The Fire of 1841
On the night of Saturday, the 30th of October 1841, the great Armoury, or storehouse, to the east of St Peter’s Chapel, was completely gutted. The fire broke out in the Bowyer Tower, which abutted on the Armoury; an overheated flue in a stove is supposed to have been the cause. The Armoury had been commenced in the reign of James II. and completed in the reign of William and Mary, to whom, when it was finished, a banquet had been given in the great hall of the building. This hall, which occupied the whole length of the first floor, was afterwards used as a storehouse for small arms, 150,000 stands of which were destroyed by the fire; besides these, were numbers of cannon and trophies taken in the field. The loss caused by the conflagration was estimated at £200,000. The Regalia was saved from the Martin Tower by one of the superintendents of the Metropolitan police, named Pierce, an incident of bravery which Cruikshank perpetuated in one of his finest etchings. Accompanied by the Keeper of the Jewels and his wife, Pierce, with some other officials, broke the bars of the cage behind which the Royal jewels were kept, with crowbars, and then at great personal risk he managed to squeeze himself through the narrow opening thus made, handing out the crown, orb, and sceptre to those outside. The silver font was too large to pass through the opening, and it was necessary to break away another bar of the grating. Repeated cries from the outside now warned the party to leave the Jewel Room, as the fire was rapidly gaining upon the tower, but Pierce remained until he had secured the whole of the Regalia. The heat inside was so intense that some of the cloth upon which the Crown jewels rested was charred. “Some public reward to Mr Pierce,” writes Chamber, in his “Book of Days,” “who had so gallantly imperilled himself to save the Regalia of the United Kingdom, would have been a fitting tribute to his bravery. But no such recompense was ever bestowed.”
Sketch of the Fire at the Tower in 1841.
A contemporary account of the disaster in George Cruikshank’s Omnibus, edited by Laman Blanchard, gives the following description of the destruction of the Armoury:—“There stood the keeper himself, his wife at his side, partaking the peril; and the warders whom he had summoned to the rescue. We must, however, pourtray the stifling heat and smoke; the clamour of the soldiers outside the closed portal, which the fires of the Armoury were striving to reach; nor the roar of the still excluded flames, the clang of the pumps, the hissing of the water-pipes, the gathering feet and voices of the multitude. They are beyond the pencil. The pressure from without increased. Again the clamours rose high, and the furnace heat rose higher. But the keeper abided his time—the crowbars were raised in a dozen hands awaiting his word. It was given! The first blow since the days of King Charles descended on the iron fence; and Queen Victoria’s crown safely deposited in its case, and sheltered therein from smoke and flame, and the common gaze, was removed to the Governor’s house. Orbs, diadems, and sceptres—dishes, flagons, and chalices—the services of court and of church, of altar and of banquet, were sent forth in the care of many a sturdy warder, gallant John Lund being the leader. The huge baptismal font, soon to be called into use for the Prince of Wales, was last removed. The Jewel Room was as bare as if Blood the First had left nought behind him for Blood the Second. How must the spectators have gazed on the bright procession, as from window, and roof, and turret, the Armoury blazed out upon it!... Next in sublimity to the spectacle of the blazing pile, was the scene afterwards presented, when, as the fire lessened, and the smoke cleared off, the whole space of the enormous armoury was opened to the straining eye—a sight of awe and wonder. Above was the sky of a November morn, and below, covering the immense sweep of the floor, heaps of fused metal, of dimensions scarce to be credited, with bayonet points bristling up everywhere, close-set and countless, like long blades of grass.”
The buildings destroyed in the fire were the Armoury, a hideous William III. building, the upper part of the Bowyer or Chevener Tower, which was also hideous and modern. The only relic of much interest destroyed in the Armoury was the wheel of Nelson’s ship Victory; the arms destroyed were modern, and were all soon replaced.
Bragg & Ash 231 Strand
Printed by Kohler Denmark St
The Conflagration as seen from Tower Hill before the destruction of the Roof of the Armoury.
DESTRUCTION of the ARMOURY in the TOWER of LONDON.
by fire on Saturday night October 30th. 1841.
Published by W. Spooner 377, Strand.
The present Gothic barracks were built upon the site of the Armoury, and were opened in some state in 1845 by the great Duke of Wellington, who was then Constable of the Tower. These barracks, which were completed in 1849, were named after the Duke; they are loopholed for musketry, and will hold 1000 men. North-east of the White Tower is a modern castellated building which is used by the officers of the garrison; further to the south-east are the Ordnance Office and Storehouses. The area of the Tower within the walls is twelve acres and a few poles, and the circuit outside the moat is one thousand and fifty yards.
The Fenian Attempt to blow up the White Tower on the 24th of January 1885
Three explosions took place in London on Saturday, the 24th of January 1885, during what the Irish Fenians called the “Dynamite War.” Two of these occurred in the Houses of Parliament, the third in the White Tower.
The mine, or rather, infernal machine, was laid in the Armoury, and was placed between the stands of arms in the Banqueting Room, both that chamber and the Council Room being injured by the explosion.
Saturday being one of the days upon which the Tower is free to visitors, the old building was full of people, the Banqueting Room being well filled with women and children when the explosion took place, at two o’clock—the same time as that at which the explosion at the House of Parliament occurred. The cries of the people in the room were most distressing, and immediately the charge exploded, the Banqueting Room was ablaze, the flames communicating themselves to the floor above. Since the fire in the Tower in 1841, a fire brigade had been stationed in the building, and numerous fire extinguishers, such as small manuals and hydrants, were kept in readiness, and although two of the London fire brigades were telephoned for, the military, with the aid of hoses and hydrants, had already checked the spreading of the flames. The actual amount of damage done, happily, fell far short of what might have been expected, considering the force of the explosion, and the great age of the building attacked. The windows and casements were nearly all blown out, the flagstaff at the top of the White Tower was blown away, the floor was burnt, and the face of the clock was damaged; and this was the extent of the hurt caused by the dastardly attempt to wreck the White Tower. The report of the explosion is described as being like the firing of a heavy piece of artillery, being followed by a flame of fire that rose up through the open well that communicates between the second and third floors in the centre of the two halls. This flame was immediately succeeded by a shivering of all the glass in the windows, the crashing of the woodwork, and the falling of hundreds of rifles from the armoury racks, while a dense cloud of dust darkened the interior of the building, and made it impossible for the visitors or officials to discover where the explosion had occurred. A wild panic ensued, and as the dust gradually cleared away, the people rushed in a wild helter-skelter down the staircase, and poured out of the Tower. Meanwhile, the warders and police arrived to the succour of the injured, whom they had to draw out from beneath the wreckage. Directly after the explosion the bugles sounded the assembly, and the Grenadiers, who formed the garrison, turned out. Lord Chelmsford, the Lieutenant of the Tower, and General Milman, its Major, caused flying sentries to be posted at every avenue and point of egress admitting to the Tower. Orders were given to close the gates, and no one was to be allowed to leave the fortress under any pretext. The perpetrator of the outrage was a scoundrel, who, two years before, had been concerned in the outrage of a similar nature on the Underground Railway, when bombs had been placed at Charing Cross and Praed Street stations. He was sentenced to fourteen years’ penal servitude with hard labour, and was released in the month of March 1899. That the White Tower escaped, and the people in it, with so little injury, was a miracle, for the charge of dynamite was a strong one.
George Cruikshanke
Breaking into the Strong room in the “Jewel Tower” and Removal of the Regalia, on the night of the Fire, Octr 30 1841
Crime, like history, repeats itself. Amongst the manuscripts kept at Hatfield House is the following declaration:—
“1593–4 Feb. 6. John Danyell, Irishman, came to me, Richard Young, the 6th day of February 1593, and gave me to understand of a plot that is pretended for the firing of the Tower—viz. that there is a vault wherein brimstone doth lie, and there is gunpowder under it. And he says that there is a trap door that doth stand much open, and is purposed that two men like labourers shall come in as though they were workmen in the Tower, and shall cast certain balls into the vault where the brimstone lieth, and in a short time it will take fire and consume all.”
From this it will be seen that the intention of one criminal in the reign of Queen Elizabeth was carried out by another nearly three hundred years later, in the reign of Queen Victoria.
THE END.
APPENDICES
The Great Court of the Tower.
APPENDIX I
DISPUTES BETWEEN THE CITY OF LONDON AND THE OFFICIALS OF THE TOWER AS TO THE RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES OF THE TOWER
“This dispute as to the Liberties and Privileges of the Tower began as early as 1465–66, the fifth of Edward IV. Early in Queen Elizabeth’s reign it was renewed; the points of controversy are referred to in the above letter (a letter from the Lord Mayor to the Lords of the Council complaining of the conduct of Sir William George, Porter of the Tower of London, regarding his usurpation of the Liberties and Franchises of the City by ‘compelling poor victuallers strangers, coming to London by ship or boat with fish, fruit, or such victuals, to give him such a quantity as pleased him to take, as two or three cod-fish from each boat, etc., without payment. Such as refused he caused to be imprisoned in the Tower, whereby the victuallers were discouraged to come to the City, and their number decreased, to the great hurt of the markets and the victualling of the City, especially at this present time of Lent’). The Council referred the question to the consideration of the Lord Chief-Justice of the Queen’s Bench (Sir Christopher Wray), the Lord Chief of the Common Pleas (Sir Edward Anderson), and the Master of the Rolls (Sir Gilbert Gerard), who gave their opinion upon some of the privileges claimed by the Lieutenant, but not upon the question of boundaries. They reported with respect to the claims of freedom from arrest by action in the City, and protections granted by the Lieutenant to officers and attendants in the Tower, and not obeying writs of habeas corpus; that in their opinion, persons daily attendant in the Tower, and serving the Queen there, should be privileged, and not arrested on any plaint in London, but this should not apply to writs of execution or capias utlagatum; that the Lieutenant ought to return every habeas corpus out of any court at Westminster, so that the justices before whom it should be returned might either remand it with the body, or retain the matter before them, and deliver the body. They further gave their opinion that the claim of the Lieutenant, that if a person privileged in the Tower were arrested in London, he might detain any citizen found within the Tower until the other was delivered, was altogether against the laws of the realm. The Lords of the Council made an order settling these controversies, which was dated from Nonsuch, October 3rd, 1585. The question of boundaries still remained in dispute. Stowe quotes documents, which he says he had seen among the Records in the Tower, from which it would appear that the bounds in controversy were at Little Tower Hill, the Postern, and East Smithfield on one side, and on the other the extent of Tower Hill, and towards Barking Church. The City claimed the Postern Gate in the end of the London Wall by the Tower, and houses built near to the Wall and Postern; all the void ground within the Postern Gate—viz. the whole hill and ground where the scaffold for the execution of traitors stood, and where the Sheriffs of London received prisoners from the Tower to be executed (from which place the boundary stone had been removed), with the Watergate and the gardens under the London Wall. The City also claimed that the whole ground and soil called Tower Hill without the Postern Gate, being parcel of East Smithfield, was theirs. They likewise objected to the Lieutenant holding pleas in the court of the Tower, that being only a Court Baron, and not a Court of Record; also to the exactions taken in the name of prizage of victuallers bringing victuals, fuel, and other things by water. The Lieutenant disputed the original position of the Postern in question, and asserted that the City’s proofs brought from their own manuscripts, etc., were insufficient to dispossess any subject, much less the King. He also submitted the presentment made by an inquest held anno 27 Henry VIII., before Sir Anthony (William) Kingston, High Constable of the Tower, which stated that the bounds began ‘at the Watergate next the Ramshead, in Petty Wales; and so streyched North unto a Mudwall called Pykes Garden, on this side of Crutched Friars; and so strait East unto the Wall of London, with nine gardens above the Postern, and above the Broken Tower, right unto the midst of Hog Lane End, and so strait unto the Thames, and so six foot without the Stairs at the East-gate of the Tower towards St Katherine’s.’ In the reign of King James the Second the subject was again before the Privy Council, who on the 12th May 1686, directed the boundaries to be ascertained, which was done, and the broad arrow in iron, with the date, set on the houses. On the 13th October in the same year a warrant was issued by King James the Second, for a charter to be prepared for confirming the same. This Charter, dated 10th June 1687, exempted the limits defined in the schedule (and which were practically those claimed by the Lieutenant) from the jurisdiction of the City, and of the Justices, etc., of Middlesex; directed that the Governor of the Tower, or his deputies, should execute and return all writs, processes, etc., within the limits; that a Session of the Peace should be held four times a year within the Liberty of the Tower, and that the Justices of the Peace should have power to commit traitors, felons, etc., to Newgate. It also established a Court of Record within the Liberties, the Steward of the Court being the Coroner, the Governor of the Tower having the appointment of the officers. Whilst the duties of the Justices of the Peace, as defined by the charter, have been from time to time added to by the Acts 13 George II. cap. 19. sec. 7, 37 George II. cap. 25, sec. 13–16, and by sundry licensing Acts, their powers have been limited by the Police Act (10 George IV. cap. 44) and supplementary Police Acts. The Central Criminal Court Act, 4 and 5 William IV. cap. 36, included the Liberty of the Tower within the jurisdiction of that Court, and took away the power of its Justices to try at their Sessions offences under the Act. This, however, has been somewhat modified by subsequent Acts.”
APPENDIX II
The
Behaviour and Character
of
| Samuel M‘Pherson, | and | Farquar Shaw, | ||
| Malcolm M‘Pherson |
the
Three Highland Deserters;
who were
Shot at the Tower, July the 18th, 1743.
with
Some Observations on the Conduct of a certain Stranger, who advised the Prisoners to wave any Defence they had, and to plead guilty.
Also
A plain Narrative of the Original Institution of the Regiment, now commanded by my Lord S——. Containing an Impartial Account of the Rise and Progress of the late Mutiny in that Regiment.
To which is added,
The two Petitions which they sent to the Lords of the Regency, and to the Dutchess of Richmond.
By the Clergyman of the Church of Scotland, who conversed with them in their own Language from the Time of their Sentence till their Execution.
Nil turpe commitas neque coramalias neque tecum maxime
omnium reverere teipsum.
London
Printed for M. Cooper in Pater-Noster-Row, 1743
Price Six-pence.
The
Behaviour and Character
of the
Three Highlanders,
Who were Shot, on July 18th, 1743.
The many inconsistent and scandalous Reports that are spread about Town, both in Print and Conversation, concerning the Characters and Behaviour of the three unhappy young Men who suffer’d in the Tower of London on Monday the 18th of July, make it necessary as well for Information of the Public, as out of Charity to their Memories, to publish the following Sheets.
The Author of this Tract thinks it necessary to premise, that he means not in the Relation he intends to make of this Affair, either to justify the Crime for which these Men suffer’d; or, in the least, to arraign the Justice of the Court-Martial in their Proceedings; or tax the Sentence with Severity; but, from a Motive of Christian Charity and Love for Truth, means to remove from the Character of the Deceased, such false Aspersions as are cast upon them, either by the Malice or Ignorance of some, who think it not only necessary for the Vindication of public Justice, to represent these unhappy Men as Mutineers and Deserters, but must paint them as Men void of every other Virtue, and addicted to the grossest Vices.
In order to give the Reader a just Idea of this Corps of Men, it will not be improper to go back as far as their original Institution, by which we shall be the better enabled to form a just Notion of their Character.
Few that are in the least acquainted with the History or Constitution of Scotland but know, that anciently all the Lands in that Kingdom were held of the Crown by Military Tenures, or Knights Service; and that the Vassals of these great Men held their Lands of them by the same kind of Tenures.
By this Means, the Nobility of that Kingdom had always a Number of Men ready to bring into the Field, either in defence of their Sovereign, or to decide their own private Quarrels with one another, at which the Crown always conniv’d (for political Reasons) until both Parties were reduced to an equal and moderate Share of Power.
This Practice of Subjects deciding their private Quarrels by the Sword, obtained anciently all over Britain and most other Countries, until Civil Polity and more wholesome Laws prevailed: and still remained in the South parts, and towards the Borders of Scotland, till near the Time of the Union of the Crowns in the Person of King James the First, when the chief Men in those Parts were diverted from their private Animosities, by their necessary Attendance on the Court, now removed at a greater Distance from them.
However, this Spirit of Family Feuds still prevailed in the Highlands, and more remote Parts of Scotland, who, by their Distance from the Court, were unacquainted with the Manners of the civiliz’d Part of the Nation.
The inferior Chieftains in these Parts still determined their mutual Quarrels as usual: and in revenge of any Affront, made Incursions and Depredations into the Estates of one another, or connived at their Followers doing so, to the great Discouragement of Industry, and Disturbance of the public Peace.
In this Situation were Things in that Part of the Country about the Time of the Union of the Kingdoms, when the Government very wisely, by the Act called the Clan-Act, abolished these Tenures, and for preventing these Depredations last mentioned, raised several Independent Companies in the Highlands, the command of which were given to some of the most considerable Gentlemen in that Corner, such as Lord Loveat, Laird of Grant, Lochnell, Farah, etc., all men of Distinction and Weight, who were willing to engage their Personal and Family Influence, as well as that of their Companies, for suppressing those Quarrels, and settling a Civil Polity in the Country.
When this Levy was made, the Officers took a special Care that none should be enlisted into that Service, but the Sons of the wealthiest and most reputable Farmers in the Country; and the second and younger Sons of some of the lesser Vassals were not asham’d to enlist in a service calculated for restoring of Peace, and establishing Liberty and Property in their Country. And as they were allowed to occupy their own Farms or follow any other Occupation, except upon Muster-Days, or when they were actually employed in pursuit of Robbers, or Disturbers of the public Peace; they, instead of receiving Bounty-Money, made Interest with the Officer to be admitted.
In this Shape they continued till they were Regimented, under the Command of the Honourable the Earl of Crawford, a Nobleman, whose Character was every way agreeable to them, and made little or no Alteration in their Circumstances.
When we have taken this View of their Original and History, down to the Period of their being Regimented, it will be no Matter of Surprize to find the private Men of that Regiment differing much in their Manners from those of other Corps, if we consider that when they entered the Service it was impossible for them to have the least Apprehensions of ever being obliged to leave their own Country where most of them had Farms or other Concerns, and looked upon themselves, and I believe were esteemed by the Country, only as a regulated Militia, at least till such Time as they were Regimented, which was only a few Years ago.
The Earl of Crawford enjoyed that Regiment but a short time, when it was given to their present Colonel the Honourable Lord Semple.
They were quartered last year, the one half of them at Inverness, and the other at Perth; some Time in Spring the Regiment was informed by their officers that they were to be reviewed at Musselburgh, a village within four miles of Edinburgh, and afterwards to return to their quarters.
Accordingly they had a Rout given them to that place, and arrived there; but were told they were not to be reviewed there, but at Berwick upon Tweed; when they came to this place, they were told that his Majesty designed to review them in Person at London, and that then they would all return to their Families.
When they arrived at London, and found that his Majesty was gone, the Regiment were universally dissatisfied, that after so long a March they were disappointed of the Honour of being reviewed by his Majesty.
Some Time after their coming here a Report was currently spread that the Regiment was to be sent to some Parts of the West-Indies, and broke or divided amongst the Colonies; which raised in the private Men, who believed this Report, a very great Animosity against their Officers, whom they groundlessly blamed for not informing them truly where they were to go before they carried them from their own Country; and not allowing them Time to settle their Concerns, of which some had very considerable, which they were obliged to leave in great Disorder, they thought the Interest of the Government did no ways require that they, more than any other Regiment in Britain should be left ignorant of the Rout they were to take, and by that means be disappointed of an Opportunity of settling their private affairs in a manner suitable to so long an Absence; that they had been so long settled in that Country without any View of being so suddenly called from it, that it amounted to as great a Hardship on them (comparatively speaking) as it would be to the Militia of the City of London to be shipped for the Indies on an Hour’s Warning.
The Officers took pains to allay this flame, by assuring the Men that so soon as the Review was over they would be allowed to return Home.
But when the Report of their Embarkation prevailed, they were out of all Patience, and looked upon the Design of sending them to Flanders only as a Blind to get them on board, in order to ship them really for the West-Indies.
Tho’ their Officers attempted to undeceive them, yet they had been disappointed so often, and filled so long with Hopes of going Home, that they had no Credit with them.
Add to this, that there was another Complaint pretended for the Ground of their Discontent, that some small Arrears were due to them, that they had all been obliged to use their own Swords, and that their Cloathing, especially their Shoes and Plaids, were remarkably deficient, these last not being worth Six-pence per Yard; whereas they used to be allowed Plaids of more than double that Value.
This Spirit continued after the Review, when the Discontented agreed upon Tuesday Night after to meet at Finchley Common, where a great Number of them convened and waited till their Number increased. In this interval some of their Officers came up, and by their persuasions a great Number returned; However, about a 100 of them continued their first Resolution of returning to their own Country.
Here it is remarkable that the Night was so dark that they scarce could distinguish Faces, or make any Computation of their Number, and that Malcolm M‘Pherson, one of the Deceased had never hitherto given any Consent to go away, but came within some Distance of the Place where the Men were assembled, and with another in Company, continued irresolute what Course to take until the coming up of the Officers had raised some Ferment, upon which he came into the Crowd, and allowed himself to be hurried along without knowing where he was going.
Next Morning when by Day-Light they could discern their Number, and not finding the Desertion so general as they expected, Samuel M‘Pherson, another of the Deceased, advised the whole Body strenuously to return to their Duty, which Advice he continued to inculcate during their March to Lady Wood; and in a short Time after they came there, he applied to a Justice of the Peace to propose terms of surrender; and during all their Stay there, used his utmost Endeavours to prevent Things coming to the last Extremity.
At last being in some Hopes of a Pardon by the Intervention of his Grace the Duke of Montague, to whom Application was made in their behalf, they surrendered on Discretion, in which Samuel M‘Pherson was the most instrumental, as will be acknowledged by the Officers to whom he surrendered.
They were brought soon after to the Tower, and a Court Martial appointed to try them.
The first Day the Court Martial sat, a Person, a Stranger to all the Prisoners, came to the Grate, and pretending a great deal of Concern for their Misfortunes, advised them not to mention on their Trial any complaint they might have against their Officers, intimating, that he was certain such a Plea would not avail them, and without serving them would expose their Officers.
That the wisest Course they could follow for their own Safety, would be to acknowledge their Guilt, and plead mercy of the Court Martial, which he assured them would effectually work their Deliverance that no Punishment would be inflicted on them, and at the same Time presented them with a Petition which he had already drawn, addressed to the Court Martial in these terms, and they very frankly relying on these assurances signed and delivered the same to that honourable Court.
One of their Officers came next day to the Tower, and inculcated the same Doctrine into the Prisoners that the Stranger had done before, assuring them that they would all be liberate in a short time, when all Justice should be done them.
The Prisoners were examined before the Court Martial one by one; the Questions asked them were to this Purpose, Was you enlisted? Have you taken the Oaths? Have you received your Pay? Had you your Cloathing regularly? To all which they answered in the Affirmative: They were asked if they had any Complaints against their Officers, they all answered in the Negative, and in general pleaded nothing in Alleviation of their Crime before the Court Martial, but Inadvertency, and that they were moved to it by a Report which prevailed of their being sent to the West-Indies, and into a Climate destructive of their Health.
I cannot help in this Place to take notice of the remarkable Officiousness of this Stranger. He takes upon him without being asked, or the least apparent Interest in the Prisoners, to advise them in Matters of the last Consequence to them, their Lives and Reputation; has the Rashness to prejudge the Opinion of the Honourable the Court Martial in a Point of Law, which is at least a moot Point amongst the Lawyers themselves.
How unreasonable was it for any Man to pretend to determine what Weight any Plea would have before a Court of Judicature determining in a Case of Life and Death; and how unjust to the Prisoners, to advise them to conceal any Circumstance in their Case that might have the smallest Tendency towards alleviating their Crimes, or raising the smallest Motions of Compassion towards them in the Breasts of their Judges!
Suppose there had been but little Weight in the Plea of their Want of Pay, yet still it was a Circumstance closely connected with their Crime, without which it was impossible to form a just Judgment of the Heinousness of that Action. For it must be granted on the one hand, that a Soldier who deserts and cannot plead Want of Pay, etc., is less excusable, and consequently deserves a greater Degree of Punishment than he who has such a Pretence; this must be granted, tho’ it should be admitted on the other hand, that there is not so much in this Plea, as to skreen the Criminals totally from Punishment; But how much, or little is in it, is a Case few wise Men will determine dogmatically, especially against the Prisoner, since History, either antient or modern, does not afford any one Instance of Capital Punishments inflicted on Soldiers who mutinied for Want of Pay.
It is true, the Pay they want is but small; by their own Account ten or twelve shillings, some less, some a trifle more, which I mention out of Justice to the Officers, because it was currently reported in Town that the Deficiency was much more considerable. But however trifling this and their other Complaints may seem to Men not concerned, yet I cannot but reckon it barbarous to have advised them to conceal these Circumstances, the Relation of which could not be supposed to have been capable of making the Court Martial less merciful to the Prisoners, if it had not the contrary effect.
But however that Plea was waved, and did not fall under the cognizance of the Court Martial who made their Report, the Consequence of which was, that on Tuesday the 12th, a Warrant was directed by their Excellencies the Lords of the Regency to the Governor of the Tower, for the Execution of Samuel M‘Pherson, Malcolm M‘Pherson, both Corporals, and Farquar Shaw, a private Centinel, all three of the Number of the Deserters, upon Monday the 18th of July last.
Having thus impartially traced this Meeting from its Rise to this Period, it remains that we give some Account of the Character and Behaviour of these three unfortunate Criminals from the Intimation of their Sentence to their Execution.
Samuel M‘Pherson, aged about twenty-nine Years, unmarried, was born in the Parish of Laggan in Badenuck and Shire of Inverness; his Father still living, is Brother to M‘Pherson of Breachie, a Gentleman of a considerable Estate in that County, and is himself a Man of unblemished Reputation, and a plentiful Fortune.
Samuel was the only Son of a first Marriage, and received a genteel Education, having made some Progress in the Languages, and studied for some Time at Edinburgh with a Writer (that is, an Attorney), until about six Years ago he enlisted as a Volunteer in Major Grant’s Company, where he was much respected both by the Officers and private men, and was in a short Time made a Corporal.
Malcolm M‘Pherson, aged about 30 Years, and unmarried, was likewise born in the same Parish of Laggan, was Son of Angus M‘Pherson of Driminard, a Gentleman of Credit and Repute, who bestowed upon Malcolm such Education as that Part of the Country would afford. He enlisted about seven Years ago in my Lord Loveat’s Company, where his Behaviour recommended him to the Esteem of his Officers, and was soon made a Corporal.
Farquar Shaw, aged about 35 Years, unmarried, was born in the Parish of Rothmurchius in Strathspey, and Shire of Inverness. His Father, Alexander Shaw, was an honest Farmer, but gave his Son no Education, as living at a Distance from Schools, and not in a Condition to maintain him elsewhere; Farquar lived some time by droving, but meeting with Misfortunes in that Business, was reduced, and obliged, for Subsistance, to enlist in this regiment, where he has lived till now without any Reproach.
The Sentence was intimated to them upon Tuesday before their Execution. This unexpected Change of their Fortunes, from hopes of Life and Liberty, to that of a short Preparation for a violent Death, very much shock’d their Resolution; but Samuel less than any of them: When the Warder went to acquaint Samuel of this melancholy News, he carry’d with him two Centinels, for fear any Accident might happen; and after expressing his Concern for being the Messenger of such unhappy News, acquainted him, he must die. He started with Surprize; and asked, with some Emotion, How must I die? You are to be shot, Sir.—Then he reply’d, pretty composedly, God’s Will be done; I have brought this upon myself. He then asked, If he might be allowed Pen and Ink; and when the Post went for Scotland? The Warder told him the Night; but that he could not live to receive any Return: He said, he did not want any. He very pleasantly gave the Warder what Weapons he had, which were only a small Penknife and a Razor: and before the Warder parted with him seem’d to have assumed his ordinary Calmness of Mind; and he and the other two, after some Reflection, and the Conversation of the Clergy (who from this time attended them) were reconciled so much to their Circumstances, as to be able to bear the thoughts of Death with great Decency, and Christian Resignation to the Will of God.
Samuel owned he had been active at the Beginning of the Sedition; but he could not help sometimes thinking, that the great Pains he took to influence the Men to return to their Duty afterwards, in a great Measure, alleviated his first Crime.
Malcolm, to the last declared that he never advised any Person to go away; on the contrary, that he never was resolved himself, till the moment he joined the Men in their March from Finchley Common, and then his Reflection was so short, that he scarce knew what he did.
Farquar Shaw, in the same manner, declared, That he was no way active in raising the Meeting: That he never advis’d any Man to desert; deny’d that he presented his Piece to any of the Officers, as it was reported. He owned, that he might have utter’d some very passionate and indecent Expressions to some of the Officers who commanded him to return; but that these expressions did not import a threatening to strike any of them.
But notwithstanding that they all three imagin’d themselves no more guilty than the rest of the Prisoners, yet they never once utter’d the least Reflection against the Sentence, the Court Martial, or the Lords of the Regency; in short, they did not Attribute their Death to anything else but the divine Providence of God, to which they chearfully submitted, and acquitted all Mankind of their unhappy End; of which Farquar Shaw gave a lively Instance: It being reported to him, that one Serjeant Mc.Bean had deposed before the Court Martial, that he (Shaw) had presented his Piece to him, when he commanded him to return to his Duty; and that this Deposition had determined the Court Martial to fix upon him in particular; he sent for the Serjeant, and very calmly questioned him concerning this Fact; Who told him that he had never been an Evidence against him, but own’d, that he told some of his Officers, that he (Shaw) had threaten’d to strike an officer who commanded him to return to his Duty; and that it was probable, the Colonel might receive this Intelligence from the Officers, and that by this means it might come to the Knowledge of the Court Martial: The Serjeant express’d his Regret, that he should be any way instrumental to his misfortunes. But Shaw, in an affable Manner, desir’d him to give himself no Uneasiness on that Head: That he had neither Spite nor Ill-will at him for what he had said, but would die in perfect Love and Friendship with him, and all Mankind: That he had sent for him on purpose to make his Mind easy and not to trouble himself with needless Reflections, since he heartily forgave him; and accordingly parted with him in the most friendly and amicable manner and frequently after express’d to me his Concern for the Serjeant, lest his Reflections on himself should prejudice him, or make him uneasy. This behaviour of his, to the Man whom he was convinc’d had been the principal Cause of his Death, must argue a most charitable, forgiving, and generous Temper and Disposition of Mind, very seldom to be met with in Men of more elevated Stations in Life.
They all three were Men of strong natural Parts, and religiously disposed both from Habit and Principle, the natural Result of a good Example and early Instruction in the Doctrine and Precepts of Christianity; for I received from all of them a great deal of Satisfaction when I examined them on the Grounds of our holy Religion; and even Shaw, who was perfectly illiterate and could neither read nor write, was ignorant of no Christian Doctrine necessary to Salvation, or from whence he could draw Comfort in his present Circumstance. They were educated, and died Members of the Church of Scotland, tho’ they chearfully embraced the Opportunity of receiving the Sacrament from the Hands of the Reverend Mr Paterson, who officiated for the Chaplain of the Tower, after the Form of the Church (sic) England, on the Sunday preceding their Execution.
As their Notions of Religion were sincere, so they expressed the greatest Regard for Honesty and Integrity, and thanked God, tho’ they were great Sinners, that his restraining Grace had enabled them to avoid all vicious and prophane Courses or the offering any Injury to their Neighbours in their Persons or Properties; that they hoped they had not only the Approbation of (sic) of a good Conscience, but the Testimony of their Officers, Friends and Acquaintance, that they have lived all their Life-time without Scandal to themselves, or Reproach to their Friends, until this unhappy Period, when Rashness, without any Mixture of Malice, Cowardice, or Disaffection to his Majesty’s Person or Government, had brought their Lives to this miserable Catastrophe.
They applied themselves diligently to the Duty of Prayer and reading the Scripture, from the Time of their Sentence, which they said they had but too much and too long neglected.
When they were all three brought to one Ward near the Place of Execution, about four o’Clock that Morning, they expressed the greatest Affection and Sympathy for one another, each regretting the case of the other two more than his own; at the same time encouraged one another to Constancy of Mind, and a dutiful Resignation to the Hand of God.
Samuel M‘Pherson ordered three Coffins to be made of fifteen Shillings Value each, for which he paid; and Malcolm made a Will, which he deposited in the Hands of three of his own Name among the Highland Prisoners, some Days before their Execution.
These three were admitted to visit the Prisoners, who told them that they thanked God that they had got the better of the Fears of Death, and were prepared to embrace it chearfully; that they thought their Case better than that of their Fellows, as they were leaving this World in Hopes of Eternal Peace and Happiness, whilst they were to remain here exposed to new Temptations and new Troubles in distant and unknown Countries, where they would not enjoy Life, but a lingering Death. They applied by Petition to several Persons of Quality, of which the two following are true Copies.
To their Excellencies the Lords Justices.
The humble Petition of Samuel M‘Pherson, Malcolm M‘Pherson, and Farquar Shaw.
May it please your Lordships,
That, whereas your poor Petitioners lie under Sentence of Death for Mutiny and Desertion, and have nothing to hope (under the Almighty) but from your Lordships’ Favour on our Behalf, which we do most humbly intreat. And as we are sincerely sorry for our base Conduct and Misbehaviour, and it being our first Crime, we hope for your Lordships’ kind Indulgence, which should we be so happy as to obtain, we do sincerely promise to retrieve this our Misconduct by a steady Attachment to our most gracious Sovereign King George, by defending him and his Royal House with all our Power, where and in whatever manner we shall be directed.
Samuel M‘Pherson.
Malcolm M‘Pherson.
Farquar Shaw.
To her Grace the Dutchess of Richmond,
The humble Petition of Samuel M‘Pherson, Malcolm M‘Pherson, and Farquar Shaw.
May it please your Grace,
That, whereas your poor Petitioners lie under Sentence of Death for Mutiny and Desertion, and have nothing to hope (under the Almighty) but from your Grace’s charitable Intercession to the Lords Justices on our Behalf, we do most humbly intreat your Grace’s good Offices. And as we are sincerely sorry for our base Conduct and Misbehaviour, and it being our first Crime, we hope for your Grace’s kind Indulgence, which, should we be so happy as to obtain, we do sincerely promise to retrieve this our Misconduct by a steady Attachment to our most gracious Sovereign King George, by defending him and his Royal House with all our Power, where and in whatever manner we shall be directed.
Samuel M‘Pherson.
Malcolm M‘Pherson.
Farquar Shaw.
Upon the Monday Morning the Governor ordered them to put on their Shrouds below their Cloaths, which when done, they immediately began to pray, and continued in that Exercise very devoutly and fervently till six o’Clock, when they were called out to Execution. They walked to the Place close up to the Chapel in the Tower without expressing the least Horror or Despondency in their Gaite or Countenance, but with a Christian Composure and Resignation of Mind. Here Samuel M‘Pherson standing on the Plank which was appointed for them to kneel on, with an assured Countenance and in an audible Voice, in his own Language, addressed his Fellow-Prisoners that were drawn up round the Place of Execution, in this Manner:
My Friends and Countrymen,
You are not Strangers to the Cause of my Sufferings with these my Companions; I hope the Anguish you must feel at the Sight of this shocking Scene, will be the last of your Punishment; for I am convinced you must think it a Punishment to see us bleed: But my Blood, I hope, will contribute to your Liberty; That Thought affords me as much Satisfaction as a Soul prepared to take a Flight to Eternity can receive from any Earthly Concerns.—Take Example from our unfortunate Ends, and endeavour to conduct yourselves so, both before God and Man, as your Lives may be long, and your Deaths natural. Next to your Duty to God, discharge what you owe your King and Country; wipe off this Reproach by a steady Loyalty to his Sacred Majesty, and a respectful and obedient Conduct towards your Officers.
Having uttered this Speech, he, with his Cousin M‘Pherson and Shaw, kneeled down, whilst the Reverend Mr Paterson and myself joined in Prayer, kneeling before them on a Plank: When Prayers were over, their Faces were cover’d; when Eighteen Soldiers, in three Ranks, (Twelve of whom were appointed to do the Execution, and the other Six for a Reserve, had been kept out of Sight for fear of shocking the Prisoners) advanced on their Tiptoes, and with the least Noise possible, their Pieces ready cock’d for fear of the Click disturbing the Prisoners, Serjeant-Major Ellisson, (who deserv’d the greatest Commendation for this Precaution) waved a Handkerchief as a Signal to present; and, after a very short Pause, waved it a second time as a Signal to fire; when they all three fell instantly backwards as dead; but Shaw being observed to move his Hand, one of the Six in Reserve advanc’d, and shot him thro’ the Head, as another did Samuel M‘Pherson. After the Execution, an Officer order’d three of the Prisoners, Name-sakes of the Deceased, to advance and bury them; whom they presently stripp’d to their Shrouds, put them in their Coffins, and buried them in one Grave, near the Place they were shot, with great Decency. The Officers on Duty appeared greatly affected, and three Hundred of the Third Regiment of Scotch Guards, who were drawn up in three Lines in the Shape of a half Moon, attended the Execution, many of whom, of the harden’d Sort, were observed to shed Tears.
Thus ended this melancholy Scene, which raised Compassion from all, and drew Tears from many of the Spectators. They had by their courteous Behaviour, gained so much upon the Affections of their Warders, the Inhabitants of the Tower, and others that conversed with them, that none were so hard-hearted as to deny them their Pity, nay, nor hardly had any Resolution to see them executed.
What made this Spectacle still more moving was, that Mixture of Devotion, Agony, and Despair that was seen in the Faces and Actions of the remaining Highland Prisoners, who were ranged within side the Guards. When Prayers began, they all fell on their Knees and Elbows, hanging their Heads and covering their Faces with their Bonnets, and might easily be observed that they could not refrain from the loudest Lamentations. Such a number of young Men, in so suppliant a Posture, offering their Prayers so fervently to Heaven, with such Marks of Sorrow for the Fate of the unhappy Criminals, had a prodigious effect upon the Spectators, and I am hopeful will influence the Practice and Conversation of all that saw them; and to the Praise of these poor Men, (take from them the Account (sic) their heinous transgression of Mutiny and Desertion) I believe their courteous and modest Behaviour, their virtuous and pious Principles, and religious Disposition, would be no bad Pattern for Men above the Rank of private Centinels, and ought to be a severer Reproof to many who live here, and have all the Advantages of a liberal Education, and the Example of a polite Court; that Men they esteem barbarous, inhabiting a distant and barren Country, should outdo them in real politeness, that is, in the Knowledge and Practice of the Doctrines of Christianity.
From hence we may remark, that those who published or propagated so many scandalous Reports of these unhappy young Men, must either have taken little Pains to inform themselves of the Truth, or must be possessed of little Charity, when they load their Memory with so many Assertions no way connected with their Crime. But, as this Relation is published from the Prisoners’ own Mouths, and attested by a Person whose Profession and Character ought to screen him from the Imputations of Partiality or Falsehood, it is hoped these Impressions will wear off of the minds of the Public, and give place to sentiments of Charity for their Crimes, and Compassion for their Sufferings.
Magna est Veritas, et prævalebit.
FINIS
APPENDIX III
Dates of Restorations carried on by H.M. Office of Works at the Tower of London to the present time. For Details see Appendices IV.–V.
Under whose | ||
|---|---|---|
Salvin. | Beauchamp Tower, restored | 1852 |
Do. | Salt Tower „ | 1856 |
Taylor. | Chapel Royal „ | 1876 |
Do. | Restoration of wall on River Front together with the Cradle and Well Towers | 1878 |
Do. | Broad Arrow Tower | 1881–2 |
Do. | Restoration of Lanthorn Tower | 1882–3 |
Do. | Do. Ballium Wall | 1886 |
Do. | Well Tower | 1887 |
Do. | Restoration of Ballium wall between Wakefield and Lanthorn Tower | 1888 |
Do. | Restoration of S.W. Turret of White Tower | 1895 |
Do. | Restoration of S.E. Turret and base of White Tower, S. and E.; also Stone Stairs on the S. | 1896 |
J. R. Westcott. | North Wing of King’s Tower lifted 15 in. on E. front; restored | 1898–9 |
Do. | Bloody Tower | 1899–1900 |
Note.—Certain new buildings have also lately been erected by the War Office, including a new Main Guard, which is a permanent eyesore to the Tower; this ugly building was completed in the year 1900, and stands on the site of the old Main Guard.
DESCRIPTION
- Kentish rag & flint with shell mortar splendid quality this work is NORMAN
- These foundations are from 5 to 6 feet below Dungeon floor & are composed of Kentish Rag chalk and a small quantity of Flints. The mortar is a kind of Clunck & not so good as No 1
- Similar to No 2 & within 6 inches of surface 6 feet in depth. Chalk & Kentish rag chalk predominating rufus very inferior
- This wall consists of Kentish rag Gatton stone fragments of Roman brick & Tile & shell mortar.
- Similar to No 2 one of the walls of Coldharbour Tower & is now incorporated in the New Main Guard. The bottom is level with No 2
- Under the S.W. angle of the batter of the White Tower is the Oubliette & into which the subway enters
- A fine specimen of Norman masonry. In 1899 it was 56 feet deep & contained 42 feet of water it is lined sith Gatton stone Ashler
- An aperture discovered in 1899 leading into the subway & was probably broken through in the 16th century. Through this aperture a large number of stone, iron & lead cannon balls were lodged in the subway believed to be relics of Flamanks or Wyatts rebellion. The arch was made good in 1899
Plan showing Recent Discoveries at the Tower.
APPENDIX IV
RECENT DISCOVERIES AT THE TOWER
Since the time when the late Prince Consort interested himself in the restoration and preservation of the Tower, the Commissioners of Works and Public Buildings have cleared away, from time to time, all useless and modern portions which obscured certain parts of the ancient fabric. This work was actually begun in the lifetime of the Prince Consort, under the superintendence of Mr Salvin, who still continues to be consulted on all the more important restorations. The works are now under the superintendence of Mr John Taylor, the Surveyor to the Commissioners, who is aided by Major-General Milman, Major of the Tower and the resident military commander, all designs being submitted to the Sovereign before being carried into execution. The various restorations, especially those of the Beauchamp Tower and St Peter’s Chapel, have been described in the body of this work.
During the year, a range of buildings which stood against the east side of the White Tower, and believed to have been built in the fourteenth or fifteenth century, were pulled down, and it was found that the outer walls were of the period generally assigned to the building, but that the inner or west wall was of brick. This building, which extended on the south side from the south-east turret of the White Tower to what was formerly the Wardrobe Tower, and thence in a north-westerly direction with a return wall to the north-east turret of the White Tower,—had been so altered and patched that it no longer possessed any architectural or antiquarian interest, and was entirely removed, except those portions of the south walls and the ruins of the Wardrobe Tower, which form the north wall of the Tower Armoury, erected in 1826.
Whilst this work of demolishing was being carried out, an interesting discovery was made, Roman tiles and mortar being found, worked up into the materials of which these walls were built. At the south-east corner, and adjoining the remains of the Wardrobe Tower, a portion of Roman wall was disclosed, having three courses of bonded tiles showing above the surface of the débris. This piece of wall is in a direct westerly line with the old city wall, shown in a plan of the Tower made in 1597, the demolished buildings likewise appearing on this plan, which can be seen in the office of the Commissioners of Works. Two inferences are possible from the discovery of this Roman work; either it is part of the old city wall or the remains of a Roman building, and if it is satisfactorily proved to be Roman, it will practically settle the contested point as to whether there was ever a Roman fortress on the site of the White Tower or not. Holinshed, in the third Book of his history of England, quoting both Leyland and Fabyan, says, that Belins, who began to reign conjointly with Brennus as King of Britain, which was “about the seventh year of Artaxerxes, the seventh king of the Persians, builded a haven with a gate within the city of Troinovant, now called London. This gate was long after called Belins gate, and at length, by corruption of language, Billingsgate. He builded also a castle westward from this gate (as some have written) which was long time likewise called Belins Castell, and is the same which we now call the Tower of London.” It was pointed out in the first volume of this work that Fitzstephen declared the White Tower to have been built by Julius Cæsar, and that the mortar used in the building was “tempered with the blood of beasts,” but the Roman habit of mixing powdered tiles with their mortar, may have given rise to this theory. Stowe, in his survey of London about 1076, says, that William the Conqueror caused the present White Tower to be erected at the south-east angle of the city wall, which would be the actual spot where the fragment of the recently discovered Roman wall now stands.
On removing the southern wall of this building, it was found that it was built up to, and not bonded into the south-east turret of the White Tower, which forms the apse of St John’s Chapel. When it was taken down, the original stone-work of the White Tower was laid bare. It is quite honeycombed by age, Sir Christopher Wren having, of course, been unable to reface it as he did the exposed portions of the Tower.
The Cradle Tower, which is the third tower on the southern side of the outer Ballium wall, the others being the Develin and the Well Towers, was opened out and restored in the year 1878. Before its restoration, the southern wall was closed up, the only apertures being two loopholes. There was nothing to indicate that it ever had any connection with the moat, and the only access to the interior was on the north side, within the Ballium wall. It was used as a gunpowder store, and was only one storey in height, no trace remaining of the second storey which originally existed. The first step taken was to remove the whole of the masonry which had been built up against the Tower; this disclosed the old front as well as an arch on the south side. The return walls extended ten feet, and were built with their southern face in the moat, having two half arches turned against the moat wall, and when the masonry blocking up the arch in the south wall and these two half arches was removed, it at once became evident that formerly the water in the moat had flowed through the half arches and across the centre arch. By clearing away this masonry the wall of the moat itself was disclosed, and was found to be of an earlier date than the architecture of the Tower itself. On the ground floor there is a chamber with a finely groined roof of the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century. The following is the actual restoration done to the Cradle Tower. The wall built up in the moat under the centre arch and under the two half-turned arches has been cleared away, and the outer walls have all been restored to their original condition. An additional storey and turret have been erected on the same plan as the old building. The corbels in the groined roof of the ground floor chamber, which were broken off, have been replaced by new ones copied from a single corbel that remained. A wooden grating, after the pattern of an old doorway in the Byward Tower, has been fitted to the central arch, whilst the space between that arch and the moat has been boarded over.
The White Tower, showing the Exterior of St. John’s Chapel and remains of the Roman Wall
A further discovery was made during the restoration of this tower. In the space between the bridge over the moat to the east of the Cradle Tower and the Well Tower, stood a modern building used as a storehouse by the Ordnance Department, and this being pulled down, excavations in its foundations, made by the Board of Works, have disclosed a brick paving and some loopholes in the outer Ballium wall, which has helped to identify this space as the site of the garden belonging to the Queen’s apartments, when the royal palace stood within the Tower walls. This palace occupied the space bounded by a line running exactly from the south angle of the White Tower to the Broad Arrow Tower, thence south along the inner Ballium wall to the Salt Tower, thence west to the Wakefield Tower, and north to the south-west angle of the White Tower. A portion of this space is now occupied by the Ordnance Stores and the Control Office. Nearly opposite to, and to the west of the Cradle Tower, and on the south side of the royal Palace, stood the Lanthorn Tower (now rebuilt). The Queen’s apartments extended from the Lanthorn Tower to the south-east angle of the White Tower, and the space recently cleared, formed the Queen’s private garden, the loopholes in the Ballium wall bounding the garden on the south side giving a view of the river.
From these discoveries it would appear that the Cradle Tower was the entrance to the Queen’s apartments from the river, and the opinion is confirmed by the fact that the inner faces of the walls on which the centre arch stands, are worked and pointed as outside facing, probably to withstand the action of the water as they would be covered when the moat was full. There is space above the arch for a portcullis and grooves in the jambs, but it is not large enough for portcullis slides. In the entrance on the north or land side, however, both the space and grooves show that there was a portcullis there, and the chamber on the east side has no outlet, except into the centre chamber or gateway—from which it would seem that it was a guard-room for the use of a warder while on duty at the gate. And the name of the Tower strengthens this idea, “Cradle” being the old Saxon word “cradel,” meaning a movable bed. The hypothesis is that there was a hoist or lift by which a boat, after passing through the archway, was lifted on to the floor of the gateway. On comparing the groining of the chamber with the groined chamber in the Well Tower, the greater beauty of that in the Cradle Tower is at once apparent, which would point to its being part of a royal dwelling. It is also nearly opposite the site of the Lanthorn Tower, which was the entrance to the Queen’s apartments. The access to and from the Thames and the Queen’s apartments of the Palace, would be from the Cradle Tower to the moat, under St Thomas’s Tower and through Traitor’s Gate, and would be the only communication with the river. In 1641 the Cradle Tower appears to have been used as a prison, according to “A particular of the Names of the Towers and Prison Lodgings in his Majesty’s Tower of London, taken out of a paper of Mr William Franklyn, sometime Yeoman Warder, dated March 1641,” in which appears, “Cradle Tower—A prison lodging, with low gardens where the drawbridge was in former times.”
The War Office have determined to build stores on the Queen’s gardens, and consequently the loopholes in the old Ballium wall will be blocked up. The site will thus be lost for further investigation, and as the Office of Works has no power to prevent these works being carried out, all that has been exposed of one of the most interesting portions of the older part of the Tower will be lost.
View of Sṭ Peter’s Chapel in 1817.
APPENDIX V
THE BLOODY TOWER
Owing to serious signs of weakness in the upper portions of the walls of the Bloody Tower, it was considered an absolute necessity to carefully renew the Kentish Rag facing in various places. The work has been thoroughly well executed stone by stone, all the old stones that were sound being re-used, and the whole of the walls have been greatly strengthened by what is technically known as “tying in.” It was found that the Tower had been repaired in this same manner about the time of Henry VIII., and probably on more than one occasion. The heart of the walling is in excellent preservation, and is the original Norman Transitional masonry with a liberal proportion of chalk. The parapet has been restored to its original embattlemented character. A brick wall, which had closed the historical entrance to Raleigh’s Walk for the last hundred years, has been cleared away, leaving the passage open as in the days of Cranmer and Raleigh; this wall was built to prevent the south-west angle of the Tower falling down, and was an economical vandalism on the part of the authorities of the time. Another act of vandalism was committed by some former occupant of the Tower, who had cut out a cupboard for blacking brushes in the solid masonry immediately behind the springing of the large arch over the portcullis, thereby seriously jeopardising the stability of the arch; happily this has been remedied by the recent restoration. A fine arch over the northern portcullis that had completely disappeared, has been replaced, and early English Gothic windows of stone with lead lights have been fixed throughout the Tower, in the room of the Georgian windows with common double-hung deal sashes. Stone chimney-stacks have also taken the place of the incongruous chimney-stacks of brick, and a very interesting octagonal stone turret, which had been patched with brick, has been restored to its original condition. This turret is circular inside, and is about five feet in diameter; a curious internal window was found about a foot higher than Raleigh’s Walk, and as it answers no purpose, it is supposed that it was used for supervising the prisoners. In a jamb of the recess immediately over the northern portcullis several inscriptions were brought to light, but of these only the letters R. D. were legible, which, seeing the acquaintance that both Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, or Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, had with the Tower, has not unnaturally led to the conclusion that the initials belong to one or other of these royal favourites.
The Bloody Tower is of the Norman Transitional period, but the groining as well as the gates on the south side—those on the north side have been removed—are Tudor. The massive bottom rails of these gates were destroyed to allow of an injudicious raising of the road surface many years ago. It is said that the road was raised from two to three feet, probably to overcome some difficulty of draining, but whatever the reason, the fine gates suffered both in effect and materially. On the west front of the Tower there is an early English doorway which has been “Tudorised,” its outer arch being modern Norman Transitional.
The original freestone used in the building of the Bloody Tower was procured from the neighbourhood of Red Hill, and in the old records is called “Rygate” stone. It is known at the present time as Gatton, but the quarries are no longer worked. The fine old arches over the main entrance are still in this “Rygate” stone, an interesting survival, since the whole of the external stone dressings in this material on the Tower were superseded by Caen stone from Normandy in the reign of Henry VIII. This was a deplorable error of judgment, for notwithstanding the enormous amount of Caen stone used throughout the Tower in this reign, scarcely a trace of it now remains. The modern restorations to the interior have been carried out in the “pinny bed of Chilmark,” a stone closely resembling the Rygate or Gatton stone, but much more durable, whilst Kelton stone from the neighbourhood of Rutland has been employed for the battlements and other external dressings. All the main walling was carried out in Kentish Rag stone, which was procured from the contractor who built the new guard buildings for the War Department. In the records of Henry VIII.’s time, this Kentish Rag is called the “hard stone of Kent.” The stone used in those days was undoubtedly superior to that used by Salvin over fifty years ago, as is shown by the comparison between the restored Beauchamp Tower and the White Tower. Soft stones, such as Caen or Bath, absorb a great deal of moisture, and their injudicious use consequently hastens the decay of any building in which they are used. Much of the mischief in the Bloody Tower was doubtless caused by the decay of the Caen stone, and also the neglect in pointing the joints. It is generally thought amongst those most concerned, that the restoration of the Bloody Tower is the most careful and complete of any of the works of preservation carried out in the old fortress, and it is now judged to be safe from all fear of collapse.
APPENDIX VI
STAINED GLASS IN THE TOWER
A quantity of stained glass panels were found in the crypt of St John’s Chapel, in which some interesting and valuable fragments, mostly incomplete in themselves, of heraldic glass of the sixteenth century and of small pictorial subjects, were mixed with modern and valueless glass of subordinate design. The whole was carefully examined by Messrs John Hardman, who separated the ancient from the modern glass, and using delicate leads to repair the numerous fractures of the former, and setting the various fragments in lozenges of plain glass, filled the eight windows of the Chapel with the following subjects:—
The first window in the south front, entering from the west.—A coat of arms with the words “Honi soit qui mal y pense” around it on the upper portion; a sepia painting in the centre representing the Deity and two angels appearing to a priest, with flames rising from an altar. In the lower portion is another sepia painting with the Deity depicted with outstretched arms, one hand on the sun, the other on the moon, and the earth rolling in clouds at the feet. This is generally supposed to be emblematical of the Creation, but has been suggested as representative of the Saviour as the Light of the World.
The second window has a head and bust near the top, with a peculiar cap and crown. The centre is a sepia representing the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden, and the guardian angel. At the bottom there is another sepia depicting a village upon a hill, probably a distant view of Harrow.
The third window has at the top a figure of Charles I. in sepia; in the centre a knight in armour, skirmishing, and at the bottom what appears to be a holly bush with the letters H. R.
The fourth window has a negro’s head with a turban in the upper portion; in the centre a sepia of Esau returning from the hunt to seek Isaac’s blessing, Rebecca and Jacob being in the background. Near the bottom is another sepia of the exterior of a church, probably Dutch.
The fifth window, and the last of the series facing south, has a coat of arms and motto like those in the first window; in the centre, a sepia of the anointing of David by Samuel; and near the bottom, Jehovah in clouds, with the earth and shrubs bursting forth. This is probably emblematical of the Creation.
The south-east apsidal window has the coat of arms and royal motto as before, with two smaller coats of arms and the same motto below, a royal crown and large Tudor rose being near the bottom.
The eastern window (in the centre of the apse) has a crown with fleur-de-lys and leopards at the top, and in the centre the small portcullis of John of Gaunt and the wheatsheaf of Chester. These are by far the best heraldic devices in the whole series of windows.
The north-east window has a very imperfect coat of arms with fleur-de-lys and leopard, as well as two other coats with the royal motto. There is also a device which might be taken to represent the letter M, but which is probably the inverted water bottles of the Hastings family. Daggers are quartered upon the other coats of arms. At the bottom of this window is a Tudor rose and several fragments of glass much confused.
The glass has been placed in the windows with great care, the subjects being made as complete as the broken fragments permitted. Each of the eight windows is ornamented with leaded borders.
APPENDIX VII
LIST OF THE CONSTABLES OF THE TOWER
| Geoffrey de Mandeville | |||||
| William de Mandeville | |||||
| Geoffrey de Mandeville[8] | 1140 | ||||
| Richard de Lacy | 1153 | ||||
| Garnerius de Isenei | |||||
| William Longchamp, Bishop of Ely | 1189 | ||||
| Walter de Coutances, Archbishop of Rouen | 1192 | ||||
| Roger Fitz Renfred | |||||
| Roger de la Dane | During the reign of John. | ||||
| Geoffrey de Mandeville | |||||
| Eustace de Greinville | |||||
| Archbishop of Canterbury | |||||
| Walter de Verdun | During the reign of Henry III. | ||||
| Stephen de Segrave | |||||
| Hugh de Wyndlesore | |||||
| Randulph, Bishop of Norwich | |||||
| John de Boville | |||||
| Thomas de Blunvil | |||||
| Thomas Fitz Archer | |||||
| Ralph de Gatel | |||||
| Hubert de Burgh | 1232 | ||||
| W. de St Edmund | |||||
| Geoffrey de Crancumb | |||||
| Hugh Giffard | |||||
| Archbishop of York | jointly | ||||
| Bertram de Crioyl | |||||
| Peter de Vallibus | |||||
| John de Plessitus | |||||
| Peter de Blund | |||||
| Aymor Thorimbergh | |||||
| Inbert Puglys | |||||
| Richard de Culworth | |||||
| Richarde de Tilbury | |||||
| Hugh le Bigod | 1258 | ||||
| John Mansel | During the reign of Henry III. | ||||
| Hugh le Despenser | |||||
| Roger de Leyburn | 1265 | ||||
| Hugh Fitz Otho | |||||
| John Walerand | jointly | ||||
| John de la Lind | |||||
| Alan la Touch | |||||
| Thomas de Ippegrave | |||||
| Stephen de Eddeville | |||||
| Hugh Fitz Otho | |||||
| Walter, Archbishop of York | During the reign of Edward I. | ||||
| John de Burgh | |||||
| Anthony Bek | |||||
| Ranulph de Dacre | |||||
| Ralph de Sandwich | |||||
| Ralph de Berners | |||||
| Ralph de Sandwich | |||||
| John de Crumwell | |||||
| Roger de Swynneston | |||||
| Stephen Segrave | |||||
| Bishop of Exeter | |||||
| John de Gisors | |||||
| Thomas de Wake | During the reign of Edward III. | ||||
| John de Crumwell | |||||
| William de Monte Acuto | |||||
| Nicholas de la Beche | |||||
| Robert de Dalton | |||||
| John Darcy | father and son | ||||
| John Darcy | |||||
| Bartholomew de Burghersh | |||||
| Robert de Morley | |||||
| Richard de la Vache | |||||
| Alan Buxhill | |||||
| Sir Thomas Murrieuse | During the reign of Richard II. | ||||
| Edward, Earl of Rutland | |||||
| Ralph de Nevill | |||||
| Edward, Duke of Albemarle | |||||
| Thomas de Rempston | |||||
| Edward, Duke of York | |||||
| Robert de Morley | During the reign of Henry V. | ||||
| John Dabrichcourt | |||||
| William Bourghchier | |||||
| Roger Aston | |||||
| John, Duke of Exeter | During the reign of Henry VI. | ||||
| James Fienes, Lord Say | |||||
| John Lord Taploft, Earl of Worcester | During the reign of Edward IV. | ||||
| John, Lord Dudley | |||||
| Richard, Lord Dacre | |||||
| John Howard, Lord Howard | |||||
| Marquis of Dorset | |||||
| Sir Robert Brackenbury | |||||
| Earl of Oxford | |||||
| Sir Thomas Lovel | During reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. | ||||
| Sir William Kingston | |||||
| Sir John Gage | |||||
| Lord Clinton[9] | |||||
| Sir Edward Bray | |||||
| Lord Howard of Walden | |||||
| Lord Coltington | 1640 | ||||
| General Sir Thomas Fairfax | 1647 | ||||
| Sir John Robinson | 1660 | ||||
| James, Earl of Northampton | 1678 | ||||
| Lord Allington | 1680 | ||||
| George, Lord Dartmouth | 1684 | ||||
| Lord Lucas | 1688 | ||||
| Charles, Earl of Carlisle | 1715 | ||||
| Henry, Earl of Lincoln | 1724 | ||||
| Charles, Duke of Bolton | 1724 | ||||
| Henry, Viscount Lonsdale | 1726 | ||||
| Montague, Earl of Abingdon | |||||
| Algernon, Earl of Essex | |||||
| Richard, Earl of Rivers | |||||
| George, Earl of Northampton | |||||
| John, Earl of Leicester | 1731 | ||||
| Charles, Lord Cornwallis | 1741 | ||||
| Lord George Lennox | |||||
| Marquis Cornwallis | 1785 | ||||
| Francis, Marquis of Hastings | 1806 | ||||
| Arthur, Duke of Wellington | 1826 | ||||
| Viscount Combermere | 1852 | ||||
| Sir John Fox Burgoyne | 1865 | ||||
| Sir George Pollock | 1871 | ||||
| Sir William Gomm | 1872 | ||||
| Sir Charles Yorke | 1875 | ||||
| Sir F. Fenwick Williams | 1881 | ||||
| General Sir R. C. Dacres | 1881 | ||||
| Lord Napier of Magdala | 1886 | ||||
| General Sir Daniel Lysons | 1890 | ||||
| Sir Frederick C. Stephenson | 1898 | ||||