§ 2. The Memoir of Charitas Pirckheimer.
A memoir is extant from the pen of the abbess of a convent at Nürnberg. It was written (1524-28) during the stormy period following upon the outbreak of the Lutheran agitation, and it helps us to realize the effect which the rupture with Rome had on a convent of nuns. Charitas Pirckheimer, the author of this memoir, was the sister of Wilibald Pirckheimer († 1530), a well-known humanist, and through him she was in touch with some of the leading representatives of learning and art of her day. She was well advanced in life and had many years of active influence behind her when the troubles began of which she has left a graphic description.
An examination of the contents of her memoir must stand as a specimen of the effects which the Reformation had on women’s convent life on the Continent, effects which varied in almost every town and every province. For the breaking up of the monastic system abroad had none of the continuity and completeness it had in England. The absence of centralised temporal and spiritual authority left the separate townships and principalities free to accept or reject the change of faith as they chose. The towns were ruled by councils on which the decision in the first place depended, and in the principalities the change depended on the attitude of prince and magnate, so that the succession of the prince of a different faith, or the conquest of one province by another, repeatedly led to a change of religion. In some districts the first stormy outbreak was followed by a reaction in favour of Rome, and convents which had disbanded were restored on a narrowed basis; in others the monastic system which had received a severe shock continued prostrate for many years. But even in those districts where the change of faith was permanently accepted, its influence on conventual establishments was so varied that an account of the way in which it put an end to nunneries lies beyond the scope of this work. It must suffice to point out that some convents, chiefly unreformed ones, disbanded or surrendered under the general feeling of restlessness; and that others were attacked and destroyed during the atrocities of the Peasants’ War. The heads of others again, with a clearsightedness one cannot but admire, rejected Romish usages and beliefs in favour of the Lutheran faith, and their houses have continued to this day as homes for unmarried women of the aristocracy. Others were suffered to remain under the condition that no new members should be admitted, but that the old ones should be left in possession of their house till they died. To this latter class belonged the convent of St Clara at Nürnberg which we are about to discuss.
The convent dated its existence from the year 1279, in which several nuns from Söflingen, near Ulm, joined a number of religious women who were living together at Nürnberg, and prevailed upon them to adopt the rule of St Clara and place themselves under the guardianship of the Franciscan friars who had settled in Nürnberg in 1226[1141]. It has been mentioned above that the nuns of this order, usually designated as Poor Clares, did not themselves manage that property of theirs which lay outside the precincts; they observed strict seclusion and were chiefly absorbed by devotional pursuits. Under the influence of the movement of monastic reform described in a previous chapter, Clara Gundelfingen (1450-1460), abbess of the house at Nürnberg, had greatly improved its discipline, and nuns were despatched from thence to convents at Brixen, Bamberg and other places to effect similar changes. There was another convent of nuns at Nürnberg dedicated to St Katherine which was under the supervision of the Dominican friars, but the convent of St Clara was the more important one and seems to have been largely recruited from members of wealthy burgher families. In 1476 it secured a bull from the Pope by which its use was altogether reserved to women who were born in Nürnberg.
Charitas Pirckheimer came to live in the house (1478) at the age of twelve. She was one of a family of seven sisters and one brother; all the sisters entered convents, excepting one who married, and they were in time joined by three of the five daughters of their brother[1142]. These facts show that the women of most cultivated and influential families still felt convent life congenial. The Dominican writer Nider († 1438), speaking of convent life in the districts about Nürnberg, remarks that he had nowhere else found so many virtuous, chaste and industrious virgins[1143]. Of the members of the Pirckheimer family who became nuns, Clara († 1533) joined her sister Charitas and acted as secretary to her for many years; her letters show her to have been of a lively and sanguine disposition[1144]. Walpurg, another sister, lived as a nun in the convent of St Clara at Münich; Katharina became prioress at Geisenfeld, and Sabina and Euphemia entered the ancient Benedictine settlement of Bergen near Neuburg, of which they successively became abbesses. Sabina (1521-29), like her sister Charitas, was a great admirer of Albrecht Dürer, whom she consulted on the subject of illuminations done at her house[1145]. A number of her letters remain to show that she held opinions of her own on some points of doctrine and watched the progress of affairs at Nürnberg with interest[1146]. Her sister Euphemia (1529-47), who succeeded her, experienced even greater hardships than Charitas, for when Palgrave, Otto Heinrich of Neuburg, accepted the Protestant faith (1544), she and her nuns were expelled from their convent, and spent several years staying first at one place then at another, till the victory which the emperor Karl V won at Mühlberg (1547) made it possible for them to return to Bergen.
Charitas on entering the house at Nürnberg found herself among the daughters of family friends and relations. She contracted a lasting friendship with Apollonia Tucher, who was afterwards elected to the office of prioress, which she held for many years. Apollonia was nearly related to Anton Tucher († 1524), one of the wealthiest and most influential men of the town, and to Sixtus Tucher († 1507), a learned divine who was made provost of the church of St Lorenz, and in this capacity instructed the nuns of St Clara and provided them with religious literature. Scheurl († 1542), a nephew of Apollonia and a distinguished jurist, who came to settle at Nürnberg, greatly admired Charitas. We shall return to him later on.
Felicitas Grundherrin, another nun, who was made portress in 1503, wrote letters to her father which throw an additional light on the conduct and the experiences of the nuns during the period of religious contention. There were sixty inmates at that time, and among them we find the chief families of the town represented.
We are not informed at what age Charitas made profession. In 1494 she was joined by her sister Clara, and a few years later, when we first hear of her and her sister in connection with their brother, she was engaged in teaching the novices.
The career of Wilibald Pirckheimer, a man of considerable literary ability, is interesting, as it forms the centre of the intellectual and artistic life of Nürnberg, which at that time was achieving some of its greatest triumphs. The friend of Albrecht Dürer and of the leading humanists, he was himself full of enthusiasm for the revived interest in classic culture, and filled with that liberal appreciation of merit regardless of origin and nationality which is one of the attractive traits of the movement. In compliance with the taste of his age he had studied in Italy, and shortly after his return to Nürnberg, on the occasion of their father’s death (1501), he lent his sisters, Charitas and Clara, a copy of the hymns of the Christian poet Prudentius, and an unnamed portion of Jerome’s works, for their comfort and perusal; Charitas thanked him for the loan in a Latin letter in which we get our first glimpse of her[1147]. She says that she has been interested to find among the hymns some which are habitually sung in the choir and the authorship of which was unknown to her, and she begs she may keep Jerome’s writings for some time longer, as they afford her so much delight. She refers to the frequent loans of books from her brother and assures him how much she depends on him for her education, begging him to visit and further instruct her. She has some knowledge of scripture, she says, but barely enough to instruct the novices.
In the year 1487 Celtes († 1508), a celebrated Latin scholar and poet, was crowned poet laureate by the Emperor Friedrich III at Nürnberg, and received at his hands the doctor’s degree and a laurel wreath. Afterwards he travelled about in Germany, rousing interest in the revival of classical studies wherever he went, and encouraging those who were interested in learning to band together in societies (sodalitates) for the purpose of editing and publishing the classics. During a stay at a monastery in Regensburg (1501) he had come across the forgotten dramas of the nun Hrotsvith. They seemed to him so worthy of attention that he had them published at Nürnberg in a beautiful illustrated edition. We do not know if he was previously acquainted with Charitas; but he sent her a copy of the dramas, and she wrote a grateful reply[1148]. She begins by deploring the news she has heard that Celtes has been attacked and plundered by robbers. ‘A few days ago,’ she writes, ‘I received the interesting writings of the learned virgin Hrotsvith, sent to me by you for no merits of my own, for which I express and owe you eternal gratitude. I rejoice that He who bestows powers of mind (largitor ingenii) and grants wisdom to men who are great and learned in the law, should not have denied to the frail and humbler sex some of the crumbs from the tables of wisdom. In this learned virgin the words of the apostle are verified that God chooses the humble to confound the strong....’
Celtes was charmed by this letter, and was inspired to compose a Latin ode[1149] in praise of Charitas. In it he addressed her as the crown and star of womanhood, praised her for her knowledge of Latin, in which she worthily followed in the steps of a learned father and a learned brother, and enlarged on the pleasure her letter had brought. With the ode he sent a copy of a work on the city of Nürnberg lately published by him, and Charitas in reply sent a long letter which is most instructive in regard to the light it throws on her general attitude towards humanist culture[1150]. While delighted by the gifts and the attentions of so distinguished a man as Celtes, she felt critical towards the heathen element in him, which seemed to her incompatible with the claims of a higher morality. The letter is too long to reproduce in full, but the following are some of its most noteworthy passages. ‘I am your unworthy pupil, but a great admirer of yours and a well-wisher for your salvation, and as such I would earnestly and with all my heart entreat you not indeed to give up the pursuit of worldly wisdom, but to put it to higher uses, that is to pass from heathen writings to holy scripture, from what is earthly to what is divine, from the created to the Creator.... Indeed neither knowledge nor any subject of investigation which is from God is to be contemned, but mystic theology and a good virtuous life must be ranked highest. For human understanding is weak and may fail us, but true faith and a good conscience never can. I therefore put before you, most learned doctor, when you have enquired into all under the sun, that the wisest of men said, Vanity of vanities.... In the same friendly spirit I would beg you to give up celebrating the unseemly tales of Jupiter, Venus, Diana, and other heathen beings whose souls are burning in Gehenna and who are condemned by right-minded men as detestable and deserving of oblivion; make the saints of God your friends by honouring their names and their memory, that they may guide you to the eternal home when you leave this earth.’
At the end of her letter she begged to be excused writing in this strain in words which suggest that her brother had urged her to speak out her mind, and a further letter of hers addressed to Wilibald says that she is forwarding to him a copy of her letter to Celtes[1151]. She begs he will not bring him to the grating without sending her word previously, and expresses the belief that Celtes will not take umbrage.
We hear no more of their intercourse. Celtes soon afterwards left Nürnberg, and when Helena Meichnerin, abbess of the convent, resigned on account of some complaints of the town council, Charitas was chosen abbess (1503). Her acceptance of the post was made conditional by the Franciscan friars on her giving up her Latin correspondence[1152], and there can be no doubt that this prohibition was primarily aimed at her intercourse with men like Celtes, who was known to be very lax in his morality, and whose sympathies in regard to learning were in direct opposition to the narrow religious views of the friars. Charitas conformed, but Wilibald’s anger was roused, and he wrote to Celtes: ‘You know that my sister Charitas has been chosen abbess. Imagine, those soft-footed men (χυλόποδες) have forbidden her to write Latin for the future. Observe their caution, not to say roguery[1153].’
Charitas apparently wrote no more Latin letters, but her brother’s friends continued to take an interest in her. Wilibald had a sincere regard for her abilities and frequently wrote of her to his friends. Other members of the humanist circle sought her out. Scheurl, the young jurist mentioned above, sent her from Bologna a copy of his ‘Uses of the mass’ (Utilitates missae) with a flattering letter which was presented to her by the provost Tucher (1506)[1154]. It is overflowing with youthful enthusiasm, and says that of all the women he has met there are only two who are distinguished by abilities and intellect, knowledge and wealth, virtue and beauty, and are comparable to the daughters of Laelius and Hortensius and to Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi; the one is Cassandra (Fedele, poetess[1155]) in Venice, the other is Charitas in Nürnberg. He expatiates on the merits of the Pirckheimer family generally, and says Charitas is following the example of her relatives in preferring a book to wool, a pen to the distaff, a stilus to a needle. At a later stage of his career (1515) Scheurl wrote that it was usual for men who were distinguished in mind and power to admire and respect the abilities, learning and moral excellence of this abbess[1156].
In 1513 Wilibald published an edition of Plutarch’s essay ‘On retribution’ which he had translated from Greek into Latin, and dedicated it to his sister Charitas in a long and flattering epistle[1157]. Mindful no doubt of the influences about her and referring to difficulties in his own career, he spoke in the highest terms of the Stoic philosophers and of the help their writings afforded. ‘Accept this gift on paper which, if I judge rightly, will not be displeasing to you,’ he says, ‘and carefully peruse the writings of this pagan author (gentilis). And you will soon see that the philosophers of antiquity did not stray far from the truth.’ Charitas was able to appreciate this point of view and admitted in her reply that he had sent her a jewel more precious than gold and silver[1158]. Speaking of Plutarch she confessed that ‘he writes not like an unbelieving heathen but like a learned divine and imitator of Christian perfection. It is a wonderful circumstance which has filled me with joy and surprise.’ But she thought her brother’s praise of her excessive. ‘I am not learned myself, only the friend of those who are learned; I am no writer, I only enjoy reading the writings of others; I am unworthy of so precious a gift, though in truth you have done well and wisely in placing the word Charitas at the head of your work. For Charity is the virtue which makes all good things to be shared, and that Charity which is the Divine Spirit itself will reward you here and in the life to come, where honest efforts will be fully requited.’
A short time afterwards Pirckheimer dedicated to his sister Clara, who was now teaching the novices, a ‘Collection of the Moral Sentences of Nilus.’ It was a translation from Greek and Latin, and the title was ornamented with a design by Dürer[1159]. He sent it ‘to prevent her feeling any jealousy of her sister.’ Clara shared her sister’s tastes and was herself an ardent reader. When the New Testament edited by Erasmus appeared, Pirckheimer wrote to him that his sisters, who zealously read his writings, took great delight in this book also, and he says that they had greater insight into it than many men who were proud of their learning. They would have written themselves, he adds, if they had not felt shy of so great a man. Erasmus on one occasion compared the daughters of Sir Thomas More to the sisters of Wilibald Pirckheimer. Some writings of the humanist Reuchlin were also perused by them[1160].
Wilibald further dedicated to Charitas his edition of the works of Fulgentius (1519), in a long preface in which he describes the difficulty he had had in procuring the manuscript from the library of his friend Tritheim, how he had despaired of deciphering it till the learned Cochlaeus came to his rescue, and how sure he felt that his sister would look upon the book as a treasure[1161]. The translation of the sermons of Gregorius Nazianzenus, an important undertaking, he also accomplished mainly for the use of his sisters[1162].
Besides their devotional and intellectual interests, the nuns at St Clara made their own clothes, and seem to have had some ability in sewing, for when the imperial robes which were kept at Nürnberg were to be carried to Aachen for the coronation of the Emperor Karl V, they were first given into the hands of the nuns to be looked over and mended[1163].
An interesting light is thrown on the less serious side of the character of Charitas by an amusing German letter which she wrote to Dürer and two envoys of Nürnberg who were staying at Augsburg in 1518 on the occasion of the Imperial Diet. From there they had sent her a missive penned in a jovial hour, and Charitas in reply wrote[1164]: ‘I received your friendly letter with special delight and read it with such attention that my eyes were often brim full, but more from laughing than any other emotion. Many thanks to you that in spite of your great business and your amusements you should have taken the trouble to give directions to this little nun about cloister-life, of which you have a clear mirror before you at present....’ And she begs the envoy Spengler to study accounts with a view to advising her how to waste everything till nothing remains, and begs Dürer, ‘who is such a draughtsman and genius,’ to give his attention to the buildings, so that when she has the choir rebuilt he may help and advise her how to introduce larger windows so that the nuns’ eyes may be less dim.
From these various notices we conclude that time passed not unpleasantly or unprofitably with the abbess of St Clara before those contentions began which followed upon the attack made on the established religion by Luther. In Nürnberg, as in most other cities, the feeling was general that the life of the prelacy was degenerate and that the Papacy was a hotbed of abuse. Luther’s opposition to the Pope was therefore greeted with acclamation both by the enlightened men of the town, who felt that the tyranny of the Church was a stumblingblock in the way of progress, and by the people, who readily seized the idea that the means were now given them to break through class tyranny. Wilibald Pirckheimer was among those who without hesitation sided with the Lutheran agitation, but Charitas thought otherwise. The abbess of the convent of St Clara at Eger forwarded to her some of the fierce attacks on Luther from the pen of Emser († 1527), and Charitas was so delighted with them that she had them read out aloud to the nuns during meals, and was prompted to write a letter to their author[1165].
This letter became a source of great annoyance to her. It fell into the hands of Emser’s enemies, and was published with an abusive running comment on Charitas[1166]. Even Wilibald was annoyed and declared she would have done better not to have written it. He strongly supported the Lutheran agitation at the time, and Eck, who suspected him of having written the attack on himself, entitled ‘Eccius Dedolatus,’ for personal reasons inscribed Wilibald’s name on the Papal ban. There is extant from Wilibald’s pen a fragment in which he expresses doubts as to the rightfulness of convent life generally[1167], but he gradually modified his views. The violence and narrowness of the representatives of the party of progress in Nürnberg were little to his taste. On the plea of ill-health he withdrew from the council, and took no part in the stormy discussions of 1523, when the rupture with Rome was declared complete and decisions arrived at, momentous for the future of the new faith not only in Nürnberg, but in Germany generally.
At this juncture the memoir of Charitas[1168] begins. She describes the effect of the Lutheran teaching; how ceremonies are being abolished, rules and vows declared vain, so that many monks and nuns are leaving their cloisters, putting off convent garb and marrying and otherwise doing as they choose.
‘These various reasons brought us many troubles and difficulties,’ she writes (p. 2), ‘for many powerful and evil-minded persons came to see the friends they had in our cloister, and argued with them and told them of the new teaching, how the religious profession was a thing of evil and temptation in which it was not possible to keep holy, and that we were all of the devil. Some would take their children, sisters and relatives out of the cloister by force and by the help of admonitions and promises of which they doubtless would not have kept half. This arguing and disputing went on for a long time and was often accompanied by great anger and abuse. But since none of the nuns by God’s grace was moved to go, the fault was laid on the Franciscans, and everyone said they encouraged us, so that it would be impossible to convince us of the new belief while we had them as preachers and confessors.’
The friars had long been odious for their determined class feeling, religious intolerance, and encouragement of superstitions; it was obvious that the advocates of change would direct their attacks against them. Charitas, fully aware of the emergency, assembled the nuns and put before them the danger of being given over to ‘wild priests and apostate monks,’ and with their consent decided to hand in a ‘supplication’ to the town council. This council was presided over by three leading men (triumviri), of whom one named Nützel was the so-called representative (pfleger) of the convent, another named Ebner had a daughter among the nuns, and the third, Geuder, was the brother-in-law of Charitas. She consulted Wilibald on the matter of the supplication, but forthwith wrote and despatched a letter to each of these three men, begging and claiming the protection of her privileges.
The supplication itself (p. 12) was carefully worded, and requested that the connection between the Franciscans and the nuns might not be severed, contradicting the charges which were brought against the former. They do not forbid the nuns to read the Evangels and other books, Charitas says,—‘if they did so we should not obey them.’ The nuns have the Old and the New Testament in daily use in the German and the Latin versions. Charitas denies despising the married state or retaining nuns by force. ‘But as we compel no one, so too we claim not to be compelled, and to remain free in mind as well as in body. But this cannot be if we are given over to strange priests, which would be destruction to our community ...,’ and more to a like purpose.
The supplication was handed in at the beginning of 1524, but after considerable delay the councillors postponed giving a definite reply to it. In the meantime Charitas was much annoyed by the mother of one of her nuns who tried to persuade her daughter to leave the convent, and finding her words of no avail, appealed to the town council (p. 19) for an order to take her ‘out of this prison’ as she called it, into which she had sent her nine years before at the age of fourteen. Charitas also sent in a statement of the case (p. 28), but again no reply was vouchsafed her.
The letters which Clara wrote to her brother about this time help us to realise the situation. All her letters are undated, but in one she thanks Wilibald for his advice about the supplication, and says that if divine service should really be abolished she means to devote herself more to reading, for ‘the dear beloved old writers surely were no fools[1169].’ In another she thanks him for the loan of books and says a work of Erasmus (probably De libero arbitrio) has pleased the sisters by its moderation. As to Charitas ‘she finds great comfort in her beloved old Cyprian, in whose writings she reads day and night. She sends greetings and the message that she prefers Cyprian to all these new evangelists who strut about in cut garments and golden chains[1170].’
Though Clara did not lose her cheerfulness, Charitas, who saw further, was full of apprehension. From what her sister says she regretted the severe tone of her letter to Geuder[1171]. On other occasions also she was led to indignant utterances which she afterwards regretted[1172].
A gap occurs at this period in her memoir which she resumed writing in March 1525, after the religious disputation had taken place at Nürnberg. After many stormy scenes, ‘the preachers of the Evangel,’ as they called themselves, decided to carry out their intentions without waiting for the decision of a Church Council. The immediate result of the decision was an attack on all religious houses. But in the convent of St Clara the determined and reckless energy of the reformers was matched by indignant protest and unyielding opposition on the part of the abbess.
Charitas has described in full (p. 33) how a deputation from the town council asked to be admitted into her house, and how they informed her and the assembled nuns that their connection with the Franciscans was at an end; a ‘reformed’ preacher had been appointed to preach in the church of the nuns, and they were left the choice among several men who would act to them as confessors. Much argument followed, but Charitas maintained that her house and the Franciscans had always been closely connected. ‘If we yield it is only to force and we turn to God,’ she said, ‘and before Him we lodge a protest and declare that we are forced against our will, and that we reject and discountenance all your proposals.’ The assembled nuns rose to their feet to shew their approval of her speech, and the deputation in vain tried the effect of persuasion. Charitas scorned the idea of having anything to do with apostate monks; and the deputation retired after blaming the women for behaving in a most ungrateful manner. A second visit led to similar results; Charitas abode by her decision, the nuns wept, and the deputation retired after venting their indignation in threats.
The hopes of the convent now centred in Nützel, their representative in the town council, and Charitas with her brother’s approval wrote to him (p. 41) begging him to come to her. But the first words Nützel spoke dispelled every hope of assistance from that quarter; he blamed the nuns for opposing the council, and urged the advisability of their giving way. Charitas was most indignant and declared she was well aware that it was intended to force them to this new belief, but that they were agreed that neither in life nor in death would they listen to what the Church had not previously countenanced. She called upon the prioress to read out a second petition to the council asking to have their father confessor back or else to be left without one. She wanted Nützel to take charge of this petition, but he was only angered, and taking Charitas aside, represented to her that her opposition was a serious matter; her example was encouraging other women’s convents to opposition, which would relent if she did. He said that by resigning and disbanding the convent bloodshed would be averted, and he spoke in praise of the new preacher. But Charitas remained unmoved. As he was leaving the house his daughter and the other nuns, whose fathers were members of the town council, went down on their knees to him imploring protection. He refused to listen, but was so far impressed that he never slept all the following night, as his wife afterwards told the nuns (p. 54).
The convent’s opposition to their plans was a source not only of annoyance but of apprehension to the town authorities. The peasants’ rising was spreading in the direction of Nürnberg, and as popular feeling was against religious houses the argument that dissolving the house might help to avert a danger was not altogether unfounded. Nützel in a long expostulation (p. 55) shortly afterwards tried to impress this view on the abbess, but Charitas urged (p. 59) that other reasons besides hatred of the friars had roused the peasants to rebellion, and complained that the ill-feeling against her house was largely due to the reformed preachers, who declared they would not rest till they had driven monks and nuns out of the town (p. 62). Rightly or wrongly she held that Poliander, the reformed preacher who was now preaching in the convent church, had been promised a reward if he persuaded her or her nuns to leave the convent (p. 67), and that his want of success aggravated his hatred of them. It was in vain that Nützel wrote in praise of him (p. 67). Charitas now looked upon Nützel as a dangerous enemy, and her sister Clara wrote to Wilibald[1173] begging him to advise the convent how to get rid of the man. In another letter[1174] she said that Charitas was seriously afraid of him.
In place of the Franciscans a number of reformed preachers now preached before the nuns and the people in the convent church. Among them was Osiander, formerly a Carthusian, whose violence at a later period was censured and resented by his Protestant brethren; and the nuns were obliged to attend and to listen to a torrent of abuse and imprecation by him and others. ‘I cannot and will not detail,’ says Charitas in her memoir (p. 70), ‘how they perverted Holy Writ to a strange meaning, how they cast down the doctrines of the Church and discarded all ceremonies; how they abused and reviled all religious orders and classes, and respected neither Pope nor Emperor, whom they openly called tyrant, devil, and Antichrist; how roughly and in what an unchristian-like spirit and against all brotherly love they abused us and charged us with great wickedness, for the purpose of rousing the people, whom they persuaded that an ungodly set like ourselves should be destroyed, our cloister broken open, ourselves dragged out by force, since we represented a despicable class, heretics, idolatrous and blasphemous people, who were eternally of the devil.’
One might be tempted to look upon this description as an exaggeration were it not for a letter from Wilibald Pirckheimer to Melanchthon, in which he describes the outrages to which the nuns were exposed in similar terms. ‘The preachers scream, swear, and storm, and do everything in their power to rouse the hatred of the masses against the poor nuns; they openly say that as words were of no avail, recourse should be had to force,’ and he wonders the cloister has not yet been attacked[1175].
Under the pressure of popular opinion and increasing restlessness the Austin monks gave over their house, and they were followed by the Carmelites, the Benedictines, and the Carthusians. The Dominicans hesitated; the Franciscans refused to go. Charitas expresses wonder that the ‘spiritual poison,’ as she calls it, which the preachers several times a week tried to infuse into the nuns, took no effect, and that none of them expressed a desire to leave the convent (p. 85).
Things had now come to such a pass that convents outside the city disbanded before the peasants’ rising; and nuns from Pillenreuth and Engelthal sought refuge in the town with the nuns of St Clara (p. 86). These lived in daily fear of their house being stormed, for the people shouted and swore at them from below, threw stones into the choir, smashed the church windows, and sang insulting songs in the churchyard outside. But the nuns, nothing daunted, continued to keep the hours and to ring the bells, though they were every moment prepared for the worst. Clara in a letter to Wilibald described her own and her sister’s fears in eloquent terms[1176]; and the nun Felicitas Grundherrin wrote to her father entreating him to abide by the old faith[1177]. In these days the nuns seem to have read a good deal of pamphlet literature, but they failed to see anything beyond an encouragement to violence and disorder in the whole Lutheran movement.
A further attempt was made by the council to coerce the convent. A number of injunctions were sent to the abbess which were to be carried out within a month (p. 88). The first of these commanded her to absolve the nuns from their vow that they might enjoy ‘Christian freedom’; another that she should send the young nuns home though they refused, ‘since children should obey their parents.’ The deputies who laid these injunctions before the abbess assured her that the council was prepared to restore to the nuns what they had brought to the convent; that they would give money to those who had brought nothing, and provide a dower for those who married. To these arguments Charitas replied that the nuns had made a vow not before her but before God, that it was not in her power to dispense them from it and that she would not urge them to disobedience. With a touch of bitterness she added that their mothers were continually at the convent grating urging them to go (p. 87). For the matrons of the town especially sided with the reformed preachers and cried shame on convent life. ‘If it were not for the women and the preachers things would not be so bad,’ Clara wrote on one occasion to Wilibald[1178], and on another she spoke of the sharp tongues and violent behaviour of the women.
The deputation further claimed that the nuns should take off their convent clothes (p. 93), the sight of which they said gave umbrage. ‘We are continually told,’ Charitas replied, ‘that our vows and our clothes threaten to cause a rising, but it is your preachers, to whom we are forced to listen, who try to provoke one by abusing and condemning us from the pulpit and charging us with vices and impurity to humour the people.’ The command was also given to do away with the convent grating; and it was backed by the threat that if Charitas failed to comply with it the town authorities would throw open the house to all visitors. The heaviness of this blow was such that after the deputation had left Charitas summoned the nuns and asked their intentions severally. In the eyes of the whole convent throwing open the house involved turning it into a public resort of bad character. They felt they must yield or leave the house altogether, but they promised to abide by the decision of Charitas if she would stay and advise them. The intrepid abbess decided to do away with the grating at one window, declaring that they acted against the rule under protest and only temporarily. On the other points she sought the advice of learned men outside, but they advised compromise, for, to give her own words (p. 95), ‘they said all chance was gone of gaining anything by opposition; we must yield if we did not want the house to go to ruin. People now did things by main force regardless of justice or equity, fearful neither of Pope nor Emperor, nor even of God except in word; things were such that these people said, What we will must be done, thus and not otherwise, declaring themselves more powerful than the Pope himself.’
In the meantime the feelings against the nunnery were by no means unanimous. Geuder, the brother-in-law of Charitas, was emphatic at the council meeting in denouncing the throwing open of convents, which in his eyes also meant turning them into disreputable houses[1179]. But no amount of opposition made by him and others could prevent a scene from being enacted in the convent chapel, which was afterwards looked upon as disgraceful, not only by those who provoked it, but by outsiders whether partisans of the Lutheran movement or not. The repeated attempts to persuade the nuns to leave having failed and Charitas refusing to bid them go, two of the chief councillors, one of them Nützel, the representative of the convent’s interests, and the widow of a councillor who had long clamoured for her daughter’s release, repaired to the convent with a number of other persons, claimed to be admitted, and declared they had come to fetch their daughters away. The three nuns, who were between nineteen and twenty-three years of age, tried to hide, but Charitas bade them come forth, and they then sought refuge with her in the convent chapel. She has described in full how the young women besought her to protect them, how their parents and others abused and reviled them, and how in spite of their protests, their indignation and their tears, their relations at last resorted to violence. Four persons seized each nun and dragged and pushed her out of the chapel, while the women present shouted approval, and once outside their convent clothes were torn off and others substituted in their stead. After a scuffle and a scramble in which one nun was knocked over and her foot injured, they were carried to a chariot waiting outside and conveyed away.
Charitas remained behind in grief and despair. ‘I and all my nuns are so distressed at all this,’ she wrote a few days later[1180], ‘that I have almost wept out my eyes.... Nothing ever so went to my heart.’ Indignation at the violence of the act became general in the town and spread beyond its confines. ‘I never could have imagined women acting in such a cruel manner,’ Sabina, the abbess of Bergen, wrote to Wilibald; and in another letter, apprehending the destruction of the convent at Nürnberg, she proposed that Charitas and her nuns should seek refuge with her[1181].
But Charitas persisted in holding her ground, though with an aching heart. When the men who had fetched away their daughters sent word offering to pay for their maintenance during the time they had lived with her, she refused. Her trials in one direction had reached their climax,—the councillor Nützel, who admitted that things had gone too far, henceforth acted in a conciliatory spirit, and some approximation took place between them. Not that he ever tired of urging Charitas to desert her convent and her cause, but he now confined himself to persuasion and argument, and when one of the young nuns who had been carried off was so far reconciled to the world that she came to the convent window and urged her step-sister to return home, pretending that Nützel had sent her (p. 123), the councillor disclaimed having done so. His correspondence with Charitas, which she has faithfully inserted in her memoir, shows that she patiently listened to every argument in favour of the new doctrines. She had a conversation with the preacher Osiander which lasted four hours (p. 128), she listened to over a hundred sermons preached by the Lutherans, and she read their writings, yet she could find nothing to her taste and it seemed easy to her to confound their arguments. Her letters show that her unhappiness was great, for on one occasion she went so far as to put before Nützel (p. 122) what the result would be if women like themselves, many of whom were over sixty and several over seventy, returned to the world and tried to earn their living, as everyone said they ought to do. She declared she detained no one, the nuns were at liberty to go if they chose; everyone was giving her advice, she said, but she saw no salvation in the new doctrines, which did not appeal to her. Her readiness to listen to argument caused Nützel to set his hopes on a conference between Melanchthon and her (p. 133), and probably at the instigation of Wilibald, who was deeply grieved at the injustice done to his sisters without being able to give them direct help, Melanchthon, who was well known for his uprightness and conciliatory influence, came to Nürnberg towards the close of the year 1525. ‘I am glad to hear Melanchthon is coming,’ Charitas wrote; ‘since I have heard he is an irreproachable, upright and justice-loving man, I do not suppose he can approve of what has been done here.’
Nützel at once (p. 149) brought him to the convent. ‘A few days later our representative came with Philip Melanchthon,’ Charitas wrote, ‘who spoke much about the new faith, but finding that we set our hopes more on the grace of God than on our works, he said we might as well seek our salvation in the cloister as in the world.’ They had a long talk together and agreed on all points except on the subject of vows, for these the reformer declared were not binding, while Charitas maintained that a promise made to God must be kept. She describes Melanchthon as more moderate in his speech than she had ever known a Lutheran to be. Melanchthon, on hearing the various points of the case, blamed the councillors for having forbidden the Franciscans to confer with the convent, and for forcibly taking the nuns out of the cloister. ‘I trust God has sent this Lutheran at the right hour,’ Charitas wrote, ‘for they were discussing whether or not to expel nuns generally, pull down their houses, and put the older inmates of those convents which would not surrender into one house, driving back the younger ones into the world’ (p. 171).
According to her account Melanchthon represented to the council that no convent at Wittenberg had been destroyed by force, and after a great deal of argument it was decreed to make one more effort to persuade the nuns to go, and failing this to leave them alone. No concessions were made with regard to the friars, the nuns remained without a minister to take their confessions and to administer the sacrament, but after all the nuns had been severally asked if they wished to stay or to go, and only one declared herself ready to leave the house, the rest were left in possession till the end of their days.
With the account of the last visitation, which took place in 1528, the memoir of Charitas ends. From other sources we hear that short of annoyances about her income and a tax levied on the convent she remained unmolested, and passed the last few years of her life in peace. At the close of 1528, the fiftieth anniversary of her entering the convent, and the twenty-fifth year of her appointment as abbess, was celebrated with some amount of cheerfulness. Wilibald and others sent presents, and after dinner the nuns danced to the sound of the dulcimer (hackbrett), which the abbess played[1182]. Wilibald’s interest in the convent continued, and towards the close of his life we find him busy writing a pamphlet in justification of the nuns[1183], in which he developed at some length the arguments against those who had oppressed and coerced them. He died in 1530, and within a couple of years was followed by his sister Charitas (1533). Her sister Clara ruled the convent for a few months after her and was succeeded by Wilibald’s daughter Charitas. The number of nuns was slowly but steadily dwindling; before the close of the century the house had fallen into the hands of the town council by default.
The abbess Charitas Pirckheimer worthily represents the monastic life of women at the close of the Middle Ages. Faithful to the system she had embraced, she remained true to her convictions to the last, with a fearlessness, candour, and determination which give her attitude a touch of heroism. She is one among many staunch adherents to the old faith who experienced hardships which simple humanity and feelings of equity and justice alike condemned, but whose steadfastness could not save their cause from being lost.
CONCLUSION.
My task has drawn to its close. In a series of chapters, incompletely no doubt but I trust not superficially, the position of woman under monasticism has been brought before the reader, and some account has been given of the various aspects of convent life. In conclusion it seems well to pause and look back over the ground traversed, to take in at a glance what Catholic tradition, convent-life and saint-lore have done for women in the past. The area over which the reader has been taken is a wide one, and the ground in many directions remains unexplored. Still some of the most prominent landmarks have been noted, and some districts carefully examined. Thus while further information might be sought concerning many special points, it still seems legitimate to form a general survey and to draw certain conclusions.
Turning back to the earliest period when Christianity with its new conceptions first came into contact with beliefs dating from a distant heathen era, we have seen how many sentiments and associations of ideas peculiar to pre-Christian times lived on and were absorbed into the new religion. The early representatives of Christianity, with a keen-sighted appreciation of the means by which a change of religion is most successfully effected, treated the older conceptions with tolerance, and by doing so made possible the establishment of new ideas in the old heathen setting. The legends and the cult of the saints contain a mine of wealth as yet little explored by the student of primitive civilization and folk-lore, a mine which has here been tapped at one vein only,—namely for the information it yields on the antiquity of beliefs which attach to certain women who are reckoned among the saints.
Passing from the ground of tradition to that of history we have seen how the convent was looked upon with favour by women of the newly converted barbarian races, and how readily they availed themselves of the protection which the Christian religion held out to them. This development also needed to be studied side by side with previous social conditions in order to stand out in its true light, and it gained a new meaning when considered in connection with the elements of older folk tradition which it absorbed. The representatives of Christianity, profiting by a surviving love of independence among womankind, turned the energies of women into new channels, and giving scope to their activity in new directions, secured their help in the cause of peaceful progress. The outward conditions of life were such that the woman who joined the convent made her decision once for all. But provided she agreed to forego the claims of family and sex, an honourable independence was secured to her, and she was brought into contact with the highest aims of her age. At a period when monasteries, placed in the remote and uncultivated districts, radiated peace and civilization throughout the neighbourhood, many women devoted themselves to managing settlements which in the standard they attained, vied in excellence with the settlements managed by men.
At the outset many married women left their husbands for the purpose of founding and governing convents; sometimes they founded convents the management of which they left to others, and themselves retired to them later in life. The prestige and advantages enjoyed by the heads of religious settlements were such that kings and queens frequently installed their daughters as abbesses in preference to seeking for them matrimonial alliances, and these princesses were joined by many daughters of the most influential families, who gladly availed themselves of the opportunity of embracing the religious vocation. Through their close contact with high-born women, convents maintained a high tone in manners, morals and general behaviour, and grew into important educational centres, the beneficent influence of which was generally recognised.
The career open to the inmates of convents both in England and on the continent was greater than any other ever thrown open to women in the course of modern European history; abilities might raise the nun to the rank of abbess, a position of substantial authority. In the Kentish charter, to which reference has been made, the names of the abbesses as representatives of religion follow those of the bishops. In Saxony it fell to an abbess to act as representative of the emperor during his absence. As independent landowners, who held their property of and from king and emperor, the abbess took rank with the lords temporal and spiritual in the right of jurisdiction which they exercised, and in the right of being represented in Parliament or at the Imperial Diet as the case might be.
While fulfilling the duties which devolved on them in virtue of their station, abbesses did not neglect their opportunities of keeping in touch with culture and of widening their mental horizon. In Anglo-Saxon England men who attained to distinction received their training in settlements governed by women. Histories and a chronicle of unique value were inspired by and drafted under the auspices of Saxon abbesses. For nuns Ealdhelm wrote his most famous treatises, and several valuable contemporary biographies, such as those of Sturmi and of Robert of Fontevraud, were written at the express desire of nuns. And while eager in encouraging productiveness in others, they were not slow in trying to develop their own literary powers. In the 6th century Radegund was writing epistles in verse under the tuition of an exiled Latin poet; to an Anglo-Saxon nun whose name is not recorded we owe one of the earliest and most interesting accounts extant of a journey to Palestine. In the 8th century the nun Lioba was trying her hand at Latin verse in a convent in Thanet; in the 10th century the nun Hrotsvith in Saxony was composing Latin dramas on the model of Terence. The contributions of nuns to literature as well as incidental remarks show that the curriculum of study in the nunnery was as liberal as that accepted by monks, and embraced all available writing, whether by Christian or profane authors. While Scripture and the writings of the Fathers of the Church at all times formed the groundwork of monastic studies, Cicero at this period was read by the side of Boethius, Virgil by the side of Martianus Capella, Terence by the side of Isidor of Sevilla. From remarks made by Hrotsvith we see that the coarseness of the later Latin dramatists made no reason for their being forbidden to nuns, though she would have seen it otherwise; and Herrad was so far impressed by the wisdom of the heathen philosophers of antiquity that she pronounced this wisdom to be the ‘product of the Holy Spirit also.’ Throughout the literary world as represented by convents, the use of Latin was general, and made possible the even spread of culture in districts that were widely remote from each other and practically without intercourse.
The educational influence of convents during centuries cannot be rated too highly. Not only did their inmates attain considerable knowledge, but education in a nunnery, as we saw from the remarks of Chaucer and others, secured an improved standing to those who were not professed. The fact that a considerable number of women’s houses after the monastic revival of the 11th and 12th centuries were founded largely at the instigation of men, proves that the usefulness of these institutions was generally recognised.
While devoted to reading and study which pre-eminently constituted the religious vocation, nuns during their leisure hours cultivated art in several of its branches. Spinning and weaving were necessarily practised in all settlements during many centuries, for the inmates of these settlements made the clothes which they wore. But weaving and embroidery, always essentially woman’s work, found a new development in the convent, and works of marked excellence were produced both in England and abroad. The painstaking industry, which goes far in the production of such work, was reflected in the activity of women as scribes and illuminators, and the names of several nuns who were famous for their writing have been handed down to posterity. In the twofold domain of learning and art the climax of productiveness was reached in the person of Herrad, in whom a wide range of intellectual interests and a keen appreciation of study combined with considerable artistic skill and a certain amount of originality.
Side by side with literary and artistic pursuits nuns were active in the cause of philanthropy. Several women who had the sufferings of their fellows at heart are numbered among the saints; and under the auspices of Hildegard a book was compiled on the uses of natural products in health and disease, which forms a landmark in the history of mediæval medicine.
With the consciousness of the needs of others came too a keener power of self-realisation. The attention of nuns was turned to the inner life, and here again their productiveness did not fail them. The contributions to mystical literature by nuns are numerous, and their writings, which took the form of spiritual biography, legendary romance, or devotional exercise, were greatly appreciated and widely read by their contemporaries. Even now-a-days they are recommended as devotional works by the Catholic Church.
We have seen that the position of the convent was throughout influenced by the conditions of the world outside it; changes in outside political, intellectual and social life necessarily made themselves felt in the convent. Consequent upon the spread of the feudal system of land tenure, which in the interest of an improved military organisation reserved the holding of property for men, women forfeited their chance of founding and endowing independent monasteries, and the houses founded after the monastic revival never attained a position comparable with that of those dating from the earlier period. As monasteries were theoretically safe against infringement of their privileges by prince or bishop owing to their connection with Rome, the relation of the Pope to temporal rulers and to the greater ecclesiastics directly affected them, and when the power of the Pope was relaxed they were at the mercy of prince and bishop. We have seen how kings of England appropriated alien priories, and how wilfully princes abroad curtailed the privileges of nunneries, the support of their prelates giving countenance to these changes. At a later period a considerable number of women’s convents were interfered with by churchmen, who on the plea of instituting reforms took advantage of their position to appropriate the convent property.
A change of a different kind which affected the convent in its educational and intellectual standing was the growth of university centres, and the increased facilities afforded to the student of visiting different centres in succession. In the 9th century Bede who never stirred from his convent might attain intellectual excellence; such a course was impossible in the 13th and 14th centuries when the centre of education lay in the disputations which animated the lecture room. Some of the progressive monasteries of men lessened the loss they felt by securing a house at the university to which they sent their more promising pupils, but the tone at the mediæval university was such that one cannot wonder that no attempt was made in this direction by the convents of women. As a natural result their intellectual standard for a time remained stationary, and then, especially in the smaller and remoter settlements, it fell. This led to a want of interest in intellectual acquirements among nuns, and it was accompanied by a growing indifference in the outside world to the intellectual acquirements of women generally.
Not that the desire to maintain a high standard had passed away from women’s convents. The readiness with which many houses adopted the chance of betterment held out to them by the congregations of the 15th century, goes far to prove that nuns continued to identify the idea of salvation with a high moral tone and an application to study. But study now ran along a narrow groove, for the monastic reformers favoured devotional study only. The nuns, who were impressed by the excellence of the reformers’ motives, and prevented by circumstances from forming opinions of their own in the matter, showed an increasing readiness to adopt their views. The friars led the way in this direction by cutting off the nuns, given into their care, from the management of outside affairs; they were followed by the order of Sion, and by the congregations of Bursfeld and Windesheim, all of which alike urged that the primary duty of a nun was sanctification of self. The interest of this movement lies in the voluminous devotional literature it called forth, a literature full of spiritual beauty, but in the production of which nuns, so far as we know, took no share. By writing out oral sermons they helped, however, to preserve and spread them. The change which had come over the convent life of women cramped rather than stimulated their intellectual vitality, and the system of which they made part was apparently beyond their control. The author of ‘Holy Maidenhood’ in the 13th century called the nun the free woman, and contrasted her with the wife who in his eyes was the slave. But Erasmus at the beginning of the 16th century urged that the woman who joined the convent by doing so became a slave, while she who remained outside was truly free. Erasmus also insisted on the fact that there was no reason why a woman should enter a convent, as she might as well stay in the world and remain unmarried if she so preferred. In point of fact social conditions had so far changed that society no longer called to the Church for protection of its daughters. For a time the convent ranked high as an educational establishment; then this use began to pass away also, and it was largely on account of the provision religious houses made for unmarried women that they still continued in favour with a portion of the community.
Many historians have advocated the view that the Protestant reformers discovered the abuses of the monastic system, and finding these intolerable, swept the whole system away. The evidence adduced above in connection with the dissolution shows that matters were far otherwise, that the dissolution of convents was accompanied by many regrettable incidents, and that as far as England is concerned, it may confidently be called premature. For many years those who sought progress by peaceful educational means seemed to be confronted only by hopeless and sanguinary confusion; they passed away with the belief that the whole movement they had witnessed was opposed to real progress, holding the view that the Protestants were innovators of the worst and most dangerous kind.
However, as far as convents are concerned, it seems as though the Protestant reformers, far from acting as innovators, had done no more than give violent and extreme application to forces which had for some time been at work. The dissolution was led up to by a succession of conventual changes, and before the outbreak of the Lutheran agitation, at least one well-wisher of the system in Germany, Tritheim, had despaired of putting this system to new and effective uses. Not that monasticism can be said to have generally outlived its purposes at the time of the Reformation. In some countries, as in France and Spain, it subsequently chronicled important developments. But where German elements were prevalent, convents were either swept away, or put to altogether different uses by the Protestants, or else allowed to continue on a very much narrowed basis by the Catholics. Many convents fell utterly to decay in course of time and ceased to exist at the beginning of this century, others again still linger on but are mere shadows of their former brilliant selves.
The reason for these changes lay not altogether with those who professed religion in convents, they were part of a wider change which remoulded society on an altered basis. For the system of association, the groundwork of mediæval strength and achievement, was altogether giving way at the time of the Reformation. The socialistic temper was superseded by individualistic tendencies which were opposed to the prerogatives conferred on the older associations. These tendencies have continued to the present with slight abatements, and have throughout proved averse to the continuation of monasticism which attained greatness through the spirit of association.
Repelled through the violence and aggressiveness of the reformers, and provoked by the narrowness of Protestantism generally, some modern writers take the view that the Reformation was throughout opposed to real progress, and that mankind would have been richer had the reformers left undisturbed many of the institutions they destroyed. The revenues of these institutions would now have been at the disposal of those who would put them to public and not to personal uses. As far as convents, especially those of women, are concerned, I cannot but feel sceptical on both points. Granting even that these houses had been undisturbed, a possibility difficult to imagine, experience proves that it is hardly likely they could now be used to secure advantages such as they gave to women in the past. Certainly it is not in those districts where women’s convents have lived on, securing economic independence to unmarried women as in North Germany, nor where they have lingered on along old lines as in Bavaria, that the wish for an improved education has arisen among women in modern times, nor does it seem at all likely that their revenues will ever be granted for such an object. It is in those countries where the change in social conditions has been most complete, and where women for a time entirely forfeited all the advantages which a higher education brings, and which were secured in so great a measure to women by convents in the past, that the modern movement for women’s education has arisen.
APPENDIX
(to accompany [p. 253]).
Rhythmus Herradis Abatissae per quem Hohenburgenses virgunculas amabiliter
salutat et ad veri sponsi fidem dilectionemque salubriter invitat.
Salve cohors virginum
Hohenburgiensium,
Albens quasi lilium
Amans dei filium.
Herrat devotissima,
Tua fidelissima,
Mater et ancillula,
Cantat tibi cantica.
Te salutat millies
Et exoptat indies,
Ut laeta victoria
Vincas transitoria.
O multorum speculum,
Sperne, sperne seculum,
Virtutes accumula,
Veri sponsi turmula.
Insistas luctamine,
Diros hostes sternere,
Te rex regum adjuvat,
Quia te desiderat.
Ipse tuum animum
Firmat contra Zabulum.
Ipse post victoriam
Dabit regni gloriam.
Te decent deliciae,
Debentur divitiae,
Tibi coeli curia,
Servat bona plurima.
Christus parat nuptias
Miras per delicias,
Hunc expectes principem
Te servando virginem.
Interim monilia
Circum des nobilia,
Et exornes faciem
Mentis purgans aciem.
Christus odit maculas,
Rugas spernit vetulas,
Pulchras vult virgunculas,
Turpes pellit feminas.
Fide cum turturea
Sponsum istum reclama,
Ut tua formositas
Fiat perpes claritas.
Vivens sine fraudibus
Es monenda laudibus,
Ut consummes optima
Tua gradus opera.
Ne vacilles dubia
Inter mundi flumina,
Verax deus praemia
Spondet post pericula.
Patere nunc aspera
Mundi spernens prospera.
Nunc sis crucis socia,
Regni consors postea.
Per hoc mare naviga,
Sanctitate gravida,
Dum de navi exeas
Sion sanctam teneas.
Sion turris coelica
Bella tenens atria,
Tibi fiat statio,
Acto vitae spatio.
Ibi rex virgineus
Et Mariae filius
Amplectens te reclamet
A moerore relevet.
Parvi pendens omnia
Tentatoris jocula,
Tunc gaudebis pleniter
Jubilando suaviter.
Stella maris fulgida,
Virgo mater unica,
Te conjugat filio
Foedere perpetuo.
Et me tecum trahere
Non cesses praecamine,
Ad sponsum dulcissimum
Virginalem filium.
Ut tuae victoriae,
Tuae magnae gloriae,
Particeps inveniat
De terrenis eruat.
Vale casta concio,
Mea jubilatio,
Vivas sine crimine,
Christum semper dilige.
Sit hic liber utilis,
Tibi delectabilis
Et non cesses volvere
Hunc in tuo pectore.
Ne more struthineo
Surrepat oblivio,
Et ne viam deseras
Antequam provenias.
Amen Amen Amen
Amen Amen Amen
Amen Amen Amen
Amen Amen Amen.
INDEX.
The women here designated as saints are either included in the Acta Sanctorum Bollandorum, or else, this work waiting completion, are entered as saints in the ‘Table Hagiographique’ of Guérin, Les Petits Bollandistes, 1882, vol. 17.
abbess, position of, [87], [152], [203], [365] ff., [388]
Abra, St, [14]
Achachildis or Atzin, [34]
Adela, [40], see [Adolana]
Adelheid, abbess at Gandersheim, [273]
Adelheid, abbess at Nivelles, [152] footnote
Adelheid, abbess at Quedlinburg, [152]
Adelheid Helchen, abbess at Oberwerth, [421]
Adelitia, nun, [213]
Adeliz, abbess at Winchester, [210]
Admunt, convent at, [237]
Adolana, St, abbess at Pfälzel, [124]
Aebbe, St, abbess at Coldingham, [97], [101-103]
Aebbe, mother of Lioba, [134]
Aelfgifu or Emma, queen, makes a gift of hangings, [226]
Aelflaed, abbess at Whitby, [90], [93], [94], [103-106], [124], [126], [225]
Aelflaed, queen, makes a gift of hangings, [226]
Aelfthrith, abbess at Repton, [108]
Aethelburg, St, abbess at Barking, [111], [112]
Aethelburg St, or Aubierge, abbess at Brie, [78]
Aethelburg, abbess (at Hackness?), [94], [106]
Aethelburg, queen, founds a convent at Liming, [84]
Aetheldritha, abbess at Southminstre in Thanet, [87]
Aethelthrith, St, or Etheldred or Awdry, [96-99], [101], [225]
Aette, abbess at Folkestone, [87]
Afra, St, of Augsburg, [31], [32-33]
Afra von Velseck, nun, [425] ff.
Agatha, St, of Catania, [16], [17], [141]
Agilbert, St, [76]
Agius, interested in nuns, [154], [155], [157-159]
Agnes, St, of Rome, [18], [167], [314], [327]
Agnes, St, abbess at Poitiers, [52], [55-65]
Agnes, St, princess of Bohemia, [293], [296-297], [298]
Agnes, abbess at Quedlinburg, [233], [234]
Agnes Ferrar, abbess at Shaftesbury, [365]
Agnes Litherland, prioress at Gracedieu, [449]
Agnes Merrett, cellaress at Sion, [393]
Agnes Seyntel, prioress at Cambridge, [367]
Agnes Terry, prioress at Catesby, [369]
Ailred, his connection with nuns, [215], [218], [313-314], [321], [325]
Alburgh or Aethelburgh, convent of St, see [Barking]
Alena, St, [26]
Aleydis, lay sister at Bronope, [419]
Aleydis Ruyskop, nun at Rolandswerth, [428]
Alice Fitzherbert, abbess at Polesworth, [447]
Alice Henley, abbess at Godstow, [360]
Alice Wafer, prioress at Prée, [410]
alien priories, their number and appropriation, [386-387]
Altwick, convent at, [273]
Alwid, embroideress, [226]
Amalberga, St, [23]
Ambrosius, bishop of Milan, on Virginity, [14],
on St Agnes, [167]
Amesbury, convent at, [194], [201], [203], [205], [454]
ancre, defined, [312]
‘Ancren Riwle,’ [311-325], [357]
Angiltrud, nun, [138]
Ankerwyke, convent at, [357], [443]
Anna, duchess of Silesia, [295-296], [298]
Anne Boleyn, intends to retire to a nunnery, [437]
Anne Seton, prioress at Chatteris, [449]
anonymous nun, author of ‘Hodoeporicon’ etc., [139] ff.
Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, in connection with women, [184], [208-211]
Anselma, nun, [213]
Ansterbert, St, or Austreberta, [76]
Anstrud, St, or Austrudis, [77]
Apollonia Tucher, nun at Nürnberg, [460]
Arles, convent at, [48-50], [52], [56], [226]
armarium or bookcase, [216], [223]
Armengard von Rheden, abbess at Fischbeck, [418]
Atzin or Achachildis, [34]
Augustine, rule of St, [196]
Augustine, canons of, see [Austin or Black]
Aurea, St, [76]
Austreberta, see [Ansterbert]
Austin or Black canons, [186], [196], [197], [209]
Austin canonesses, [150], [197], [364], [371], [420]
Austrudis, see [Anstrud]
Awdry, see [Aethelthrith]
Balbine, St, [30]
Balthild, St, [71], [73], [74-78]
Bamberg, convent of St Clara at, [459]
Barbara Dalberg, nun at Marienberg, [429]
Barbara Schöndorfer, abbess at Sonnenburg, [427]
Barking, convent at, [111], [112], [113], [116], [121], [201], [203], [358], [363], [372], [377], [378], [443], [455]
Basina, nun at Poitiers, [65], [67-69]
Baudonivia, nun at Poitiers, [46], [52], [65]
Bega, St, [89]
Begu, nun at Hackness, [89], [93]
beguine, defined, [331]
Benedict, St, rule of, [50], [73], [74], [77], [186], [198], [215];
Anglo-Saxon version of, [312];
rhymed version of, [358] ff.
Benedictine nunneries, number of, in England, [204], [364]
Bergen, convent at, [204], [460], [474]
Berkley on Severn, convent at, [202]
Berlindis, St, [26], [27], [31]
Bernard of Clairvaux, [190], [258], [260]
Berthegund, [69-70]
Berthgit, nun, [139], also footnote
Berthild, St, or Bertilia, abbess at Chelles, [77]
Bilihild, St, [29]
Bingen, convent at, [263] ff.
Bischofsheim, convent at, [136], [137], [138]
Bona, [211]
Boniface, his correspondence with women, [118-142], [225], [232]
Bourges, convent at, [230]
Breslau, convent of St Clara at, [295]
Bridget, St, of Ireland, [14] footnote
Bridget, St, of Sweden, [383] ff.
Bridget Belgrave, chambress at Sion, [392]
Brie or Faremoutiers, convent at, [76], [77]
Brixen, convent of St Clara at, [424], [459]
Bromhall, convent at, [369], [436]
Bronope, convent at, [418]
Brunshausen, convent at, [155]
Brusyard, convent at, [447]
Buckland, convent at, [365]
Bugga, correspondent of Boniface, [131-133]
Bugga, daughter of King Centwin, [113]
Bugga or Heaburg, [131]
Burngith, nun at Barking, [113]
Bursfeld, congregation of, [415]
Busch, reformer of nunneries, [417] ff.
Butzbach, his correspondence with nuns, [428]
Caesaria, St, abbess at Arles, [48], [52], [56]
Caesaria II, abbess at Arles, [56]
Caesarius, St, rule of, [48-50], [226]
Cambridge, convent of St Radegund at, [367], [380], [435] and footnote
cameraria, see [chambress]
Campsey, convent at, [360], [376], [377], [378]
Cangith, [128] footnote
Canonlegh, see [Legh]
cantarista, see [leader of the choir]
Canterbury, convent of St Sepulchre at, [403], [439]
capellanissa, see [chaplain]
Carrow, convent at, [378]
Catesby, convent at, [368-369], [447-448]
Cathari, [273], [281]
Catherine de la Pole, abbess at Barking, [378]
Cecil Bodman, abbess at Wilton, [438] footnote, [441]
Cecilia, St, legend of, in English, [326]
cellaress or celleraria, office of, [216], [368], [371] ff., [393]
celleraria, see [cellaress]
Celtes, his connection with nuns, [183], [461] ff.
chambress or cameraria, office of, [378], [392]
Charitas Pirckheimer, abbess at Nürnberg, [458] ff.
Chartreuse, order of, [186], [199]
chaplain, female, or capellanissa, office of, [376-378]
Chatteris, convent at, [381], [401], [449]
Chaucer on nuns, [361], [362]
Chelles or Cala, convent at, [75], [77], [78], [82], [86]
Chester, convent of St Mary at, [448]
Chicksand, convent at, [445]
Chlotildis, [41]
Christiane, St, [25], [29]
Christina, nun, [213]
Christina, nun at Romsey, [207], [208]
Christina, prioress at Mergate, [227]
Christina Basset, prioress at St Mary Prée, [365], [410]
Christine, abbess at Gandersheim, [159]
Christine Strölin, abbess at Söflingen, [422]
Chrodield, nun at Poitiers, [50], [66-69], [226]
Chrothild, St, queen, [51]
Chunigundis, abbess at Göss, [235]
Chunihild, nun, [138], [139] footnote
Chunitrud, nun, [139]
Citeaux, order of, [186], [189-192]
Cistercian nunneries, number of, in England, [363]
Clara, St, of Assisi, [296]
Clara, St, convent of, at Brixen, Nürnberg, etc., see [Brixen], Nürnberg, etc.
Clara Gundelfingen, abbess at Nürnberg, [459]
Clara Pirckheimer, nun at Nürnberg, [459] ff.
Clares, Poor, or Nuns Minoresses, [364]
Clemence, nun at Barking, [357]
Clement, St, convent of, at York, see [York]
Clugni, order of, [186], [187-189]
Clugniac nunneries, number of, in England, [363]
Coldingham, convent at, [97], [101], [102]
Cöln, convent of St Maria at, [152] footnote, [421]
Columban, St, rule of, [72], [73], [77]
consecration of nuns, [380]
Cordula, St, [283]
Crabhouse, convent at, [358]
Cunera, St, [21], [29], [43]
Cusanus, as monastic reformer, [416], [422] ff.
Cuthberht, his connection with abbesses, [102-105], [225]
Cuthburg, St, of Wimbourne, [106], [113], [116]
Cuthburg, suffering torments in hell, [121]
Cwenburg, St, of Wimbourne, [116]
Cwenburg, nun at Watton, [91]
Cyneburg, St, of Castor, [106], [107]
Cynehild, nun, [135]
Cyneswith, St, of Castor, [107]
Cynethrith, abbess, [225]
Davington, convent at, [357], [380]
Delapray, convent at, [447]
Dennis, convent at, [449], [450]
Derneburg, convent at, [417], [420]
Didimia, abbess at Poitiers, [65]
Diemud, scribe, [236-237]
Disibodenberg, nuns’ convent attached to, [262]
Dollendis, see [Rolendis]
Dominican friars, abroad, [291], [295], [332];
in England, [309]
Dominican nuns, [364]
Dominican nunneries, number of, in England, [364]
Dorothy Barley, abbess at Barking, [455]
Dorstad, convent at, [418]
Eadburg, abbess at Thanet, [120], [121], [122], [123], [225]
Eadburga, [84]
Eadgifu, abbess at Leominster, [202]
Eadgith, nun at Barking, [112]
Ealdgith, nun at Barking, [113]
Ealdhelm, interested in nuns, [112-115], [172], [226]
Eangith, correspondent of Boniface, [118], [128-131]
Eanswith, St, of Folkestone, [83]
Earcongotha, St, [78], [85]
Easebourne, convent at, [360], [366], [376], [403], [404-406]
Easington, convent at, [93]
East Dereham, convent at, [96]
ebdomary, office of, [390]
Ebsdorf, convent at, [236]
Ecgburg, abbess at Repton, [109], [126]
Edelind, abbess at Niedermünster, [241]
Edigna, St, [27]
Edward’s, St, convent of, at Shaftesbury, see [Shaftesbury]
Eger, convent of St Clara at, [466]
Eichstätt, convent of St Walburg at, [421]
Einbeth or Einbetta, St, [40]
Eleanor, queen, takes the veil at Amesbury, [201]
elemosinaria, office of, [378]
Elisabeth, St, of Thüringen and Hungary, [285], [295], [298-304]
Elisabeth, St, nun at Schönau, [257], [277-285], [429]
Elisabeth Krelin, abbess at Heggbach, [421]
Elisabeth von Mansfeld, nun at Helfta, [329]
Elisabeth von Seckendorf, abbess at Eichstätt, [421]
Elizabeth Barton, [439]
Elizabeth Shelley, abbess at Winchester, [448], [449], [454], [455]
Elizabeth Zouche, abbess at Shaftesbury, [455]
Elizabeth Throgmerton, abbess at Dennis, [450]
Elizabeth Walton, nun at Cambridge, [367], [368]
Elizabeth Webb, prioress at Sopwell, [410]
Ellandune, convent at, see [Wilton]
Elstow, convent at, [204] footnote, [377]
Ely, convent at, [95-106], [202], [225], [226]
embroidery done by nuns, [224] ff.
Engelthal, convent at, [471]
Eormenhild, St, abbess at Sheppey and Ely, [100]
Erasmus, on canons, [195],
on the position of women, [429] ff.
Erfurt, convent at, [236]
eruditrix, office of, [379]
Essen, convent at, [148], [149], [151], [232]
Ethel-, see under [Aethel-]
Eufemia, abbess at Winchester, [366]
Eulalia, abbess at Shaftesbury, [210]
Eulalia, nun at Barking, [113]
Euphemia Pirckheimer, abbess at Bergen, [460]
Eustadiola, St, abbess at Bourges, [230]
Eutropia, [35], see [Ontkommer]
Eva, recluse, [211]
Everhild, St, [111]
‘Exercitia Spiritualia,’ by St Gertrud, [351] ff.
‘Explanatio regulae St Benedicti,’ by St Hildegard, [270]
‘Explanatio symboli St Athanasii,’ by St Hildegard, [270]
‘Expositiones Evangeliorum,’ by St Hildegard, [270]
Fara, St, abbess at Brie, [76]
Faremoutiers, convent at, see [Brie]
Fécamp, convent at, [77]
Felicitas Grundherrin, nun at Nürnberg, [460], [471]
Fischbeck, convent at, [418]
‘Fliessende, das, Licht der Gottheit,’ by Mechthild, [332] ff.
Flixton, convent at, [369], [377]
Florence Bannerman, abbess at Amesbury, [454]
Folkestone, convent at, [83], [87]
Fontevraud, order of, [193-194], [205]
Fortunatus, his connection with nuns, [58-64]
Framehild, St, [76]
Francis, St, of Assisi, [285], [291], [296], [301], [364]
Franciscan friars and nuns, [291], [295], [302], [309], [364], [422]
Frankenberg, convent at, [418]
French, use of, in convents, [357] ff.
Frideswith, St, of Oxford, [110]
Frigith, nun at Hackness, [93]
Fuller, on nunneries, [457]
Gandersheim, convent at, [148], [151], [152], [154] ff.
Gehulff, [35], see [Ontkommer]
Geiler, as a reformer of convents, [428]
Geisenfeld, convent at, [460]
Geneviève, St, of Paris, [26], [43], [51]
Genovefa, [26]
Georg, St, convent of, at Halle, see [Halle]
Gerald Barri, on monasticism, [199]
Gerberg I, abbess at Gandersheim, [159]
Gerberg II, abbess at Gandersheim, [151], [153], [160], [162], [163], [166], [167], [182]
Germana, St, [25], [29]
Gertrud, St, nun at Helfta, [329], [346] ff.
Gertrud, St, of Nivelles, [7], [23]
Gertrud, [26]
Gertrud, abbess at Helfta, [329]
Gertrud, abbess at Trebnitz, [293], [295], [296]
Gertrud von Büchel, nun at Rolandswerth, [429]
Gilbert of Sempringham, St, order of, [186], [213-221]
Gisela, [147]
Gisela, queen of Hungary, [233]
Gisleberga, St, [43]
Godam Hampton, nun at Barking, [366]
Godeleva, St, or Godeleina, [24], [25], [29], [30]
Godstow, convent at, [204] footnote, [206], [357], [360], [400], [447], [453]
Göss, convent at, [235]
Gracedieu, convent at, [449]
Grandmont, order of, [186], [199]
Gredanna von Freyberg, abbess at Urspring, [421]
Gregory of Tours, his connection with nuns, [51] ff.
Gudila, St, [23]
Gunthild, St, [7], [27], [35], [139] footnote
Guthlac, his connection with nuns, [108-110], [225]
Gutta, scribe, [237]
Hackness, convent at, [93], [94], [106]
Hadewy, abbess at Herford, [147]
‘Hali Meidenhad,’ [326-328]
Halle, convent of St Georg at, [418]
Hanbury, convent at, [100]
Harwold, convent at, [446]
Hartlepool, convent at, [88], [89], [90], [94]
Hathumod, abbess at Gandersheim, [149], [154-159]
Heaburg, called Bugga, nun, [128], [131]
Hedwig, St, of Silesia, [291] ff., [298], [299]
Hedwig, abbess at Neuss, [152] footnote
Hedwig, duchess of Swabia, [162], [233]
Heggbach, convent at, [421]
Heiningen, convent at, [236], [418], [419]
Heiu, abbess at Hartlepool, [88], [89]
Helen, St, [114]
Helen, St, convent of, in London, see [London]
Helena von Iltzen, prioress at Marienberg, [418]
Helena Meichnerin, abbess at Nürnberg, [463]
Helfta, convent at, [328] ff.
Hereswith, St, [78], [82], [96], [97]
Hereswytha, abbess at Sheppey, [87]
Herford, convent at, [147], [148], [149], [155]
Heriburg, abbess at Watton, [91]
Herlind, St, abbess at Maaseyck, [230-232]
Hersende, abbess at Fontevraud, [194]
Heyninges, convent of St Mary at, [449]
Hidburg, nun at Barking, [113]
Hilarius, verses on recluses, [211]
Hild, St, of Whitby, [82], [89] ff., [96]
Hildegard, St, of Bingen, [256] ff., [429]
Hildelith, St, abbess at Barking, [112], [113], [121]
Hildemarque, [77]
Hilp, [11], [35], see [Ontkommer]
‘Hodoeporicon’ by anonymous nun, [139] ff.
Hohenburg, convent at, [22], [24], [238] ff.
‘Hortus Deliciarum,’ by Herrad, [238] ff.
Hrotsvith, abbess at Gandersheim, [160]
Hrotsvith, nun at Gandersheim, [143], [153], [154-183], [429]
Ida, St, ancestress of Liudolfings, [23] footnote
Ida, abbess at St Maria (on the Münzenberg?), [152] footnote
Ida, ancestress of Karlings, [23]
Ida, nun at Bronope, [419]
Ida, nun at Gandersheim, [151], [152] footnote
Idonea, nun, [212]
Iduberga, [43]
Idung, on nuns, [198]
infirmaria, [378]
Ingetrud, abbess at Tours, [51], [58], [69], [70]
Inthware or Iuthware, [30]
Irmina, St, [40]
Isabel Jordan, abbess at Wilton, [438]
Isengard von Greiffenklau, [421]
Itta, [43]
Jane Gowryng, [443]
Jane Messyndyne, [447]
Joan Ashcomb, nun at Shaftesbury, [366]
Joan Chapell, prioress at Sopwell, [410]
Joan Darrell, abbess at Amesbury, [454]
Joan Formage, abbess at Shaftesbury, [366]
Joan Lancaster, prioress at Cambridge, [367], [368]
Joan Sandford, prioress at Heyninges, [449]
Joan Rawlins, prioress at Bromhall, [436]
Johan or Jane Arundell, abbess at Legh, [368]
Johanna de Northampton, prioress at Catesby, [368]
John of Salisbury, on monks and nuns, [200], [201]
Jouarre, convent at, [76]
Joyce Bykeley, prioress at Catesby, [448]
Juliana, St, legend of, [326], [327]
Juliana, prioress at Bromhall, [369]
Juliana Baucyn, abbess at Shaftesbury, [365]
Justina, nun at Barking, [113]
Juthware, see [Inthware]
Jutta, St, [338]
Jutta, ‘magistra,’ at Disibodenberg, [262]
Katharina Pirckheimer, prioress at Geisenfeld, [460]
Katharine, St, life of, by Clemence of Barking, [357]
Katherine Babington, nun at Campsey, [360]
Katherine Bulkeley, abbess at Godstow, [453]
Katherine Sayntlow, nun at Cambridge, [367]
Katheryne Wyngate, nun at Elstow, [377]
Kilburn, convent at, [206], [360], [376]
Kirkless, convent at, [452], [453]
kitchener or cook, office of, [216], [375]
Kizzingen, convent at, [138], [273], [292], [293], [303]
Kleinfrankenthal, convent at, [420]
Krischmerge, [41]
Kümmerniss, see [Ontkommer]
Kunigund, St, empress, [232]
Kunigundis, St, [40]
‘Land of Cockayne,’ [411]
Langendorf, convent at, [415]
Langland, on nuns, [406]
Laon, convent at, [77]
Las Huelgas, convent at, [191]
Laycock, convent at, [441], [448]
leader of the choir or precentrix, succentrix, cantarista, [216], [368], [378], [391]
‘Legatus Divinae Pietatis,’ by St Gertrud, [348] ff.
Legbourne, convent at, [446]
Legh, convent of, or Canonlegh or Minchenlegh, [358], [368]
legister or reader, office of, [391]
Leobgith, see [Lioba]
Leominster, convent at, [202]
Leonard, St, convent of, see [Stratford]
Leubover, abbess at Poitiers, [65] ff., [226]
Leukardis, scribe, [237]
Liberata, St, or Liberatrix, [35], [37], see [Ontkommer]
Lillechurch, convent at, [212], [436]
Liming, convent at, [84], [87]
Lindesay on convent life, [456]
Linthildis, see [Lufthildis]
Lioba, St, [117], [134] ff.
Littlemore, convent at, [437]
Little Marlow, convent at, [442]
Liutberg, recluse, [147]
Livrade, [35], see [Ontkommer]
Liwid, embroideress, [226]
London, convent of Poor Clares, or Minories, [364]
London, convent of St Helen in, [378]
Lucia, abbess at Shaftesbury, [366]
Lucie, St, of Sampigny, [25]
Lufthildis, St, [25], [26], [42]
Lul, his correspondence with nuns, [134], [137], [138]
Lüne, convent at, [236]
‘Luve Ron,’ [310]
Maaseyck, convent at, [231-232]
magistra noviciarum, see [mistress of the novices]
Mallersdorf, convent at, [237]
Malling, convent at, [204] footnote, [363], [380], [443] footnote
Margaret, St, legend of, [326]
Margaret, St, queen of Scotland, [207-208], [289]
Margaret Punder, prioress at Flixton, [369]
Margaret Tewkesbury, abbess at Delapray, [447]
Margaret Vernon, prioress at Little Marlow, [443]
Maria, St, convent of, at Cöln etc., see [Cöln] etc.
Mariahilf, [11], [35]
Mariasif, [11]
Marienberg, convent at, in Saxony, [418-419]
Marienberg, convent at, near Trier, [421]
Marienborn, convent at, [420]
Mariensee, convent at, [417]
Marricks, convent of St Andrew, [449], [456]
Mary, St, the Virgin, [9], [10], [11]
Mary and Martha, as types of activity, [305], [314], [324], [325]
Mary, St, convent of, at Chester etc., see [Chester] etc.
Mary, daughter of St Margaret, [207], [209]
Mary of Blois, abbess at Romsey, [201], [212]
Mathea Fabyan, nun at Barking, [377]
Mathilde, abbess at Essen, [151], [232]
Mathilde, abbess at Kizzingen, [292], [303]
Mathilde, abbess at Quedlinburg, [149], [151], [153], [232]
Mathilde, abbess at Villich, [152] footnote
Matilda, abbess at Amesbury, [201]
Matilda, abbess at Winchester, [210]
Matilda, queen, [207] ff., [289] ff., [298]
Matilda Sudbury, nun at Cambridge, [367]
Maxima, abbess, [113]
Mechthild, [7]
Mechthild, beguine, [305], [329], [330], [331-340]
Mechthild, nun at Helfta, [329], [330], [340-346]
Mechthild von Wippra, nun, [329]
Mechtund, St, [40]
Mergate, convent at, [227]
Mildburg, St, of Wenlock, [85], [121]
Mildgith, St, [85]
Mildthrith, St, of Thanet, [85-86]
Minories, see [London, convent of Poor Clares]
Minstre in Thanet, see [Thanet]
mistress of the novices, magistra noviciarum, [217], [378]
Modwen, St, [111] and footnote, [446] footnote
Montreuil-les-Dames, convent at, [191]
Münich, convent of St Clara at, [460]
Münzenberg, convent of St Maria on the, [152] footnote
mynchyn, use of word, [364] footnote, [368], [454]
Neuss, convent at, [152] footnote
Neuwerk, convent at Erfurt, [418]
Nider, on nuns, [459]
Niedermünster, convent, [241]
Nigel Wirecker on monks and nuns, [200]
Nivelles, convent at, [152] footnote
Norbert, St, order of, see [Prémontré]
Notburg, St, [34]
Notburg, St, or Nuppurg, [26]
Notburg, [24]
Nunappleton, convent at, [452], [453]
Nun-Cotham, convent at, [207] footnote
Nun-Kelyng, convent at, [453]
Nun-Monkton, convent at, [357]
Nunnaminster, see [Winchester, convent of St Mary at]
Odilia, St, [22], [24], [240], [251]
Ontkommer or Wilgefortis, St, [35-38], [43]
‘opus anglicum,’ [228]
‘Order of Fair Ease,’ on religious orders, [201]
Osburg, [111] and footnote
Osburg, nun at Barking, [113]
Osgith, [113] footnote
Osith, St, [110]
Oswen, St, or Osman, [30]
Oxenfurt, convent at, [138]
Paris, convent at, [51], [76]
Paula, St, of Avila, [36] footnote
Pavilly, convent at, [76]
Pega, St, [109], [110]
Pellmerge, [41]
Peter of Blois, corresponding with nuns, [213]
Petronille, abbess at Fontevraud, [194]
Pfälzel or Palatiolum, convent at, [124]
Pharaildis, St, [21], [22], [23], [27] footnote, [30], [34]
Pietrussa, abbess at Trebnitz, [293], [295]
Pillenreuth, convent at, [471]
Poitiers, convent at, [51] ff.
Polesworth, convent at, [447]
Pollesloe, convent at, [448]
portress, office of, [217]
Prague, convent of St Clara at, [296]
precentrix, see [leader of the choir]
Prée, convent of St Mary, [366], [408], [410]
Prémontré, order of, [186], [193-194]
prioress, position and office of, [204], [216], [370] ff.
profession and consecration of nuns, [379-380]
Pusinna, St, [147]
Quedlinburg, convent, [146], [147], [148], [149], [150], [151], [152], [153], [232], [233]
Radegund, St, of Poitiers, [45], [51-65], [225]
Radegund, St, or Radiane, [27], [29], [34], [35]
Radegund, St, convent of, see [Cambridge, convent of St Radegund]
Ramsen, convent at, [420]
Redlingfield, convent at, [363], [377], [378]
refectuaria, office of, [378]
Regenfled, [35], see [Ontkommer]
Regenfrith, [35], see [Ontkommer]
Regina, St, [29]
Reinild, St, abbess at Maaseyck, [230-232]
Reinildis, St, [23]
Relind, abbess at Hohenburg,
[241]
Repton, convent at, [108], [126], [202]
Richardis, nun at Bingen, [272]
Richmondis van der Horst, abbess at Seebach, [428]
Rikkardis, nun at Gandersheim, [161], [163]
Robert, St, founder of the order of Fontevraud, [193]
Rolandswerth, convent at, [429]
Rolendis, St, [27], [42]
Romsey, convent at, [201], [207], [208], [209], [212], [357], [360], [378]
Rosa, [211]
Rosalia, St, of Palermo, [18]
Rusper, convent at, [380], [381], [403], [404]
Ryhall, convent at, [107]
Sabina Pirckheimer, abbess at Bergen, [460], [474]
Saethrith, St, or Syre, [77], [85], [96]
Salaberg, St, [77]
Scheurl, his connection with nuns, [460], [464]
Scholastica, nun at Barking, [113]
Schönau, convent at, [278] ff.
Schönfeld, convent at, [420]
Schwellmerge, [41]
scrutatrix, see [sercher]
Seebach, convent at, [428]
Sempringham, order of, [186], [195], [201], [213-221]
sercher or scrutatrix, [216]
Seton, convent of, [403], [451]
Sexburg, St, [84], [96], [100]
sexton, office of, [370], [371], [390]
Shaftesbury, convent of St Edward at, [203], [204], [210], [357], [365], [366], [376], [379], [455]
Sheppey, convent at, [84], [87], [96], [100], [205], [379]
Sigegith, [113]
Sinningthwaite, convent at, [207]
Sion, convent at, [360], [364], [383] ff., [439]
Söflingen, convent at, [422], [429]
Soissons, convent at, [147]
Sonnenburg, convent at, [422] ff.
Sophie, abbess at Eichstätt, [421]
Sophie, abbess at Gandersheim, [151], [152]
Sophie, abbess at Kizzingen, [273]
Sophie, abbess (at Mainz?), [152] footnote
Sophie von Mansfeld, nun at Helfta, [329]
Sopwell, convent at, [206], [357], [409], [410]
Southminstre, convent at, [87]
‘Spiritual Convent or Ghostly Abbey,’ [339], [377], [411]
Stanford, convent at, [206]
Stendal, convent at, [420]
Strasburg, convent of St Mary Magdalen, [428],
of St Stephan, [428]
Stratford, convent of St Leonard at, [212], [358], [363]
Streanshalch, see [Whitby]
sub-prioress, office of, [370]
succentrix, see [leader of the choir]
Suitha, abbess, [134]
Superba, [211]
Sura, St, or Soteris or Zuwarda, [29]
Swine, convent at, [207] footnote, [378], [453]
Tart, convent at, [191]
Tecla, correspondent of Boniface, [135], [138], [139]
Tecla, nun at Barking, [113]
Tecla, nun at Bronope, [419]
Teclechildis, see [Theodohild]
Tetbury, convent at, [117]
Tetta, abbess at Herford, [147]
Tetta, abbess at Wimbourne, [117], [135], [136]
Thanet, convent at, or Minstre, [85], [86], [87], [120]
thesaurissa, see [treasurer]
Theodohild, St, or Teclechildis, of Jouarre, [76]
Theofanu, abbess at Essen, [152] footnote, [232]
Theorigitha, see [Torctgith]
Thetford, convent at, [379], [402]
Thomas Beket, his connection with nuns, [201], [212]
Thomas de Hales, poem for nuns, [309] ff.
Tibba or Tilba, [107], [108], [110]
Tinmouth, convent at, [82] footnote
Torctgith, St, or Theorigitha, [112]
Tours, convent at, [51], [58], [69-70]
treasurer or thesaurissa, [368], [378]
Trebnitz, convent at, [292], [293], [294], [295]
Trentham, convent at, [100]
Tritheim, his connection with nuns, [428]
tutrix, office of, [379]
Uncumber, [38] footnote, see [Ontkommer]
Urspring, convent at, [421]
Ursula, St, [21], [25], [34], [40], [283], [284]
Ursula Cantor, [429]
Verbetta, St, [40]
Verena, St, of Zurzach, [23], [24], [26], [31-32]
Verena, St, [283]
Verena von Stuben, abbess at Sonnenburg, [423] ff.
Villbetta, St, [40]
Villich, convent at, [152]
Wadstena, convent at, [384] ff.
Wala, abbess, [130]
Walburg, St, or Waltpurgis, [11] footnote, [25], [26], [27], [139]
Walpurg Pirckheimer, nun, [460]
Walter Map, on monks and nuns, [200], [202]
Waltpurgis, see [Walburg]
Warbeth, [40]
Watton, convent at, [91], [218-219], [220]
Weedon, convent at, [100]
Wende, convent at, [236]
Wenlock, convent at, [86], [121]
Wennigsen, convent at, [417]
Werburg, St, [100]
Werder, convent at, [417]
Wessobrunn, nuns at, [236]
Wethburg, abbess, [124], [126], [127], [132]
Wherwell, convent at, [212], [455]
Whitby or Streanshalch, convent at, [88-95], [103], [105], [106], [124], [202]
Wibrandis, St, [40]
Wienhausen, convent at, [235], [417]
Wihtburg, St, [96]
Wilbeth, [40]
Wilcoma, abbess at Chelles, [86]
Wilfrith, his connection with abbesses, [95] ff., [225]
Wilgefortis, St, [35], see [Ontkommer]
Wilibald Pirckheimer, his connection with nuns, [461] ff.
Wilnotha, abbess at Liming, [87]
Wilton, convent at, or Ellandune, [203], [369], [438], [441]
Wimbourne, convent at, [116], [117], [134], [202]
Wimpheling, on nunneries, [429]
Winchester, convent of St Mary at, or Nunnaminster, [184], [203], [210], [211], [366], [376], [380], [448], [454], [455]
Windesheim, congregation of, [417] ff.
Winifred, St, [30]
Winteney, convent at, [359]
Wittewierum, convent at, [237]
Wolfsindis, [29]
Woodchester, convent at, [202] footnote
Wroxhall, convent at, [229], [363]
Wykes, convent at, [437]
York, convent of St Clement’s at, [206]
Zuwarda, see [Sura]
CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. & C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
Footnotes:
[1] The literature on this subject is daily accumulating. Among older authorities are Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht, 1861; Zmigrodski, Die Mutter bei den Völkern des arischen Stammes, 1886; Pearson, K., Ethic of Free Thought, 1888.
[2] Kriegk, G. L., Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter, 1868, ch. 12-15.
[3] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Eccles. 5, ch. 14, 16, 19.
[4] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 78.
[5] Ibid. p. 881 ff.
[6] Wuttke, Deutscher Volksaberglaube, 1869, p. 141; Weinhold, K., Deutsche Frauen, 1882, vol. 1, p. 73.
[7] Rochholz, E. L., Drei Gaugöttinnen, 1870, p. 191.
[8] Menzel, Christliche Symbolik, 1854, article ‘Haar.’
[9] A. SS. Boll., St Gunthildis, Sept. 12.
[10] Bouquet, Recueil Hist., vol. 5, p. 690. Capitulare incerti anni, nr 6, ‘ut mulieres ad altare non ingrediantur.’
[11] Montalembert, Monks of the West, 1, p. 359.
[12] Jameson, Legends of the Madonna, 1857, Introd. xix.
[13] Rhys, J., Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom, 1888, p. 102.
[14] Frantz, C., Versuch einer Geschichte des Marien und Annencultus, 1854, p. 54 ff.
[15] Froissart, Chronicle, c. 162, in English translation; also Oberle, K. A., Ueberreste germ. Heidentums im Christentum, 1883, p. 153.
[16] Menzel, Christ. Symbolik, 1854, article ‘Baum.’
[17] Oberle, K. A., Ueberreste germ. Heidentums im Christentum, 1883, p. 144.
[18] Menzel, Christl. Symbolik, 1854, article ‘Himmelfahrt.’
[19] Ibid., article ‘Frauenberg’; also Oberle, K. A., Ueberreste germ. Heidentums im Christentum, 1883, p. 38.
[20] Rochholz, Drei Gaugöttinnen, 1870, p. 81, calls it Walburg; Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Traditions et légendes de la Belgique, 1870, p. 286, calls it Fro or Frigg.
[21] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie, 1887, p. 379; also Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 257.
[22] Comp. below, p. 35.
[23] Bede, Ecclesiastical History, 1, ch. 30.
[24] On English calendars, Piper, F., Kalendarien und Martyrologien der Angelsachsen, 1862; Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887.
[25] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858-62, vol. 2, Einleitung.
[26] For France, Guettée, Histoire de l’Église de France, 1847-55, vol. 1, p. 1; for England, Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, pp. 1 ff.; for Germany, Friedrich, Kirchengeschichte, 1867, vol. 1, pp. 86 ff.
[27] Ducange, Glossarium: ‘coenobium.’
[28] Dupuy, A., Histoire de S. Martin, 1852, p. 176.
[29] Gildas, Epistle, c. 66.
[30] In Ireland we hear of nunneries founded by St Bridget in the fifth century, the chief of which was at Kildare; also that this saint crossed the Irish Sea and founded nunneries at Glastonbury in England and at Abernethy in Scotland. The accounts of the work of Bridget are numerous, but have not been subjected to criticism. Comp. A. SS. Boll., St Brigida, Feb. 1, and Lanigan, Eccles. History of Ireland, 1829, 1, pp. 377 ff.
[31] Ambrosius, Opera (edit. Migne, Patrol. Cursus Comp. vol. 16), De virginibus, p. 187; (vol. 17) Ad virginem devotam, p. 579.
[32] Hilarius, Opera (edit. Migne, vol. 10), Ad Abram, p. 547.
[33] Blunt, J. J., Vestiges of Ancient Manners in Italy and Sicily, 1823, pp. 56 ff.
[34] Menzel, W., Christl. Symbolik, 1854, article ‘Brust,’ makes this statement. I do not see where he takes it from.
[35] A. SS. Boll., St Agatha, Feb. 5.
[36] A. SS. Boll., St Agnes, Jan. 21; St Rosalia, Sept. 4.
[37] A. SS. Boll., St Cunera, June 12.
[38] Kist, N. C., in Kerkhistorisch Archiv, Amsterdam, 1858, vol. 2, p. 20.
[39] Vita St Meinwerci, bishop of Paderborn (1009-39), written about 1155 (Potthast), c. 37.
[40] Hautcœur, Actes de Ste Pharailde, 1882, Introduction, p. xc.
[41] A. SS. Boll., Gloria posthuma St Bavonis, Oct. 1, p. 261.
[42] Wauters, A., Histoire des environs de Bruxelles, 1852, vol. 3, pp. 111, 123 ff.
[43] A. SS. Boll., Vita St Leodgarii, Oct. 2.
[44] Roth, K. L., ‘St Odilienberg’ in Alsatia, 1856, pp. 91 ff.
[45] Bonnell, H. E., Anfänge des karolingischen Hauses, 1866, pp. 51, 149 etc. It is noticeable that another woman-saint Ida (A. SS. Boll., St Ida, June 20) figures as ancestral mother of the Liudolfings, who became kings in Saxony and emperors of Germany, comp. Waitz, Jahrbücher des deutschen Reichs unter Heinrich I. 1863, Nachtrag I.
[46] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 207.
[47] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858-82.
[48] Lebensgeschichte der heil. Othilia. Freiburg, 1852.
[49] Alsatia, 1858-60, p. 268, contains local stories.
[50] Roth, K. L., ‘St Odilienberg’ in Alsatia, 1856, p. 95.
[51] Menzel, Christliche Symbolik, article ‘Knieen.’
[52] Du Bois de Beauchesne, Madame Ste Notburg, 1888, pp. 85, 197 etc. Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, and A. SS. Boll. so far, omit her.
[53] Lefebure, F. A., Ste Godeleine et son culte, 1888. A. SS. Boll., St Godelewa, July 6.
[54] Wonderlyk Leven. Cortryk 1800, anon., pp. 42, 45 etc.
[55] Comp. below, ch. 4, § 2.
[56] Rochholz, L., Drei Gaugöttinnen, 1870, pp. 26, 80 etc.
[57] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie, p. 389.
[58] Clouet, Histoire de Verdun, p. 180; A. SS. Boll., St Lucie, Sept. 9.
[59] A. SS. Boll., St Germana, Oct. 1; Husenbeth, F. C., Emblems of the Saints, 1882.
[60] Rochholz, L., Drei Gaugöttinnen, p. 164.
[61] Zacher, J., St Genovefa Pfalzgräfin, 1860, p. 55.
[62] Menzel, Christliche Symbolik, article ‘Aehre,’ refers to Notre Dame de trois épis in Elsass.
[63] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, St Nothburga, nr 2.
[64] Wauters, A., Histoire des environs de Bruxelles, 1, p. 302; Corémans, L’année de l’ancienne Belgique, 1844, p. 76.
[65] A. SS. Boll., St Alena, June 19; Menzel, W., Christliche Symbolik, 1854, article ‘Arm.’ Corémans, L’année de l’ancienne Belgique, 1844, June 19.
[66] Corémans, L’année etc., p. 77.
[67] Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Traditions et légendes de la Belgique, 1870, vol. 1, p. 99.
[68] A. SS. Boll., St Gunthildis, Sept. 22.
[69] Imagines SS. Augustanorum, 1601; also Stadler and Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, St Radegundis, nr 3.
[70] Pharaildis has been depicted with one, A. SS. Boll., St Pharaildis, Jan. 4; also Verena, comp. below.
[71] Husenbeth, F. C., Emblems of the Saints, 1870, mentions one instance.
[72] Rochholz, Drei Gaugöttinnen, 1870, p. 7.
[73] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon; A. SS. Boll., St Rolendis, May 13.
[74] A. SS. Boll., St Edigna, Feb. 26.
[75] A. SS. Boll., St Christiane, July 26.
[76] Rochholz, L., Drei Gaugöttinnen, p. 37.
[77] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858-82, St Radegundis, nr 3.
[78] Ibid., Appendix, p. 998, footnote.
[79] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Regina, nr 4.
[80] Kist, N. C., ‘Reenensche Kuneralegende’ in Kerkhistorisch Archiv, Amsterdam, 1858, vol. 2, p. 5.
[81] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Sura.
[82] A. SS. Boll., St Germana, Oct. 1.
[83] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, 1848, pp. 5 ff., 272 ff.
[84] Capgrave, Catalogus SS. Angliae, 1516.
[85] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887.
[86] Capgrave, Catalogus SS. Angliae, 1516. Comp. Surius, Vitae SS. 1617.
[87] Hautcœur, Actes de Ste Pharailde, 1882, Introd. cxxviiii.
[88] Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Traditions et légendes de la Belgique, 1870, vol. 1, p. 288.
[89] Lefebure, Ste Godeleine et son culte, p. 209.
[90] Wauters, A., Histoire des environs de Bruxelles, 1852, vol. 1, p. 304.
[91] Rochholz, Drei Gaugöttinnen, 1870, p. 154.
[92] Potthast, Wegweiser durch die Geschichtszwerke des europ. Mittelalters, 1862; Rochholz, loc. cit., p. 108, prints an early poetic version of the story in the vernacular.
[93] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie, 1887, p. 393.
[94] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 254, footnote.
[95] Corémans, L’année de l’ancienne Belgique, pp. 61, 113, 158.
[96] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 252.
[97] Corémans, L’année de l’ancienne Belgique, p. 76; Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, and the A. SS. Boll. pass her over.
[98] Wessely, J. G., Iconographie Gottes und der Heiligen, 1874.
[99] A. SS. Boll., St Afra, Aug. 5.
[100] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 242.
[101] Velserus, Antiqua monumenta, Chronica der Stadt Augsp. 1595; pp. 4, 14, 17, 32, 88.
[102] Rettberg, F. W., Kirchengeschichte, 1846, vol. 1, p. 147.
[103] Friedrich, Kirchengeschichte, 1867, vol. 1, p. 413.
[104] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Notburg, nr 1. A. SS. Boll., St Notburga, Jan. 26.
[105] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, Appendix, St Achachildis.
[106] Birlinger, A., Schwäbische Sagen, vol. 2, p. 341.
[107] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Radegundis, nr 3.
[108] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythologie, 1875, p. 896.
[109] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Kumernissa.
[110] A. SS. Boll., St Liberata, July 20.
[111] Sloet, De heilige Ontkommer of Wilgeforthis, 1884.
[112] I cannot account for the presence of the beard; St Paula, venerated at Avila in Spain, is also represented with one (Stadler und Heim). Macrobius (Sal. bk 3, c. 8) tells us that the Venus Barbata was represented in Cyprus in the form of a man with a beard and wearing female clothing, which shows that goddesses of this type were venerated during heathen times.
[113] Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythol. 1875, p. 896.
[114] Sloet, De heilige Ontkommer of Wilgeforthis, 1884, p. 36.
[115] Menzel, W., Christl. Symbolik, 1854, article ‘Bart.’
[116] Sloet, De heilige Ontkommer of Wilgeforthis, 1884, pp. 31, 33, 36, 42 etc.
[117] Ibid. p. 32.
[118] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Liberata, footnote, p. 807.
[119] Sloet, De heilige Ontkommer of Wilgeforthis, 1884, pp. 5, 50 etc. Ellis, H., Original Letters, series III, vol. 3, p. 194, quotes the following sentence from Michael Woddes, Dialogues, 1554: ‘... if a wife were weary of her husband she offered Otes at Poules (St Paul’s) at London to St Uncumber,’ a proof that the veneration of Ontkommer had found its way into England.
[120] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, 1848, pp. 5 ff., 272 ff.
[121] Corémans, L’année de l’ancienne Belgique, 1844, p. 149.
[122] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Myth., 1887, p. 344.
[123] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Myth., 1848, p. 23.
[124] Corémans, L’année de l’ancienne Belgique, 1844, p. 148.
[125] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Myth., 1848, pp. 69 ff.
[126] Cradles are frequently kept in churches in Bavaria, and form, I am told, part of the furniture which was formerly used at the celebration of the Nativity play at Christmas (Weihnachtskrippenspiel).
[127] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Myth., 1848, p. 273.
[128] Simrock, K., Handbuch der deutschen Myth., 1887, pp. 344, 349, gives lists of their names.
[129] Grimm, Wörterbuch, ‘Bett’; Mannhardt, W., Germanische Mythen, 1858, p. 644.
[130] Panzer, F., Beitrag zur deutschen Mythol., 1848, p. 180.
[131] A. SS. Boll., St Einbetta, Sept. 16.
[132] A. SS. Boll., St Kunegundis, June 16.
[133] Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Myth., 1848, p. 379.
[134] Menck-Dittmarsch, Des Moselthals Sagen, 1840, pp. 178, 258.
[135] Grimm, Wörterbuch, ‘Marge.’
[136] Lersch, Centralmuseum rheinl. Inschriften, vol. 1, p. 23; also Jahrbücher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande, Bonn: J. 1852, Freudenberg, ‘Darstellungen der Matres oder Matronae’; J. 1853, ‘Neue Matronensteine’; J. 1857, Eick, ‘Matronensteine’; J. 1858, Becker, ‘Beiträge’ etc.
[137] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, St Lufthildis.
[138] Ibid. St Rolendis.
[139] A. SS. Boll., St Cunera, June 12.
[140] Fustel de Coulanges, L’invasion germanique, 1891; Gérard, P. A. F., Histoire des Francs d’Austrasie, 1864; Ozanam, Civilisation chrétienne chez les Francs, 1855.
[141] A. SS. Boll., St Caesaria, Jan. 12, Regula, pp. 730-737; also A. SS. Boll., St Caesarius episcopus, Aug. 27.
[142] A. SS. Boll., St Caesaria, Jan. 12, Regula, c. 66.
[143] Guettée, Histoire de l’Église de France, 1847, vol. 2, 46; Labbé, Sacr. Conc. Collectio, Conc. Agathense, canon nr 19.
[144] Guettée, Histoire de l’Église de France, 1847, vol. 2, p. 109.
[145] Keller, Ch., Étude critique sur le texte de la vie de Ste Geneviève, 1881; also A. SS. Boll., St Genovefa, Jan. 3.
[146] Darboy, Mgr, Sainte Clothilde, 1865; also A. SS. Boll., St Chrothildis, June 3.
[147] Giesebrecht, W., Fränkische Geschichte des Gregorius, 1851, Einleitung xviii.
[148] Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Confessorum, ch. 106 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Completus, vol. 71).
[149] Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Martyrum, ch. 5 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 71).
[150] A. SS. Boll., St Radegundis, Aug. 13 (contains both these accounts).
[151] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887.
[152] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 9, ch. 42.
[153] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 3, ch. 7; Fortunatus, Vita, ch. 2-4.
[154] Giesebrecht, W., Fränkische Geschichte des Gregorius, 1851, appendix.
[155] Fortunatus, Vita, ch. 3.
[156] Ibid., ch. 10.
[157] Ibid., ch. 5.
[158] Baudonivia, Vita, ch. 2.
[159] A. SS. Boll., St Medardus, June 8.
[160] Commentators are much exercised by this summary breaking of the marriage tie; some urge that Radegund’s union had not been blessed by the Church. In the A. SS. it is argued that the Gallic bishop Medardus in pronouncing her divorce acted in ignorance of certain canons of the Church.
[161] Fortunatus, Vita, c. 10.
[162] Ibid., ch. 11; Baudonivia, Vita, ch. 6.
[163] Ibid., Vita, ch. 12.
[164] Stadler und Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, Johannes, nr 52; Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Confessorum, ch. 23.
[165] Fortunatus, Vita, ch. 26.
[166] Lucchi, Vie de Venantius Fortunatus, ch. 85 (in Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887).
[167] Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Confessorum, ch. 106.
[168] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887, note 111, 3, p. 214.
[169] Gérard, P. A. F., Histoire des Francs d’Austrasie, 1864, vol. 1, p. 272.
[170] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 9, ch. 40.
[171] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887, note 11, 1, p. 76.
[172] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 8, ch. 40.
[173] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc. bk 7, ch. 36.
[174] Baudonivia, Vita, c. 11.
[175] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887, bk 10, nr 9.
[176] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, bk 2, nr 16.
[177] Ibid., bk 6, nr 1.
[178] Mone, F. J., Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters, 1853-5, vol 1, 101; Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, note, p. 76.
[179] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, Appendix, nr 2.
[180] Ibid., bk 8, nr 1.
[181] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, note 9, p. 213.
[182] Ibid., Appendix, nr 16.
[183] Ibid., nr 31.
[184] Nisard, Ch., Des poesies de Radegonde attribuées jusqu’ici à Fortunat, 1889, p. 5.
[185] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, edit. Nisard, 1887, note 111, 2, 3, etc., p. 284.
[186] Ibid., ‘De Excidio Thoringiae,’ Appendix, nr 1.
[187] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, Appendix, nr 3.
[188] Ibid., bk 8, nr 8.
[189] Ibid., bk 8, nr 6.
[190] Ibid., bk 11, nr 10.
[191] Ibid., bk 11, nr 9.
[192] Fortunatus, Opera poetica, bk 11, nr 11.
[193] Ibid., bk 11, nr 22.
[194] Ibid., bk 11, nr 8.
[195] Ibid., bk 11, nr 6.
[196] Ibid., Appendix, nr 21.
[197] Ibid., bk 11, nr 2.
[198] Ibid., bk 11, nr 7.
[199] Ibid., Appendix, nr 15.
[200] Gregorius Tur., De Gloria Confessorum, ch. 106.
[201] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc., bk 9, chs. 39-44; bk 10, chs. 15-17, 20.
[202] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc., bk 9, ch. 39.
[203] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc., bk 9, ch. 41.
[204] Ibid., bk 10, ch. 15.
[205] Gregorius Tur., Hist. Franc., bk 9, ch. 33; bk 10, ch. 12.
[206] A. SS. Boll., St Vedastus, Feb. 6.
[207] A. SS. Boll., St Eleutherius, Feb. 20, Vita 1, ch. 3 (Potthast, Wegweiser: ‘Vita auctore anonymo sed antiquo’).
[208] Gérard, P. A. F., Histoire des Francs d’Austrasie, 1864, vol. 1, p. 384.
[209] Comp. throughout A. SS. Boll., St Wandregisilus, July 22; St Waningus, Jan. 9, etc.
[210] Drapeyron, L., La reine Brunehilde, 1867.
[211] Gregorius, Papa, Epistolae, liber 9, epist. 109 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl. vol. 77).
[212] St Columban who went abroad and died in 615 should be kept distinct from St Columba who died in 597, sometimes also called Columban. Both of them wrote rules for monks (cf. Dictionary of Nat. Biography).
[213] Bouquet, Recueil Hist., vol. 3, p. 478.
[214] A. SS. Boll., St Desiderius, May 23.
[215] Guettée, Histoire de l’Église de France, vol. 1, p. 317.
[216] Opinions differ as to the original form of the rule of St Benedict. Comp. Benedictus, Opera, pp. 204 ff. (in Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Complet., vol. 66).
[217] A. SS. Boll., St Filibertus, Aug. 20.
[218] Roth, P., Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, 1850, Appendix, gives the Charter.
[219] Roth, P., Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, 1850, p. 249.
[220] A. SS. Boll., St Bathildis, Jan. 26 (contains both accounts).
[221] Roth, P., Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, 1850, p. 86.
[222] A. SS. Boll., St Bathildis, Jan. 26; Vita 11., ch. 14.
[223] A. SS. Boll., ibid., St Aurea, Oct. 4.
[224] Ibid., St Filibertus, Aug. 20, Vita, ch. 5.
[225] Ibid., St Austreberta, Feb. 10.
[226] Regnault, Vie de Ste Fare, 1626.
[227] A. SS. Boll., St Teclechildis, Oct. 10.
[228] A. SS. Boll., St Bertilia, Jan. 3.
[229] Ibid., St Salaberga, Sept. 22, Vita, ch. 8.
[230] Ibid., St Austrudis, Oct. 17.
[231] Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk 3, ch. 8; bk 4, ch. 23. Comp. below, ch. 3, § 1.
[232] History of the Anglo-Saxons, transl. Thorpe, 1845, vol. 2, p. 247.
[233] Raine, Historians of the Church of York. Rolls series, vol. 1, Preface, p. xxiii.
[234] It is probable such settlements existed. Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 3, p. 302, holds a religious foundation to have existed in Tinmouth founded 617-33, but in Bede, Life of Cuthbert, transl. Stevenson, T., 1887, ch. 3, it is referred to as a monastery formerly of men, now of ‘virgins.’
[235] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Folkestone,’ vol. 1, p. 451.
[236] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, p. 226: ‘the life of Eanswith cannot be traced to any earlier authority than John of Tinmouth († c. 1380) whose account Capgrave († 1484) embodied in his collection of saints’ lives.’ The work of Capgrave, Catalogus SS. Angliae, was printed in 1516; the Kalendre of the newe Legende of Englande, printed 1516 (Pynson), from which expressions are quoted in the text, is an abridged translation of it into English.
[237] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Folkestone,’ vol. 1, p. 451, nr 2.
[238] Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 1880, ‘Eanswitha’; also A. SS. Boll., St Eanswida, Aug. 31.
[239] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Liming,’ vol. 1, p. 452.
[240] Jenkins, R. C., in Gentleman’s Magazine, 1862, August, p. 196 quotes this statement; I do not see where he takes it from.
[241] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 144.
[242] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, p. 475.
[243] Gocelinus, Vita St Wereburgae, c. 1 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 155).
[244] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 130 footnote.
[245] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Sheppey,’ vol. 2, p. 49.
[246] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 123.
[247] Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk 3, ch. 8, transl. Gidley, 1870.
[248] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Thanet,’ vol. 1, p. 447; Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, on lives of St Mildred, vol. 1, p. 376; A. SS. Boll., St Mildreda, July 13.
[249] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, July 13.
[250] Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, article ‘Mildred’ by Bishop Stubbs.
[251] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Thanet,’ vol. 1, p. 447.
[252] A. SS. Boll., St Milburga, Feb. 23.
[253] Ibid., St Mildwida, Jan. 17.
[254] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, Jan. 17.
[255] ‘Lives of Women Saints’ (written about 1610) p. 64, edited by Horstman for the Early Engl. Text Soc., London, 1887.
[256] Haddon and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, 1869, vol. 3, p. 240.
[257] ‘Upmynstre, Suthmynstre, Folcanstan, Limming, Sceppeis.’
[258] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Whitby,’ vol. 1, p. 405.
[259] Bede, Eccl. Hist., bk 4, ch. 23 transl. Gidley, 1870. Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Hartlepool,’ vol. 6, p. 1618, places the foundation about the year 640.
[260] Bede, Eccl. Hist. bk 3, chs. 24-25; bk 4, chs. 23-24.
[261] A. SS. Boll., St Bega, Sept. 6; Tomlinson, G. C., Life and Miracles of St Bega, 1839.
[262] Carthularium abbathiae de Whiteby, publ. Surtees Soc., 1879.
[263] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 23, translat. Gidley, 1870, with additions and alterations.
[264] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 5, ch. 3.
[265] Bede, Life of St Cuthbert, ch. 10; Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 1, p. 233, mentions Easington only as a manor of Durham.
[266] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Hackness,’ vol. 3, p. 633.
[267] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 23.
[268] Dictionary of Nat. Biography, article ‘Caedmon’ by Henry Bradley.
[269] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 24, transl. Gidley, 1870.
[270] Haigh, D. H., ‘On the monasteries of St Heiu and St Hild,’ Yorksh. Archaeolog. Journal, vol. 3, p. 370. I do not know on what authority Haigh designates Heiu as saint.
[271] Gray, de Birch, Fasti Monastici Aevi Saxonici, 1872, p. 15.
[272] Comp. below, p. 106.
[273] Charlton, L., History of Whitby, 1779, p. 33.
[274] Raine, Historians of the Church of York, Rolls series, vol. 1, Preface p. xxvii. This volume contains reprints of several accounts of the life of Wilfrith, including the one by Eddi.
[275] A. SS. Boll., St Withburga, March 17; Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘East Dereham,’ vol. 2, p. 176.
[276] Haigh, D. H., ‘On the monasteries of St Heiu and St Hild,’ Yorkshire Archaeol. Journal, vol. 3, p. 352, decides in favour of Aethelric.
[277] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 235.
[278] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Coldingham,’ vol. 6, p. 149. The promontory of St Abb’s Head retains her name. She is believed to have founded another religious settlement at a place in Durham on the river Derwent called Ebbchester, and the village church there is dedicated to her (Dict. of Nat. Biog.).
[279] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 19.
[280] A. SS. Boll., St Etheldreda June 23, Thomas of Ely, Vita ch. 41.
[281] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 252 footnote.
[282] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 19.
[283] Kalendre of the newe Legende of Englande, printed 1516 (Pynson) fol. 39 b.
[284] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 19.
[285] Dictionary of National Biography, ‘Etheldreda, Saint.’
[286] Bentham, History of Ely, 1817, p. 9.
[287] Gocelinus, Vita St Wereburgae (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl. vol. 155).
[288] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 49, calls it Weedon in Northamptonshire; Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wedon,’ vol. 6, p. 1051, doubts its existence.
[289] Life of St Werburgh, 1521, reprinted for the Early Engl. Text Soc., 1887.
[290] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 49.
[291] Livien, E. ‘On early religious houses in Staffordshire,’ Journal of the British Archaeolog. Assoc., vol. 29, p. 329. (The widespread cult of St Werburg may be due to there having been several saints of this name; comp. Stanton, R., Menology.)
[292] Eddi, Vita, c. 34 (in Raine, Historians of the Church of York, Rolls series).
[293] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 300, casts discredit on this story, which is told by Eddi, Vita, c. 38.
[294] Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, pp. 301 ff.
[295] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, pp. 297 ff.
[296] Bede, Life of St Cuthbert, ch. 10.
[297] Bede, Eccles. History, bk 4, ch. 25.
[298] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives 679 as the date of the fire; Eddi’s account represents Aebbe as alive in 681. Perhaps she died in 680; comp. Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 1877, Ebba, nr 1; also Bright, W., Early English Church History, 1878, p. 300, footnote.
[299] Bright, W., ibid., p. 255, footnote.
[300] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, p. 312.
[301] Bede, Life of St Cuthbert, ch. 23.
[302] Bede, Life of St Cuthbert, ch. 34.
[303] Ibid., ch. 24.
[304] Psalm lxxxix. 10 (The Vulgate here follows the LXX.; it would be interesting to know what sense they or indeed Bede gave to the passage).
[305] Eccles. xi. 8.
[306] Bede, Eccles. Hist., bk 4, ch. 26.
[307] Eddi, Vita, c. 43.
[308] Bright, W., Early English History, 1878, p. 448, from 686-691.
[309] Haigh, D. H., ‘On the monasteries of St Heiu and St Hild,’ Yorksh. Archaeol. Journal, vol. 3, p. 375.
[310] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Peterborough,’ vol. 1, p. 377, nr 2, prints the charter.
[311] Gough, R., Parochial History of Castor, 1819, p. 99.
[312] ‘Cum beatissimis sororibus meis Kyneburga et Kyneswida, quarum prior regina mutavit imperium in Christi ancillarum praesidens monasterio ... etc.’
[313] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, 1862, vol. 1, p. 370.
[314] A. SS. Boll., St Kineburga et St Kineswitha, virgines, March 6, argue the existence of a third sister.
[315] Camden, Britannia, edit. 1789, vol. 2, pp. 219, 223.
[316] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Repton,’ vol. 6, p. 429; the abbesses he mentions should stand in this order: Alfritha, Edburga.
[317] Haddon and Stubbs, Councils and Eccles. Documents, 1869, vol. 3, p. 273.
[318] Ibid., vol. 3, p. 274.
[319] Birch, W. de Gray, Memorials of St Guthlac of Crowland, 1881.
[320] A. SS. Boll., St Guthlac, April 11; Felix, Vita, c. 12.
[321] Felix, Vita, c. 33.
[322] Ibid., ‘Egburgh abbatissa, Aldulfi regis filia’; Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 1877, call her ‘Eadburga (nr 3)’; two abbesses Ecgburh occur in the Durham list of abbesses, comp. Gray, W. de Birch, Fasti Monastici Aevi Saxonici, 1872, p. 70.
[323] Comp. below, ch. 4, § 1.
[324] Holdich, B., History of Crowland Abbey, 1816, p. 2.
[325] Gray, W. de Birch, Memorials of St Guthlac of Crowland, 1881, Introd. p. l, footnote.
[326] Brit. Mus. MS. Harleian Roll, Y 6, reproduced Gray, W. de Birch, Memorials of St Guthlac of Crowland, 1881, pp. 14, 16, etc.
[327] Goodwin, C. W., The Anglo-Saxon version of the life of St Guthlac, 1848, p. 93.
[328] A. SS. Boll., St Pega sive Pegia, Jan. 8.
[329] A. SS. Boll., St Ositha, Oct. 7.
[330] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Chich Priory,’ vol. 6, p. 308.
[331] Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, vol. 1, pp. 524 ff.
[332] A. SS. Boll., St Frideswida, Oct. 19; Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Christ Church,’ vol. 2, p. 134.
[333] Dictionary of National Biography, Frideswide.
[334] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 137: ‘we have no records of Osburg till 1410.’
[335] Ibid., p. 310: ‘there is much obscurity in the history of St Modwenna. It seems that she must be distinguished from one or perhaps two other Irish saints....’ Also Livien, E., ‘On early religious houses in Staffordshire’ in Journal of the British Archaeol. Association, vol. 29, p. 333; Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, pp. 94 ff.
[336] Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, 1887, p. 328.
[337] Bede, Eccles. Hist., bk 4, chs. 7-10.
[338] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Barking,’ vol. 1, p. 436.
[339] A. SS. Boll., St Ethelburga, Oct. 11; Stanton, R., Menology of England and Wales, p. 485.
[340] Stanton, R., Menology, calls her Theorigitha but says, p. 36, that she has no day.
[341] A. SS. Boll., St Hildelitha, March 24.
[342] Bede, Eccles. Hist., bk 5, ch. 18.
[343] Capgrave, T., Catalogus SS. Angliae, 1516, fol. 10, b.
[344] Monumenta Moguntina, edit. Jaffé, Epist. nr 2, written between 675 and 705; Giles (Aldhelm, Opera Omnia, 1844, p. 90) calls her Osgith, a name which occurs several times in the Durham ‘Liber Vitae.’
[345] Aldhelm, Opera, edit. Giles, 1844, p. 103.
[346] Ibid., p. 115, De Basilica, etc.
[347] Ibid., p. 135, De Laudibus Virginum (it is not known over which house Maxima presided); p. 203, De octo Principalibus Vitiis.
[348] Ibid., p. 1, De Laudibus Virginitatis (chapter references in the text are to this edition).
[349] Mediaeval exegesis interpreted in these four ways, comp. Cassian Erem., De Spiritu Sc., c. 8.
[350] I take ‘crustu’ to go with ‘crusta,’ comp. Ducange.
[351] Monumenta Moguntina, edit. Jaffé, Epist. nr 70.
[352] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Sherbourne,’ vol. 1, p. 331, footnote K.
[353] Will. of Malmesbury, History, c. 31.
[354] Dict. of Nat. Biography, ‘Aldhelm.’
[355] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wimbourne,’ vol. 2, p. 88.
[356] A. SS. Boll., St Cuthberga, Aug. 31.
[357] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wimbourne,’ vol. 2, p. 88.
[358] Opera edit. Giles, 1844, p. 216; Dict. of Nat. Biog., ‘Aldfrith,’ he is sometimes called Alfred.
[359] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wimbourne,’ vol. 2, p. 89, nr 2.
[360] Brit. Mus. MSS. Lansdowne, 436 f., 38 b.
[361] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Tetbury,’ vol. 6, p. 1619.
[362] A. SS. Boll., St Lioba, Sept. 28, c. 2.
[363] Arndt, W., Introd. to translation into German (in Pertz, Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit, Jahrhundert 8, Band 2), p. xix.
[364] Epist. nr 12. The only edition of the letters of Boniface which attempts chronological order is that of Jaffé, Ph., Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, the numeration of which I have followed. Additional remarks on the dates of some of the letters are contained in Hahn, H., Bonifaz und Lull, ihre angelsächsischen Correspondenten, 1883.
[365] Willibaldus presb., Vita Bonifacii, edit. Jaffé, Ph., Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, pp. 422-506, c. 2.
[366] Whether Eadburg of Thanet is identical with St Eadburga buried at Liming (comp. p. 84), is uncertain.
[367] Epist. nr 10.
[368] Epist. nr 112.
[369] Epist. nr 32, written 735 (Jaffé); after 732 (Hahn).
[370] Epist. nr 75.
[371] Epist. nr 31.
[372] Epist. nr 62.
[373] Epist. nr 76.
[374] Epist. nr 22, written 722 (Jaffé).
[375] Epist. nr 39.
[376] Epist. nr 46.
[377] Epist. nr 72, 2 Cor. vii. 5.
[378] Epist. nr 73.
[379] Comp. Ps. cxix. 105.
[380] Epist. nr 87.
[381] Epist. nr 8; written between 709 and 712 (Hahn). Boniface is known to have travelled in the district of the Mosel; there is no other reason why this letter should be included in the correspondence.
[382] John xv. 12.
[383] Epist. nr 59; written 745 (Hahn).
[384] Epist. nr 60.
[385] Epist. nr 61.
[386] Epist. nr 70; written after 748 (Hahn).
[387] Epist. nr 13, written 717-19 (Hahn).
[388] Jaffé, Ph., loc. cit., footnote, p. 64, quotes the lines Virg. Aen., 11. 369-70, of which this sentence seems an adaptation.
[389] Comp. Psalm i. 2.
[390] Romans x. 15.
[391] Matth. xxv. 36.
[392] Comp. Matth. xix. 28.
[393] Epist. nr 14, written 719-22 (Jaffé). Haigh, D. H., ‘On the monasteries of St Heiu and St Hild,’ in Yorkshire Archaeol. Journal, vol. 3, p. 377, speaks of her as Cangith and holds her to have been abbess of Hackness.
[394] Birch, W. de Gray, Fasti Monastici Aevi Saxonici, 1872, p. 68.
[395] Matth. vii. 25.
[396] Comp. Luc. xiv. 31.
[397] Wisdom vi. 7 (Vulgate).
[398] Wisdom iv. 12 (Vulgate).
[399] There are some difficulties in this passage.
[400] Daniel xiv. 33 (Vulgate).
[401] Acts viii. 26.
[402] Ps. cxix. 103.
[403] Ps. xxxvi. 6.
[404] Cp. Ps. cxli. 2.
[405] Cp. 2 Cor. v. 12.
[406] The name Bugga occurs frequently during this period.
[407] Epist. nr 16, written 720-22 (Jaffé); I think somewhat later.
[408] Epist. nr 86.
[409] Epist. nr 88.
[410] Epist. nrs 37, 38, 39.
[411] Epist. nr 103, written shortly after 740 (Hahn).
[412] Epist. nr 113.
[413] Epist. nr 53.
[414] Epist. nr 70.
[415] Epist. nr 126.
[416] Epist. nr 23; the verse runs as follows:
‘Arbiter omnipotens, solus qui cuncta creavit,
In regno Patris semper qui lumine fulget,
Qua jugiter flagrans sic regnat gloria Christi,
Inlaesum servet semper te jure perenni.’
[417] A. SS. Boll., St Lioba, Sept. 28, Vita, ch. 9.
[418] Epist. nr 91, written between 737-41 (Hahn).
[419] Vita, ch. 13.
[420] Epist. nr 34.
[421] Epist. nr 98, written 732-747 (Hahn).
[422] Vita, ch. 14.
[423] Epist. nr 93.
[424] Epist. nr 126; also Epist. nr 68, written 748 (from the Pope on the consecration of abbot and abbess).
[425] Vita St Sturmi in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., vol. 2, p. 365.
[426] In Jaffé, Ph., Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, p. 475.
[427] Comp. above, p. 135.
[428] A. SS. Boll., St Tecla, Oct. 15, casts discredit on Tecla’s settling at Kizzingen and argues in favour of Oxenfurt. Kizzingen existed in the 15 c.; nothing is known concerning the later history of Oxenfurt.
[429] Hahn, H., Bonifaz und Lull, ihre angelsächsischen Correspondenten, 1883, p. 138, footnote 4, considers her identical with the Cynehild of the correspondence.
[430] Two letters, nrs 148, 149, in the correspondence are written by ‘Berthgyth,’ apparently a nun in England who wished to go abroad, to her brother Baldhard, but judging by their contents (‘I have been deserted by my parents,’ etc.) it is improbable that she is identical with the nun referred to above.
[431] Jaffé, Ph., Monumenta Moguntina, 1866, p. 490.
[432] Comp. above, p. 25.
[433] Comp. the attempt to identify Chunihilt with St Gunthildis, A. SS. Boll., Sept. 22.
[434] Edit. Canisius, H., Thesaurus, 1725, vol. 2; this anonymous nun is sometimes considered identical with the sister of Wilibald and Wunebald, and therefore with St Walburg.
[435] Vita St Willibaldi (also called Hodoeporicon), edit. Canisius, H., Thesaurus, 1725, vol. 2, ch. 2.
[436] Bede, Hist. Eccles., bk 5, ch. 15.
[437] For erasing writing from parchment.
[438] Vita St Wunebaldi, edit. Canisius, H., Thesaurus, 1725, vol. 2.
[439] Widukind, Annalium libri tres, year 924.
[440] Giesebrecht, W., Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit, 4 ed. 1873, vol. 1.
[441] Ex Vita Liutbergae in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., vol. 4, p. 158 (Potthast, Wegweiser, written about 870).
[442] Dümmler, E., Geschichte des ostfränkischen Reichs, 1865, vol. 1, p. 348.
[443] Translatio St Pusinnae in A. SS. Boll., April 23 (Potthast, Wegweiser, written probably by a monk of Corvei between 860-877).
[444] Dümmler, E., Geschichte des ostfränkischen Reichs, 1865, vol. 2, p. 336.
[445] Luentzel, Geschichte der Diöcese und Stadt Hildesheim, 1858, vol. 1, p. 22.
[446] Vita Mathildis Reg. (in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., vol. 4, p. 283 ff.), c. 26.
[447] Annales Quedliburgenses, year 999.
[448] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1826, vol. 1, p. 45.
[449] Luther, An den Adel christl. Nation, 1520, edit. Knaake, vol. 6, p. 440.
[450] Harenberg, Historia Ecclesiae Gandersh., 1734, vol. 1, p. 529.
[451] Engelhausen, Chronicon (in Leibnitz, Scriptores rer. Brunsv. 1707, vol. 2), p. 978.
[452] Comp. below, ch. 6, § 1.
[453] Luentzel, Geschichte der Diöcese und Stadt Hildesheim, 1858, vol. 1, p. 67, quoting ‘Reimchronik,’
‘Dat Bog segt, dat se so vele Wisheit konde,
Dat se ok wol gelerden Meistern wedderstunde.’
[454] Harenberg, Historia Ecclesiae Gandersh., 1734, vol. 1, p. 626 ff.
[455] Luentzel, Geschichte der Diöcese und Stadt Hildesheim, vol. 1, p. 319.
[456] ‘De fundatione Brunswilarensis’ (in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Scriptores, vol. 11, p. 394 footnote); Adelheid was abbess of Nivelles, Mathilde of Villich and Diedenkirchen, Theofanu of Essen, Hedwig of Neuss; Sophie and Ida, to whom reference has been made in the text, are said by Pertz to have presided over Gandersheim and St Maria at Cöln; Sophie certainly did not become abbess at Gandersheim, perhaps she went to Mainz; Ida probably presided over the convent of St Maria on the Münzenberg, a dependency of Gandersheim.
[457] Waitz, G., Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, 1868, vol. 7, p. 258.
[458] Reichstage, 1548-1594.
[459] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1828, vol. 1, p. 259.
[460] Luentzel, Geschichte der Diöcese und Stadt Hildesheim, 1858, vol. 1, p. 67.
[461] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1828, vol. 1, p. 84.
[462] Ebert, Ad., Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters, 1887, vol. 3, p. 429 footnote.
[463] Harenberg, Historia Ecclesiae Ganders., 1734; also Luentzel, Geschichte der Diöcese und Stadt Hildesheim, 1858, vol. 1, pp. 33 ff., 63 ff.
[464] Agius, Vita et Obitus Hathumodae (in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Scriptores, vol. 4, pp. 166-189).
[465] Hrotsvith, ‘Carmen de Primordiis Coenobii Gandersh.,’ in Opera, edit. Barack, 1858, p. 339 ff.
[466] Agius, Vita et Obitus Hathumodae, ch. 3.
[467] Ibid. ch. 5.
[468] Agius, Vita et Obitus Hathumodae, ch. 9.
[469] Ibid. ch. 15.
[470] ‘Carmen de Primordiis Coenobii Gandersh.,’ line 273.
[471] ‘Carmen de Gestis Oddonis I,’ in Opera, edit. Barack, 1858, p. 302.
[472] Agius, Vita et Obitus Hathumodae, ch. 11.
[473] Köpke, R., Deutschlands älteste Dichterin, 1869, p. 17.
[474] Harenberg, Historia Ecclesiae Gandersh., 1734, p. 589.
[475] Meibom, H., Rerum German. Script., 1688, vol. 1, p. 706, quoting Selneccer.
[476] Hrotsvith, Opera, edit. Barack, 1858; Ebert, Ad., Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 285 ff.
[477] Opera, edit. Barack, Einleitung, p. 6.
[478] Piltz, O., Die Dramen der Roswitha, no date; Magnin, Théâtre de Hrotsvitha, 1845.
[479] Köpke, R., Deutschlands älteste Dichterin, 1869, p. 28.
[480] Hrotsvith, Opera, edit. Barack, Einleitung, p. 54.
[481] ‘Maria,’ Opera, p. 7.
[482] Opera, edit. Barack, p. 2.
[483] ‘Ascensio Domini,’ Opera, p. 37.
[484] Opera, edit. Barack, Einleitung, p. 48.
[485] ‘Gongolf,’ Opera, p. 43.
[486] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 290.
[487] ‘Pelagius,’ Opera, p. 63.
[488] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 295.
[489] ‘Theophilus,’ Opera, p. 79.
[490] ‘Proterius,’ Opera, p. 97.
[491] ‘Dionysius,’ Opera, p. 107.
[492] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 300.
[493] ‘Agnes,’ Opera, p. 117.
[494] Opera, p. 133.
[495] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 301.
[496] Opera, p. 95.
[497] Opera, p. 137.
[498] Hudson, W. H., ‘Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim,’ English Historical Review, 1888.
[499] ‘Gallicanus,’ Opera, p. 143.
[500] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 316.
[501] ‘Dulcetius,’ Opera, p. 174.
[502] ‘Calimachus,’ Opera, p. 191.
[503] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 321.
[504] ‘Abraham,’ Opera, p. 213.
[505] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 323.
[506] ‘Paphnutius,’ Opera, p. 237.
[507] Piltz, O., Dramen der Roswitha (no date), p. 178, refers to Boëthius, In Categorias Aristotelis, liber 1, ‘de substantia’; and to De musica, liber 1.
[508] The ancient course of university study included the seven ‘liberal arts’ and was divided into the Trivium including grammar, dialectic and rhetoric, and the Quadrivium including arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music. The Trivium was sometimes designated as logic and the Quadrivium as physic.
[509] ‘Sapientia,’ Opera, p. 27.
[510] Piltz, Die Dramen der Roswitha, p. 181, refers to Boëthius, De Arithmetica, liber 1, cc. 9-22.
[511] ‘who favoured and improved these works before they were sent forth,’ additional words of some manuscripts; Opera, edit. Barak, p. 140 footnote.
[512] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 305.
[513] Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Abendlandes, 1887, vol. 3, p. 311.
[514] Köpke, Die älteste deutsche Dichterin, 1869.
[515] Comp. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, article ‘Roswitha.’
[516] Labbé, Sacror. Concil. Collectio, 1763, years 789, 804, 811; Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, p. 146 ff.
[517] Matth. Paris, Historia Major Angliae, sub anno.
[518] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, pp. 184 ff.; Ladewig, Poppo von Stablo und die Klosterreform unter den Saliern, 1883.
[519] Wulfstan, edit. Napier, Arthur, Berlin 1883, p. 156.
[520] Tanner, T., Notitia monastica, edit. Nasmith, 1787, Introduction, p. ix.
[521] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, pp. 341 ff.; A. SS. Boll., St Stephanus abbas, April 17.
[522] Janauschek, L., Origines Cisterciensium, 1877.
[523] Dialogus inter Clun. et Cist. in Martène and Durand’s Thesaurus nov. Anecdot. Paris, 1717, vol. 5, p. 1568.
[524] Jacopo di Vitriaco, Historia Occidentalis, 1597, c. 15.
[525] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, pp. 375, 468 ff.
[526] Hermannus, De Mirac. St Mariae Laudun. (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus completus, vol. 156), p. 1002.
[527] Brunner, S., Ein Cisterzienserbuch, 1881, p. 612.
[528] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 5, p. 376.
[529] Birch, W. de Gray, On the Date of Foundation ascribed to the Cistercian Abbeys of Great Britain, 1870.
[530] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Rivaulx,’ vol. 5, p. 274.
[531] Ibid. ‘Fountains,’ vol. 5, p. 292, nrs I-XI.
[532] A. SS. Boll., St Robertus, Feb. 25, contains two accounts of his life, the one by Baldric († 1130), the other by Andrea. Comp. also Helyot, Hist, des ordres mon., 1714, vol. 6, pp. 83 ff.
[533] Differing from settlements of the Gilbertine order, in which there were lay sisters also.
[534] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 2, pp. 156 ff. ‘Leben des heil. Norbert’ (written before 1155) transl. by Hertel in Pertz, Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit.
[535] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 2, p. 175; Jacopo di Vitriaco, Historia occidentalis, 1597, ch. 15.
[536] Gonzague, Monastère de Storrington, 1884, p. 8.
[537] They were Brodholm and Irford.
[538] § 3 of this chapter.
[539] ‘Peregrinatio Relig. ergo.’
[540] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 2, pp. 11 ff.
[541] Tanner, J., Notitia Monastica edit. Nasmith, 1787, Introd. XI.
[542] Rohrbacher, Histoire universelle de l’église catholique, 1868, vol. 6, p. 252.
[543] Labbé, C., Sacror. Conc. Collectio, 1763, year 816, part 2.
[544] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 2, p. 55.
[545] Hugonin, ‘Essai sur la fondation de l’école St Victor à Paris,’ printed as an introduction to Hugo de St Victore, Opera (in Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Compl. vol. 175).
[546] Comp. below, ch. 9, § 1.
[547] Norgate, Kate, History of the Angevin Kings, 1887, vol. 1, p. 66.
[548] Idung, De quatuor questionibus in Pez, B., Thesaurus anecdot. nov. 1721, vol. 2.
[549] Helyot, Histoire des ordres monastiques, 1714, vol. 7, pp. 366, 406. Jacopo di Vitriaco, Historia Occidentalis, 1597, c. 15.
[550] Giraldus Cambrensis, Speculum Ecclesiae, edit. Brewer, 1873.
[551] Map, W., De Nugis Curialium (written 1182-89), 1850, p. 38.
[552] John of Salisbury, Polycraticus, edit. Giles, bk. VII. chs. 21-23.
[553] Wirecker, N., Brunellus, 1662, p. 83.
[554] Goldsmid, Political Songs, vol. 2, p. 64.
[555] Freeman, Norman Conquest, 3rd edit. 1877, vol. 2, p. 609.
[556] Ibid. p. 554; Map, De Nugis Curialium, 1850, p. 201 (Freeman: Map like other Norman writers speaks very ill of Godwin).
[557] Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 6, p. 1618 (p. 1619 he says in connection with the destroyed nunnery Woodchester that the wife of Earl Godwin built it to make amends for her husband’s fraud at Berkley).
[558] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Shaftesbury,’ vol. 2, p. 470.
[559] Ibid. ‘Nunnaminster,’ vol. 2, p. 451.
[560] Ibid. ‘Barking,’ vol. 1, p. 436.
[561] Ibid. ‘Shaftesbury,’ vol. 2, p. 472. The abbess does not even seem to have been represented (as she was at the Diet abroad).
[562] Ibid. p. 472; and p. 473 footnote.
[563] Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 1, p. 472.
[564] They were Godstow, Elstow, Malling.
[565] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Amesbury,’ vol. 2, p. 333; Freeman, History of the Norman Conquest (3rd edit. 1877), vol. 2, p. 610; the event is dated 1177; perhaps the letters from John of Salisbury, Epist. edit. Giles, nrs 72, 74, are addressed to the abbess of Amesbury, who was deposed.
[566] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Sopwell,’ vol. 3, p. 362.
[567] Ibid. ‘Kilburn,’ vol. 3, p. 422.
[568] Ibid. ‘St Clement’s,’ vol. 4, p. 323.
[569] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Stanford,’ vol. 4, p. 257.
[570] Ibid. ‘Sinningthwaite,’ vol. 5, p. 463.
[571] Ibid. ‘Swine,’ vol. 5, p. 494, nr 2; ‘Nun-Cotham,’ vol. 5, p. 676, nr 2.
[572] A. SS. Boll., St Margaret, June 10.
[573] Dict. of Nat. Biography, Christina.
[574] Brand, History of Newcastle, vol. 1, p. 204.
[575] Freeman, History of William Rufus, vol. 2, pp. 596, 682.
[576] Will. of Malmesbury, Gesta Reg. (Rolls Series), pp. 279, 470, 493.
[577] Orderic Vitalis, Eccles. Hist., transl. by Forester, 1847, vol. 3, p. 12.
[578] Eadmer, Historia (Rolls Series), p. 122.
[579] Comp. below, ch. 8, § 2.
[580] Anselm of Canterbury, Epistolae (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus completus, vol. 159), the numeration of which is followed in the text.
[581] Hilarius, Versus et ludi, edit. Champollion-Figeac, 1838, p. 1. (Champollion prints Clinton, which he no doubt misread for Winton.)
[582] Milner, J., History of Winchester, 1823, vol. 1, p. 212.
[583] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wherwell,’ vol. 2, p. 634.
[584] Ibid. ‘St Mary’s Abbey,’ vol. 2, p. 452.
[585] Ibid. ‘Lillechurch,’ vol. 4, p. 378, charter nr 2.
[586] Ibid. ‘Rumsey,’ vol. 2, p. 506.
[587] Norgate, Kate, History of the Angevin Kings, 1887, vol. 1, p. 469.
[588] Beket, Epistolae (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus compl., vol. 190), nr 196.
[589] Petrus Blesiensis, Epistolae, edit. Giles, letters nrs 35, 36, 55, 239.
[590] A. SS. Boll., St Gilbert, Feb. 4, contain two short lives; Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 6 inserted between pp. 946, 947, contains a longer account, the ‘Institutiones,’ and various references to Gilbert; Dict. of Nat. Biography refers to a MS. account at Oxford, Digby, 36, Bodleian.
[591] Helyot, Histoire des ordres mon., 1714, vol. 2, p. 190.
[592] Dict. of Nat. Biography.
[593] A. SS. Boll., St Gilbert, Feb. 4, Vita, nr 2, ch. 3; Dugdale, Vita, p. xi.
[594] The ‘precentrix’ is strictly speaking the leader of the choir. Cf. below [ch. 10 § 2].
[595] Dugdale, Institutiones, p. lxxxii.
[596] Dict. of Nat. Biography.
[597] Ailred, Opera (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus comp., vol. 195), p. 789. ‘De sanctimoniali de Wattun.’
[598] Oliver, G., History of Beverley and Watton, 1829, p. 520 ff.; cf. above, [p. 91].
[599] Dugdale, Monasticon, vol. 6, p. xcviii.
[600] Report in Athenaeum, Oct. 7, 1893.
[601] Oliver, G., History of Beverley and Watton, 1829, p. 531.
[602] Wattenbach, W., Schriftwesen im Mittelalter, 2nd edit. 1875, p. 374.
[603] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gewänder, 3 vols. 1866-71, vol. 1, p. 214.
[605] Cf. above, [pp. 122], [132].
[608] Michel, F., Étoffes de soie au moyen âge, 1852, vol. 2, p. 339, contains this and other references.
[609] Eddi, Vita Wilfredi, c. 65 (it is unknown over which house she presided).
[611] Haddon and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, 1869.
[612] Cf. above, [pp. 103], [115], [198], and below, [ch. 11, § 1].
[613] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gewänder, 1866, vol. 1, p. 142.
[614] Michel, F., Étoffes de soie pendant le moyen âge, 1852, vol. 2, p. 340.
[615] Wharton, Anglia Sacra, vol. 1, p. 607.
[616] Michel, F., Étoffes de soie pendant le moyen âge, 1852, vol. 2, p. 338.
[617] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Albans,’ vol. 2, p. 186 footnote.
[618] Middleton, J. H., Illuminated MSS., 1892, p. 112.
[619] For example in the South Kensington Museum, nr 594-1884, Italian chasuble; nr 1321-1864, panel of canvas, from Bock’s Collection (Descriptive Catalogue of Tapestry and Embroidery, 1888).
[620] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gewänder, 1866, vol. 1, p. 209, suggests that gold plaques may have been sewn into the work.
[621] Cf. South Kensington Museum, nr 28-1892, a number of fragments of textile linen worked over in coloured silks and gold thread with scenes taken from the life of the Virgin. English work of the 14th century (Descriptive Catalogue of Tapestry and Embroidery, 1888).
[622] Michel, F., Étoffes de soie pendant le moyen âge, 1852, vol. 2, p. 337, points out that the expression ‘opus anglicum’ was applied also to the work of the goldsmith; comp. Ducange, Glossarium, ‘Anglicum.’ ‘Loculus ille mirificus ... argento et auro gemmisque, anglico opere subtilitater ac pulcherrime decoratus.’
[623] Historia Major Angliae, sub anno.
[624] South Kensington Museum, nr 83-1864 (Descriptive Catalogue of Tapestry and Embroidery, 1888).
[625] Ibid. p. 168.
[626] A. SS. Boll., St Eustadiola, June 8. Vita, ch. 3.
[627] A. SS. Boll., SS. Herlindis et Renild, March 22, ch. 5 (videlicet nendo et texendo, creando ac suendo, in auro quoque ac margaritis in serico componendo).
[628] Ibid. ch. 12 (palliola ... multis modis variisque compositionibus diversae artis innumerabilibus ornamentis).
[629] Stadler and Heim, Vollständiges Heiligenlexicon, 1858, ‘Harlindis.’
[630] Zeitschrift für Christl. Archaeologie, edit. Schnuetgen, 1856, ‘Münsterkirche in Essen,’ 1860, Beiträge.
[631] Labarte, Arts industriels au moyen âge, 1872, vol. 1, p. 341.
[632] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 84.
[633] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1828, vol. 2, p. 326.
[634] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gewänder, 1866, vol. 1, p. 155.
[635] Schultz, A., Höfisches Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger, 1889, cites many passages from the epics which refer to embroidery worn by heroes and heroines. A piece of work of special beauty described vol. 1, p. 326, had been made by an apostate nun.
[636] Ekkehard IV., c. 10, in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Scriptores, vol. 2, p. 123.
[637] Erath, Codex diplom. Quedliburg., 1764, p. 109.
[638] Brunner, S., Kunstgenossen der Klosterzelle, 1863, vol. 2, p. 555.
[639] Kugler, F., Kleine Schriften, 1853, vol. 1, pp. 635 ff.; part of the hanging is given by Muentz, E., Tapisseries, broderies et dentelles, 1890, plate 2.
[640] Fritsch, Geschichte des Reichstifts Quedlinburg, 1828, vol. 1, p. 121.
[641] Kugler, F., Kleine Schriften, 1853, vol. 1, p. 540.
[642] Büsching, F. G., Reise durch einige Münsterkirchen, 1819, p. 235.
[643] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gewänder, 1866, vol. 1, p. 227.
[644] Bock, F., Geschichte der liturg. Gewänder, 1866, vol. 3, pp. 201 ff.
[645] Ibid. 1866, vol. 3, p. 202.
[646] Hefner, Oberbair. Archiv, 1830, vol. 1, p. 355.
[647] Westermayer in Allgemeine Deutsche Biog., article ‘Diemud’; Catalogus Cod. Lat. Bibliothecae Reg. Monac., vol. 7, 1881, nrs 140, 146-154.
[648] Wattenbach, W., Schriftwesen im Mittelalter, 2nd edit. 1875, p. 374.
[649] Ibid. p. 177.
[650] Ibid. p. 304.
[651] Ibid. p. 374.
[652] Middleton, J. H., Illuminated MSS., 1892, p. 216.
[653] Michel, F., Étoffes de soie pendant le moyen âge, 1852, vol. 2, p. 350.
[654] Reproductions par la Société pour la conservation des monuments de l’Alsace, Sept livraisons containing Plates 1-53 inclusive (till 1895).
[655] Silbermann, J. A., Beschreibung von Hohenburg, 1781.
[656] Roth, K. L., ‘Der Odilienberg’ in Alsatia, 1856, vol. 1, pp. 91 ff.
[657] Comp. above, pp. 22, 24.
[658] Wiegand, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, article ‘Relind.’
[659] It is possible but hardly probable that the miniaturist in colouring the picture gave free play to his fancy.
[660] Gérard, Ch., Les artistes de l’Alsace, 1872, p. 92.
[661] Ibid.; Engelhardt, Herrad von Landsperg und ihr Werk, 1818. p. 16, footnote.
[662] The monument is represented in Schoepflin, Alsatia Illustrata, 1751, vol. 1, ad pag. 797.
[663] Engelhardt, Herrad von Landsperg und ihr Werk, 1818, with sheets of illustrations, which in a few copies are coloured.
[664] Woltman, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, article ‘Herrad.’
[665] Engelhardt, Herrad von Landsperg und ihr Werk, 1818, Vorwort p. xi.
[667] Engelhardt, Herrad von Landsperg und ihr Werk, 1818, p. 104.
[668] Piper, F., Kalendarien und Martyrologien der Angelsachsen, 1862.
[669] Apparently following the ‘Psychomachia’ of Prudentius, a Christian poet of the 5th century.
[670] Gérard, Ch., Les artistes de l’Alsace, 1872, Introd. p. xix., p. 46, footnote.
[671] Probably with reference to Job xxxix., 14-15.
[672] Hildegardis, Opera, 1882 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 197, which contains the acts of the saint reprinted from A. SS. Boll., St Hildegardis, Sept. 17; her life written by Godefrid and Theodor; the ‘Acta Inquisitionis’; the article by Dr Reuss, and the fullest collection of the saint’s works hitherto published).
[673] Roth, F. W., Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth und die Schriften von Ekbert und Emecho von Schönau, 1884.
[674] ‘Annales Palidenses’ in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script., vol. 16, p. 90.
[675] Neander, Der heil. Bernard und seine Zeit, 1848.
[676] Opera (Vita, c. 17), p. 104.
[677] Opera, ‘Scivias,’ pp. 383-738.
[678] Ibid. (Vita, c. 5), p. 94.
[679] Giesebrecht, W., Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit, vol. 4, p. 505.
[680] Opera (Epist. nr 29), p. 189.
[681] Opera (Responsum), p. 189.
[682] Ibid. ‘Epistolae,’ pp. 1-382.
[683] Linde, Handschriften der königl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, pp. 19 ff.
[684] Ibid. pp. 53 ff.
[685] Schneegans, W., Kloster Disibodenberg; Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879, pp. 45 ff.
[686] Opera (Responsum to Bernard), p. 190.
[687] Ibid. (Vita c. 14), p. 101.
[688] Ibid. (Vita c. 19), p. 105.
[689] Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879, p. 53.
[690] Opera (Vita c. 21), p. 106.
[691] Ibid.
[692] Ibid. (Acta Inquisitionis), p. 136.
[693] Ibid. (Epist. nr 4), p. 154.
[694] Opera, p. 383.
[695] Opera (lib. 2, visio 7), p. 555.
[696] Opera (lib. 3, visio 11), p. 709.
[697] Opera (lib. 3, visio 13), p. 733.
[698] Opera (Epist. nr 1), p. 145.
[699] Opera (Responsum), p. 145.
[700] This interpretation is given by Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879, p. 157.
[701] Jessen, ‘Ueber die medic. naturhist. Werke der heil. Hildegardis,’ in Kaiserl. Acad. der Wissenschaften, Wien, Naturwissensch. Abth. vol. 45 (1862), pp. 97 ff.
[702] Opera, ‘Physica,’ pp. 1117-1352.
[703] Virchow, R., ‘Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes, besonders im Mittelalter,’ in Archiv für pathol. Anatomie, vol. 18, p. 286.
[704] Haeser, H., Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, 1875, vol. 1, p. 640.
[705] Jessen, Botanik der Gegenwart und Vorzeit, 1864, pp. 120-127.
[706] Linde, Handschriften der königl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 83; an example of the musical notation as an appendix in Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879.
[707] Linde, Handschriften der königl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 78, ‘Expositiones Evangeliorum.’
[708] Opera, ‘Explanatio regulae St Benedicti,’ pp. 1053-1069.
[709] Ibid. ‘Explanatio symboli St Athanasii,’ pp. 1066-1093.
[710] Linde, Handschriften der königl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 38.
[711] Opera, ‘Solutiones triginta octo quaestionum,’ pp. 1038-1053.
[712] Linde, Handschriften der königl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 79.
[713] Opera (Epist. nr 12), p. 164.
[714] Ibid. (Epist. nr 6), p. 157.
[715] Ibid. (Epist. nr 11), p. 163.
[716] Opera (Epist. nr 62), p. 281.
[717] Ibid. (Epist. nr 49), p. 253.
[718] Ibid. (Epist. nr 22), p. 178.
[719] Ibid. (Epist. nr 5), p. 156.
[720] Ibid. (Epist. nr 10), p. 161.
[721] Opera (Epist. nr 100), p. 321.
[722] Ibid. (Epist. nr 101), p. 322.
[723] Ibid. (Epist. nr 96), p. 317.
[724] Ibid. (Epist. nr 48), p. 243; cf. below, [p. 281].
[725] Ibid. (Vita, c. 44), p. 122; also p. 142 (Reuss here misunderstands the Acta Inquisitionis, p. 138), comp. Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879, pp. 538 ff.
[726] Opera, ‘Liber divinorum Operum,’ pp. 739-1037.
[727] Ibid. (visio 4), pp. 807 ff.
[728] Opera (visio 5, c. 36), p. 934.
[729] Ibid. (visio 5, c. 43), p. 945.
[730] Ibid. (visio 10, c. 25), p. 1026.
[731] Linde, Handschriften der königl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, pp. 95 ff.
[732] Line 1401.
[733] Cf. The Nunns prophesie ... concerning the rise and downfall of ... the ... Jesuits, 1680.
[734] Prédictions sur la révolution de la Belgique. Amsterdam, 1832.
[735] Opera, ‘Vita St Rupertis,’ pp. 1081-1092.
[736] Ibid. ‘Vita St Disibodi,’ pp. 1093-1116.
[737] Linde, Handschriften der königl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877, p. 75, footnote.
[738] Opera, p. 90; A. SS. Boll. St Hildegardis, Sept. 17.
[739] Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heil. Hildegardis, 1879.
[740] Linde, Handschriften der königl. Bibliothek in Wiesbaden, 1877.
[741] Opera, p. 140, footnote.
[742] Roth, F. W. E., Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, Vorwort, p. cv.
[743] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, Vorwort, pp. cvii. ff.
[744] Ibid. ‘Liber Visionum primus,’ Prologus, p. 1.
[745] Ibid. ‘Liber Visionum secundus,’ c. 31, p. 53; Anlage, p. 153.
[746] Ibid. ‘Liber Viarum Dei,’ pp. 88-122.
[747] Ibid. Vorwort, p. cix.
[748] Ibid. ‘Liber Viarum Dei,’ c. 10, p. 92.
[749] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, ‘Liber Viarum Dei,’ c. 13, p. 100.
[750] Ibid. p. 104.
[751] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, ‘Liber Viarum Dei,’ c. 20, p. 122.
[752] Ibid. pp. 70, 178.
[753] Ibid. p. 74.
[754] Ibid. ‘De Sacro Exercitu Virginum Coloniensium,’ pp. 123-153.
[755] Ibid. Vorwort, pp. cxi ff. Roth discusses the history of the development of this legend.
[756] Comp. above, p. 40.
[757] A. SS. Boll., St Ursula, Oct. 21.
[758] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, Vorwort, p. cxxiv; Hardy, Th. D., Descriptive catalogue of MS. material, 1858, vol. 2, p. 417.
[759] Roth, Die Visionen der heil. Elisabeth etc. 1884, p. 253.
[760] A. SS. Boll., St Elisabetha, June 18.
[761] A. SS. Boll., St Severinus, Jan. 8.
[762] A. SS. Boll., St Magnericus, July 25, Vita, c. 49.
[763] Creighton, C., History of Epidemics in England, vol. 1, 1891, p. 85.
[764] Ibid. p. 97.
[765] Muratori, Antiquitates Italiae, 1738. Pope Hadrian I to Karl the Great, vol. 3, p. 581.
[766] Salles, F., Annales de l’ordre de Malte, ou des hospitaliers de St Jean de Jérusalem, 1889.
[767] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Hospital of St Gregory,’ vol. 6, p. 615, nr 1.
[768] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Herbaldoun,’ vol. 6, p. 653; Creighton, C., History of Epidemics, vol. 1, 1891, p. 87.
[769] Map, W., De Nugis Curialium, 1850, p. 228.
[770] Ailred, Opera (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Completus, vol. 195), p. 368.
[771] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Giles in the Fields,’ vol. 6, p. 635.
[772] Creighton, C., History of Epidemics in England, vol. 1, 1891, p. 88.
[773] Hormayr, ‘Die Grafen von Andechs und Tyrol,’ Sämtl. Werke, vol. 3.
[774] Virchow, R., ‘Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes, besonders in Deutschland,’ in Archiv für pathol. Anatomie, vol. 18, article 2, p. 311.
[775] Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, article ‘Hedwig.’
[776] Stenzel, G. A. H., Scriptores rerum Siles., Breslau 1835, ‘Vita St Hedwigis’ vol. 2, pp. 1-114; also A. SS. Boll., St Hedwig, Oct. 17.
[777] Verein für das Museum schles. Alterthümer, edit. Luchs, H., 1870. Also Luchs, H., Schlesische Fürstenbilder, 1872.
[778] Virchow, R., ‘Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes, besonders in Deutschland,’ in Archiv für pathol. Anatomie, vol. 18, article 2, p. 275.
[779] Wolfskron, Bilder der Hedwigslegende, 1846.
[780] Stenzel, G. A. H., Scriptores rer. Siles., 1835, ‘Vita Annae ducissae Sil.’ vol. 2, p. 127.
[781] A. SS. Boll., St Agnes de Bohemia, March 6, print two accounts, of uncertain date.
[782] A. SS. Boll., Ibid., print these letters.
[783] A. SS. Boll., Ibid., Vita 1, ch. 32.
[784] Montalembert, C., Histoire de Ste Elisabeth de Hongrie, duchesse de Thuringe, edition de luxe 1878, with preface by Gautier, contains reproductions of some of those pictures; Potthast, A., Wegweiser, enumerates a number of accounts of the life of St Elisabeth.
[785] Rieger, L., prints this ‘Leben der heil. Elisabeth’ in Literarisch. Verein, 1843, and discusses early MS. accounts of her life.
[786] Justi, C. W., Elisabeth, die Heilige, 1797.
[787] Montalembert, C., Histoire de Ste Elisabeth de Hongrie, 1836, 7th edit. 1855.
[788] Wegele, F. X., ‘Die heil. Elisabeth von Thüringen’ in Sybel, Historische Zeitschrift, 1861, pp. 351-397, which I have followed in the text.
[789] Virchow, R., ‘Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes, besonders in Deutschland,’ in Archiv für pathol. Anatomie, vol. 18, article 2, p. 313.
[790] Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, article ‘Konrad von Marburg.’
[791] Hauréau, Histoire de la philosophie scolastique, 1850, vol. 1, pp. 319 ff.
[792] Dictionary of National Biography, article ‘Hales, Thomas.’
[793] ‘A luve ron,’ edit. Morris, Old English Miscellany, p. 93, for the Early Engl. Text Soc. 1872.
[794] Edit. Morton for the Camden Soc. 1853.
[795] ‘Die angelsächsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benedictinerregel,’ edit. Schröer, 1885 (in Grein, Bibliothek der angels. Prosa, vol. 2), p. 9.
[796] Schröer, Winteney Version der Regula St Benedicti, 1888, p. 13.
[797] ‘De vita eremetica’ (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 32, by an oversight it is included among the works of St Augustine), p. 145.
[798] Anselm, Opera (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl., vol. 158), ‘Meditationes’ (nr 15-17), pp. 786 ff.
[799] Edit. Koelbing, Englische Studien, vol. 7, p. 304.
[800] Scenes and characters of the Middle Ages, 1872, pp. 93-151.
[801] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, vol. 1, p. 693.
[802] Brink, B. ten, Early English Literature, trans. Kennedy, 1883, p. 205.
[803] First advanced by Morton, Ancren Riwle, Introd. pp. xii-xv; it is supported neither by tradition nor by documentary evidence.
[804] Dalgairns, Introd. to Hylton, Scale of Perfection, 1870, thinks it possible that the author was a Dominican friar.
[805] Comp. throughout Ancren Riwle, edit. Morton for the Camden Soc. 1853.
[806] That is bands or ligatures to be used after the letting of blood.
[807] Old English Homilies, First Series, edit. Morris, 1867, p. 268.
[808] Hali Meidenhad, edit. Cockayne, for the Early English Text Soc., 1866.
[809] Comp. Revelationes Gertrudianae ac Mechtildianae, edit. Oudin, for the Benedictines of Solesmes 1875, 2 vols., which contain the works of these three nuns; Mechthild von Magdeburg, Offenbarungen, oder Das Fliessende Licht der Gottheit, edit. Gall Morel, 1869; Preger, W., Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter, 1874, vol. 1, pp. 70-132.
[810] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, Praefatio.
[811] Ibid. vol. 1, pp. 497 ff.
[812] Comp. Preger, ‘Dante’s Matelda,’ Acad. Vortrag, 1873; Paquelin and Scartazzini, ‘Zur Matelda-Frage’ in Jahrbuch der Dante Gesellschaft, Berlin, 1877, pp. 405, 411; Lubin, Osservazioni sulla Matilda svelata, 1878.
[813] Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, article ‘Mechthild’ by Strauch, Ph.
[814] Keller, L., Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien, 1885, pp. 29 ff.; also Hallman, E., Geschichte des Ursprungs der Beguinen, 1843.
[815] Mechthild von Magdeburg, Offenbarungen, oder Das Fliessende Licht der Gottheit, edit. Gall Morel, 1869; the abridged Latin version in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, pp. 423-710.
[816] Heinrich not to be confounded with Heinrich who translated her work.
[817] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, pp. 298, 329, 332, etc.
[818] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 542; vol. 2, pp. 325, 330.
[819] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, etc. edit. Gall Morel, p. 3 ‘Wie die minne und die kuneginne zesamene sprachen.’
[820] Ibid. p. 6 ‘Von den megden der seele und von der minne schlage.’
[821] Ibid. p. 18 ‘Von der minne weg,’ etc.
[822] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 43 ‘Wie die minne vraget,’ etc.
[823] Ibid. p. 38 ‘Wie die bekantnisse und die sele sprechent zesamne,’ etc.
[824] Ibid. p. 232 ‘Wie bekantnisse sprichet zu dem gewissede.’
[825] Ibid. p. 30 ‘Von der armen dirnen’ (I have retained the designation ‘saint’ where it is used in the allegory).
[826] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 210 ‘Da Johannes Baptista der armen dirnen messe sang.’
[827] Ibid. p. 46 ‘Wie sich die minnende sele gesellet gotte,’ etc.
[828] Ibid. p. 82 ‘Von der helle,’ etc.
[829] Ibid. p. 270 ‘Ein wenig von dem paradyso.’
[830] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 52 ‘Von diseme buche,’ etc.
[831] Ibid. p. 90 ‘Dis buch ist von gotte komen,’ etc.
[832] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 110 ‘Von einer vrowe, etc.’
[833] Ibid. p. 68 ‘Von siben dingen die alle priester sollent haben.’
[834] Ibid. p. 171 ‘Wie ein prior, etc.’; p. 177 ‘Von der regele eines kanoniken, etc.’; p. 178 ‘Got gebet herschaft.’
[835] Ibid. p. 198 ‘Wie böse pfafheit sol genidert werden.’
[836] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, p. 524.
[837] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 115 ‘Von sehs tugenden St Domenicus’; p. 116 ‘Dur sehszehen ding hat got predierorden liep’; ibid. ‘Von vierhande crone bruder Heinrichs’; p. 154 ‘Von sehsleie kleider, etc.’
[838] Ibid. p. 166 ‘Von funfleie nuwe heligen.’
[839] A. SS. Boll., St Peter of the Dominican Order, April 29.
[840] Ibid., St Jutta vidua, May 5, appendix.
[841] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 256 ‘Wie ein predierbruder wart gesehen.’
[842] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 243 ‘Von der not eines urluges.’
[843] Ibid. p. 249 ‘Von einem geistlichen closter.’
[844] Comp. below, ch. 11, § 1.
[845] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 68 ‘Von dem angenge aller dinge’; p. 107 ‘Von der heligen drivaltekeit, etc.’; p. 147 ‘Von sante marien gebet, etc.’
[846] Ibid. p. 14 ‘In disen weg zuhet die sele, etc.’
[847] Ibid. p. 16 ‘Von der pfrunde trost und minne.’
[848] Mechthild, Offenbarungen, p. 98 ‘Von zwein ungeleichen dingen, etc.’
[849] Ibid. p. 214 ‘Bekorunge, die welt und ein gut ende prüfent uns.’
[850] ‘Liber Specialis Gratiae,’ in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, pp. 1-421.
[851] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2, p. 727.
[852] Preger, W., Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter, 1874, vol. 1, p. 87.
[853] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2 (‘Liber Specialis Gratiae,’ bk 1, ch. 30, De angelis), p. 102.
[854] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2 (‘Liber Specialis Gratiae,’ bk 2, ch. 2, De vinea domini), p. 137.
[855] Cf. Gal. v. 22-3, to which Mechthild adds.
[856] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2 (‘Liber Specialis Gratiae,’ bk 1, ch. 10, De veneratione imaginis Christi), p. 31.
[857] Ibid. vol. 2 (‘Liber Specialis Gratiae,’ bk 2, ch. 23, De coquina domini), p. 165.
[858] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 2 (bk 2, ch. 43, De nomine et utilitate hujus libri), p. 192.
[859] Ibid. vol. 1, pp. 46, 269.
[860] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 218.
[861] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, pp. 1 ff. on her life.
[862] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 14.
[863] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 23.
[864] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 227.
[865] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 27.
[866] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 39.
[867] ‘Legatus Divinae Pietatis’ in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, pp. 1 ff.
[868] ‘Legatus Divinae Pietatis’ in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, p. 61.
[869] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, p. 113.
[870] Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, p. 351.
[871] Preger, W., Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter, 1874, vol. 1, p. 78.
[872] ‘Exercitia Spiritualia,’ in Revelationes, etc. edit. Oudin, vol. 1, pp. 617-720.
[873] Ibid. pp. 701 ff.
[874] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Rumsey,’ vol. 2, p. 507 footnote.
[875] Ibid. ‘Davington,’ vol. 4, p. 288.
[876] Ibid. ‘Sopwell,’ vol. 3, p. 365, charter nr 7.
[877] Jusserand, J., Histoire littéraire du Peuple Anglais, 1894, pp. 121 ff., 235 ff.
[878] Romania, edit. Meyer et Paris, vol. 13, p. 400.
[879] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Ankerwyke,’ vol. 4, p. 229, charter nr 4.
[880] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Shaftesbury,’ vol. 2, p. 471, charter nr 21.
[881] Ibid. ‘Barking,’ vol. 1, p. 441.
[882] Ibid. ‘Legh,’ vol. 6, p. 333, footnote t. MS. Harleian 3660.
[883] Bateson, M., ‘Register of Crabhouse Nunnery’ (no date), Norfolk and Norwich Archæol. Society.
[884] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Littlemore,’ vol. 4, p. 490, charter nr 14.
[885] Koelbing, Englische Studien, vol. 2, pp. 60 ff.
[886] This supposition is based on certain peculiarities in the language of the rule for men. Cf. ‘Die angelsächsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benedictinerregel,’ edit. Schröer, 1885 (in Grein, Bibliotek der angels. Prosa, vol. 2) Einleitung, p. xviii.
[887] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Godstow,’ vol. 4, p. 357, charter nr 23.
[888] Lansdowne MS. 436.
[889] Early English Text Soc., nr 100. Arundel MS. 396.
[890] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Kilburn,’ vol. 3, p. 424.
[891] Blaauw, W. H., ‘Episcopal visitations of the Benedictine nunnery of Easebourne’ in Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. 9, p. 12. According to Bradshaw, H., ‘Note on service books’ (printed as an appendix in Middleton, J. H., Illuminated Manuscripts, 1892) the missal was used for celebration of the mass; while the breviary contained the services for the hours, including the antiphony (anthems to the psalms)—the legenda (long lessons used at matins),—the psalter (psalms arranged for use at hours),—and the collects (short lessons used at all the hours except matins). In the list above, these are enumerated as separate books. He further says that the ordinale contained general rules for the right understanding and use of the service books. It is noteworthy that this is in French in the list of books at Easebourne.
[892] Maskell, W., Monumenta Ritualia, 1882, vol. 3, p. 357 footnotes.
[893] Placita de Quo Warranto published by Command.
[894] Placita de Quo Warranto, pp. 11, 97, 232, 233.
[895] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Malling,’ vol. 3, p. 381, charter nr 5.
[896] Ibid. ‘Stratford,’ vol. 4, p. 119, charter nr 3.
[897] Ibid. ‘Wroxhall,’ vol. 4, p. 88.
[898] Ibid. ‘Redlingfield,’ vol. 4, p. 25, charter nr 2.
[899] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 1888, appendices to vols. 1 and 2.
[900] The word ‘mynchyn’ was I believe never applied to them.
[901] Holstenius, Codex regularum, 1759, vol. 3, p. 34.
[903] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Shaftesbury,’ vol. 2, p. 473.
[904] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Mary Prée,’ vol. 3, p. 353, charter nr 9.
[905] Ibid. ‘Shaftesbury,’ vol. 2, p. 474.
[906] Blaauw, W. H., ‘Episcopal Visitations of the Benedictine Nunnery of Easebourne,’ Sussex Archæol. Collections, vol. 9, p. 7.
[907] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Mary Winchester,’ vol. 2, p. 452, footnote.
[908] Ibid. ‘Shaftesbury,’ vol. 2, p. 473.
[909] Ibid. ‘Barking,’ vol. 1, p. 441, charter nr 8.
[910] Schröer, Winteney Version der regula St Benedicti, 1888, p. 16.
[911] Edit. Koelbing, Englische Studien, vol. 2, pp. 60 ff. (line references in the text throughout this section are to this version).
[912] Shermann, A. J., Hist. Coll. Jesus Cantab., edit. Halliwell, 1840, p. 16.
[913] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Langley,’ vol. 4, p. 220.
[914] Maskell, W., Monumenta Ritualia, 1882, vol. 3, p. 358 footnote.
[916] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Catesby,’ vol. 4, p. 635.
[917] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Bromhall,’ vol. 4, p. 506.
[918] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich (1492-1532), pp. 185, 190, 318.
[919] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wilton,’ vol. 2, p. 317.
[920] Benedictus, Regula, c. 65 (in Migne, Patrol. Cursus Compl. vol. 66).
[921] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Barking,’ vol. 1, p. 437, footnote k.
[922] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Barking,’ vol. 1, p. 445 Computus.
[923] Dugdale, Monasticon, charter nr 15.
[924] I am unable to ascertain the quantity indicated by the ‘piece.’
[925] I am unable to ascertain the difference between ‘stubbe’ and ‘shafte.’
[926] Rogers, Th., Six Centuries of Work and Wages, 1884, p. 101.
[927] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Mary’s, Winchester,’ vol. 2, p. 451, charter nr 4.
[928] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich (1492-1532), p. 290.
[929] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Shaftesbury,’ vol. 2, p. 472.
[930] Ibid. ‘St Mary, Winchester,’ vol. 2, p. 451, charter nr 4.
[931] Ibid. ‘Kilburn,’ vol. 3, p. 424.
[932] Blaauw, W. A., ‘Episcopal Visitations of the Benedictine Nunnery of Easebourne,’ Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. 9, p. 15.
[933] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich (1492-1532), p. 138.
[934] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Elstow,’ vol. 3, p. 411, charter nr 8.
[935] Ibid. ‘Barking,’ vol. 1, p. 438, footnote b.
[936] ‘Here begynneth a matere’ etc. (by John Alcock (?)), printed by Wynkyn de Worde (1500), last page but one.
[937] Six Centuries of Work and Wages, 1884, p. 166.
[938] Rye, W., Carrow Abbey, 1889, p. 48 ff.
[939] Skelton, Poetical Works, 1843, vol. 1, p. 51, ‘Phyllyp Sparowe.’
[940] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Rumsey,’ vol. 2, p. 507, footnote p.
[941] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich (1492-1532), p. 140.
[942] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Helen’s,’ vol. 4, p. 551, charter nr 3.
[943] Ibid. ‘Barking,’ vol. 1, p. 437, footnote m.
[944] Fosbroke, British Monachism, 1843, p. 176.
[945] Way, A., ‘Notices of the Benedictine Priory of St Mary Magdalen, at Rusper,’ Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. 5, p. 256.
[946] Bateson, M., ‘Visitations of Archbishop Warham in 1511,’ in English Hist. Review, vol. 6, 1891, p. 28.
[947] Maskell, W., Monumenta Rit., 1882, vol. 3, p. 331, ‘The order of consecration of Nuns,’ from Cambridge Fol. Mm. 3. 13, and Lansdown MS., 388; p. 360 ‘The manner to make a Nun,’ from Cotton MS., Vespasian A. 25, fol. 12.
[948] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Chatteris,’ vol. 2, p. 614.
[949] Way, A., ‘Notices of the Benedictine Priory of St Mary Magdalen at Rusper,’ Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. 5, p. 256.
[950] Comp. Smith and Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, 1875, article ‘Hours of Prayer.’
[951] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840; Myroure of Oure Ladye, Early English Text Soc., 1873, Introduction by Blunt, J. H.
[952] Hammerich, Den hellige Birgitta, 1863.
[953] A. SS. Boll., St Birgitta vidua, Oct. 8.
[954] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xiv.
[955] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 1888, vol. 1, p. 42.
[956] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Amesbury,’ vol. 1, p. 333.
[957] Ibid. ‘Westwood,’ vol. 6, p. 1004.
[958] Ibid. ‘Levenestre,’ vol. 6, p. 1032.
[959] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, p. 249 ff., from Arundel MS. nr 146 (chapter references throughout the text in this chapter are to this reprint).
[960] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xxxv.
[961] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, pp. 312 ff., from Additional MS. nr 5208.
[962] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, pp. 405 ff. ‘A table of signs.’
[963] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xxvi.
[964] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xxix.
[965] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, p. 421, ‘Indulgentia monasterii de Syon,’ MS. Ashmol. nr 750; p. 422, ‘The Pardon of the monastery of Shene which is Syon,’ MS. Harleian 4012, art. 9.
[966] Ibid. p. 426, footnotes.
[967] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. xlv. B. M. Addit. MS., nr 22285.
[968] Printed by Wynkyn de Worde (?), 1526; reprinted for the Bradshaw Society, 1893.
[969] Aungier, G. J., History and Antiquities of Syon, 1840, p. 529. MS. Harleian 2321, fol. 17 ff.
[970] Ibid. p. 527.
[971] Ibid. p. 527.
[972] Ibid. p. 526.
[973] Myroure of Oure Ladye, Introd. p. ix.
[974] Ibid. p. 2.
[975] Myroure of Oure Ladye, pp. 65 ff.
[976] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Godstow,’ vol. 4, p. 357, Charter nr 16.
[977] Ibid. ‘St Radegund’s,’ vol. 4, p. 215, Charter nr 3.
[978] Ducange, ‘burnetum, pannus ex lana tincta confectus.’
[979] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Rumsey,’ vol. 2, p. 507, footnote p.
[980] Ibid. ‘Swine,’ vol. 5, p. 493.
[981] Ibid. ‘Sopwell,’ vol. 3, p. 362, charter nr 7.
[982] Ibid. ‘Chatteris,’ vol. 2, p. 614, charter nr 11.
[983] Ibid. ‘Nun-Monkton,’ vol. 4, p. 192, charter nr 2.
[984] Gasquet, A., The Great Pestilence, 1893, Introd. p. xvi.
[985] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Thetford,’ vol. 4, p. 475.
[986] Jessopp, A., Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich, 1492-1532, pp. 90, 155.
[987] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Malling,’ vol. 3, p. 382; Gasquet, A., The Great Pestilence, 1893, pp. 104, 106.
[988] Gasquet, p. 137.
[989] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wyrthorp,’ vol. 4, p. 266.
[990] Ibid. ‘Seton,’ vol. 4, p. 226, charter nr 2.
[991] Ibid. ‘St Sepulchre’s,’ vol. 4, p. 413, footnote l.
[992] Way, A., ‘Notices of the Benedictine Priory of St Mary Magdalen at Rusper,’ Sussex Archæol. Collections, vol. 5, p. 244; Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Rusper,’ vol. 4, p. 586.
[993] Blaauw, W. H., ‘Episcopal Visitations of the Priory of Easebourne,’ Sussex Archæol. Collections, vol. 9, pp. 1-32; Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Easebourn,’ vol. 4, p. 423.
[994] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Sele,’ vol. 4, p. 668.
[995] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St John’s,’ vol. 6, p. 678.
[996] Ibid. ‘Selbourne,’ vol. 6, p. 510.
[997] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries, 1888, vol. 1, p. 52.
[998] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, vol. 3, pp. 413, 419, 462.
[999] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Albans,’ vol. 2, p. 205.
[1000] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, vol. 3, p. 390.
[1001] Ibid. 1737, vol. 3, p. 630.
[1002] Ibid. Year 1490, vol. 3, p. 632. Froude without taking into consideration the circumstances under which this letter was penned takes its contents as conclusive evidence of the abuses of the monastic system at the time of the Reformation. Comp. History of England, 1893, vol. 2, p. 304; Life and Letters of Erasmus, 1894, p. 18.
[1003] Newcome, P., History of the Abbacy of St Albans, 1793, p. 399.
[1004] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Albans,’ vol. 2, p. 206, footnote c; ‘the Book of Ramryge,’ MS. Cotton. Nero D. VII.
[1005] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Mary de Prée,’ vol. 3, p. 353, charter nr 9.
[1006] Ibid. ‘Sopwell,’ vol. 3, p. 363.
[1007] ‘Land of Cockayne,’ in Early English Lives of Saints, etc., Philological Society, 1858, p. 156.
[1008] ‘Why I cannot be a nun,’ in Early English Lives of Saints, etc., Philological Society, 1858, p. 138.
[1009] Comp. above, pp. 339, 377.
[1010] Möhler, J. A., Kirchengeschichte, edit. 1867, vol. 2, pp. 612 ff.
[1011] Comp. Leuckfeld, Antiquitates Bursfeldenses, 1713; Pez, Bibliotheca ascetica, vol. 8, nrs 6 ff.
[1012] Discussed in Klemm, G. F., Die Frauen, vol. 4, p. 181, using Ordinarius preserved at Dresden (MS. L. 92).
[1013] Busch, J., Liber de reformatione monasteriorum (written between 1470-1475), edit. Grube, 1887.
[1014] Deutsche Allgemeine Biographie, article ‘Busch, Joh.’
[1015] Busch, Liber de reformatione monasteriorum, ‘Derneburg,’ p. 588.
[1016] Ibid. ‘Wennigsen,’ ‘Mariensee,’ ‘Werder’ pp. 555 ff.
[1017] Busch, Liber de reformatione monasteriorum, ‘Wienhausen,’ p. 629.
[1018] Ibid. ‘St Georg in Halle,’ p. 568.
[1019] Ibid. ‘Heiningen,’ p. 600.
[1020] Ibid. ‘Frankenberg,’ p. 607.
[1021] Ibid. ‘Dorstad,’ p. 644.
[1022] Ibid. ‘Neuwerk,’ p. 609.
[1023] Ibid. ‘Fischbeck,’ p. 640.
[1024] Ibid. ‘Marienberg,’ p. 618.
[1025] Busch, Liber de reformatione monasteriorum, ‘Marienborn,’ ‘Stendal,’ p. 622.
[1026] Ibid. pp. 664 ff.
[1027] Ibid. pp. 659 ff.
[1028] Remling, F. X., Urkundl. Geschichte der Abteien und Klöster in Rheinbayern, 1836, ‘Schönfeld,’ vol. 1, p. 165; ‘Ramsen,’ vol. 1, p. 263; ‘Kleinfrankenthal,’ vol. 2, p. 79.
[1029] Marx, J., Geschichte des Erzstifts Trier, 1860, vol. 3, p. 466 (Benedictine nunneries, pp. 457-511, Cistercian nunneries, pp. 579-593).
[1030] Brusch, C., Chronol. Mon. Germ., 1682, p. 508.
[1031] Fabri, F., De Civitate Ulmensi, edit. Veesenmeyer, Liter. Verein, Stuttgart, 1889, pp. 180 ff.
[1032] Fabri, F., De Civitate Ulmensi, pp. 202 ff.
[1033] Jäger, A., Der Streit des Cardinals N. von Cusa mit dem Herzoge Sigmund von Oesterreich, 1861, 2 vols, (the struggle over Sonnenburg is in vol. 1).
[1034] Ibid. vol. 1 (page references in the text throughout this section are to the above account).
[1035] Jäger, A., Der Streit des Cardinals N. von Cusa etc., 1861, Vorwort, p. x.
[1036] Tritheim, Opera pia et spiritualia, edit. Busaeus, 1604, ‘Orationes,’ pp. 840-916.
[1037] Tritheim, Opera, etc., Epist. nr 3, p. 921 (written 1485).
[1038] Geiler, Predigten Teutsch, 1508; Seelen-Paradies, 1510, etc.
[1039] Information on those works of Butzbach which are not published is given in the second supplementary volume, pp. 439 ff. of Hutten, U. v., Opera, edit. Böcking, 1857.
[1040] Wimpheling, Germania, transl. Martin, E., 1885, ch. 77.
[1041] Erasmus, Colloquies, transl. Bailey, edit. Johnson, 1878, ‘The Virgin averse to Matrimony,’ vol. 1, p. 225.
[1042] Erasmus, Colloquies, ‘The Penitent Virgin,’ vol. 1, p. 237.
[1043] Ibid. ‘The Uneasy Wife,’ vol. 1, p. 241.
[1044] Ibid. ‘The Young Man and Harlot,’ vol. 1, p. 291.
[1045] Ibid. ‘The Lying-in Woman,’ vol. 1, p. 441.
[1046] Erasmus, Colloquies, ‘The Assembly or Parliament of Women,’ vol. 2, p. 203.
[1047] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Radegund’s,’ vol. 4, p. 215, charter nr 3.
[1048] Gasquet, F. A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 1888, vol. 1, p. 62.
[1049] At a meeting of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society (reported in the Academy, Feb. 23, 1895), Mr T. D. Atkinson read a paper on ‘The Conventual Buildings of the priory of St Radegund,’ illustrated by a plan showing such of the college buildings as were probably monastic, and also the position of some foundations discovered in the previous summer. According to this paper the present cloister occupies the same position as that of the nuns, and the conventual church was converted into a college chapel by Alcock. The college hall which is upstairs is the old refectory, the rooms below being very likely used as butteries, as they still are. The present kitchen is probably on the site of the old monastic kitchen, and very likely the rooms originally assigned to the Master are those which had been occupied by the prioress. Further details of arrangement were given about the dormitory, the chapter house, the calefactory and common-room, etc., from which we gather that the men who occupied the nunnery buildings, put these to much the same uses as they had served before.
[1050] Fiddes, ‘Life of Card. Wolsey,’ 1726, Collect., p. 100.
[1051] Ibid. p. 99.
[1052] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Bromhall,’ vol. 4, p. 506.
[1053] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Lillechurch,’ vol. 4, p. 379, footnote e.
[1054] Gairdner, J., Letters and papers of the reign of Henry VIII, Rolls Series, vol. 10, Preface, p. 43, footnote, and nr 890.
[1055] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Frideswith’s,’ vol. 2, p. 138. Fiddes, ‘Life of Card. Wolsey,’ 1726, Collect., p. 95.
[1056] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, ‘Bull’ (Sept. 1524), vol. 3, p. 703; ‘Breve regium,’ ibid. p. 705.
[1057] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Frideswith’s,’ vol. 2, p. 138, footnote x.
[1058] Ibid. ‘Wykes,’ vol. 4, p. 513; ‘Littlemore,’ vol. 4, p. 490, nr 12.
[1059] Rymer, Foedera, ‘Bulla pro monasteriis supprimendis,’ vol. 6, p. 116; ‘Bulla pro uniendis monasteriis,’ p. 137.
[1060] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, 1888, vol. 1, pp. 101 ff.
[1061] Blunt, The Reformation of the Church of England, 1882, vol. 1, p. 92, footnote, says that the lady in question was ‘Eleanor the daughter of Cary who had lately married (Anne’s) sister Margaret.’
[1062] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wilton,’ vol. 2, p. 317, gives the correspondence. The abbess who succeeded to Isabel Jordan was probably Cecil Bodman or Bodenham, of whom more p. 441.
[1063] Fish, S., ‘A Supplicacyon for the Beggers,’ republished Early Engl. Text Soc., 1871.
[1064] More, Th., ‘The Supplycacyon of Soulys,’ 1529 (?).
[1065] Wright, Th., Three chapters of letters on the Suppression (Camden Soc., 1843), nrs 6-11.
[1066] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, vol. 1, pp. 110-150.
[1067] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 8, Preface, pp. 33 ff.
[1068] Wilkins, D., Concilia, 1737, vol. 3, p. 755.
[1069] Dict. of Nat. Biography, article ‘Legh, Sir Thomas.’
[1070] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 56.
[1071] Gairdner, J., Letters etc., vol. 9, nr 139.
[1072] Ibid. Preface, p. 20.
[1073] Ibid. vol. 9, nr 280.
[1074] Gasquet, Henry VIII etc., vol. 1, p. 273.
[1075] Wright, Three chapters of letters, p. 55.
[1076] Gasquet, Henry VIII etc., vol. 1, p. 276; Ellis, H., Original Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 11, says that after resigning at Little Marlow she became abbess at Malling.
[1077] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Little Marlow,’ vol. 4, p. 419; ‘Ankerwyke,’ vol. 4, p. 229.
[1078] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 9, nr 1075 (her house is unknown).
[1079] Ellis, H., Original Letters, Series 1, vol. 2, p. 91.
[1080] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 74.
[1081] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 9, nr 357.
[1082] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 9, nr 732.
[1083] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 1, p. 293.
[1084] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 107.
[1085] Ibid. p. 114; Gasquet, Henry VIII etc., vol. 1, p. 303.
[1086] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 10, nr 364.
[1087] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 91.
[1088] Ellis, H., Original Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 38.
[1089] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Harwold,’ vol. 6, p. 330.
[1090] Ellis, H., Original Letters, speaks of the image of Our Lady of Caversham which was plated all over with silver, Series 1, vol. 2, p. 79; of that of St Modwen of Burton on Trent with her red cowl and staff, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 104; of the ‘huge and great image’ of Darvellgathern held in great veneration in Wales, Series 1, vol. 2, p. 82; and of others, which were brought to London and burnt.
[1091] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 116.
[1092] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 47.
[1093] Ibid. Appendix 1.
[1094] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 9, nr 1094.
[1095] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, App. 1.
[1096] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 139.
[1097] Ellis, H., Orig. Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 37.
[1098] Ibid. p. 116.
[1099] Ibid. p. 39.
[1100] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 129.
[1101] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 10, nr 383 (1536).
[1102] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 136.
[1103] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, App. 1.
[1104] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Mary’s,’ vol. 2, p. 451, charter nr 4.
[1105] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, App. 1.
[1106] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc. vol. 11, nr 385 (20).
[1107] Ibid. (22, 23, 35).
[1108] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Chatteris,’ vol. 2, p. 614, calls her ‘Anne Gayton.’
[1109] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers, vol. 11, nr 519 (11); nr 1217 (26).
[1110] Ibid. vol. 10, nr 364.
[1111] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 206; Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 10, Preface, p. 46.
[1112] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Dennis,’ vol. 6, p. 1549.
[1113] Ellis, H., Orig. Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 117.
[1114] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 203.
[1115] Ibid. vol. 2, pp. 449 ff.
[1116] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 11, nr 42.
[1117] Ibid. vol. 11, Preface, p. 12.
[1118] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, pp. 84 ff.
[1119] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vols. 11, 12.
[1120] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Seton,’ vol. 4, p. 226.
[1121] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 340.
[1122] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 12, pt 2, nr 27.
[1123] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 279.
[1124] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 13, pt 1, nr 1115 (19), nr 1519 (44).
[1125] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 222.
[1126] Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers etc., vol. 10, nr 364.
[1127] Ibid. vol. 13, pt 1, nr 235.
[1128] Ellis, H., Orig. Letters, Series 3, vol. 3.
[1129] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 229.
[1130] Wright, Three chapters etc., p. 227.
[1131] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 225.
[1132] Ibid. 456.
[1133] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘St Mary’s,’ vol. 2, p. 451; Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 476.
[1134] Dugdale, Monasticon, ‘Wherwell,’ vol. 2, p. 634.
[1135] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 481.
[1136] Ibid. p. 479.
[1137] Ellis, H., Orig. Letters, Series 3, vol. 3, p. 34, gives an interesting account.
[1138] Lindesay, Ane Satyre of the thrie Estaits, edit, by Hall for the Early Engl. Text Soc., 1869, pp. 420 ff.
[1139] Gasquet, A., Henry VIII etc., vol. 2, p. 221.
[1140] Fuller, Th., Church History, edit. Brewer, 1845, vol. 3, p. 336.
[1141] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, 1878, pp. 14 ff.
[1142] Ibid. pp. 67 ff.
[1143] Nider, Jos., Formicarius, bk. 1, ch. 4 (p. 8, edit. 1517).
[1144] Muench, E., Charitas Pirkheimer, ihre Schwestern und Nichten, 1826, contains some of Clara’s letters.
[1145] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 67.
[1146] ‘Briefe der Aebtissin Sabina,’ edit. Lochner in Zeitschrift für hist. Theologie, vol. 36, 1866.
[1147] Pirckheimer, B., Opera, edit. Goldast, 1610, p. 345; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 52.
[1148] Pirckheimer, Opera, edit. Goldast, 1610, p. 341; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 81.
[1149] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 343; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 84.
[1150] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 342; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 85.
[1151] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 344; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 87.
[1152] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 88.
[1153] Ibid. p. 220, note 26.
[1154] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 340; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 89.
[1155] Born in Venice in 1465, was acquainted both with Latin and Greek, and studied history, philosophy and theology. She disputed at Padua in public, wrote several learned treatises, and was much admired and esteemed.
[1156] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 96.
[1157] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 230; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 55.
[1158] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 344; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 58.
[1159] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 65, footnote.
[1160] Ibid. p. 66.
[1161] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 247; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 61.
[1162] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 62
[1163] Ibid. p. 35.
[1164] Thausing, M., Dürer’s Briefe etc., 1872, p. 167.
[1165] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 105.
[1166] Eyn Missyve oder Sendbrief etc., 1523.
[1167] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 375.
[1168] ‘Pirkheimer, Charitas’: Denkwürdigkeiten aus dem Reformationszeitalter, herausg. Höfler, C., Quellensammlung für fränk. Geschichte, vol. 4, 1852 (page references in the text to this edition).
[1169] Muench, E., Charitas Pirckheimer etc., 1826, p. 104.
[1170] Binder, F., Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 125, from an unpublished letter.
[1171] Muench, E., Charitas Pirckheimer etc., p. 110.
[1172] Ibid., p. 118 (on a letter written to Nützel).
[1173] Muench, E., Charitas Pirckheimer etc., p. 106.
[1174] Ibid. p. 109.
[1175] Pirckheimer, Opera, p. 374.
[1176] Muench, E., Charitas Pirckheimer etc., p. 108.
[1177] Binder, F., Charitas Pirckheimer, p. 118.
[1178] Ibid. p. 150, from an unpublished letter.
[1179] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 153.
[1180] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 161.
[1181] ‘Briefe der Aebtissin Sabina,’ edit. Lochner in Zeitschrift für hist. Theologie, vol. 36, 1866, pp. 542, 545.
[1182] Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, pp. 183 ff.
[1183] Pirckheimer, Opera, ‘Oratio apologetica,’ pp. 375-385; Binder, F., Charitas Pirkheimer, p. 198.
Transcriber’s Note: [Footnote 487] appears on [page 164] of the text, but there is no corresponding marker on the page.