 245.

[1350] Epist. Acad., 245, 246.

[1351] Ibid., 533.

[1352] It has been stated that these books were ultimately obtained, but there is no reason to believe this, though ten years later thirteen volumes, originally bequeathed by some one, were recovered; Epist. Acad., 483. Cf. Wood, History of the Antiquities of the University of Oxford, 915. In 1453 we hear that all the volumes of this bequest were scattered in private hands; Epist. Acad., 318, 319.

[1353] Epist. Acad., 254.

[1354] Munimenta Acad., 735.

[1355] Munimenta Acad., 376.

[1356] Ibid., 329, 330; Epist. Acad., 256.

[1357] Epist. Acad., 241.

[1358] Ibid., 178.

[1359] Ibid., 198.

[1360] See Macray, Annals of Bodleian, 13.

[1361] On 1st March 1544 a certain John Stanshawe, gentleman, stole from the church of St. Mary ‘unam Zonam de argent. aurat. voc. le Duke Humfrey’s gyrdyll.’ Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. (London, 1905), vol. xx. Part 1. p. 655.

[1362] Epist. Acad., 373. Letter of the University of Oxford to Wheathampsted.

[1363] Leland, Collectanea, iii. 58; Hearne, MS. Diary, xxxvi. f. 199. It is probable that this motto was used by Gilbert Kymer. It is found stamped on the binding of a medical work written for him and now preserved in the Bodleian Library (Laud MS., 558). Another binding which encloses another medical treatise written by the same scribe, and presumably also for Kymer, now in the Merton College Library, bears the same legend. (Merton College MS., 268.) My attention has been drawn to this by Mr. Gibson of the Bodleian Library.

[1364] The books alluded to are to be found in the indentures printed in Epist. Acad., passim .

[1365] Leland, Commentarii, 453.

[1366] Livius, 2.

[1367] Basin, i. 189.

[1368] Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 109.

[1369] Lincoln MS., 106, f. 359vo.

[1370] See [Appendix A].

[1371] Bibliothèque de Ste. Geneviève, MS. français, 777.

[1372] Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17.

[1373] See letters in Beckington Correspondence, i. 283, 284, 290-293.

[1374] Epist. Acad., 246.

[1375] The book borrowed from Oxford was a copy of the Phædrus of Plato. In the Epistolæ Academicæ this volume is called the ‘Phædo,’ but a reference to the entry in the Register shows it to be a misprint for the Phædrus, a mistake first discovered by Mr. Gibson of the Bodleian Library.

[1376] Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17.

[1377] Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,583.

[1378] Cotton MS., Nero, E. v.

[1379] Royal MS., 19, C. iv.

[1380] Oriel College MS., xxxii.

[1381] Harleian MS., 33; King’s College MS., 27.

[1382] Egerton MS., 617, 618; Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 2.

[1383] For a description of these volumes see Appendix A.

[1384] Leland tells us that Gloucester received many beautiful illuminated books as presents from religious houses. Collectanea, iii. 58.

[1385] Hist. MSS. Rep., v. 517, and xi. 174.

[1386] Oriel College MS., xxxii.

[1387] Corpus Christi College MS., ccxliii.

[1388] Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 8537.

[1389] Bodley MS., Hatton, 36.

[1390] Bibliothèque de Ste. Geneviève, MS. français, 777.

[1391] Bibliothèque Nationale MS., français, 12,421.

[1392] Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17.

[1393] Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 2.

[1394] Bale (1559 ed.), 583.

[1395] Arundel MS. 60, ff. 277vo-287vo. Cf. Tanner, Bib. Brit., 420, 421.

[1396] Einstein, 15.

[1397] See Vespasiano, 238; and Sir Arthur Collins’s Collections for the Family of Holles (1752), 52, 53.

[1398] Leland, Commentarii, 462.

[1399] Above, p. 351.

[1400] Hearne’s Introduction to Peter Langtoft’s Chronicle (Oxford, 1725), p. xx.

INDEX

Transcriber’s Note

The Errata provided by the author in the printed text have been applied to this text.

The Index refers to footnotes which are renumbered here, and the Index entries have been changed accordingly. The original entry for Stanley referring to “271 note 3” seems incorrect. The second note on that page does seem to be the correct one, and is now note 935. The entry for John Stoke, Abbot of St. Albans, refers to note 7 on p. 72. The note appears on p. 75. This has been corrected.

Minor inconsistencies of punctuation have been resolved. The spelling of proper names varies, and variants have been retained. The changes listed here were made where obvious errors were made by the printer.

p. 60 n. 254Parlimentarysic
p. 178‘to be esed as towards his griefs,[’]Probable close of quote.
p. 202she [she]removed redundant word
p. 225futherance/furtheranceCorrected.
p. 270‘crafte of egremauncey[’]Closing quote added.
p. 323orthodoxy/o[r]thodoxyAdded.
p. 328Arcdeaconry/Arc[h]deaconryAdded.
p. 329Archeologia/ArchæologiaCorrected for consistency.
p. 353the latter’ friendAdded.
p. 431Epist. Acad., 767[)]Added.
p. 433[‘]Cest livre est,’Added.
p. 439‘day of anniversary[’]Added.
p. 454respect he bore to Learning[’]Added closing quote.
p. 468Historia Literario-typographi[c]aAdded.