FOOTNOTES:
[126] Traité auxiliaire (hitherto, so far as I am aware, unknown). A copy is found in the despatches of Seneterre, Bibl. Nat. at Paris, Harl. 223/21: the revised original draught in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Angleterre 47.
[127] ‘De tenir ce prince dans la créance que le roi desire l’avancement et la conclusion de la traité et que la conférence de Hambourg se fasse le plustôt.’
[128] Memoires du Père Joseph. Ruel, 7 Fevr. ‘Il faut que toute cette flotte ou une partie d’icelle serve à attaquer les places dans la coste d’Espagne ou de Flandres: selon que le roi de la Grande-Bretagne sera requis par le commun advis des alliés.’ Archives des affaires étrangères.
[129] Windebank to the King, Sept. 1638: ‘The Conde Duke, while that whip was over him, beginning to be better natured.’ See Clarendon Papers ii. 13, for the effect produced by the siege of Funeterrara.
[130] This is the tenor of the words dictated by the Cardinal to his secreta Cherré St. Quentin, Oct. 23, 1638. ‘Les Anglois qui ne songent qu’à avoir leur compte estimeront juste la restitution de Lorraine et même celle de la Pomeranie, pourvu qu’on leur rende le palatinat: nous nous mocquerons d’une telle proposition et ainsi au lieu d’avoir gagné les Anglois par le traité, que nous commencions à cette fin, nous les perdrons en effet.’
[131] Instruction au Marquis de Poigny 1634: ‘Le Chevalier de Jars lequel s’étant joint avec le Sr. de Chateauneuf lorsqu’il fut ambassadeur extraordinaire en Angleterre, fit entendre beaucoup de choses à la dite reine.’
[132] Mémoire de M. le Cardinal contre M. de Chateauneuf: one of the most acceptable pieces of information in Cousin’s Madame de Chevreuse, of the date of February 1633; Appendice No. 8. p. 235.
[133] This explains the reason why the younger Weston, the son of the Lord Treasurer, who at that time was entrusted with an extraordinary mission in France, was impelled to intercept the correspondence between Lord Holland and people in authority in France, which on his return he laid unopened before the King. It turned out to be quite innocent: but the King approved Weston’s conduct. The Queen’s whole court however was thrown into a state of excitement. Holland sent Weston a challenge to fight a duel; but the King succeeded in preventing it. (Calendar 1633-34, ii. 14.)
[134] Cousin, Appendice No. 1, No. 3, p. 280.
[135] Mémoire et instruction au Sr. de Bellièvre, Angleterre 46. In order to anticipate an objection which might be founded on the correspondence of Estrades, I must state beforehand that I consider the first part of it spurious, or at all events falsified.
[136] From Digby’s letters to Montague, which are to be found in the French Archives, from March to May, 1638: ‘qu’il n’étoit plus le prisonnier de ce roi, mais de la reine d’Angleterre.’
[137] Light is thrown on Bullion’s proposal by a letter of Leicester, Oct. 6/16, 1637.
[138] ‘Le roi nes’ entremettroit pas, sans qu’il est confident que la reine mère désire réellement une amnistie de tout le passé et de se jetter entièrement entre les bras de son fils par le moyen du Cardinal.’ From a letter of Windebank to Leicester, Oct. 26, which was intercepted and translated.
[139] Dispaccio Veneto 14 Maggio: ‘Per la sua tavola restano assegnate 40 lire sterline il giorno; 200 ai mese per le spese minute: e per i vestiti li fornisce la regina di quanto le occorre.’
[140] Cuneo, 4 Giugno 1637: ‘La Duchessa di Cevrosa meco si è andato mostrando piena di buon mi concetti ora comincio a farli animo et a procurare che lei faccia il simile con la regina principalmente in ordine alla educazione dei principi e principessa’
[141] Cuneo ‘La regina ha persuaso al re di trovar buona la sua venuta con sdegno di tutti’
[142] ‘Qu’elle me prioit de faire savoir a Monsgr. le Cardinal, qu’elle le conjuroit de la tirer de la misère, où elle se voyoit reduite—qu’elle est prête de faire en tout ce que le roy luy voudra ordonner et ce que Mgr. le Cardinal luy ordonnera.’ Despatch of Bellièvre, Dec. 23, 1638.
[143] ‘Que si les ministres de la reine n’obtiennent ce qu’ils desirent, ils brouilleront l’Angleterre avec nous, et la feront joindre à l’Espagne, comme on croit que Monsigot a proposé au Card. Infant; que si Germain rapporte contentement, ils regenteront dans la cour d’Angleterre et feront faire au roi et à la reine ce qu’ils voudront.’ Extract from a letter of Bellièvre of March 7, which was submitted to the Cardinal.
[144] ‘Madame de Chevreuse voit encore plus souvent l’agent d’Espagne, avec lequel les ministres de la reine mère traitent par l’entremise d’un fripon nommé Gedeon.’ Bellièvre, Aug. 4.
[145] ‘Faire proposer par l’assemblée et le parlement des choses qui étant accordées brident l’Angleterre à un point, qu’elle ne puisse jamais être notre ennemi, sans avoir au même tems l’Ecosse sur les bras, ce qui se pourroit faire en renouvellant les anciennes alliances entre la France et l’Ecosse.’ (Bellièvre, July 7, 1639.)
CHAPTER III.
RELATIONS OF ENGLAND WITH THE ARMY OF BERNARD OF WEIMAR AND WITH THE SPANISH FLEET UNDER OQUENDO.
It is quite true that Charles I was at this time engaged, as he had been at an earlier period, in carrying on negotiations with the Spanish court which might easily have led to an open quarrel with France.
In the autumn of 1638 a contract was drawn up at Brussels, according to which Spain and England were to unite in order to wrest from the French their conquests in Germany and Italy; indeed it was the great interest which the two crowns had in this object which brought them together. On the other hand the Emperor Ferdinand III was to be induced by the Spanish court to recall the ban which had been issued against Frederick Count Palatine, and to restore the Electorship to the heirs of that prince. King Charles was quite ready to accede to the contract, if only trustworthy security were given to him with regard to the Palatinate[146].
In the spring of 1639 accordingly the intention of Charles I to take troops from the Spanish Netherlands into his service, as formerly mentioned, was much discussed. The Cardinal-Infant asked a question on the subject in Spain.
A third point on which negotiations took place was still more urgent. The Spanish monarchy was once more collecting all its resources to send a great fleet with troops and the A.D. 1639. necessaries of war to the Netherlands. The Spaniards indeed boasted that they desired to chastise the insolence of the Dutch and French: but in fact they were conscious of the superiority of their adversaries. They sought to assure themselves beforehand, if not of the alliance of the English, yet at least of their protection within English waters, if disaster or too strong a resistance should drive their fleet thither. Charles I did not refuse this request, always provided that satisfaction should be done to him in return in the affair of the Palatinate, with regard to which the Spaniards made fresh proposals[147].
What injustice is done to Charles I by any one who accuses him of having negligently lost sight of the cause of his nephews! It is true that he would not draw the sword in their behalf: but they supplied the principal motive which guided him in his diplomatic transactions. His relations with the great parties and powers who were fighting for ascendancy on the Continent, were principally determined by regard for them: the ceaseless vacillation of his policy was due to nothing but the multiplicity of the circumstances which affected them.
It certainly seemed that he might expect the Spaniards to do most for them; for Spain, by its influence on Austria, could act most effectually in support of the restoration of the Elector Palatine. But we know how often he had been deceived in this hope: the relation between German Austria and Bavaria especially made the designs suggested by the Spanish ambassador impracticable. Had the King been willing to give his unreserved support to the interests of Spain, which were so closely connected with those of Catholicism, he would never have effected anything. He therefore sought an alliance with the French court: the affair of the Palatinate formed the principal subject of the stipulations he made with it. But Charles I could not and dared not side unconditionally even with France: for by taking this step he would have been compelled to come to an open breach with Spain, which would have disturbed the profitable traffic of the A.D. 1639. English nation with the distant possessions of that monarchy: and he would thereby have promoted the general ascendancy of France, which was in the highest degree disadvantageous to the position of England. Moreover he would not even have reached his end by this path, for the final decision still rested with the Emperor.
In these embarrassments it was the policy of King Charles to make advances to those powers which were striving to resist the Austro-Spanish house, while he did not exactly make common cause with them: he hoped, as it seems, to make such use of the fluctuations of fortune and of war as to induce the Emperor himself at last, for the sake of his own interest, to grant the wished-for indulgence.
The affair of the Palatinate forms as it were the woof in the web of Charles I’s history, running through it in all directions. And never at any time had it been of more importance. In one of the most remarkable entanglements of European relations, the considerations arising out of it decided his line of policy.
The conquest of Breisach by Duke Bernard of Weimar in December 1638 was hailed with as much joy in England as in every other Protestant country. The establishment of this brave general on the great continental line of communication between the different parts of the Spanish monarchy, could not but determine that power to devise some way out of the difficulty. The occupation of this place too threatened Bavaria with an immediate danger, which could not fail to make an impression on the Elector Maximilian, on whom everything depended. A project was even entertained of marrying the victorious Duke of Saxe-Weimar to a princess of the Palatinate, so as to attach him as closely as possible to the interest of that family. Duke Bernard for his own part sought to make himself a little more independent of France: not that he had in view the foundation of a third party, which would have brought everything into confusion; he was only unwilling to be a vassal of France: he thought of taking his place beside that power as an independent ally. In this enterprise he had Protestant Switzerland on his side, which was very unwilling to see the French establish A.D. 1639. themselves in Lorraine. This design moreover exactly suited the policy of Charles I, to whom the aggrandisement of France was displeasing.
The unexpected death of Duke Bernard in July 1639, whilst he was preparing to assume so great a position, must be regarded as a general calamity. At first however it seemed as if this casualty would even have consequences favourable to the plans of England and the Palatine house. Many Englishmen had already made preparations for taking service in Bernard’s army: the project was now mooted of putting the Elector Palatine at its head, by which means he would at once have regained the position of a military power. Charles Louis seized this idea with ardour. While he opened negotiations on the subject at the court of Sweden through his ambassador, he came himself to England in order to gain for his enterprise the support of the King. The ambassador accredited by Switzerland, who had just arrived in England, displayed especial zeal: he tried every expedient to move the Cantons to action in the Elector’s behalf. Letters were instantly written to the directors of the army, who at once returned an answer. They showed themselves quite ready to accept the Elector as commander-in-chief, when he should appear amongst them, but on condition that the King of England paid them a definite subsidy monthly, in order to maintain the efficiency of the troops and keep them in good spirits. In spite of the want of money, which had been rendered doubly pressing by the Scottish campaign, we learn that the sum required for taking over the command of the army was nevertheless got together, and hopes were held out of further advances. A private individual, Lord Craven, who had most abundant means at his command, and had formed the resolution of applying them to the service of the Palatine family, was ready to attend the Elector to Germany[148].
This enterprise corresponded exactly with the views of the King. He hoped to achieve his great end by cleverly A.D. 1639. availing himself of a favourable moment, while at the same time he made no great efforts, and did not actually participate in the war itself, or come to a breach with Spain, with which on the contrary he carried on constant negotiations. If he had succeeded in his design, he would have attained to a different position in foreign, and perhaps even in domestic, affairs.
A difficulty however stood in his way, which might be regarded as insuperable: namely, the opposition to be expected on the side of France.
The court of France had hitherto regarded the army of Bernard of Weimar as half its own, inasmuch as the Duke owed the means of keeping it together in a great measure to French subsidies: how then could it be even imagined that France was to stand by quietly when this army not merely claimed to act for itself, but even made itself dependent on another power? Cardinal Richelieu on the contrary intended to acquire both the army itself, and its conquests, permanently for France. This was what he had most at heart: he was nearer to the scene of action; he had long formed relations with its leaders; he was better provided with money: how could he fail to anticipate and nullify the negotiations of England?
This obstacle to his plans did not escape the notice of King Charles: but owing to the peculiar complication of circumstances he expected to get into his hands a means of removing it by a counter-concession.
Just at that time, in the middle of September, 1639, the Spanish fleet appeared at sea. Long as it had been prepared beforehand, it was not at starting sure of success, and reckoned on the protection of England. King Charles had been entreated, as we have seen, to grant it hospitable reception in English harbours, if matters so turned out as to make this necessary. And straightway this contingency occurred. The fleet on this occasion, as before, consisted principally of huge galleons, whose tackling was too weak long to resist wind and tide in those narrow seas: nor was the fleet adequately provided with artillery and seamen. On the first collision with a much smaller Dutch squadron, which was A.D. 1639. cruising in the Channel under Van Tromp, the Spanish admiral Oquendo found himself compelled to seek a refuge on the English coast in the Downs near Dover. And as his preservation from a superior enemy now depended on the protection which Charles I would accord him there, the admiral entreated it most urgently, saying that the honour of the Spanish monarchy and the maintenance of its dominion in the Netherlands were dependent on the King. Charles I appeared strongly inclined to grant his prayer. He opened a negotiation with the ambassador Cardenas, in which the affair of the Palatinate was brought forward afresh: and Cardenas promised him all possible compliance and assistance in the matter.
The Dutch and French ambassadors, however, urged an opposite course on the King. They called his attention to the fact that he stood in close relations with their governments as well as with Sweden, and had all but concluded a treaty with them: they suggested to him that he ought not to incur their hostility by preventing them from annihilating the Spaniards here on his coasts; that he ought to remember that he had never hitherto experienced any benefit at the hands of the Spaniards, and that even on the present occasion he could not hope that they would fulfil their promises.
This was one of the most important moments in the life of Charles I. The two great conflicting forces which divided the world, and with each of which he had some connexion, now called upon him to choose between them without delay. This was even a source of moral embarrassment, inasmuch as the King by his previous attitude had given both parties a certain right to expect his support: but the political embarrassment was the most conspicuous, and seems to have been the only one felt by the King. He had now to put an end to all wavering, and in one decisive instant to throw himself on the side of one of the two parties.
Bellièvre once more brought into play the whole of the influence which he claimed to exercise on Queen Henrietta Maria as the ambassador of her family. He reports that she had favoured an adverse policy, but that he had spoken with her in a manner which might certainly have provoked her displeasure, but which however had in fact changed her A.D. 1639. opinion. Negotiations were opened between the ambassador and the King himself through the mediation of the Queen.
But if the promises which the Spaniards gave with regard to the affair of the Palatinate supplied a motive for extending shelter to them, how much stronger a motive, under the circumstances which we have mentioned, must the King have had for attempting to win over the French government!
Bellièvre, when informed of the negotiations that were being carried on with Spain, acted on the hint that France must oppose promises on her own part to those made by Spain, and at last asked to be informed what was expected of him. We learn nothing of the deliberations that may then have been carried on between the King and Queen. But the preference was given to the plan of purchasing support for the Elector Palatine, in the projects that were being agitated, by making concessions to France. In answer to the French ambassador, the Queen expressed a hope of obtaining a promise from him that the Elector Palatine should be placed at the head of the army of Bernard of Weimar. She added that in this event the King on his part would offer no resistance to the wishes of the French: that he would not break with the Spaniards it is true, but that he would not interfere with any steps which the Dutch might take against the Spanish fleet[149]. Bellièvre said that he was not commissioned to make proposals; still he by no means set aside those which had been submitted to him: he merely asked how many troops the King was willing to give the Elector to take with him to Germany. Charles I replied that he rather left the King of France to support the Elector with troops; that he could do no more in this way than have some 6000 men enlisted in England and transported to the coast of France, where he intended that they should be taken into the pay of the French: that in return for this however, A.D. 1639. and especially for that other far greater service of allowing the Spanish fleet to be destroyed on his coasts, he required the King of France to promise that he would conclude neither truce nor peace which did not comprise the restitution of the Palatinate. This was the same object which he had already attempted to gain in the former negotiations: open hostilities against Spain had been demanded of him in return. His intention was to extract the desired engagement from France, without committing himself to this extent, by means of the concessions which he now expressed his readiness to make. He allowed the ambassador fourteen days for procuring the consent of his court: if this period expired without any result, he intended to be at liberty to make terms with Spain.
It is indeed possible that King Charles was incensed afresh against Spain by the tidings, which he then received, of a renewal of the connexion between the Spaniards and the malcontents in Ireland; and that he called to mind their former breaches of faith. He had also certainly not given them any definite promise of protection. Still it remains a most odious imputation on the sovereign who laid claim to maritime supremacy that he resolved to deliver over the weaker party, who had come to his coast entreating shelter, into the hands of the stronger in return for an advantage which he bargained to obtain from them. What seduced him was the consideration that he need not interfere decisively: he thought that, without breaking with the Spaniards, he could bind their adversaries to him, and carry off the fruits of the victory without drawing the sword himself. And moreover this was after all but a project, not a settled conclusion. Meanwhile he continued his negotiations with the Spaniards, from whom he claimed a large sum of money in return for the armament which he had been forced to equip for their protection.
But how could these counsels have had any good result, inspired as they were by weakness and the love of peace on the one side, and on the other by the intention of turning an accidental combination of circumstances to the greatest possible advantage?
The French felt the advantage of the position of general A.D. 1639. superiority in which they found themselves placed. Even under existing circumstances they did not feel in any mood to accede to these proposals of Charles I. They adhered to their wish that he should at last sign the offensive and defensive alliance, which had been so long talked of, and which was still kept in prospect. If he would then support his nephew the Elector Palatine with an army, which he would be expected always to keep in an effective condition, and if he would further himself contribute to the actual destruction of the Spanish fleet, they thought that he might feel assured that France would conclude no arrangement without stipulating for the restitution of the Palatinate, and procuring satisfaction for the Elector. The French court passed over in silence the proposal for helping the Elector to become commander-in-chief of the army of Bernard of Weimar: it thought it best not to express any opinion at all upon that subject. It certainly expected no result from the renewal of former demands; but it was already satisfied with the maintenance of the negotiations: above all it wished Bellièvre to take care that King Charles did not come to an agreement with the Spaniards, as the Dutch fleet would meanwhile gain time to annihilate the Spanish[150].
The interval which Charles I had allowed for the answer of the French court had not yet expired: he was still able to think that he had the matter in his own hands, when the Dutch admiral Van Tromp, empowered by a resolution of the States-General to that effect, proceeded to attack the Spanish fleet in the English roads. The English vice-admiral Pennington was neither strong enough to prevent the conflict, nor had he any orders to do so. The Dutch sank a number of Spanish ships, and burned others: the number of those which they captured was about eleven[151]: the greater part, however, with Oquendo himself on board, favoured by a thick fog, escaped to the opposite coast and ran into Dunkirk harbour.
The Spanish fleet was not, strictly speaking, annihilated; A.D. 1639. the booty which the Dutch carried off hardly equalled the outlay which their armament had cost them. The event must however be regarded as decisive. A similar fleet never again set sail from Spain for the Netherlands.
Charles I, in allowing this transaction, had rendered a great service to the Protestant cause; but at the same time he had played an uncertain part unworthy of his great position, from which none but consequences disadvantageous to him could arise.
The suspicion entertained against him by his subjects went so far that they even inferred from his dubious attitude a secret understanding, to the prejudice of their religion, between him and the Spaniards. They hailed the occurrence as a victory over the King himself. True Englishmen felt annoyed that a great battle had been fought out on their coasts without their participation.
The Spanish ambassador complained loudly and bitterly. Charles I answered him with contemptuous remarks on the slight power of resistance displayed by the Spanish Armada. The Dutch ambassador, on the other hand, who attempted to excuse the enterprise of his countrymen, was rebuffed by the King with harsh expressions. Disagreeable incidents encountered him on every side.
But the most annoying of the quarrels in which he was involved arose out of his design upon the army of Bernard of Weimar, which he attempted to carry out even before the defeat of the Spanish fleet. He did not even wait for the French court to state its views in reply to his application. As soon as a favourable answer arrived from the Directors of that army he allowed the Elector, Charles Louis, to set out without delay to take possession of the command.
And indeed the intention was that the Elector, attended by only a few trusty companions, should take the route through France to Breisach, which was both the nearest way, and was least exposed to the disturbances of war. The King said to the French ambassador, that the Elector should make his appearance with the army merely as a volunteer; and that any further steps should be dependent on the answer of the French court, which was still looked A.D. 1639. for. The ambassador called his attention to the impropriety of a prince of such high rank travelling through France without previously giving notice to the King, in fact without even so much as a safe conduct from him. But Charles I would hear of no delay: he professed to think that his ambassador, the Earl of Leicester, would still have time enough to make a communication to the French court on the subject. Bellièvre, however, did not himself believe that the King was serious in his professions. In his report he says, that such a communication, if made, would be made only after the event; that the intention was that the Prince should travel through France incognito, without seeing the King, or any of his ministers. In reality, people in England thought that if he went to Court, he would be detained there until matters had been settled in the army to his disadvantage: that if on the contrary he made his appearance at the right moment, and, what was more, with sufficient supplies of money, the greater part of the officers would declare in his favour. And it appeared quite possible to go through France unrecognised, as the King himself had succeeded in doing in his youth.
Thus it fell out that Charles I allowed his nephew to set off for France, with few attendants, but provided with money and good letters of credit. On October 15 Charles Louis left England on board one of those ships which were still lying beside the Spanish fleet in the Downs. On his arrival at Boulogne he was saluted by all the other ships. On October 17 he was at St. Denys, and on the following day he proceeded through the capital to Villejuif on the road to Lyons. He endeavoured to maintain so strict an incognito, that he did not even see the English ambassador, for he wished to allow no one at all to recognise him[152].
But meanwhile the French government was kept informed of every step which he took. It knew that the object of his journey was in complete contradiction to its own intentions; and it was not accustomed in political affairs A.D. 1639. to show the smallest regard to others. When the Elector arrived at Moulins he was detained for want of a safe conduct; and was brought without further ceremony to the fortress of Vincennes, where his captors professed their intention of examining him. The French government maintained that it was thereby exercising its right: for if the intentions of this Prince were good and laudable, why should he so carefully conceal his journey through France? But so far as his intentions were not of this character, but were hostile to the interests of the King of France, they alleged that they had every reason for not allowing him to travel any further[153].
Just at that time the convention was concluded by which the army of Bernard passed into the service of France. On October 22 Erlach, who had the principal direction of the army, took the oath in the presence of Guébriant. All counter action to which the feeling of other officers might have given rise, if the Elector had been present in person, was avoided beforehand by his imprisonment at Vincennes. His presumed secrecy was what furnished a specious pretext for making him harmless.
The King of England regarded this transaction not merely as a misfortune, but as an affront. The services which he had rendered to the French were returned with ingratitude, or, rather, with the contrary of that recompense which he had expected from them. But, while he made known his displeasure on the subject, twice as great a feeling of irritation set in on the side of the French. They had the less hesitation in taking part against Charles I wherever an opportunity of doing so presented itself.