THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE RICHLAND-CHAMBERS RESERVOIR
PREHISTORIC PAST
Recent studies suggest that humans have occupied North America for at least 20,000 years. These prehistoric Indians were the first people to live in North America, probably entering the New World first by way of a great land bridge between what is now Siberia and Alaska. True pioneers, they entered a vast land that had never before contained humans. Once in the New World, their culture developed over thousands of years into several successive stages and spread over the whole of North America and into South America. In the United States the development of prehistoric American Indian cultures is a fascinating story of a people’s increasingly complex culture and adaptations to the wealth of natural resources offered by our continent. Since this development occurred before these people developed systems of writing, their history is available to us only through [archaeology] and other sciences. Without an effort to understand this story, the history of a whole people will disappear without record.
The peopling of the New World represents a kind of huge laboratory for understanding how human societies develop over long periods of time. Since the first people in North America entered a new land that did not contain human competitors except themselves, we can study the development of their culture over thousands of years in a relatively simple frame of analysis. Archaeologists currently recognize four basic culture stages of prehistoric Indian development in North America. These stages are represented, in varying ways and degrees, by the [archaeology] of the Richland-Chambers project.
The Paleo-Indian Stage
(18,000 to 8000 B.C.)
Since 1925, when flint spear points were found embedded in the bones of a kind of long-extinct bison, scientists have known that Native Americans lived in this country for tens-of-thousands of years. We call these people the “Paleo” Indians, after the Greek word for ancient, to refer to the oldest inhabitants of this continent. Intriguing as these people are, however, we understand little about them because we have found few traces of their habitations. The most distinctive trait of these people is chipped stone spear points with characteristic “flutes,” or long flake scars, on their surfaces (probably helping to lash the spear point to a shaft). These are unlike anything made by their descendants over the thousands of years to follow. Beautifully made, these [artifacts] are obviously stone tools of hunters, who depended on their weapons for a livelihood ([Figure 4]).
At first, it appears that the population grew slowly in the newly-inhabited continent of North America. The people in this period were apparently nomadic, frequently moving in search of game animals, seasonal plant foods and raw materials. Since there were not many of them, and they moved frequently, they did not leave many remains for the [archaeologist] to find. In the project area, only the base portion of a fluted point has been found but this [artifact] is an unmistakable but faint clue to the presence of Paleo-Indian inhabitants. With further work, more evidence may come to light. As matters now stand, we understand little of these people’s economy, religion, society, settlement pattern and other things that made up their culture.
Fig. 4. Drawing of a Paleo-Indian fluted point (Clovis type).
The Archaic Stage
(8000 B.C. to A.D. 1?)
Following the Paleo-Indian stage of cultural development, we know that population continued to grow steadily over thousands of years. We know this trend occurred because we find many more [sites]. In the project area, for example, we find that about half of all [prehistoric sites] that can be related to a cultural stage are from the Archaic stage (over 300 prehistoric sites were recorded during 1980-81). Even though these sites were occupied over thousands of years, they are a striking contrast to the scanty evidence of Paleo-Indian groups.
Another thing that makes it easier to find Archaic stage [sites] is that the Archaic peoples’ way of life had changed from that of the Paleo-Indians. The hallmark of Archaic culture was a round of occupation from one site to another in a regular cycle timed to the changing seasons. We suspect, for example, that during the fall, families moved to camps on river terraces where they could gather acorns and other nuts for winter food and hunt deer. In the spring and summer, they may have moved to camps on streams, where they could fish and gather roots, berries and mussels. By coming back to their sites again and again over hundreds or thousands of years, a great deal of waste materials was deposited leaving evidence to be found by archaeologists.
At present, only the barest outline of this culture is understood. Yet through study of their burial patterns, discarded food materials and many other aspects of the archaeological [sites] they left behind, we can come to a much fuller understanding of their culture ([Figure 5]).
The Woodland Stage
(A.D. 1 to A.D. 800?)
Throughout much of eastern North America we know that tremendous cultural changes occurred in the few centuries before and after the time of Christ. The society of simple hunters and gatherers in Archaic times gave way to a much more advanced type of society for reasons that are not entirely understood at present. We do know that Woodland stage peoples began building huge earthworks; sometimes as burial mounds, sometimes in the forms of animals such as snakes. From a social point of view, big changes occurred. We find the first evidence of social ranking in which a few powerful people were buried in mounds with great wealth and ceremony. In certain respects, this development was a clear step toward the eventual emergence of civilizations. We know that this kind of change has occurred independently in many parts of the world but we do not yet know why. It is clearly an important development with consequences for all human societies.
Fig. 5. Projectile points excavated from an Archaic stage [site] in the Richland project. Some of the stone from which these points were made was imported by the Indians from many miles away from the project.
The Woodland stage also saw major technological advances. It was in this period that the bow and arrow, making of pottery ([Figure 6]) and agriculture (though this may have occurred during Archaic times, too) make their appearance.
The interesting aspect of the project area is that some of these things (e.g., the bow and arrow and pottery) appear to have been adopted, but not others, including the settled village life, agriculture, earth works and social complexity of other prehistoric peoples to the east and north (e.g., the prehistoric Caddo Indians). In many ways, it appears that the relatively simpler life of Archaic times persisted, with a few items borrowed from more advanced outsiders. This pattern is one that deserves an explanation.
Neo-American Stage
(A.D. 800 to 1500)
The Neo-American stage, also called the Mississippian stage in the eastern U.S., was the last prehistoric culture stage, and the one with the most complex culture. During this stage, large pyramid-shaped earthen mounds, complex ceremonialism, long-distance trade, heavy reliance on crops such as corn and squash, and a complex social order, with powerful chiefs at the top of the ranking system, all merged. The prehistoric Caddo Indians of East Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, and Louisiana are an excellent example of this type of culture.
Fig. 6. Pieces of prehistoric earthen pottery ([potsherds]) that were made during the Neo-American cultural stage in the project. Note the different types of surface decorations.
Yet, for all of the vigor and influence of this type of culture, its influence was not felt to the same degree everywhere. In the project area, there are only a few [sites] that suggest substantial contact with the most developed Neo-American cultures. In those cases we find certain kinds of prehistoric pottery vessels that, if not actually obtained from more culturally advanced peoples to the east and north, were modelled after ceramics of neighboring peoples.
These facts raise many questions. Were the inhabitants of the project area during Neo-American times carrying on an older style of life, modelled economically after the earlier Archaic-type of economy? Were the resources available in the project insufficient to support a thoroughly agricultural type of economy? Equipped only with simple hand tools, only certain kinds of soils allowed agriculture by these ancient peoples. The tough prairie grasses, for example, would have made certain kinds of soils difficult, if not impossible to cultivate.
Fig. 7. This trench is one of those excavated in two “Wylie focus” pits discovered in the project. Since these prehistoric pits are about 100 feet in diameter, it is difficult to show their extent in a photograph. Much information on the age, construction sequence and content of the pits was gained from [test trenches] such as this one.
There is also the question of environmental influences. We know that over a period of thousands of years the climate of Texas, in fact of all of North America, has changed a great deal. Part of the ongoing research in the RCAP is the study of past environments. Some of the most promising results here are from the fields of geology and palynology (the study of pollen records). Many people do not know that pollen from ancient plants may be preserved in the soil for thousands of years, and can be recovered with certain laboratory methods. If this pollen from past periods is found, it can help to understand the kinds of vegetation that were present at different points in time. The present evidence from the project is exciting. It suggests, for example, that a drought far worse than anything recorded in the history of Texas occurred sometime between A.D. 1000 to 1300. The severity of the drought may have caused prehistoric people to change their way of life, including abandoning the project area.
Another major scientific discovery has been made in the project, and is dated to the Neo-American stage. For forty years archaeologists have known that an area on the Elm Fork of the Trinity River, north of Dallas, contained large, man-made pits dating to the Neo-American stage. These were called Wylie focus pits, after a system of classification of [sites] used by archaeologists. These pits are truly large, some measuring up to 100 feet in diameter and up to 10 feet deep in the center ([Figure 7]). Moreover, these pits generally contain many human burials placed in the pit over a period of time. One pit even contained the skeleton of a young bear. All of these pits were excavated by hand with simple digging implements.
During the Richland project’s first season of work two of these pits were located and excavated. The discovery of these pits extended the known range of these unique cultural [features] over 100 miles from the region of their original occurrence.
At present, it is unclear what prehistoric culture constructed these monumental works or what their function may have been. It is safe to say, however, that these kinds of [sites] are unique to the north Texas area, and constitute a major point of archaeological interest. Work will be continuing on these sites in the next few years.
HISTORIC PAST
The archaeological story of people in this area during the last 150 years is no less exciting than its prehistoric counterpart. From the material remains, [sites], and structures that these people have left behind, we see a picture of the rapid taming of a frontier, its rural agricultural florescence at the turn of this century, and then its decline under adverse economic conditions. Much of the rural landscape still contains a significant percentage of early twentieth century structures in varying degrees of abandonment and preservation. The following sections briefly look at the archaeological record for the historic period in the RCAP area as we know it today. The archaeological record provides us with a tangible and materially rich picture of specific aspects of daily life. The record left behind by the area’s past inhabitants provides much detailed information about their dwellings, farms, personal belongings, daily activities and lifeways. Although we have only begun to decipher the information, some results are already available from the 194 [historic sites] tested and the several dozen individuals interviewed to date.
Before entering into a discussion of the historic period, let us step back from the results and answer several major questions. What important and unique qualities emerge from the historic archaeological record for this area? Does the record tell us the same story that it would for other areas? What insight does the record provide that is distinct and unique to this part of Texas?
Unfortunately, not much is available from other areas of the country for making comparisons to the study area, but from what is known a general picture can be formed. The rural communities in this area consisted mainly of farms from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. The [sites] representing these former farms indicate that lifeways were amazingly stable and relatively unaffected by influences coming from urban cultures. Since 1940, however, much of the distinctive culture of this rural area, unfortunately, has succumbed to the same urban American values found over other broad regions. The archaeological record suggests that before mass transportation and electricity entered the local scene, this area would have ranked among the richest of late nineteenth century areas in terms of local folk cultures and rural lifeways. Today, much of the rural culture has been lost. An objective of the Richland Creek Archaeological Project has been to record some of this information through interviews with senior residents over the next several years.
Results of some of the work conducted in the study of past lifeways portray the area’s past residents as a group of people who often made efficient and wise use of their local natural resources. This is illustrated in one aspect of their building construction. As bottomland forests were cut and less wood was available locally, many individuals adopted the practice of recycling major elements of older structures into new ones. [Figure 8] is an example of recycling older beams. Reuse of older structures underscores a keen awareness of optimizing local resources. Undoubtedly, other examples of the efficient use of local resources will emerge as structures and [sites] are studied in greater detail.
Fig. 8. Twentieth century shed constructed with hand hewn and reused sills and joists. This is a prime example of the recycling of older building parts.
A Look at the Past Through Material Remains
What can we expect to gain from looking at broken pieces of plates, bottles, animal bones, buttons, and window glass 50 or a 100 years old? Aren’t museum collections and written histories adequate for providing information about rural life from 1870 to 1910? Unfortunately, there is a big difference between the type of information available through antiques, books, people, and [archaeology]. [Artifacts] represent fragments generally resulting from the discarding or breaking of common items. Most antiques represent whole items recognized as having some intrinsic value which afforded them greater care or curation and less utilitarian usage. Most artifacts, on the other hand, represent common household items or possessions that did not receive special care or handling. No fragments of elaborately cut crystal wine glasses were among the 30,000 historic artifacts recovered from the project area, but fragments of inexpensive, undecorated tumblers were present. Similarly, only several dozen fragments of porcelain vessels were among the nearly 1,200 ceramic fragments excavated. Does this mean that cut wine glasses or porcelain cups were seldom available? No, more likely it represents a difference in handling and caring for these more expensive items. As an example, try counting the number of porcelain tablewares (plates, dishes, cups, etc.) in the household of an elderly person. In most cases, porcelain will be very frequent and often 50 years old or even older. These items have been saved from common use and now serve decorative or very special functions. The point of this example is to emphasize that the items fifty or more years old in households or museums today are not representative of the items lying broken and scattered around [historic sites].
Can the written record provide us with much of the information we need to know? The richness of the written record is not to be underrated. However, in many areas, the written record is not without its problems. Often objective details about daily activities or observations about common material possessions, farm layouts, folkways or folk technologies are hard to locate. Diaries, travelers’ accounts, and written histories, on the other hand, frequently provide interesting personal or anecdotal kinds of information. The position that archaeologists wish to emphasize is that we should not rely solely on the written record in an attempt to understand the past. The picture conveyed for a group of people from their [sites] and material remains can be strikingly different from their own story told in writings. The archaeological record provides a direct and often objective source of information which is consistent over long periods of time. The record of your own life as revealed in the items you discard may be quite different than what you portray to others. This fact makes some aspects of the archaeological record both interesting and important for reconstructing past lifeways.
These major points all contribute to the value of the archaeological record. For nineteenth century rural East-central Texas, written records, oral folk knowledge, and antiques leave much of the story untold. The [archaeology] of [historic sites] in the proposed Reservoir area will begin to illuminate much of the former lifeways of these small rural agricultural communities. Without preserving some of this information, future generations will have little to study in order to probe the past of this nearly 100 square miles. The displacement of people and the submergence of places and [sites] so familiar today means oblivion for many former homesteads and communities. The task of the historic [archaeologist] is to select and preserve important aspects of the past record so that this information is available to future generations.
Historic Settlement Along Richland and Chambers Creeks (1840-1940)
The first few permanent settlers came to this area soon after Texas declared its independence from Mexico in 1836. Settlement increased tremendously after Texas achieved statehood as families migrated westward. Most of these earliest settlers constructed log cabins for dwellings. About ten log cabin [sites] possibly dating to the mid-nineteenth century have been located in the area. Overall, however, we see a picture of families with widely different resources facing the same rural frontier. On the upper end were relatively affluent frontier plantation owners, such as the Burlesons and Blackmons, who settled along Richland Creek, or the Ingrams along the Trinity River to the north. The location of these affluent households were similar. They were located well above the creek bottoms and in the vicinity of good cotton land. Even the crude plantation houses themselves were similar in that each presented an air of important social status. Through the architecture of these dwellings each owner presented a visual display of his personal wealth and social status. Although these houses were far less sophisticated than those found further east in Louisiana or Mississippi, they were the mark of status in this area. The Burleson plantation house is shown in Figures [9] and [10]. Compared to the simple, small, unpretentious log cabin shown in [Figure 11], the crude frontier plantation house of East-central Texas fulfilled its social role as needed.
In the reservoir area, the former [sites] of several simple log cabins have been found. [Figure 12] shows the remains of one log cabin as found today. These sites indicate that life was orderly yet simple during the mid-nineteenth century. The settlers that came to this area were, for the most part, experienced in reading the land. The locations selected for each cabin were well above the bottomlands in order to avoid the danger of floods, but at the same time close to rich farmland and water. Fifty years later people were much less concerned about selecting the proper location for a dwelling. As a consequence, many log cabins have endured over a century of harsh weather and have outlasted more recent structures.
By 1870, several dozen small communities, (Petty’s Chapel, Birdston, Rush Creek, Wadeville, Pisgah Ridge, Rural Shade, Re, and Providence) dotted the landscape. The railroad penetrated the area in 1871 and brought about many changes in the area that have lasted until today. There was, however, a price to be paid for this modern convenience of trade and travel. For some of the small communities, the railroad brought financial death and abandonment. The archaeological record shows this pattern clearly. New communities seem to have grown up overnight (e.g., Richland, Navarro, Cheneyboro, Streetman, and Kerens) while others, which had been around for 30 or 40 years, deteriorated rapidly (e.g. Wadeville, Pisgah Ridge, Winkler, and Re).
In addition to causing a shift in rural populations, the railroads also brought another major change. Prior to the railroads, these rural communities had become nearly self sufficient. The remains of a kiln for firing hand made bricks found in the project area stands as an example of rural folk industry (some fragments of glazed handmade bricks from the kiln are shown in [Figure 13]). Other craftsmen also may have been dispersed over this rural countryside. The shoe last (iron form used in shoe repair) found at one [site] suggests that a rural cobbler may have once stayed at the site ([Figure 14]). The railroads symbolized the start of a new era where mass produced goods, brick, lumber, shoes and commercial products could be transported cheaply into the area. Along with these goods came better living conditions and prosperity for many farmers and merchants. As a consequence some rural folk industries such as brick making disappeared and were replaced by commercial establishments. Even the need for a rural cobbler may have been eclipsed by the railroads.
Fig. 9. Burleson Plantation house as seen today. This mid-nineteenth century upper class dwelling, although covered with sheet metal, is much larger than contemporary log cabins.
Fig. 10. Interior of the mid-nineteenth century Burleson Plantation house illustrating architectural details more elaborate than less affluent dwellings of the same era.
Fig. 11. Mid-nineteenth century log cabin partially restored for use as a hunting cabin.
Fig. 12. The remains of a log cabin as seen today. Several such [sites] were found during the survey of the project area.
Fig. 13. Fragments of hand made bricks from a brick kiln [site]. Brick fragment at center top is covered with a crusty burned coating. Brick fragment at bottom lower left has a smooth light green-gray glaze on its outer surface.
The archaeological record shows another effect of railroads on the local residents. Investigations so far suggest that there was an increase in the consumption of such items as bottles ([Figure 15]), plates ([Figure 16]), personal possessions and the like in the few decades after the railroads entered this area. By the early twentieth century, the archaeological record suggests that rural households had been partly, but not entirely incorporated into the patterns of commercial consumption. It seems that many were able to retain some of their rural folkways well into the twentieth century.
Fig. 14. Iron shoe last used in cobbler work from a [historic site].
The battle played locally between rural American lifeways and their urban counterparts may be inferred from a close look at the [sites], structures, and [artifacts] these people have left behind. For example, the pattern of intensive yard use by families in this area remains unchanged until well into the twentieth century. Many fragments of pottery and glass lie scattered around these rural dwellings. In other more settled parts of the country, such as the northeast, rural farmers had shifted away from this pattern of intensive yard use toward a pattern reflecting commercial consumption. In the Reservoir area, swept dirt yards were still being used for various daily activities, from processing food to discarding refuse, while cosmetically treated and manicured lawns were being kept in New England, New York, and much of the mid-Atlantic region. In this regard, domestic life in much of East-central Texas had changed very little. In other parts of the country, [archaeology] reveals dramatic reorganization to keep pace with a society moving towards increased consumption and disposable material culture. Denser rural populations and a greater consumption of disposable material culture forced many communities to organize town dumps and mass collections to cope with the excess products. The Richland Creek area did not experience this transition until well into the twentieth century. Lower population density and a stronger tie to more traditional lifeways kept many aspects of rural life the same until the advent of better roads and electricity in the mid-1930s.
Fig. 15. Late nineteenth and early twentieth century bottle fragments recovered from [historic sites] in the project area.
The persistence of an unpretentious and traditional aspect of rural life in this area can be observed in the dwellings found throughout. The Cumberland and [Hipped Roof Bungalows] found here reveal a blend of traditional southern lifeways and local folk elements. Figures [17] and [18] show two examples of early twentieth century dwellings. [Figure 19] illustrates the traditional cultural overtones of this region and shows an early twentieth century log barn.
Several other aspects of traditional Southern lifeways have been captured in the archaeological record. The [sites] in the Richland Creek area indicate that foodways did not change as quickly in this area as in others. For example, the archaeological record suggests that home canning with commercial fruit canning ([Figure 20]) jars was slow to penetrate this area. Wide use of glass fruit jars does not appear until the second decade of this century, unlike other parts of the country that used them as early as 1870 or 1880.
Fig. 16. Fragments of late nineteenth and early twentieth century ceramics. The printed marks designate the manufacturer. The mark seen in the top row is typical of many late nineteenth century British potteries.
Last of all, the consumption of commercially produced alcoholic beverages, liquors, and patent medicines does not appear to be anywhere near that observed in the refuse discarded by contemporaneous residents of the northeast or frontier southwest. Whether this indicates local adherence to southern temperance or the widespread use of “homemade” products is not known at this time.
When segments of the archaeological record are combined, the picture emerges of an area rich in traditional Southern lifeways. From dwellings and patterns of yard use to foodways and the late participation in a society based on consumption, the archaeological record reveals a rural style of life that changed little for a period of about 100 years. In this regard, this area avoided the less desirable aspects of changing popular American culture and allowed local folk cultures to flourish. After the great depression and World War II, all of this changed. Today rural East-central Texas is not much different than many other parts of the country, but has an archaeological heritage of which to be proud.
Fig. 17. An example of an early twentieth century tenant farm dwelling; in this case, a four room Cumberland (side view).
Fig. 18. An example of an early twentieth century [Hipped Roof Bungalow]. This was the dwelling of a local land owner and is more elaborate than the simple Cumberland ([Fig. 17]).
Fig. 19. An example of the rebirth of log barns in rural folk construction in the early twentieth century.
Fig. 20. Early twentieth century glass fruit jar (bottom) with milk glass cap liner (top). If one were to pick a single [artifact] representative of twentieth century tenant farming lifeway, it would undoubtably be the home glass canning jar.