A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume 1 (of 2) / During the First Thirteen Centuries of Our Era

by Lynn Thorndike

FOOTNOTES:

[1] H. Cotton, Five Books of Maccabees, 1832, pp. ix-x.

[2] But Professor Haskins’ recent article in Isis on “Michael Scot and Frederick II” and my chapter on Michael Scot were written quite independently.

[3] Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion; quoted by Sir James Frazer, The Magic Art (1911), I, 426.

[4] That field has already been treated by Joseph Hansen, Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, 1900, and will be further illuminated by A History of Witchcraft in Europe, soon to be edited by Professor George L. Burr from H. C. Lea’s materials. See also a work just published by Miss M. A. Murray, The Witch-Cult in Western Europe, Oxford, 1921.

[5] Some of my scientific friends have urged me to begin with Aristotle, as being a much abler scientist than Pliny, but this would take us rather too far back in time and I have not felt equal to a treatment of the science of the genuine Aristotle per se, although in the course of this book I shall say something of his medieval influence and more especially of the Pseudo-Aristotle.

[6] Frazer has, of course, repeatedly made the point that modern science is an outgrowth from primitive magic. Carveth Read, The Origin of Man, 1920, in his chapter on “Magic and Science” contends that “in no case ... is Science derived from Magic” (p. 337), but this is mainly a logical and ideal distinction, since he admits that “for ages” science “is in the hands of wizards.”

[7] I am glad to see that other writers on magic are taking this view; for instance, E. Doutté, Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord, Alger, 1909, p. 351.

[8] Golden Bough, 1894, I, 420. W. I. Thomas, “The Relation of the Medicine-Man to the Origin of the Professional Occupations” (reprinted in his Source Book for Social Origins, 4th edition, pp. 281-303), in which he disputes Herbert Spencer’s “thesis that the medicine-man is the source and origin of the learned and artistic occupations,” does not really conflict with Frazer’s statement, since for Thomas the medicine-man is a priest rather than a magician. Thomas remarks later in the same book (p. 437), “Furthermore, the whole attempt of the savage to control the outside world, so far as it contained a theory or a doctrine, was based on magic.”

[9] Chaldean Magic and Sorcery, 1878, p. 70.

[10] Jules Combarieu, La musique et la magie, Paris, 1909, p. v.

[11] Ibid., pp. 13-14.

[12] Among the early Arabs “poetry is magical utterance” (Macdonald (1909) p. 16), and the poet “a wizard in league with spirits” (Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs, 1914, p. 72).

[13] See S. Reinach, “L’Art et la Magie,” in L’Anthropologie, XIV (1903), and Y. Hirn, Origins of Art, London, 1900, Chapter xx, “Art and Magic.” J. Capart, Primitive Art in Egypt.

[14] P. Huvelin, Magie et droit individuel, Paris, 1907, in Année Sociologique, X, 1-471; see too his Les tablettes magiques et le droit romain, Mâcon, 1901.

[15] R. R. Marett, Psychology and Folk-Lore, 1920, Chapter iii on “Primitive Values.”

[16] E. A. Wallis Budge, Egyptian Magic, 1899, p. vii. Some other works on magic in Egypt are: Groff, Études sur la sorcellerie, mémoires présentés à l’institut égyptien, Cairo, 1897; G. Busson, Extrait d’un mémoire sur l’origine égyptienne de la Kabbale, in Compte Rendu du Congrès Scientifique International des Catholiques, Sciences Religieuses, Paris, 1891, pp. 29-51. Adolf Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, English translation, 1894, “describes vividly the magical conceptions and practices.” F. L. Griffith, Stories of the High Priests of Memphis, Oxford, 1900, contains some amusing demotic tales of magicians. Erman, Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind, 1901. F. L. Griffith and H. Thompson, The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden, 1904. See also J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, New York, 1912.

The following later but briefer treatments add little to Budge: Alfred Wiedemann, Magie und Zauberei im Alten Ægypten, Leipzig, 1905, and Die Amulette der alten Ægypter, Leipzig, 1910, both in Der Alte Orient; Alexandre Moret, La magie dans l’Egypte ancienne, Paris, 1906, in Musée Guimet, Annales, Bibliothèque de vulgarisation. XX. 241-81.

[17] Budge (1899), p. 19. At pp. 7-10 Budge dates the Westcar Papyrus about 1550 B. C. and Cheops, of whom the tale is told, in 3800 B. C. It is now customary to date the Fourth Dynasty, to which Cheops belonged, about 2900-2750 B. C. Breasted, History of Egypt, pp. 122-3, speaks of a folk tale preserved in the Papyrus Westcar some nine (?) centuries after the fall of the Fourth Dynasty.

[18] Budge, p. ix.

[19] Budge, pp. xiii-xiv.

[20] For magical myths see E. Naville, The Old Egyptian Faith, English translation by C. Campbell, 1909, p. 233 et seq.

[21] Budge, pp. 3-4; Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, p. 100; Wiedemann (1905), pp. 12, 14, 31.

[22] So labelled in the Egyptian Museum at Cairo.

[23] Budge, p. 185.

[24] Breasted (1912), pp. 84-5, 93-5. “Systematic study” of the Pyramid Texts has been possible “only since the appearance of Sethe’s great edition,”—Die Altægyptischen Pyramidentexte, Leipzig, 1908-1910, 2 vols.

[25] Budge, pp. 104-7.

[26] Many of them are to enable the dead man to leave his tomb at will; hence the Egyptian title, “The Chapters of Going Forth by Day,” Breasted, History of Egypt, p. 175.

[27] Budge, p. 28.

[28] History of Egypt, p. 175; pp. 249-50 for the further increase in mortuary magic after the Middle Kingdom, and pp. 369-70, 390, etc., for Ikhnaton’s vain effort to suppress this mortuary magic. See also Breasted (1912), pp. 95-6, 281, 292-6, etc.

[29] Breasted (1912), pp. 290-1.

[30] Budge, pp. xi, 170-1.

[31] Budge, p. 4.

[32] Budge, pp. 67-70, 73, 77.

[33] Budge, pp. 27-28, 41, 60.

[34] From the abstract of a paper on The History of Egyptian Medicine, read by T. Wingate Todd at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, 1919. See also B. Holmes and P. G. Kitterman, Medicine in Ancient Egypt; the Hieratic Material, Cincinnati, 1914, 34 pp., reprinted from The Lancet-Clinic.

[35] See H. L. Lüring, Die über die medicinischen Kenntnisse der alten Ægypter berichtenden Papyri verglichen mit den medic. Schriften griech. u. römischer Autoren, Leipzig, 1888. Also Joret, I (1897) 310-11, and the article there cited by G. Ebers, Ein Kyphirecept aus dem Papyrus Ebers, in Zeitschrift f. ægypt. Sprache, XII (1874), p. 106. M. A. Ruffer, Palaeopathology of Egypt, 1921.

[36] History of Egypt, p. 101.

[37] Ibid, p. 102.

[38] Budge, p. 206.

[39] History of Egypt, p. 101.

[40] Archéologie et Histoire des Sciences, Paris, 1906, pp. 232-3.

[41] Professor Breasted, however, feels that the contents of the new Edwin Smith Papyrus will raise our estimate of the worth of Egyptian medicine and surgery: letter to me of Jan. 20, 1922.

[42] Petrie, “Egypt,” in EB, p. 73.

[43] Berthelot (1885), p. 235. See E. B. Havell, A Handbook of Indian Art, 1920, p. 11, for a combination of “exact science,” ritual, and “magic power” in the work of the ancient Aryan craftsmen.

[44] Berthelot (1889), pp. vi-vii.

[45] Berthelot (1885), pp. 247-78; E. O. v. Lippmann (1919), pp. 118-43.

[46] Budge, pp. 19-20.

[47] Berthelot (1885), p. 10.

[48] Lippmann (1919), pp. 181-2, and the authorities there cited.

[49] Budge, pp. 214-5.

[50] Budge, pp. 225-8; Wiedemann (1905), p. 9.

[51] Wiedemann (1905), pp. 7, 8, 11. See also G. Daressy, Une ancienne liste des décans égyptiens, in Annales du service des antiquités de l’Egypte, I (1900), 79-90.

[52] F. Boll in Neue Jahrb. (1908), p. 108.

[53] Budge, pp. 222-3.

[54] Budge, p. 229.

[55] Some works on the subject of magic and religion, astronomy and astrology in Babylonia and Assyria will be found in Appendix I at the close of this chapter.

[56] Thompson, Semitic Magic, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii; Fossey, pp. 17-20.

[57] Farnell, Greece and Babylon, p. 102.

[58] Prince, “Sumer and Sumerians,” in EB.

[59] Webster, Rest Days, pp. 215-22, with further bibliography. See Orr (1913), 28-38, for an interesting discussion in English of the problem of the origin of solar and lunar zodiac.

[60] Lippmann (1919), pp. 168-9.

[61] Although Schiaparelli, Astronomy in the Old Testament, 1905, pp. v, 5, 49-51, 135, denies that “the frequent use of the number seven in the Old Testament is in any way connected with the planets.” I have not seen F. von Andrian, Die Siebenzahl im Geistesleben der Völker, in Mitteil, d. anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, XXI (1901), 225-74; see also Hehn, Siebenzahl und Sabbat bei den Babyloniern und im alten Testament, 1907. J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 140, has an interesting passage on the prominence of the number seven “alike in the Jehovistic and in the Babylonian narrative” of the flood.

[62] Webster, Rest Days, pp. 211-2. Professor Webster, who kindly read this chapter in manuscript, stated in a letter to me of 2 July 1921 that he remained convinced that “the mystic properties ascribed to the number seven” can only in part be accounted for by the seven planets; “Our American Indians, for example, hold seven in great respect, yet have no knowledge of seven planets.” But it may be noted that the poet-philosophers of ancient Peru composed verses on the subject of astrology, according to Garcilasso (cited by W. I. Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins, 1909, p. 293).

[63] L. W. King, History of Babylon, 1915, p. 299.

[64] Fossey (1902), pp. 2-3.

[65] Farnell, Greece and Babylon, pp. 301-2. On liver divination see Frothingham, “Ancient Orientalism Unveiled,” American Journal of Archaeology, XXI (1917) 55, 187, 313, 420.

[66] Fossey, p. 66.

[67] Fossey, p. 16.

[68] Lenormant, pp. 35, 147, 158.

[69] Thompson, Semitic Magic, pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

[70] Greece and Babylon, p. 296.

[71] Lenormant, pp. 146-7.

[72] Ibid., p. 158.

[73] Jastrow, Religion of Babylon and Assyria, pp. 283-4.

[74] Zimmern, Beiträge, p. 173.

[75] Ibid., p. 161.

[76] Fossey, p. 399.

[77] Fossey, p. 83.

[78] Ibid., pp. 89-91. F. Küchler, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Assyr.-Babyl. Medizin; Texte mit Umschrift, Uebersetzung und Kommentar, Leipzig, 1904, treats of twenty facsimile pages of cuneiform.

[79] Lenormant, p. 190.

[80] Ibid., p. 159.

[81] So enlightened in fact that they spoke with some scorn of the “levity” and “lies” of the Greeks.

[82] Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, Chicago, 1911, p. 189.

[83] Thorndike (1905), p. 63.

[84] E. E. Sikes, Folk-lore in the Works and Days of Hesiod, in The Classical Review, VII (1893). 390.

[85] Freeman, History of Sicily, I, 101-3, citing Herodotus VII, 153.

[86] Butler and Owen, Apulei Apologia, note on 30, 30.

[87] For details concerning operative or vulgar magic among the ancient Greeks see Hubert, Magia, in Daremberg-Saglio; Abt, Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei, Giessen, 1908; and F. B. Jevons, “Græco-Italian Magic,” p. 93-, in Anthropology and the Classics, ed. R. Marett; and the article “Magic” in ERE.

[88] I think that this sentence is an approximate quotation from some ancient author, possibly Diogenes Laertius, but I have not been able to find it.

[89] J. E. Harrison, Themis, Cambridge, 1912. The chapter headings briefly suggest the argument: “1. Hymn of the Kouretes; 2. Dithyramb, Δρώμενον, and Drama; 3. Kouretes, Thunder-Rites and Mana; 4. a. Magic and Tabu, b. Medicine-bird and Medicine-king; 5. Totemism, Sacrament, and Sacrifice; 6. Dithyramb, Spring Festival, and Hagia Triada Sarcophagus; 7. Origin of the Olympic Games (about a year-daimon); 8. Daimon and Hero, with Excursus on Ritual Forms preserved in Greek tragedy; 9. Daimon to Olympian; 10. The Olympians; 11. Themis.”

[90] F. M. Cornford, Origin of Attic Comedy, 1914, see especially pp. 10, 13, 55, 157, 202, 233.

[91] A. B. Cook, Zeus, Cambridge, 1914, pp. 134-5, 12-14, 66-76.

[92] Rendel Harris, Picus who is also Zeus, 1916; The Ascent of Olympus, 1917.

[93] Farnell, Greece and Babylon, pp. 292, 178-9.

[94] See Ernest Riess, Superstitions and Popular Beliefs in Greek Tragedy, in Transactions of the American Philological Association, vol. 27 (1896), pp. 5-34; and On Ancient superstition, ibid. 26 (1895), 40-55. Also J. G. Frazer, Some Popular Superstitions of the Ancients, in Folk-lore, 1890, and E. H. Klatsche, The Supernatural in the Tragedies of Euripides, in University of Nebraska Studies, 1919.

[95] See Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosophy, II (1881), 119-20, for further boasts by Empedocles himself and other marvels attributed to him by later authors.

[96] Laws, XI, 933 (Steph.).

[97] Timaeus, p. 71 (Steph.).

[98] Symposium, p. 188 (Steph.); in Jowett’s translation, I, 558.

[99] Timaeus, p. 40 (Steph.); Jowett, III, 459.

[100] Ibid., pp. 41-42 (Steph.).

[101] Timaeus, p. 39 (Steph.); Jowett, III, 458.

[102] W. Windelband, History of Philosophy, English translation by J. H. Tufts, 1898, p. 147.

[103] Windelband, History of Ancient Philosophy, English translation by H. E. Cushman, 1899.

[104] For a number of examples, which might be considerably multiplied if books VII-X are not rejected as spurious, see Thorndike (1905), pp. 62-3. T. E. Lones, Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science, London, 1912, 274 pp., discusses “Aristotle’s method of investigating the natural sciences,” and a large number of Aristotle’s specific statements showing whether they were correct or incorrect. The best translation of the History of Animals is by D’Arcy W. Thompson, Oxford 1910, with valuable notes.

[105] See the edition of the History of Animals by Dittmeyer (1907), p. vii, where various monographs will be found mentioned.

[106] Perhaps pure literature was over-emphasized in the Museum at Alexandria, and magic texts in the library of Assurbanipal.

[107] A list of magic papyri and of publications up to about 1900 dealing with the same is given in Hubert’s article on Magia in Daremberg-Saglio, pp. 1503-4. See also Sir Herbert Thompson and F. L. Griffith, The Magical Demotic Papyrus of London and Leiden, 3 vols., 1909-1921; Catalogue of Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, with facsimiles and complete translations, 1909, 3 vols. Grenfell (1921), p. 159, says, “A corpus of the magical papyri was projected in Germany by K. Preisendanz before the war, and a Czech scholar, Dr. Hopfner, is engaged upon the difficult task of elucidating them.”

[108] W. C. Battle, Magical Curses Written on Lead Tablets, in Transactions of the American Philological Association, XXVI (1895), pp. liv-lviii, a synopsis of a Harvard dissertation. Audollent, Defixionum tabulae, etc., Paris, 1904, 568 pp. R. Wünsch, Defixionum Tabellae Atticae, 1897, and Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus Rom (390-420 A.D.), Leipzig, 1898.

[109] Since 1898 various volumes and parts have appeared under the editorship of Cumont, Kroll, Boll, Olivieri, Bassi, and others. Much of the material noted is of course post-classical and Byzantine, and of Christian authorship or Arabic origin.

[110] For example, see R. Wünsch, Antikes Zaubergerät aus Pergamon, in Jahrb. d. kaiserl. deutsch. archæol. Instit., suppl. VI (1905), p. 19.

[111] T. L. Heath, The Works of Archimedes, Cambridge, 1897, pp. xxxix-xl.

[112] On “Aristotle as a Biologist” see the Herbert Spencer lecture by D’Arcy W. Thompson, Oxford, 1913, 31 pp. Also T. E. Lones, Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science, London, 1912. Professor W. A. Locy, author of Biology and Its Makers, writes me (May 9, 1921) that in his opinion G. H. Lewes, Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science, London, 1864, “dwells too much on Aristotle’s errors and imperfections, and in several instances omits the quotation of important positive observations, occurring in the chapters from which he makes his quotations of errors.” Professor Locy also disagrees with Lewes’ estimate of De generatione as Aristotle’s masterpiece and thinks that “naturalists will get more satisfaction out of reading the Historia animalium” than either the De generatione or De partibus. Thompson (1913), p. 14, calls Aristotle “a very great naturalist.”

[113] This quotation is from Professor Locy’s letter of May 9, 1921.

[114] The quotations are from a note by Professor D’Arcy W. Thompson on his translation of the Historia animalium, III, 3. The note gives so good a glimpse of both the merits and defects of the Aristotelian text as it has reached us that I will quote it here more fully:

“The Aristotelian account of the vascular system is remarkable for its wealth of details, for its great accuracy in many particulars, and for its extreme obscurity in others. It is so far true to nature that it is clear evidence of minute inquiry, but here and there so remote from fact as to suggest that things once seen have been half forgotten, or that superstition was in conflict with the result of observation. The account of the vessels connecting the left arm with the liver and the right with the spleen ... is a surviving example of mystical or superstitious belief. It is possible that the ascription of three chambers to the heart was also influenced by tradition or mysticism, much in the same way as Plato’s notion of the three corporeal faculties.”

[115] Professor Locy called my attention to it in a letter of May 17, 1921. See also Thompson (1913), p. 14.

[116] Thompson (1913), p. 19.

[117] L. C. Karpinski, “Hindu Science,” in The American Mathematical Monthly, XXVI (1919), 298-300.

[118] Sir Thomas Heath, Aristarchus of Samos, the Ancient Copernicus: a history of Greek astronomy to Aristarchus together with Aristarchus’s treatise, “On the Sizes and Distances of the Sun and Moon,” a new Greek text with translation and notes, Oxford, 1913, admits that “our treatise does not contain any suggestion of any but the geocentric view of the universe, whereas Archimedes tells us that Aristarchus wrote a book of hypotheses, one of which was that the sun and the fixed stars remain unmoved and that the earth revolves round the sun in the circumference of a circle.” Such evidence seems scarcely to warrant applying the title of “The Ancient Copernicus” to Aristarchus. And Heath thinks that Schiaparelli (I precursori di Copernico nell’antichità, and other papers) went too far in ascribing the Copernican hypothesis to Heraclides of Pontus. On Aristotle’s answer to Pythagoreans who denied the geocentric theory see Orr (1913), pp. 100-2.

[119] “Farewell, Nature, parent of all things, and in thy manifold multiplicity bless me who, alone of the Romans, has sung thy praise.”

[120] For the Latin text of the Naturalis Historia I have used the editions of D. Detlefsen, Berlin, 1866-1882, and L. Janus, Leipzig, 1870, 6 vols. in 3; 5 vols. in 3. There is, however, a good English translation of the Natural History, with an introductory essay, by J. Bostock and H. T. Riley, London, 1855, 6 vols. (Bohn Library), which is superior to both the German editions in its explanatory notes and subject index, and which also apparently antedates them in some readings suggested for doubtful passages in the text. Three modes of dividing the Natural History into chapters are indicated in the editions of Janus and Detlefsen. I shall employ that found in the earlier editions of Hardouin, Valpy, Lemaire, and Ajasson, and preferred in the English translation of Bostock and Riley.

[121] Bostock and Riley (1855), I, xvi.

[122] NH, Preface.

[123] NH, Preface.

[124] NH, XXII, 7.

[125] NH, II, 6.

[126] NH, II, 46.

[127] NH, II, 5. “Deus est mortali iuvare mortalem....”

[128] NH, VII, 56.

[129] Letter to Macer, Ep. III, 5, ed. Keil. Leipzig, 1896.

[130] NH, VII, 1; XXIII, 60; XXV, 1; XXVII, 1.

[131] XXVI, 76.

[132] XXXVII, 11.

[133] XXI, 88.

[134] XXXII, 24.

[135] Yet C. W. King, Natural History of Precious Stones, p. 2, deplores the loss of Juba’s treatise, which he says, “considering his position and opportunities for exact information, is perhaps the greatest we have to deplore in this sad catalogue of desiderata.”

[136] NH, XXXII, 4.

[137] XXX, 30.

[138] Bouché-Leclercq (1899), p. 519, notes, however, that Aulus Gellius (X, 12) protested against Pliny’s credulity in accepting such works as genuine and that “Columelle (VII, 5) cite un certain Bolus de Mendes comme l’auteur des ὑπομνήματα attribués à Démocrite.” Bouché-Leclercq adds, however, “Rien n’y fit: Démocrite devint le grand docteur de la magie.”

[139] NH, VII, 21.

[140] G. H. Lewes, Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science, London. 1864.

[141] Letters of Pliny the Younger, III, 5, ed. Keil, Leipzig, 1896.

[142] NH, VIII, 34.

[143] XXVIII, 1.

[144] Rück, Die Naturalis Historia des Plinius im Mittelalter, in Sitzb. Bayer. Akad. Philos-Philol. Classe (1908) pp. 203-318. For citations of Pliny by writers of the late Roman empire and early middle ages, see Panckoucke, Bibliothèque Latine-Française, vol. CVI.

[145] Concerning the MSS see Detlefsen’s prefaces in each of his first five volumes and his fuller dissertations in Jahn’s Neue Jahrb., 77, 653ff, Rhein. Mus., XV, 265ff; XVIII, 227ff, 327.

Detlefsen seems to have made no use of English MSS, but a folio of the close of the 12th century at New College, Oxford, contains the first nineteen books of the Natural History and is described by Coxe as “very well written and preserved.”

Nor does Detlefsen mention Le Mans 263, 12th century, containing all 37 books except that the last book is incomplete, and with a full page miniature (fol. 10v) showing Pliny in the act of presenting his work to Vespasian. Escorial Q-I-4 and R-I-5 are two other practically complete texts of the fourteenth century which Detlefsen failed to use.

[146] See M. R. James, Eton Manuscripts, p. 63, MS 134, Bl. 4. 7., Roberti Crikeladensis Prioris Oxoniensis excerpta ex Plinii Historia Naturali, 12-13th century, in a large English hand, giving extracts extending from Book II to Book IX.

Of Balliol 124, fols. 1-138, Cosmographia mundi, by John Free, born at Bristol or London, fellow at Balliol College, Oxford, later professor of medicine at Padua and a doctor at Rome, also well instructed in civil law and Greek, Coxe writes, “This work is nothing but a series of excerpts from Pliny’s Natural History, beginning with the second and leaving off with the twentieth.” I wonder if John Free may not have used the very MS of the first nineteen books mentioned in the foregoing note, since the second book of the Natural History is often reckoned as the first.

In Balliol 146A, 15th century, fol. 3-, the Natural History appears in epitome, with a prologue opening, “I, Reginald (Retinaldus), servant of Christ, perusing the books of Pliny....”

[147] Bologna, 952, 15th century, fols. 157-60, “Tractatus optimus in quo exposuit et aperte declaravit plinius philosophus quid sit lapis philosophicus et ex qua materia debet fieri et quomodo.”

[148] Fossi, Catalogus codicum saeculo XV impressorum qui in publica Bibliotheca Magliabechiana Florentiae adservantur, 1793-1795, II, 374-81.

[149] De erroribus Plinii et aliorum in medicina, Ferrara, 1492.

[150] Pliniana defensio, 1494.

[151] Escorial Q-I-4, and R-I-5, both of the 14th century.

[152] NH, V, 1, 12.

[153] XXVI, 6, “usu efficacissimo rerum omnium magistro”; XVII, 2, 12, “quare experimentis optime creditur.”

[154] II, 66.

[155] XXIX, 23.

[156] XXIX, 11.

[157] XXV, 54, “coramque nobis”; XXV, 106, “nos eam Romanis experimentis per usus digeremus.”

[158] Sometimes another term, as usus in note 2 above, is employed.

[159] See II, 41, 1-2; II, 108; VII, 41; VII, 56; VIII, 7; XIV, 8; XVI, 1; XVI, 64; XVII, 2; XVII, 35; XXII, 1; XXII, 43; XXII, 49; XXII, 51; XXV, 7; XXXIV, 39 and 51. Experience is also the idea in the two following passages, although the word experimentum could not smoothly be rendered as “experience” in a literal translation: VII, 50, “Accedunt experimenta et exempla recentissimi census ...”; XXVIII, 45, “Nec uros aut bisontes habuerunt Graeci in experimentis.”

[160] XVI, 24; XXII, 57; XXVI, 60.

[161] X, 75.

[162] XXXV, 30.

[163] VII, 35

[164] XIII, 3.

[165] XIV, 25.

[166] XVII, 4; XX, 3 and 76; XXII, 23; XXIX, 12; XXXIII, 19 and 43 and 44 and 57; XXXIV, 26 and 48; XXXVI, 38 and 55; XXXVII, 22 and 76; such phrases as sinceri experimentum and veri experimentum are used for “test of genuineness.”

[167] XXIII, 31; XXXI, 28.

[168] XXXI, 27.

[169] XVII, 26.

[170] II, 75.

[171] IX, 7.

[172] XXVIII, 6.

[173] XXVIII, 14.

[174] XXIX, 8. “Discunt periculis nostris et experimenta per mortes agunt.” Bostock and Riley translate the last clause, “And they experimentalize by putting us to death.” Another possible translation is, “And their experiments cost lives.“

[175] XXV, 17. ” ... adeo nullo omnia experiendi fine ut cogerentur etiam venena prodesse.“

[176] XXIX, 4 ” ... ab experimentis se cognominans empiricen.“

[177] IX, 86.

[178] XXXVII, 15.

[179] According to Galen, as we shall hear later, the Empirics relied a good deal upon chance experience and dreams.

[180] XXV, 6.

[181] XX, 52.

[182] XXV, 20.

[183] XXIII, 27.

[184] Among other virtues of vinegar, besides its supposed property of breaking rocks, Pliny mentions that if one holds some in the mouth, it will prevent one from feeling the heat in the baths.

[185] XXV, 6 and 21 and 50; XXVII, 2.

[186] XVI, 24; XXVI, 60.

[187] XXIII, 59.

[188] XXVIII, 7.

[189] In the opening chapters of Book XXX, unless otherwise indicated by specific citation.

[190] Aulus Gellius, X, 12, and Columella, VII, 5, dispute this (Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque, p. 519). Berthelot (Origines de l’alchimie, p. 145) believes in a Democritan school at the beginning of the Christian era which wrote the works of alchemy attributed to Democritus as well as the books of medical and magical recipes which are quoted in the Geoponica and the Natural History.

[191] XVI, 95.

[192] XXX, 2. ” ... quamquam animadverto summam litterarum claritatem gloriamque ex ea scientia antiquitus et paene semper petitam.”

[193] Examples are: XXV, 59, “Sed magi utique circa hanc insaniunt”; XXIX, 20, “magorum mendacia”; XXXVII, 60, “magorum inpudentiae vel manifestissimum ... exemplum”; XXXVII, 73, “dira mendacia magorum.”

[194] See XXII, 9; XXVI, 9; XXVII, 65; XXVIII, 23 and 27; XXIX, 26; XXX, 7; XXXVII, 14.

[195] XXXVII, 40.

[196] XXX, 5-6.

[197] XXX, 6. “Proinde ita persuasum sit, intestabilem, inritam, inanem esse, habentem tamen quasdam veritatis umbras, sed in his veneficas artis pollere, non magicas.”

[198] XXV, 7.

[199] XXVIII, 23.

[200] XXVIII, 2.

[201] XXX, 4.

[202] XXVIII, 19; XXX, 6.

[203] XXVIII, 29.

[204] XXX, 7.

[205] XXIX, 26.

[206] For instance, XXX, 27, he mentions the magi, but not in XXX, 28. Nor are they mentioned in XXX, 29, but in XXX, 30 “plura eorum remedia ponemus” seems to refer to them, although we must look back three chapters for the antecedent of eorum.

[207] XXXVII, 14, he says that he is going to confute “the unspeakable nonsense of the magicians” concerning gems, but makes no specific citation from them until the thirty-seventh chapter on jasper.

[208] XXX, 47.

[209] XXXVII, 11.

[210] XX, 30; XXI, 38, 94, 104; XXII, 24, 29.

[211] XXI, 36; XXIV, 99.

[212] XXV, 5.

[213] XXIV, 99-102.

[214] See XX, 30; XXI, 36, 38, 94, 104; XXII, 9, 24, 29; XXIV, 99, 102; XXV, 59, 65, 80-81; XXVI, 9.

[215] XXI, 38.

[216] XXI, 104; XXII, 24.

[217] XXI, 94.

[218] XXII, 29.

[219] XX, 30.

[220] XXI, 38.

[221] XXIV, 99 and 102.

[222] XXV, 5.

[223] XXV, 59.

[224] XXVI, 9.

[225] XXX, 6.

[226] XXX, 7.

[227] XXVIII, 27.

[228] XXVIII, 25.

[229] XXX, 24.

[230] XXIX, 39.

[231] XXIX, 12.

[232] XXX, 6.

[233] XXVIII, 57; XXX, 17.

[234] Use of goat, XXVIII, 56, 63, 78-79; cat, XXVIII, 66; puppy, XXIX, 38; dog, XXX, 24.

[235] XXVIII, 60, 66, 77; XXIX, 26.

[236] XXVIII, 66; XXIX, 15; XXX, 7; XXX, 27; XXXII, 38.

[237] XXX, 8 and 36; see also XXVIII, 60; XXXII, 19 and 24.

[238] XXIX, 23; XXX, 18, 20, 30, 49; XXXII, 14, 18, 24.

[239] XXX, 27.

[240] XXX, 24.

[241] XXX, 24.

[242] XXVIII, 27.

[243] XXVIII, 66; and see XXIX, 12.

[244] XXVIII, 60.

[245] XXVIII, 68.

[246] XXVIII, 78.

[247] XXX, 17.

[248] XXX, 18.

[249] XXXII, 38.

[250] XXIX, 26.

[251] XXVIII, 63.

[252] XXVIII, 56; XXIX, 15.

[253] XXIX, 19.

[254] XXIX, 20.

[255] XXIX, 26; XXX, 7.

[256] Pliny ascribes statements concerning stones to the magi in the following chapters: XXXVI, 34; XXXVII, 37, 40, 49, 51, 54, 56, 60, 70, 73.

[257] XXXVII, 54 and 40.

[258] XXXVII, 40, 60, 56, 73.

[259] XXVIII, 12, “Magorum haec commenta sunt....“

[260] XXVIII, 23.

[261] Some works upon animals in antiquity and Greece are:

Aubert und Wimmer, Aristoteles Thierkunde, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1868.

Baethgen, De vi et significatione galli in religione et artibus Graecorum et Romanorum, Diss. Inaug., Göttingen, 1887.

Bernays, Theophrasts Schrift über Frömmigkeit.

Bikélas, O., La nomenclature de la Faune grecque, Paris, 1879.

Billerbeck, De locis nonnullis Arist. Hist. Animal. difficilioribus, Hildesheim, 1806.

Dryoff, A., Die Tierpsychologie des Plutarchs, Progr. Würzburg, 1897. Über die stoische Tierpsychologie, in Bl. f. bayr. Gymn., 33 (1897) 399ff.; 34 (1898) 416.

Erhard, Fauna der Cykladen, Leipzig, 1858.

Fowler, W. W., A Year with the Birds, 1895.

Hopf, L., Thierorakel und Orakelthiere in alter und neuer Zeit, Stuttgart, 1888.

Hopfner, T., Der Tierkult der alten Ægypter nach den griechisch-römischen Berichten und den wichtigen Denkmälern, in Denkschr. d. Akad. Wien, 1913, ii Abh.

Imhoof-Blumer, F., und Keller, O., Tier-und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums. illustrated, 1889.

Keller, O., Thiere des class. Altertums.

Krüper, Zeiten des Gehens und Kommens und des Brütens der Vögel in Griechenland und Ionien, in Mommsen’s Griech. Jahreszeiten, 1875.

Küster, E., Die Schlange in der griechischen Kunst und Religion, Giessen, 1913.

Lebour, Zoologist, 1866.

Lewysohn, Zoologie des Talmuds.

Lindermayer, A., Die Vögel Griechenlands, Passau, 1860.

Locard, Histoire des mollusques dans l’antiquité, Lyon, 1884.

Lorenz, Die Taube im Alterthume, 1886.

Marx, A., Griech. Märchen von dankbaren Tieren, Stuttgart, 1889.

Mühle, H. v. d., Beiträge zur Ornithologie Griechenlands, Leipzig, 1844.

Sundevall, Thierarten des Aristoteles, Stockholm, 1863.

Thompson, D’Arcy W., A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1895. Aristotle as a Biologist, 1913. Also the notes to his translation of the Historia animalium.

Westermarck, E., The Origin and Development of Moral Ideas, I (1906) 251-60, gives further bibliography on the subjects of animals as witnesses and the punishment of animal culprits.

[262] VIII, 1-12.

[263] VIII, 17-21.

[264] XXXII, 5.

[265] VIII, 37.

[266] VIII, 11-12.

[267] XXVII, 2; XVIII, 1.

[268] XXVII, 2; VIII, 41.

[269] XX, 51 and 61; XXII, 37 and 45.

[270] XX, 26.

[271] VIII, 41; XX, 95.

[272] XXIX, 39.

[273] XXV, 50.

[274] XXV, 5.

[275] VIII, 40; XXVIII, 31.

[276] For further remedies used by animals see VIII, 41; XXIX, 14, 38; XXV, 52-53; XXVIII, 81.

[277] XXVII, 2. “ ... quod certe casu repertum quis dubitet et quotiens fiat etiam nunc ut novom nasci quoniam feris ratio et usus inter se tradi non possit?” Perhaps Pliny would have denied the inheritance of acquired characteristics.

[278] XXV, 51.

[279] XXXVII, 57.

[280] VIII, 4.

[281] VIII, 33.

[282] XXIX, 34; XXX, 10, 19; XXVIII, 46; XXIX, 11; XXX, 16.

[283] XXX, 46.

[284] XXXII, 14.

[285] XXVIII, 37.

[286] A recent work on the general theme is Joret, Les plantes dans l’antiquité, Paris, 1904; see also F. Mentz, De plantis quas ad rem magicam facere crediderunt veteres, Leipzig, 1705, 28 pp.; F. Unger, Die Pflanze als Zaubermittel, Vienna, 1859.

[287] XXII, 3; XXV, 59; XXVII, 28.

[288] XXI, 105. “Halicacabi radicem bibunt qui vaticinari gallantesque vere ad confirmandas superstitiones aspici se volunt.”

[289] XXV, 43-44.

[290] XXI, 21, 84.

[291] XXV, 5.

[292] XXIII, 64.

[293] XXV, 35.

[294] XXII, 36.

[295] XXIV, 94.

[296] XXV, 46.

[297] XXV, 54.

[298] XXV, 78.

[299] XXIII, 75.

[300] XXIV, 56-57.

[301] XXV, 18; XXVII, 100.

[302] XX, 14; XXIV, 82; XXV, 92.

[303] XXV, 10; XXVII, 60.

[304] XXIV, 6, 93.

[305] XXV, 6.

[306] XX, 49; XXI, 83; XXIII, 54; XXIV, 63; XXV, 59; XXVI, 12.

[307] XXIII, 59.

[308] XXIV, 62.

[309] XXV, 21, 94.

[310] XXIV, 63 and 118.

[311] XXI, 19.

[312] XXIV, 62; XXIII, 59.

[313] XXIII, 81; XXIV, 6, 62, 116.

[314] XXVI, 12.

[315] XXI, 19; XXV, 21, 94.

[316] XXIII, 71, 81; XXIV, 6; XXVII, 62.

[317] XXI, 83; XXV, 109; XXVI, 12.

[318] XXII, 16; XXIII, 54; XXIV, 82; XXVII, 113.

[319] XXIV, 116.

[320] XXV, 92.

[321] XXI, 19; XXV, 11.

[322] XXIV, 62; XXV, 21.

[323] XXIV, 62-63.

[324] XVI, 95.

[325] See XXIV, 6, for other methods of plucking the mistletoe.

[326] XVIII, 45.

[327] See also XXV, 6.

[328] XIX, 58.

[329] XVIII, 70.

[330] XVIII, 73.

[331] XXVIII, 81.

[332] XVIII, 8.

[333] XXXVII, 14, 73.

[334] XXXVII, 55-56.

[335] XXXVII, 13.

[336] For instance, XXXVII, 12 amber, 37 jasper, 39 aetites, 55 “baroptenus.”

[337] XXXVI, 31.

[338] XXXVII, 15, 58, 67.

[339] XXXVI, 25, 39.

[340] XVI, 20.

[341] XXXIII, 25.

[342] XXX, 12, 25.

[343] XX, 3; XXVIII, 6, 9; etc.

[344] II, 63; XXIX, 23.

[345] XXXIII, 34

[346] XX, 51; XXVIII, 21.

[347] VII, 13; XXVIII, 23.

[348] XX, 33; XXII, 30; XXVIII, 18-19.

[349] XXVIII, 8.

[350] XXVIII, 9.

[351] XXVIII, 9-11.

[352] XXVIII, 7.

[353] VII, 2.

[354] XXVIII, 6.

[355] XXII, 49.

[356] XXIV, 102.

[357] In this paragraph I have combined views expressed by Pliny in three different passages: XXII, 49 and 56; XXIV, 1.

[358] IX, 88; XXIV, 1; XXVIII, 23; XXXII, 12; XXXVII, 15; etc.

[359] XXIV, 1; XXIX, 17.

[360] VIII, 50; XXVIII, 42.

[361] XXIX, 17 and 23.

[362] XXVIII, 43.

[363] XX, 1. “Odia amicitiaque rerum surdarum ac sensu carentium ... quod Graeci sympathiam appellavere.” XXIV, 1. “Surdis etiam rerum sua cuique sunt venena ac minimis quoque ... Concordia valent.”

[364] XXVIII, 41; XXXVII, 15. Yet a note in Bostock and Riley’s translation, IV, 207, asserts, “Pliny is the only author who makes mention of this singularly absurd notion.”

[365] “Nunc quod totis voluminibus his docere conati summus de discordia rerum concordiaque quam antipathiam Graeci vocavere ac sympathiam non aliter clarius intelligi potest.”

[366] XXIV, 41.

[367] XXI, 47.

[368] XX, 36.

[369] XVI, 24.

[370] XXV, 55.

[371] XXXVII, 54.

[372] XXIII, 62; XXIV, 1.

[373] XXVIII, 41.

[374] XXIX, 32.

[375] XXVIII, 61.

[376] XXIX, 27.

[377] XXVII, 74.

[378] XXXVI, 11.

[379] XXV, 3.

[380] XXII, 29.

[381] XXVIII, 9.

[382] XXVIII, 17.

[383] XXVIII, 47.

[384] XXIX, 38.

[385] XXX, 20.

[386] XXVIII, 49.

[387] XXXII, 52.

[388] XXIX, 27.

[389] XXX, 7.

[390] XXXII, 14.

[391] XXX, 20 and 14.

[392] XXXII, 29; XXX, 11.

[393] XXVIII, 42.

[394] XXII, 65.

[395] XXII, 72.

[396] XXII, 32.

[397] XXX, 12.

[398] XXV, 106.

[399] XX, 81.

[400] XXVIII, 47.

[401] XXX, 12, 15.

[402] XXVII, 62.

[403] XXIX, 17.

[404] XXIX, 24.

[405] XXVI, 89.

[406] XXXII, 16; also XX, 39.

[407] XXII, 30.

[408] XXIV, 32, 38.

[409] XX, 72, 82.

[410] XXVI, 69.

[411] XXIX, 36.

[412] XXX, 8.

[413] XXVIII, 10.

[414] XXXII, 24.

[415] XXX, 18.

[416] See also XXX, 8.

[417] XXIV, 106 and 109.

[418] XXIV, 107 and 110.

[419] Some examples are: XVIII, 75, 79; XXII, 72; XXIII, 71; XXVIII, 47; XXIX, 36; XXXII, 14, 25, 38, 46.

[420] XXXII, 14.

[421] XXX, 12.

[422] XXIV, 112.

[423] VIII, 50.

[424] XXVIII, 6.

[425] XXIV, 17.

[426] XXX, 15.

[427] XXIX, 34.

[428] XXXII, 24.

[429] XXXII, 38.

[430] XVII, 47.

[431] XIX, 36.

[432] XVIII, 35.

[433] XXVI, 60.

[434] XXVIII, 7.

[435] XXVII, 75.

[436] XXVII, 106.

[437] XXVIII, 3-4.

[438] XXVII, 35. “Catanancen Thessalam herbam qualis sit describi a nobis supervacuum est, cum sit usus eius ad amatoria tantum.” XXVII, 99. “Phyteuma quale sit describere supervacuum habeo cum sit usus eius tantum ad amatoria.”

[439] XXV, 7. “Ego nec abortiva dico ac ne amatoria quidem, memor Lucullum imperatorem clarissimum amatorio perisse....”

[440] A few examples are: XX, 15, 84, 92; XXIV, 11, 42; XXVI, 64; XXVII, 42, 99; XXVIII, 77, 80; XXX, 49; XXXII, 50.

[441] XXII, 9.

[442] XXV, 7.

[443] XXIX, 27.

[444] XXX, 1. On the general attitude to astrology of the preceding Augustan Age and its poets see H. W. Garrod, Manili Astronomicon Liber II, Oxford, 1911, pp. lxv-lxxiii, but I think he overestimates the probable effect of the edict of 16 A.D. upon the poem of Manilius.

[445] II, 5. “Astroque suo eventus adsignat nascendi legibus semelque in omnes futuros umquam deo decretum in reliquom vero otium datur.”

[446] VII, 37.

[447] VII, 50.

[448] VII, 57.

[449] II, 24.

[450] II, 6, “Non tanta caelo societas nobiscum est ut nostro fato mortalis sit ibi quoque siderum fulgor.”

[451] II, 9.

[452] II, 18.

[453] II, 23.

[454] II, 30.

[455] XXV, 5.

[456] II, 1.

[457] II, 4.

[458] II, 16.

[459] II, 13.

[460] II, 6; and see II, 39.

[461] II, 6. “Potentia autem ad terram magnopere eorum pertinens.”

[462] II, 6.

[463] XVIII, 5, 57, 69.

[464] XVIII, 68. Other authorities tell the story of Thales; see Cicero, De divinatione, II, 201; Aristotle, Polit. I, 7; and Diogenes Laertius.

[465] XVIII, 78.

[466] II, 81.

[467] XXXVII, 28.

[468] XXXVII, 59.

[469] XXIX, 5.

[470] XXX, 29.

[471] II, 40.

[472] II, 102.

[473] II, 41.

[474] XXXII, 19.

[475] L. Annaei Senecae Naturalium Quaestionum Libri Septem, VI, 4, “Aliquando de motu terrarum volumen iuvenis ediderim.” The edition by G. D. Koeler, Göttingen, 1819, devotes several hundred pages to a Disquisitio and Animadversiones upon Seneca’s work. I have also used the more recent Teubner edition, ed. Haase, 1881, and the English translation in Clark and Geikie, Physical Science in the Time of Nero, 1910. In Panckoucke’s Library, vol. 147, a French translation accompanies the text.

[476] VII, 25.

[477] VII, 31.

[478] III, 26.

[479] V, 6, for animals generated in flames; II, 31, for snakes struck by lightning; III, passim for marvelous fountains.

[480] III, 25.

[481] IV, 7.

[482] II, 32.

[483] II, 46.

[484] I, 1.

[485] VII, 30.

[486] II, 10.

[487] VII, 28.

[488] That is to say, five in addition to the sun and the moon.

[489] II, 32.

[490] III, 29.

[491] II, 31-50.

[492] II, 32.

[493] A complete edition of Ptolemy’s works has been in process of publication since 1898 in the Teubner library by J. L. Heiberg and Franz Boll. They are also the authors of the most important recent researches concerning Ptolemy. See Heiberg’s discussion of the MSS in the volumes of the above edition which have thus far appeared; his articles on the Latin translations of Ptolemy in Hermes XLV (1910) 57ff, and XLVI (1911) 206ff; but especially Boll, Studien über Claudius Ptolemäus. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der griechischen Philosophie und Astrologie, 1894, in Jahrb. f. Philol. u. Pädagogik, Neue Folge, Suppl. Bd. 21. A recent summary of investigation and bibliography concerning Ptolemy is W. Schmid, Die Nachklassische Periode der Griechischen Litteratur, 1913, pp. 717-24, in the fifth edition of Christ, Gesch. d. Griech. Litt.

[494] Some strictures upon Ptolemy as a geographer are made by Sir W. M. Ramsay, The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, 1890, pp. 69-73.

[495] Schmid would appear to be mistaken in saying that the Geography was already known in Latin and Arabic translation in the time of Frederick II (p. 718, “Seine in erster Linie die Astronomie, dann auch die Geographie und Harmonik betreffenden Schriften haben sich nicht bloss im Originaltext erhalten; sie wurden auch frühzeitig von den Arabern übersetzt und sind dann, ähnlich wie die Werke des Aristoteles, schon zur Zeit des Kaisers Friedrich II, noch ehe man sie im Urtext kennen lernte, durch lateinische, nach dem Arabischen gemachte Übersetzungen ins Abendland gelangt”), for in his own bibliography (p. 723) we read, “Geographie ... Frühste latein. Übersetzung des Jacobus Angelus gedruckt Bologna, 1462.” Apparently Schmid did not know the date of Angelus’ translation.

However, Duhem, III (1915) 417, also speaks as if the Geography were known in the thirteenth century: “les considérations empruntées à la Géographie de Ptolémée fournissent à Robert de Lincoln une objection contre le mouvement de précession des équinoxes tel qu’il est définé dans l’Almageste.” See also C. A. Nallino, Al-Huwarizmi e il suo rifacimento della geografia di Tolomeo, 1894, cited by Suter (1914) viii-ix, for a geography in Arabic preserved at Strasburg which is based on Ptolemy’s Geography.

[496] In this Latin translation it is often entitled Cosmographia. Some MSS are: CLM 14583, 15th century, fols. 81-215, Cosmographia Ptolomei a Jacobo Angelo translata. Also BN 4801, 4802, 4803, 4804, 4838. Arsenal 981, in an Italian hand, is presumably incorrectly dated as of the 14th century.

This Jacobus Angelus was chancellor of the faculty of Montpellier in 1433 and is censured by Gerson in a letter for his superstitious observance of days.

[497] The several editions printed before 1500 seem to have consisted simply of this Latin translation, such as that of Bologna, 1462, and Vincentiae, 1475, and the Greek text to have been first published in 1507. See Justin Winsor, A Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography, 1884, in Library of Harvard University, Bibliographical Contributions, No. 18:—a bibliography which deals only with printed editions and not with the MSS. According to Schmid, however, the editio princeps of the Greek text was that of Basel, 1533. C. Müller’s modern edition (Didot, 1883 and 1901) gives an unsatisfactory bare list of 38 MSS. See also G. M. Raidel, Commentatio critico-literaria de Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia eiusque codicibus, 1737.

[498] L’ottica di Claudio Tolomeo da Eugenio ammiraglio di Sicilia ridotta in latino, ed. Gilberto Govi, Turin, 1885.

[499] Schmid (1913) still cites it without qualification. Hammer-Jensen has an article, Ptolemaios und Heron, in Hermes, XLVIII (1913) 224, et seq.

[500] Haskins and Lockwood, The Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth Century, in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, XXI (1910), 89.

[501] Ibid., 89-94.

[502] A. Heller, Geschichte der Physik von Aristoteles bis auf die neueste Zeit, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1882-1884. The statement sounds a trifle improbable in view of the number of MSS still in existence.

[503] Opus Maius, II, 7.

[504] The Dioptra of Hero is really geodetical.

[505] Govi (1885), p. 151.

[506] Ptolemy in Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography.

[507] It was also so printed in Sphera cum commentis, 1518: “Explicit secundus et ultimus liber Ptolomei de Speculis. Completa fuit eius translatio ultimo Decembris anno Christi 1269.”

[508] C. H. Haskins and D. P. Lockwood, The Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth Century and the First Latin Version of Ptolemy’s Almagest, in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, XXI (1910) 75-102.

C. H. Haskins, Further Notes on Sicilian Translations of the Twelfth Century, Ibid., XXIII, 155-66.

J. L. Heiberg, Eine mittelalterliche Uebersetzung der Syntaxis des Ptolemaios, in Hermes XLV (1910) 57-66; and Noch einmal die mittelalterliche Ptolemaios-Uebersetzung, Ibid., XLVI, 207-16.

[509] Digby 51, 13th Century, fols. 79-114, “Liber iiii tractatuum Batolomei Alfalisobi in sciencia judiciorum astrorum.... Et perfectus est eius translatio de Arabico in Latinum a Tiburtino Platone cui Deus parcat die Veneris hora tertia XXa die mensis Octobris anno Domini MCXXVIII (sic) XV die mensis Saphar anno Arabum DXXXIII (sic) in civitate Barchinona....” The date of translation is given as October 2, 1138, in CUL 1767, 1276 A.D., fols. 240-76, “Liber 4 Partium Ptholomei Auburtino Palatone.”

[510] It is found in an edition printed at Venice in 1493, “per Bonetum locatellum impensis nobilis viri Octaviani scoti civis Modoetiensis.”

[511] In the British Museum are editions of Venice, 1484, 1493, 1519; Paris, 1519; Basel, 1533; Louvain, 1548; it was also printed in 1551, 1555, 1578.

[512] In the British Museum are but three editions of the Greek text, all with an accompanying Latin translation: Nürnberg, 1535; Basel, 1553; and 1583.

[513] Studien über Claudius Ptolemäus, 1894.

[514] “C’était la capitulation de la science.” Bouché-Leclercq in Rev. Hist., LXV, 257, note 3.

[515] In the medieval Latin translation the Slavs replace the Scythians of Ptolemy’s text.

[516] Indeed, Hephaestion’s first two books are nothing but Ptolemy repeated. About contemporary with Ptolemy seems to have been Vettius Valens whose astrological work is extant: Vettius Valens, Anthologiarum libri primum edidit Guilelmus Kroll, Berlin, 1908. See also CCAG passim concerning both Hephaestion and Vettius Valens, and Engelbrecht, Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches Compendium, Vienna, 1887.

[517] James Finlayson, Galen: Two Bibliographical Demonstrations in the Library of the Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow, 1895. Since then I believe that the only work of Galen to be translated into English is On the Natural Faculties, ed. A. J. Brock, 1916 (Loeb Library).

[518] J. F. Payne, The Relation of Harvey to his Predecessors and especially to Galen: Harveian Oration of 1896, in The Lancet, Oct. 24, 1896, p. 1136.

[519] In the Teubner texts: Scriptora minora, 1-3, ed. I. Marquardt, I. Mueller, G. Helmreich, 1884-1893; De victu, ed. Helmreich, 1898; De temperamentis, ed. Helmreich, 1904; De usu partium, ed. Helmreich, 1907, 1909.

In Corpus Medicorum Graecorum, V, 9, 1-2, 1914-1915, The Hippocratic Commentaries, ed. Mewaldt, Helmreich, Westenberger, Diels, Hieg.

[520] Carolus Gottlob Kühn, Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia, Leipzig, 1821-1833, 21 vols. My citations will be to this edition, unless otherwise specified. An older edition which is often cited is that of Renatus Charterius, Paris, 1679, 13 vols.

[521] The article on Galen in PW regards some of the treatises as printed in Kühn as almost unreadable.

[522] Although Kühn’s Index fills a volume, it is far from dependable.

[523] Liddell and Scott often fail to allude to germane passages in Galen’s works, even when they include, with citation of some other author, the word he uses.

[524] Perhaps at this point a similarly candid confession by the present writer is in order. I have tried to do a little more than Dr. Payne in his modesty seems ready to admit of himself, and to look over carefully enough not to miss anything of importance those works which seemed at all likely to bear upon my particular interest, the history of science and magic. In consequence I have examined long stretches of text from which I have got nothing. For the most part, I thought it better not to take time to read the Hippocratic commentaries. At first I was inclined to depend upon others for Galen’s treatises on anatomy and physiology, but finally I read most of them in order to learn at first hand of his argument from design and his attitude towards dissection. Further than this the reader can probably judge for himself from my citations as to the extent and depth of my reading. My first draft was completed before I discovered that Puschmann had made considerable use of Galen for medical conditions in the Roman Empire in his History of Medical Education, English translation, London, 1891, pp. 93-113. For the sake of a complete and well-rounded survey I have thought it best to retain those passages where I cover about the same ground. I have been unable to procure T. Meyer-Steineg, Ein Tag im Leben des Galen, Jena, 1913. 63 pp.

[525] For an account of the MSS see H. Diels, Berl. Akad. Abh. (1905), 58ff. Some fragments of Galen’s work on medicinal simples exist in a fifth century MS of Dioscorides at Constantinople and have been reproduced by M. Wellmann in Hermes, XXXVIII (1903), 292ff. The first two books of his περὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς τροφαῖς δυνάμεων were discovered in a Wolfenbüttel palimpsest of the fifth or sixth century by K. Koch; see Berl. Akad. Sitzb. (1907), 103ff.

[526] Lancet (1896), p. 1135.

[527] For these see V. Rose, Analecta Graeca et Latina, Berlin, 1864. As a specimen of these medieval Latin translations may be mentioned a collection of some twenty-six treatises in one huge volume which I have seen in the library of Balliol College, Oxford: Balliol 231, a large folio, early 14th century (a note of ownership was added in 1334 at Canterbury) fols. 437, double columned pages. For the titles and incipits of the individual treatises see Coxe (1852).

[528] A. Merx, “Proben der syrischen Uebersetzung von Galenus’ Schrift über die einfachen Heilmittel,” Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Morgendl. Gesell. XXXIX (1885), 237-305.

[529] Payne, Lancet (1896), p. 1136.

[530] Ch. V. Daremberg, Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux, Paris, 1841.

[531] Lancet (1896), p. 1140.

[532] Brock (1916), p. xvi, says in 131 A.D. Clinton, Fasti Romani, placed it in 130.

[533] These details are from the De cognoscendis curandisque animi morbis, cap. 8, Kühn, V, 40-44.

[534] De naturalibus facultatibus, III, 10, Kühn, II, 179.

[535] Kühn, X, 609 (De methodo medendi); also XVI, 223; and XIX, 59.

[536] De anatom. administ., Kühn, II, 217, 224-25, 660. See also XV, 136; XIX, 57.

[537] His recorded astronomical observations extend from 127 to 151 A.D.

[538] Kühn, X, 16.

[539] Fragments du commentaire de Galien sur le Timée de Platon, were published for the first time, both in Greek and a French translation, together with an Essai sur Galien considéré comme philosophe, by Ch. Daremberg, Paris, 1848.

[540] Kühn, XIII, 599-600.

[541] Clinton, Fasti Romani, I, 151 and 155, speaks of a first visit of Galen to Rome in 162 and a second in 164, but he has misinterpreted Galen’s statements. When Galen speaks of his second visit to Rome, he means his return after the plague.

[542] Kühn, XIX, 15.

[543] Kühn, XIV, 622, 625, 648; see also I, 54-57. and XII, 263.

[544] Kühn, XIV, 649-50.

[545] R. M. Briau, L’Archiatrie Romaine, Paris, 1877, however, held that Galen never received the official title, archiater; see p. 24, “il est difficile de comprendre pourquoi le médecin de Pergame qui donnait des soins à l’empereur Marc Aurèle, ne fut jamais honoré de ce titre.” But he is given the title in at least one medieval MS—Merton 219, early 14th century, fol. 36v—“Incipit liber Galieni archistratos medicorum de malitia complexionis diversae.”

[546] De venae sectione, Kühn, XIX, 524.

[547] Kühn, XIII, 362-63; for another allusion to this fire see XIV, 66. Also II, 216; XIX, 19 and 41.

[548] For the statements of this paragraph see Kühn, XIV, 603-5, 620-23.

[549] Kühn, X, 114.

[550] Kühn, XIV, 599-600.

[551] Kühn, X, 1, 76.

[552] Kühn, X, 609.

[553] Kühn, X, 4-5.

[554] Kühn, X, 10.

[555] Kühn, XII, 909, 916, and in vol. XIV the entire treatise De remediis parabilibus.

[556] Kühn, X, 560.

[557] Kühn, X, 1010-11.

[558] Kühn, XIII, 571-72.

[559] Kühn, XIV, 62, and see Puschmann, History of Medical Education (1891), p. 108.

[560] Kühn, XIV, 10, 30, 79; and see Puschmann (1891), 109-11, where there is bibliography of the subject.

[561] Kühn, X, 792.

[562] Kühn, XIV, 26.

[563] The meaning of the word “apothecary” is explained as follows in a fourteenth century manuscript at Chartres which is a miscellany of religious treatises with a bestiary and lapidary and bears the title, “Apothecarius moralis monasterii S. Petri Carnotensis.”

“Apothecarius est, secundum Hugucium, qui nonnullas diversarum rerum species in apothecis suis aggregat.. .. Apothecarius dicitur is qui species aromaticas et res quacunque arti medicine et cirurgie necessarias habet penes se et venales exponit,” fol. 3. “According to Hugutius an apothecary is one who collects samples of various commodities in his stores. An apothecary is called one who has at hand and exposes for sale aromatic species and all sorts of things needful in medicine and surgery.”

[564] The nest of the fabled cinnamon bird was supposed to contain supplies of the spice, which Herodotus (III, 111) tells us the Arabian merchants procured by leaving heavy pieces of flesh for the birds to carry to their nests, which then broke down under the excessive weight. In Aristotle’s History of Animals (IX, 13) the nests are shot down with arrows tipped with lead. For other allusions to the cinnamon bird in classical literature see D’Arcy W. Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, Oxford, 1895, p. 82.

[565] Kühn, XIV, 64-66.

[566] Ad Pisonem de theriaca, Kühn, XIV, 217.

[567] Kühn, XIII, 704.

[568] Kühn, XII, 168-78.

[569] M. Berthelot, “Sur les voyages de Galien et de Zosime dans l’Archipel et en Asie, et sur la matière médicale dans l’antiquité,” in Journal des Savants (1895), pp. 382-7. The article is chiefly devoted to showing that an alchemistic treatise attributed to Zosimus copies Galen’s account of his trips to Lemnos and Cyprus. Of such future copying of Galen we shall encounter many more instances.

As for the terra sigillata, C. J. S. Thompson, in a paper on “Terra Sigillata, a famous medicament of ancient times,” published in the Proceedings of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medical Sciences, London, 1913, Section XXIII, pp. 433-44, tells of various medieval substitutes for the Lemnian earth from other places, and of the interesting religious ceremony, performed in the presence of the Turkish officials on only one day in the year by Greek monks who had replaced the priestess of Diana. Pierre Belon witnessed it on August 6th, 1533. By that time there were many varieties of the tablets, “because each lord of Lemnos had a distinct seal.” When Tozer visited Lemnos in 1890 the ceremony was still performed annually on August sixth and must be completed before sunrise or the earth would lose its efficacy. Mohammedan khodjas now shared in the religious ceremony, sacrificing a lamb. But in the twentieth century the entire ceremony was abandoned. Through the early modern centuries the terra sigillata continued to be held in high esteem in western Europe also, and was included in pharmacopeias as late as 1833 and 1848. Thompson gives a chemical analysis of a sixteenth century tablet of the Lemnian earth and finds no evidence therein of its possessing any medicinal property. Agricola in the sixteenth century wrote in his work on mining (De re metal., ed. Hoover, 1912, II, 31), “It is, however, very little to be wondered at that the hill in the Island of Lemnos was excavated, for the whole is of a reddish-yellow color which furnishes for the inhabitants that valuable clay so especially beneficial to mankind.”

[570] Kühn, XIV, 72.

[571] Kühn, XII, 226-9. See the article of Berthelot just cited in a preceding note for an explanation of the three names and of Galen’s experience. Mr. Hoover, in his translation of Agricola’s work on metallurgy (1912), pp. 573-4, says, “It is desirable here to enquire into the nature of the substances given by all of the old mineralogists under the Latinized Greek terms, chalcitis, misy, sory, and melanteria.” He cites Dioscorides (V, 75-77) and Pliny (NH, XXXIV, 29-31) on the subject, but not Galen. Yule (1903) I, 126, notes that Marco Polo’s account of Tutia and Spodium “reads almost like a condensed translation of Galen’s account of Pompholyx and Spodos.”

[572] Kühn, XIV, 7-8; XIII, 411-2; XII, 215-6.

[573] Kühn, XIV, 22-23, 77-78; XIII, 119.

[574] Kühn, XIV, 255-56. The beasts of course were also in demand for the arena.

[575] Kühn, X, 456-57, opening passage of the seventh book.

[576] περὶ τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, Kühn, XIX, 8ff.; and περὶ τῆς τάξεως τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, XIX, 49 ff.

[577] See, for instance, in the De methodo medendi itself, X, 895-96 and 955.

[578] Kühn, XIV, 651: henceforth this text will generally be cited without name.

[579] XIX, 8.

[580] II, 217.

[581] XIX, 9.

[582] XIX, 41.

[583] II, 283.

[584] XIV, 630.

[585] XIX, 34.

[586] XV, 109.

[587] XIII, 995-96; XIV, 31-32.

[588] X, 633. Duruy refers to the passage in his History of Rome (ed. J. P. Mahaffy, Boston, 1886, V, i, 273), but says, “Extensive sanitary works were undertaken throughout all Italy, and the celebrated Galen, who was almost a contemporary, extols their happy effects upon the public health.” But Galen does not have sanitary considerations especially in mind, since he mentions Trajan’s road-building only by way of illustration, comparing his own systematic treatment of medicine to the emperor’s great work in repairing and improving the roads, straightening them by cut-offs that saved distance, but sometimes abandoning an old road that went straight over hills for an easier route that avoided them, filling in wet and marshy spots with stone or crossing them by causeways, bridging impassable rivers, and altering routes that led through places now deserted and beset by wild beasts so that they would pass through populous towns and more frequented areas. The passage thus bears witness to a shifting of population.

[589] V, 49.

[590] V, 17-19.

[591] Mentioned in Acts, xviii, 18, “ ... having shorn his head in Cenchrea: for he had a vow.”

[592] V, 46-47.

[593] X, 3-4.

[594] X, 831-36; XIII, 513; XIV, 27-29, and 14-19 on the heating and storage of wine.

[595] IV, 777-79.

[596] Similarly Milward (1733), p. 102, wrote of Alexander of Tralles, “He has in most distempers a separate article concerning wine and I much doubt whether there be in all nature a more excellent medicine than this in the hands of a skillful and judicious practitioner.”

[597] IV, 821.

[598] Kühn, VIII, 579, ὡς εἰς Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ διατριβὴν ἀφιγμένος νόμων ἀναποδεἍκίτων ἀκούη

[599] Ibid., p. 657, θᾶττον γὰρ ἄν τις τοὺς ἀπὸ Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ μεταδιδάξειεν I have been unable to find a passage in which, according to Moses Maimonides of the twelfth century in his Aphorisms from Galen, Galen said that the wealthy physicians and philosophers of his time were not prepared for discipline as were the followers of Moses and Christ. Perhaps it is a mistranslation of one of the above passages. Particula 24 (56), “medici et philosophi cum aere augmentati non sunt preparati ad disciplinam sicut parati fuerunt ad disciplinam moysis et christi socii predictorum. decimotercio megapulsus.”

[600] Kühn, III, 905-7.

[601] Kühn, XI, 690-4; XII, 372-5.

[602] Finlayson (1895); pp. 8-9; Harnack, Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte, Leipzig, 1892.

[603] Wellmann (1914), p. 16 note.

[604] Kühn, IV, 816.

[605] Kühn, IV, 815.

[606] Quoted by Eusebius, V, 28, and reproduced by Harnack, Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte, 1892, p. 41, and by Finlayson (1895), pp. 9-10.

[607] Kühn, X, 16-17. J. Leminne, Les quatre éléments, in Mémoires couronnés par l’Académie de Belgique, vol. 65, Brussels, 1903, traces the influence of the theory in medieval thought.

[608] Kuhn, XIII, 763-4.

[609] Kühn, I, 428.

[610] Kühn, X, 111.

[611] Kühn, XII, 166.

[612] I, 417.

[613] XIV, 250-53.

[614] XIII, 948.

[615] X, 657.

[616] X, 872.

[617] XIX, 344-45.

[618] More recently Galen’s Materia medica has been treated of in a German doctoral dissertation by L. Israelson, Die materia medica des Klaudios Galenos, 1894, 204 pp.

[619] X, 624.

[620] XIV, 253-54.

[621] V, 911.

[622] X, 817-19.

[623] X, 843.

[624] XIV, 281.

[625] XII, 270-71.

[626] X, 368-71.

[627] Kühn, VIII, 363. Finlayson (1895), pp. 39-40, gives an English translation of Galen’s full account of the case.

[628] Puschmann (1891), pp. 105-6. Vitruvius, too, however (V, iii), states that sound spreads in waves like eddies in a pond.

[629] XIII, 435, 893, are two instances.

[630] V, 80; XIV, 670.

[631] Various treatises on the pulse by Galen will be found in vols. V, IX, and X of Kühn’s edition.

[632] Galen’s contributions to the arts of clock-making and time-keeping have been dealt with in an article which I have not had access to and of which I cannot now find even the author and title.

[633] XIV, 631-34.

[634] C. V. Daremberg, Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux, Paris, 1841. J. S. Milne discussed “Galen’s Knowledge of Muscular Anatomy” at the International Congress of Medical Sciences held at London in 1913; see pp. 389-400 of the volume devoted to the history of medicine, Section XXIII.

[635] Lancet (1896), p. 1139.

[636] I have failed to obtain K. F. H. Mark, Herophilus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Medizin, Carlsruhe, 1838.

[637] D’Arcy W. Thompson (1913), 22-23, thinks that the precedence of the heart over all other organs in appearing in the embryo of the chick led Aristotle to locate in it the central seat of the soul.

[638] XIV, 626-30.

[639] II, 683, 696. This and the other quotations in this paragraph are from Dr. Payne’s Harveian Oration as printed in The Lancet (1896), pp. 1137-39.

[640] Kühn, V, 216, cited by Payne.

[641] Kühn, II, 642-49; IV, 703-36, “An in arteriis natura sanguis contineatur.” J. Kidd, A Cursory Analysis of the Works of Galen so far as they relate to Anatomy and Physiology, in Transactions of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, VI (1837), 299-336.

[642] Lancet (1896), p. 1137, where Payne states that Colombo (De re anatomica, Venet. 1559, XIV, 261) was the first to prove by experiment on the living heart that these veins conveyed blood from the lungs.

[643] II, 146-47.

[644] II, 384-86.

[645] II, 220-21.

[646] Augustine testifies in two passages of his De anima et eius origine (Migne PL 44, 475-548), that vivisection of human beings was practiced as late as his time, the early fifth century: IV, 3, “Medici tamen qui appellantur anatomici per membra per venas per nervos per ossa per medullas per interiora vitalia etiam vivos homines quamdiu inter manus rimantium vivere potuerunt dissiciendo scrutati sunt ut naturam corporis nossent”; and IV, 6 (Migne, PL 44, 528-9).

[647] II, 537.

[648] II, 619-20.

[649] II, 701.

[650] II, 631 ff.

[651] XIII, 599-600. Galen states that the pontifex’s term of office was seven months, a fact which perhaps had some astrological bearing.

[652] X, 454-55.

[653] II, 682.

[654] II, 291.

[655] IV, 360, et passim.

[656] IV, 687.

[657] IV, 694, 696.

[658] IV, 688.

[659] IV, 700.

[660] IV, 692; II, 537. Others contend, he says (IV, 693), that one soul constructs the parts and another soul incites them to voluntary motion.

[661] IV, 701.

[662] II, 28.

[663] XVIII B, 17ff.

[664] De usu partium, XI, 14 (Kühn, III, 905-7). The passage seems to me an integral part of the work and not a later interpolation. Moses Maimonides in the twelfth century took exception at some length, in the 25th Particula of his Aphorisms from Galen, to this criticism of his national law-giver.

[665] IV, 513; see also II, 55, ὡς ἔγωγε πρῶτον μὲν ἀκούσας τὸ γινόμενον, ἐθαύμασα καὶ αὐτὸς ἐβουλήθην αὐτόπτης αὐτοῦ καταστῆναι.

[666] X, 608; XIII, 887-88.

[667] XIII, 964.

[668] II, 136; X, 385; XII, 311; he credited Plato with the same attitude, see II, 581.

[669] II, 659-60.

[670] XII, 446.

[671] II, 141, 179.

[672] II, 179; X, 609.

[673] II, 621.

[674] XIII, 891.

[675] XIII, 430-31.

[676] XIII, 717.

[677] XI, 794; also XIII, 658; XIV, 61-62, and many other passages of the Antidotes.

[678] XII, 203. Pliny, NH XXXVI, 34, makes the same statement as Dioscorides.

[679] XII, 272.

[680] Pliny, NH XXVIII, 35, however, both tells how butter is made and of its use as food among the barbarians.

[681] X, 40-41.

[682] X, 127, 962.

[683] X, 31.

[684] X, 29.

[685] X, 668.

[686] X, 123.

[687] X, 915-16.

[688] I, 75-76; XIV, 367.

[689] I, 145; II, 41-43; X, 30-31, 782-83; XIII, 188, 366, 375, 463, 579, 594, 892; XIV, 245, 679.

[690] X, 159.

[691] XIV, 675-76.

[692] I, 144-55.

[693] XVI, 82.

[694] I, 135.

[695] XIV, 680.

[696] I, 131.

[697] I, 134.

[698] XVI, 82.

[699] II, 288.

[700] IX, 842; XIII, 887.

[701] XIII, 116-17.

[702] X, 28-29.

[703] X, 684.

[704] X, 454-55.

[705] XI, 420.

[706] XI, 434-35.

[707] XI, 456.

[708] XII, 246.

[709] XII, 336.

[710] XII, 365.

[711] XII, 258, 262, 269, 331.

[712] XII, 334.

[713] VI, 453-55.

[714] XIII, 463.

[715] XII, 895.

[716] XIV, 222.

[717] XIII, 700-701.

[718] XIII, 706-707.

[719] XIII, 467.

[720] XIII, 867.

[721] XII, 392-93, 884; XIII, 116-17, 123, 125, 128-29, 354, 485, 502-503, 582, 656.

[722] XII, 968, 988.

[723] See XII, 988; XIII, 960-61; XIV, 12, 60, 341.

[724] XIV, 82.

[725] XIII, 570.

[726] XII, 350.

[727] XVI, 86-87; XI, 518.

[728] XI, 485.

[729] XVI, 85.

[730] IX, 842.

[731] II, 206.

[732] I, 138.

[733] XVI, 80.

[734] There would seem to be something wrong, at least with its arrangement as it now stands, for the first book ends (XIV, 389) with the words, “This my fourth book, O Glaucon, ends thus. If it has been useful to you, you will readily follow what I’ve written to Salomon the archiater.” But then the present second book opens with the words (XIV, 390), “Since you’ve asked me to write you about easily procurable remedies, O dearest Solon,” and goes on to say that the author will state what he has learned from experience beginning with the hair and closing with the feet.

[735] XIV, 378.

[736] XIV, 462.

[737] XIV, 534.

[738] XI, 205.

[739] John of St. Amand, Expositio in Antidotarium Nicolai, fol. 231, in Mesuae medici clarissimi opera, Venice, 1568. Pietro d’Abano, Conciliator, Venice, 1526, Diff. X, fol. 15; Diff. LX, fol. 83. Arnald of Villanova, Repetitio super Canon “Vita brevis,” fol. 276, in his Opera, Lyons, 1532.

[740] Gilbertus Anglicus, Compendium medicinae, Lyons, 1510, fol. 328v., “Experimenta ex libro experimentorum Gal. experta.”

[741] In his Expositio in Antidotarium Nicolai, as cited above (note 5).

[742] J. L. Pagel, Die Concordanciae des Johannes de Sancto Amando, Berlin, 1894, pp. 102-104. John also wrote commentaries on Galen, (Histoire Littéraire de la France, XXI, 263-65).

[743] ed. Lyons, 1515, fols. 19v-2Ov.

[744] Berlin, 902, 14th century, fol. 175; Berlin 903, 1342 A.D., fol. 2.

[745] Boncompagni (1851), pp. 3-4.

[746] Moses ben Maimon, Aphorisms, 1489. “Incipiunt aphorismi excellentissimi Raby Moyses secundum doctrinam Galieni medicorum principis ... collegi eos ex verbis Galieni de omnibus libris suis.... Et ego protuli super his afforismis quedam dicta que circumspexi et ea meo nomine nominavi et similiter protuli aliquos aphorismos aliquorum modernorum quos denominavi eorum nomine.”

[747] Ed. C. V. Daremberg, Notices et Extraits des manuscrits médicaux, 1853, pp. 44-47, Greek text; pp. 229-33, French translation.

[748] Garrison, History of Medicine, 2nd edition, 1917, p. 141. But at p. 151 Garrison would seem mistaken in stating that Gentile died in 1348, for in the MS of which I shall speak in the next footnote his treatise on critical days is dated back in the year 1362: “Tractatus de enumeratione dierum creticorum m’i Gentilis anni 1362,” at fol. 125; while at fol. 162 we read, “Explicit questio ... m’i Zentilis anno Domini 1359 de mense marcii, et scripta Pisis de mense octobris 1359.” It is possible but rather unlikely that the dates later than 1348 refer to the labors of copyists. Venetian MSS contain not only a De reductione medicinarum ad actum by Gentile, written at Perugia in April, 1342 (S. Marco, XIV, 7, 14th century, fols. 44-48); but also “Suggestions concerning the pestilence which was at Genoa in 1348,” by him (S. Marco, XIV, 26, 15th century, fols. 99-100, consilia de peste quae fuit Ianuae anno 1348). Valentinelli’s catalogue of the MSS in the Library of St. Mark’s does not help, however, to clear up the question when Gentile died, since in one place (IV, 235) Valentinelli assures us that he died at Bologna in 1310, and in another place (V, 19) says that he died at Perugia in 1348.

[749] Cortona 110, early years of 15th century, fol. 128, Rationes Gentilis contra Galenum in quinto aphorismi. This MS contains several other works by Gentile da Foligno.

[750] XIV, 601.

[751] XIV, 605.

[752] XIV, 615.

[753] XIV, 625.

[754] XIV, 655.

[755] I, 54-55.

[756] XII, 263.

[757] XII, 306.

[758] XII, 307.

[759] XI, 792-93.

[760] XII, 283.

[761] XII, 251-53.

[762] IV, 688.

[763] Natural History, XXVIII, 2.

[764] XII, 248, 284-85, 290.

[765] XII, 293.

[766] XIV, 255. (To Piso on theriac.)

[767] XII, 291-92.

[768] XII, 298.

[769] XII, 304.

[770] XII, 342.

[771] XII, 276-77.

[772] XII, 367-69.

[773] XIII, 949-50, 954-55.

[774] XII, 343. These form the titles of four successive chapters, De simplic., XI, i, caps. 19-22.

[775] XII, 359, 942-43, 977.

[776] XII, 856.

[777] XII, 860.

[778] XII, 360.

[779] XII, 366-67.

[780] XII, 335.

[781] A fact which—one cannot help remarking—considering the character of most ancient remedies for hydrophobia, only tends to make their recovery seem the more marvelous.

[782] XIV, 233.

[783] XII, 250-51.

[784] XIV, 224-25.

[785] II, 45-48.

[786] XII, 358-59. Concerning the virtue of river crabs we may also quote from a story told in Nias Island, west of Sumatra: “for had he only eaten river crabs, men would have cast their skin like crabs, and so, renewing their youth perpetually, would never have died.”—From J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 67. The belief that the serpent annually changes its skin and renews its youth may account for the virtues ascribed to the flesh of vipers and to theriac in the following paragraphs.

[787] περὶ τῶν ἰδιότητι τῆς ὅλης οὐσίας ἐνεργοῦντων.

[788] IV, 760-61, ἐνεργεῖν τὰς οὐσίας κατ’ ἰδίαν ἑκάστην φύσιν.

[789] XII, 311-15.

[790] Ad Pisonem de theriaca; De theriaca ad Pamphilianum.

[791] XIV, 2-3.

[792] XIV, 217.

[793] XIV, 271-80.

[794] XIV, 283.

[795] XIV, 294.

[796] XII, 317-18; XIV, 45-46, 238.

[797] XIV, 238-39.

[798] XIII, 371, 374.

[799] XIII, 134.

[800] XIII, 242.

[801] XI, 859.

[802] XII, 573; see also XIII, 256.

[803] XI, 860.

[804] XII, 295-96.

[805] XII, 207.

[806] A representation of the Agathodaemon; see C. W. King, The Gnostics and their Remains, London, 1887, p. 220.

[807] XII, 288-89. At II, 163, Galen again accepts the notion that human saliva is fatal to scorpions.

[808] XIV, 321.

[809] XIV, 349.

[810] XIV, 386-87.

[811] XIV, 343.

[812] XIV, 413.

[813] XIV, 427.

[814] XIV, 430.

[815] XIV, 471.

[816] XIV, 472.

[817] XIV, 476. And others, “Ut ne cui penis arrigi possit,” and “Ad arrectionem pudendi.”

[818] “The Psoranthea bituminosa of Linnaeus. It is found on declivities near the sea-coast in the south of Europe,” says a note in Bostock and Riley’s The Natural History of Pliny (Bohn Library), IV, 330. Pliny, too (XXI, 88), states that trefoil is poisonous itself and to be used only as a counter-poison.

[819] XIV, 491; a good example of the power of suggestion.

[820] XIV, 498.

[821] XIV, 502.

[822] XIV, 505.

[823] XIV, 517.

[824] XIV, 567ff.

[825] I, 305-412.

[826] Galen in PW.

[827] I, 325-6.

[828] XVII B, 212 and 834.

[829] Partic. 6, Kühn, XIV, 253.

[830] Kühn, XIV, 255.

[831] These passages all come from the 24th Particula of Maimonides’ Aphorisms, which is devoted especially to marvels:—“Incipit particula xxiiii continens aphorismos dependentes a miraculis repertis in libris medicorum,” from an edition of the Aphorisms dated 1489 and numbered IA.28878 in the British Museum. The same section contains still other marvels from the works of Galen.

[832] Kühn, VI, 832-5.

[833] VI, 833.

[834] XVI, 222-23.

[835] I, 53.

[836] Coeli status, or ἡ κατάστασις. X, 593-96, 625, 634, 645, 647-48, 658, 662, 685, 737, 759-60, 778, 829, etc.

[837] X, 688; XIII, 544; XIV, 285.

[838] XII, 356.

[839] XIV, 298.

[840] XI, 798.

[841] II, 26-28.

[842] XIX, 529-30.

[843] XIX, 534-73.

[844] IX, 794.

[845] IX, 901-2.

[846] IX, 904.

[847] IX, 908-10.

[848] IX, 913.

[849] IX, 922.

[850] IX, 935.

[851] Kühn, XIX, 22-345. Plutarch, Opera, ed. Didot, De placitis philosophorum, pp. 1065-1114; in Plutarch’s Miscellanies and Essays, English translation, 1889, III, 104-92. The wording of the two versions differs somewhat and in Galen’s works it is divided simply into 37 chapters, whereas in Plutarch’s works it is divided into five books and many more chapters.

[852] XIX, 320-21; De plac. philos., V, 1-2.

[853] XIX, 253; De plac. philos., I, 8.

[854] Kühn, XIX, 261-62; De placitis philosophorum, I, 28; “ἡ δὲ εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν αἰθέριον σῶμα. σπέρμα τῆστῶν πάντων γενέσεως.“

[855] XIX, 333.

[856] XIX, 274; De plac. philos., II, 19.

[857] XIX, 265; De plac. philos., II, 5.

[858] As much can hardly be said of our present day architects, whose fantastic tin cornices projecting far out from the roofs of high buildings and rows of stones poised horizontally in mid-air, with no other visible support than a plate glass window beneath, remind one forcibly and painfully of the deceits and levitations of magicians.

[859] De architectura, ed. F. Krohn, Leipzig, Teubner, 1912, VIII, iii, 24. A recent English translation of Vitruvius is by M. H. Morgan, Harvard University Press, 1914.

[860] VIII, iii, 16, 20-21, 24-5.

[861] III, i.

[862] V, Introduction, 3-4.

[863] V, vi, 1. The wording is that of Morgan’s translation.

[864] VI, i, 3-4, 9-10.

[865] IX, vi, 2-3, Morgan’s translation.

[866] III, Introduction, 3, ” ... There should be the greatest indignation when, as often, good judges are flattered by the charm of social entertainments into an approbation which is a mere pretence.”

[867] Idem.

[868] VI, Introduction, 5.

[869] II, Introduction. Vitruvius continues, “But as for me, Emperor, nature has not given me stature, age has marred my face, and my strength is impaired by ill health. Therefore, since these advantages fail me, I shall win your approval, as I hope, by the help of my knowledge and my writings.”

[870] III, Introduction, 2.

[871] VII, Introduction, 1-10.

[872] VI, Introduction, 2. Also IX, Introduction, where authors are declared superior to the victorious athletes in the Olympian, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games.

[873] VII, Introd., 11-14; IX, Introd.

[874] IX, Introd., 17.

[875] VII, Introd., 10.

[876] VIII, iii, 27.

[877] IX, vii, 7.

[878] IX, Introd.

[879] VII, v.

[880] VII, Introd., 18.

[881] V, i, 6-10.

[882] X, i, 4.

[883] X, vii.

[884] IX, viii.

[885] IX, viii, 2 and 4; X, vii, 4.

[886] NH, VII, 38.

[887] The work of Martin, Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d’Héron d’Alexandrie, Paris, 1854, and the accounts of Hero in histories of physics and mathematics such as those of Heller and Cajori, must now be supplemented by the long article in Pauly and Wissowa, Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, (1912), cols. 992-1080. A recent briefer summary in English is the article by T. L. Heath, EB, 11th edition, XIII, 378. See also Hammer-Jensen, Ptolemaios und Heron, in Hermes, XLVIII (1913), p. 224, et seq.

The writings ascribed to Hero, hitherto scattered about in various for the most part inaccessible editions and MSS, are now appearing in a single Teubner edition, of which five vols. have appeared, 1899, 1900, 1903, 1912, 1914, including respectively, the Pneumatics and Automatic Theater, the Mechanics and Mirrors, the Metrics and Dioptra, the Definitions and geometrical remains, Stereometrica and De mensuris and De geodaesia. For the Belopoiika or work on military engines see C. Wescher, Poliorcétique des Grecs, Paris, 1867. In English we have The Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria, translated for Bennet Woodcroft by J. G. Greenwood, London, 1851. A number of articles on Hero by Heiberg, Carra de Vaux, Schmidt, and others will be found in Bibliotheca Mathematica and Sudhoff’s Archiv f. d. Gesch. d. Naturwiss. u. d. Technik.

[888] παρὰ Ἥρωνος Κτησιβίου.

[889] Heath in EB, XIII, 378; Heiberg (1914), V, ix.

[890] PW, Heron.

[891] Baur (1912), p. 417.

[892] In the first chapter of the Automatic Theater he says, “The ancients called those who constructed such things thaumaturges because of the astounding character of the spectacle.”

[893] PW, 1045.

[894] But perhaps this is a medieval interpolation in the nature of a crude Christian attempt to depict “the firmament in the midst of the waters” (Genesis, I, 6). However, it also somewhat resembles the universe of the Greek philosopher, Leucippus, who “made the earth a hemisphere with a hemisphere of air above, the whole surrounded by the supporting crystal sphere which held the moon. Above this came the planets, then the sun”—Orr (1913), p. 63 and Fig. 13. See also K. Tittel, “Das Weltbild bei Heron,” in Bibl. Math. (1907-1908), pp. 113-7.

[895] Berthelot (1885), pp. 68-9. For the following account of Greek alchemy I have followed Berthelot’s three works, Les Origines de l’Alchimie, 1885; Collection des anciens Alchimistes Grecs, 3 vols., 1887-1888; Introduction à l’Étude de la Chimie, 1889. Berthelot made a good many books from too few MSS; went over the same ground repeatedly; and sometimes had to correct his previous statements; but still remains the fullest account of the subject. E. O. v. Lippmann, Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie, 1919, is still based largely on Berthelot’s publications. In English see C. A. Browne, “The Poem of the Philosopher Theophrastos upon the Sacred Art: A Metrical Translation with Comments upon the History of Alchemy,” in The Scientific Monthly, September, 1920, pp. 193-214.

[896] The earliest of them is John of Antioch of the reign of Heraclius, about 620 A.D., although they seem to use Panodorus, an Egyptian monk of the reign of Arcadius. Even he would be a century removed from the event.

[897] Berthelot (1885), pp. 26, 72, etc., took this story about Diocletian far too seriously.

[898] Berthelot (1885), 192-3.

[899] But the Labyrinth of Solomon, which Berthelot (1885), p. 16, had cited as an example of the sort of ancient magic figures which had been largely obliterated by Christians, and of the antiquity of alchemy among the Jews (ibid., p. 54), although he granted (ibid., p. 171) that it might not be as old as the Papyrus of Leyden of the third century, later when he had secured the collaboration of Ruelle (1888), I, 156-7, and III, 41, he had to admit was not even as old as the eleventh century MS in which it occurred but was an addition in writing of the fourteenth century and “a cabalistic work of the middle ages which does not belong to the old tradition of the Greek alchemists.”

[900] Berthelot (1885), p. 59.

[901] Ibid., p. 53.

[902] Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[903] Berthelot (1885), p. 56.

[904] Berthelot (1888), III, 23.

[905] Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[906] Berthelot (1885), p. 164.

[907] Ibid., pp. 179-80.

[908] Ibid., p. 60.

[909] Berthelot (1888), II, 115-6; III, 125.

[910] Berthelot (1885), pp. 211-2.

[911] Berthelot (1889), p. vi.

[912] De institutione principis epistola ad Traianum, a treatise extant only in Latin form.

[913] IV, 72. On the biography and bibliography of Plutarch consult Christ, Gesch. d. Griechischen Litteratur, 5th ed., Munich, 1913, II, 2, “Die nachklassische Periode,” pp. 367ff.

[914] See also the essay, “Whether an old man should engage in politics,” cap. 16.

[915] See R. Schmertosch, in Philol.-Hist. Beitr. z. Ehren Wachsmuths, 1897, pp. 28ff.

[916] Language and literary form are surer guides and have been applied by B. Weissenberger, Die Sprache Plutarchs von Chäronea und die pseudoplutarchischen Schriften, II Progr. Straubing, 1896, pp. 15ff. In 1876 W. W. Goodwin, editing a revised edition of the seventeenth century English translation of the Morals, declared that no critical translation was possible until a thorough revision of the text had been undertaken with the help of the best MSS. Since then an edition of the text by G. N. Bernadakes, 1888-1896, has appeared, but it has not escaped criticism.

[917] The English translation of Plutarch’s Morals “by several hands,” first published in 1684-1694, sixth edition corrected and revised by W. W. Goodwin, 5 vols., 1870-1878, IV, 10, renders a passage in the seventh chapter of De defectu oraculorum, in which complaint is made of the “base and villainous questions” which are now put to the oracle of Apollo, as follows: “some coming to him as a mere paltry astrologer to try his skill and impose upon him with subtle questions.” But the corresponding clause in the Greek text is merely οἱ μὲν ὡς σοφιστοῦ διάπειραν λαμβάνοντες, and there seems to be no reason for taking the word “sophist” in any other than its usual meaning. The passage therefore cannot be interpreted as an attack upon even vulgar astrologers.

[918] De defectu oraculorum, 13.

[919] Cap. 12.

[920] Cap. 7.

[921] Cap. 8.

[922] Cap. 9.

[923] Cap. 10.

[924] De genio Socratis, 21-22.

[925] Ibid., 24.

[926] De defectu oraculorum, 40.

[927] De genio Socratis, 12.

[928] Sympos., VIII. 10.

[929] De defectu oraculorum, 44.

[930] Ibid., 48.

[931] Ibid., 13.

[932] Ibid., 10.

[933] Ibid., 13.

[934] De genio Socratis, 22.

[935] Cap. 26.

[936] Cap. 29.

[937] Cap. 30.

[938] Cap. 24.

[939] Cap. 22.

[940] De defectu oraculorum, 10.

[941] Ibid., 18.

[942] Ibid., 13-14.

[943] De defectu oraculorum, 21.

[944] De genio Socratis, 11.

[945] Ibid., 20.

[946] Romulus, cap. 12.

[947] Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ ξένῳ καὶ περιτ τῷ προσάξεται μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ μυθῶδες ἐνοχλήσει τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτοῖς.

[948] Cap. 2.

[949] Cap. 22.

[950] Cap. 3.

[951] Caps. 5-8.

[952] Cap. 9.

[953] De facie in orbe lunae, 28.

[954] VIII, 9.

[955] De defectu oraculorum, 31-32. The resemblance of the stranger’s tale to the vision of Er in Plato’s Republic is also evident.

[956] Ibid., 34.

[957] Ibid., 37.

[958] Ibid., 36; and see 11-12.

[959] Caps. 8-16.

[960] Cap. 17.

[961] Cap. 31.

[962] Cap. 33.

[963] Symposiacs, II, 7. D’Arcy W. Thompson in his translation of Aristotle’s History of Animals comments on II, 14, “The myth of the ‘ship-holder’ has been elegantly explained by V. W. Elkman, ‘On Dead Water,’ in the Reports of Nansen’s North Polar Expedition, Christiania, 1904.”

[964] See above p. 77 for the somewhat different statement of Pliny (NH, XXIII, 64).

[965] Symposiacs, V, 10.

[966] De sera numinis vindicta, 14.

[967] De defectu oraculorum, 43.

[968] X, 1 (Casaub., 446); for this and some other source citations and a brief bibliography of modern discussions on the subject see the article, “Amiantus” (3) in Pauly-Wissowa.

[969] Article on “Asbestos” in the Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th edition, which further states that Charlemagne was said to own a tablecloth which was cleaned by throwing it into the fire, and that in 1676 a merchant from China exhibited to the Royal Society a handkerchief of “salamander’s wool” or linum asbesti (asbestos linen). See also Marco Polo, I, 42, and Cordier’s note in Yule (1903), I, 216.

[970] XIX, 4. In Bostock and Riley’s English translation, note 44 states that “the wicks of the inextinguishable lamps of the middle ages, the existence of which was an article of general belief, were said to be made of asbestus.” On its use in lamp-wicks see also Pausanias, I, 26, 7.

[971] “In the year 1702 there was found near the Naevian Gate at Rome a funeral urn, in which there was a skull, calcined bones, and other ashes, enclosed in a cloth of asbestus of a marvelous length. It is still preserved in the Vatican,” (Bostock and Riley, note 45).

[972] “On the contrary, it is found in the Higher Alps in the vicinity of glaciers, in Scotland, and in Siberia even” (Bostock and Riley, note 46). The article on “Amiantus (3)” in Pauly-Wissowa incorrectly assumes that in XIX, 4, Pliny has it in mind. In XXXVI, 31, however, Pliny briefly describes the stone amianthus, which Bostock and Riley (note 52) call “the most delicate variety of asbestus,” as “losing nothing in fire” and “resisting all potions (or, spells) even of the magi,”—“Amiantus alumini similis nihil igni deperdit. Hic veneficis resistit omnibus privatim magorum.” In XXXVII, 54, in an alphabetical list of stones, he briefly states that asbestos is iron-colored and found in the mountains of Arcadia,—“Asbestos in Arcadiae montibus nascitur coloris ferrei.”

[973] Ed. by R. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1851; and by C. Müller in Geograph. Graeci Minores, II, 637ff.

[974] In Christ’s Gesch. d. Griech. Litt., not only is the On Rivers and Mountains itself called a “Schwindelbuch,” but these citations are rejected as fraudulent.

[975] Cap. 5.

[976] Cap. 18.

[977] Cap. 21.

[978] Cap. 6.

[979] Cap. 1.

[980] Cap. 7.

[981] Caps. 9, 10, 12.

[982] Caps. 16, 18, 24.

[983] Cap. 17.

[984] V, 7.

[985] Bruta animalia ratione uti, cap. 9; also Quaest. Nat., cap. 26, “Why certain brutes seek certain remedies.”

[986] De solertia animalium.

[987] Ibid., 36-37; also the closing chapters of The Banquet of the Seven Sages.

[988] Cap. 31.

[989] Cap. 25.

[990] Cap. 12.

[991] Cap. 10.

[992] Cap. 29.

[993] Isis and Osiris, 10.

[994] VIII, 9, ἴδια δὲ σπέρματα νόσων οὐκ ἔστιν.

[995] Nat. Quaest., caps. 6, 14, 22, 24, 36.

[996] Symposiacs, II, 9; IV, 2; III, 10; IV, 5.

[997] De facie in orbe lunae, 9-10; also the opening chapters of De defectu oraculorum.

[998] Cap. 7.

[999] Cap. 18.

[1000] “Tam graece quam latine, gemino voto, pari studio, simili studio.”

[1001] Florida, cap. 9.

[1002] Apologia, cap. 4.

[1003] Caps. 73 and 55.

[1004] Caps. 55-56.

[1005] Cap. 17.

[1006] Apologia, cap. 70.

[1007] Cap. 89.

[1008] To Professor Butler (Apulei Apologia, ed. H. E. Butler and A. S. Owen, Oxford, 1914) this difficulty seems so insurmountable that he places the Apology earlier. But for the reasons already given I agree with the article on Apuleius in Pauly and Wissowa and its citations that the Metamorphoses is Apuleius’s first work.

[1009] The work opens with the statement that the author “will stitch together varied stories in the so-called Milesian manner,” and that “we begin with a Grecian story.”

[1010] I, 3.

[1011] II, 1.

[1012] I, 8.

[1013] II, 5.

[1014] III, 15. The wording of the translated passages throughout this chapter is mainly my own, but I have made some use of existing English translations.

[1015] III, 16.

[1016] I, 8.

[1017] I, 9-10.

[1018] I, 11-13.

[1019] II, 22 and 25.

[1020] II, 20 and 30; IX, 29.

[1021] I, 11; II, 11.

[1022] II, 20, 22; III, 18.

[1023] Very similar practices are recounted by A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 355-96; “the medicine-men of hostile tribes sneak into the camp in the night, and with a net of a peculiar construction garotte one of the tribe, drag him a hundred yards or so from the camp, cut up his abdomen obliquely, take out the kidney and caul-fat, and then stuff a handful of grass and sand into the wound.”

[1024] VI, 26.

[1025] II, 22.

[1026] I, 10; VII, 14; IX, 23, 29.

[1027] II, 28.

[1028] II, 6; III, 19.

[1029] III, 29.

[1030] III, 17.

[1031] III, 21.

[1032] I, 10; II, 20-21.

[1033] III, 16.

[1034] II, 23-30.

[1035] I, 13.

[1036] II, 5. “Surculis et lapillis et id genus frivolis inhalatis.”

[1037] III, 18.

[1038] III, 21.

[1039] III, 23.

[1040] III, 25.

[1041] II, 28.

[1042] Examples are: I, 3, magico susurramine; II, 1, artis magicae nativa cantamina; II, 5, omnis carminis sepulchralis magistra creditur; II, 22, diris cantaminibus somno custodes obruunt; III, 18, tunc decantatis spirantibus fibris; III, 21, multumque cum lucerna secreta collocuta.

[1043] I, 11, quo numinis ministerio.

[1044] I, 8, saga, inquit, et divina; IX, 29, saga illa et divini potens.

[1045] III, 19.

[1046] II, 12-14.

[1047] VIII, 26-27; IX, 8.

[1048] I, 4.

[1049] X, 11, 25.

[1050] VIII, 24; XI, 22, 25.

[1051] I, 5.

[1052] II, 26.

[1053] IX, 33-34.

[1054] II, 11-12.

[1055] X, 11. For bibliography on the mandragora see Frazer (1918) I, 377 note 2 in his chapter “Jacob and the Mandrakes.”

[1056] VIII, 21.

[1057] XI, 1.

[1058] Macdonald (1909), p. 128.

[1059] VIII, 9.

[1060] Cap. 1.

[1061] Florida, caps. 24-26.

[1062] Caps. 61-63. The following passages from E. A. W. Budge, Egyptian Magic (1899), perhaps furnish an explanation of the true purpose and character of Apuleius’s wooden figure: p. 84, “Under the heading of ‘Magical Figures’ must certainly be included the so-called Ptah-Seker-Ausar figure, which is usually made of wood; it is often solid, but is sometimes made hollow, and is usually let into a rectangular wooden stand which may be either solid or hollow.” To get the protection of Ptah, Seker, and Osiris, says Budge at p. 85, “a figure was fashioned in such a way as to include the chief characteristics of the forms of these gods, and was inserted in a rectangular wooden stand which was intended to represent the coffin or chest out of which the trinity Ptah-Seker-Ausar came forth. On the figure itself and on the sides of the stand were inscribed prayers....” Such a figure in a coffin might well be described by the accusers as the horrible form of a ghost or skeleton.

[1063] Cap. 31.

[1064] Cap. 42.

[1065] Cap. 43.

[1066] Caps. 1-3.

[1067] Cap. 2.

[1068] Caps. 27 and 31. For the same thought applied in the case of medieval men see Gabriel Naudé, Apologie pour tous les grands personages qui out esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie, Paris, 1625.

[1069] Cap. 25.

[1070] Cap. 47.

[1071] Cap. 25.

[1072] Caps. 9, 42, 61, 63.

[1073] Cap. 28.

[1074] Cap. 48.

[1075] Cap. 25.

[1076] Cap. 26.

[1077] Cap. 31.

[1078] Cap. 6.

[1079] Cap. 13.

[1080] Caps. 30, 33.

[1081] Cap. 61.

[1082] Cap. 53.

[1083] Cap. 58.

[1084] Cap. 41.

[1085] Nicander lived in the second century B.C. under Attalus III of Pergamum. Of his works there are extant the Theriaca in 958 hexameters and another poem, the Alexipharmaca, of 630 lines; ed. J. G. Schneider, 1792 and 1816; by O. Schneider, 1856. There is an illuminated eleventh century manuscript of the Theriaca in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which O. M. Dalton (Byzantine Art and Archaeology, p. 483) says “is evidently a painstaking copy of a very early original, perhaps almost contemporary with Nicander himself.”

[1086] Cap. 40.

[1087] Caps. 49-51.

[1088] Caps. 15-16.

[1089] Cap. 40.

[1090] Cap. 36.

[1091] Cap. 8.

[1092] Cap. 85.

[1093] Cap. 38.

[1094] Cap. 45.

[1095] Cap. 51.

[1096] Caps. 30, 42.

[1097] Cap. 40.

[1098] P. 98.

[1099] Cap. 35.

[1100] So Abt has pointed out: Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei, Giessen, 1908, p. 224.

[1101] Caps. 42-43.

[1102] Cap. 38.

[1103] Cap. 90.

[1104] Cap. 97.

[1105] Cap. 84.

[1106] De mundo, cap. 1; De deo Socratis, cap. 4.

[1107] De mens., IV., 7, 73; De ostent., 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54.

[1108] Cap. 43.

[1109] Cap. 6.

[1110] De deo Socratis, cap. 8.

[1111] Hist. Anim., V, 19.

[1112] De deo Socratis, cap. 13.

[1113] Ibid., caps. 9-10.

[1114] XVIII, 18.

[1115] VIII, 14-22.

[1116] Epistles 102, 136, 138, in Migne, PL, vol. 33.

[1117] Divin. Instit., V, 3.

[1118] Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68, 2. The same MS contains the Histories and Annals (XI-XVI) of Tacitus. A subscription to the ninth book of the Metamorphoses indicates that the original manuscript from which this was derived or copied was produced in 395 A.D. and 397 A.D. G. Huet, “Le roman d’Apulée était-il connu au moyen âge,” Le Moyen Age (1917), 44-52, holds that the Metamorphoses was not known directly to the medieval vernacular romancers. See also B. Stumfall, Das Märchen von Amor und Psyche in Seinem Fortleben, Leipzig, 1907.

[1119] CLM 621.

[1120] Harleian 3969.

[1121] VII, 5.

[1122] Ep. 136.

[1123] Divin. Instit., V, 2-3.

[1124] Concerning other writers named Philostratus and which works should be assigned to each, see Schmid (1913) 608-20.

[1125] See article on Apollonius of Tyana in Pauly-Wissowa. Priaulx, The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana, London, 1873, p. 62, found the geography of Apollonius’s Indian travels so erroneous that he came to the conclusion that either Apollonius never visited India, or, if he did, that Damis “never accompanied him but fabricated the journal Philostratus speaks of.”

[1126] Priaulx, however, regarded its statements concerning India as such as might have been “easily collected at that great mart for Indian commodities and resort for Indian merchants—Alexandria,” or from earlier authors.

[1127] III, 23, 35; IV, 9, 32; V, 20; VI, 12, 16; VII, 10, 12, 15-16.

[1128] See the treatise of Eusebius Against Apollonius. Lactantius (Divin. Inst., V, 2-3) probably had reference to Hierocles in speaking of a philosopher who had written three books against Christianity and declared the miracles of Apollonius as wonderful as those of Christ.

[1129] So Origen says (Against Celsus, VI, 41) and Philostratus implies (I, 3).

[1130] See the Against Apollonius, caps. 31, 35.

[1131] Ἀλέξανδρος, ἢ ψευδόμαντις, cap. 5. In the passage quoted I have used Fowler’s translation.

[1132] In other respects, however, I have usually found this translation, which accompanies the Greek text in the recent Loeb Classical Library edition, both racy and accurate, and have employed it in a number of the quotations which follow.

[1133] I, 32.

[1134] I, 29.

[1135] I, 26.

[1136] I, 40.

[1137] V, 12.

[1138] VII, 39.

[1139] V, 12.

[1140] IV, 18.

[1141] VIII, 19.

[1142] VIII, 30.

[1143] VIII, 7.

[1144] VII, 20.

[1145] VII, 34.

[1146] VII, 39.

[1147] VI, 11; III, 43.

[1148] VI, 41.

[1149] I, 2.

[1150] V, 12.

[1151] VI, 11.

[1152] J. E. Harrison, Themis, Cambridge, 1912, p. 72. “The Buddha himself condemned as worthless the whole system of Vedic sacrifices, including in his ban astrology, divination, spells, omens, and witchcraft; but in the earliest Buddhist stupas known to us, the symbolism is entirely borrowed from the sacrificial lore of the Vedas:” E. B. Havell, A Handbook of Indian Art, 1920, p. 6, and see p. 32 for the birth of Buddha under the sign Taurus.

[1153] VI, 10.

[1154] III, 12.

[1155] III, 16.

[1156] III, 13.

[1157] III, 12. But perhaps the translation should be, “men who are exceedingly wise.”

[1158] III, 15.

[1159] III, 46-47.

[1160] III, 17.

[1161] III, 27.

[1162] III, 38-40.

[1163] III, 44.

[1164] III, 41.

[1165] III, 21.

[1166] III, 41.

[1167] V, 37.

[1168] V, 37.

[1169] III, 34.

[1170] III, 37.

[1171] VI, 38.

[1172] III, 34.

[1173] V, 17.

[1174] I, 22.

[1175] NH, VIII, 17; Hist. Anim., VI, 31.

[1176] VI, 37.

[1177] The ancient authorities, pro and con, will be found listed in D. W. Thompson, Glossary of Greek Birds, 106-107. He adds: “Modern naturalists accept the story of the singing swans, asserting that though the common swan cannot sing, yet the Whooper or whistling swan does so. It is certain that the Whooper sings, for many ornithologists state the fact, but I do not think that it can sing very well; at the very best, dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni. This concrete explanation is quite inadequate; it is beyond a doubt that the swan’s song (like the halcyon’s) veiled, and still hides, some mystical allusion.”

[1178] II, 14.

[1179] I, 22. Pliny, NH, VIII, 17, repeats a slightly different popular notion that the lioness tears her womb with her claws and so can bear but once; against this view he cites Aristotle’s statement that the lioness bears five times, as described above.

[1180] III, 2.

[1181] III, 47; VI, 25. Scylax was a Persian admiral under Darius who traveled to India and wrote an account of his voyages. The work extant under his name is of doubtful authorship (Isaac Vossius, Periplus Scylacis Caryandensis, 1639), but some date it as early as the fourth century B.C.

[1182] II, 11-16.

[1183] II, 2; III, 4.

[1184] II, 28.

[1185] III, 1. Greek fire?

[1186] III, 48-9.

[1187] III, 6; II, 17.

[1188] III, 7.

[1189] NH, VIII, 11.

[1190] III, 8.

[1191] III, 9.

[1192] III, 7.

[1193] III, 8.

[1194] II, 14.

[1195] II, 40.

[1196] III, 27.

[1197] III, 21.

[1198] III, 1.

[1199] VIII, 7.

[1200] III, 30.

[1201] III, 42.

[1202] VIII, 7.

[1203] IV, 44.

[1204] VIII, 7.

[1205] VIII, 7.

[1206] VIII, 26; VI, 43. The historian, Dio Cassius, a contemporary of Philostratus, also states that Apollonius announced the assassination of Domitian and even named the assassin in Ephesus on the very day that the event occurred at Rome. His account differs too much from that by Philostratus to have been copied from it. He concludes it with the positive assertion, “This is really what took place, though there should be ten thousand doubters.” (LXVII, 18.)

[1207] III, 42.

[1208] VI, 11.

[1209] I, 23.

[1210] IV, 34.

[1211] VIII, 7.

[1212] IV, 37.

[1213] I, 22.

[1214] V, 13.

[1215] VIII, 7.

[1216] I, 20.

[1217] I, 31.

[1218] V, 25.

[1219] IV, 4.

[1220] IV, 24.

[1221] IV, 43.

[1222] V, 18.

[1223] VII, 18.

[1224] IV, 10.

[1225] VIII, 7.

[1226] IV, 44.

[1227] II, 4.

[1228] VI, 27.

[1229] IV, 20.

[1230] IV, 25.

[1231] I, 4.

[1232] I, 19.

[1233] Epist. 50.

[1234] VII, 32.

[1235] VI, 27.

[1236] IV, 11, 15-16.

[1237] VI, 43.

[1238] IV, 45.

[1239] IV, 44.

[1240] VIII, 8.

[1241] VII, 38.

[1242] VIII, 30.

[1243] The passages are not listed in Liddell and Scott, nor mentioned by Professor Bury in his note on “The ἴυγξ in Greek Magic,” Journal of Hellenic Studies (1886), pp. 157-60. Hubert’s article on “Magia” in Daremberg-Saglio cites only one passage and seems to regard the iunx solely as a magic wheel. D’Arcy W. Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, Oxford, 1895, also cites but one passage from Philostratus. A. B. Cook, Zeus, Cambridge, 1914, I, 253-65, notes both main passages but tries to interpret the iunges as solar wheels rather than birds. But the iunx is found as a bird on several Greek vases of the latest period; see British Museum Catalogue of Vases, vol. IV, figs. 94, 98, 342, 163, 331b; magic wheels are also represented on the vases, but are not described as iunges in the catalogue; see vol. IV, figs. 331a, 373, 385, 399, 409, 436, 450, 458, and vol. III, E 774, F 223, F 279.

[1244] VI, 10; see also VIII, 7.

[1245] I, 25.

[1246] VI, 11.

[1247] Cited by Cook, Zeus, I, 266, who, however, fails to connect it with the iunx.

[1248] Newton’s Dictionary of Birds; a reference supplied me by the kindness of my colleague, Professor F. H. Herrick.

[1249] Professor Bury’s theory that “the bird was called ἴυγξ from its call which sounded like ἰώ ἰώ; and it was used in lunar enchantments because it was supposed to be calling on Io, the moon”: and that “ἴυγξ originally meant a moon-song independently of the wryneck,” which came to be employed in magic moon-worship on account of its cry, has already been refuted by Professor Thompson, who pointed out that “the bird does not cry ἰώ,, ἰώ, and the suggested derivation of its name and sanctity from such a cry cannot hold.”

[1250] See Chapter 49 for a fuller account of it.

[1251] See Chapter 71.

[1252] Math. 54, Liber Appollonii magi vel philosophi qui dicitur Elizinus.

[1253] BN 13951, 12th century, Liber Apollonii de principalibus rerum causis. Vienna 3124, 15th century, fols. 57v-58v, “Verba de proprietatibus rerum quomodo virtus unius frangitur per alium. Adamas nec ferro nec igne domatur .../ ... cito medetur.”

[1254] Royal 12-C-XVIII, Baleni de imaginibus; Sloane 3826, fols. 100v-101, Beleemus de imaginibus; Sloane 3848, fols. 52-8, Liber Balamini sapientis de sigillis planetarum, fols. 59-62, liber sapientis Baleym de ymaginibus septem planetarum. But these forms might suggest Balaam. We also hear of Flacius Affricus, a disciple of Belenus.

[1255] M. Steinschneider, “Apollonius von Thyana (oder Balinas) bei den Arabern,” in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XLV (1891), 439-46.

[1256] T. Schiche, De fontibus librorum Ciceronis qui sunt de divinatione, Jena, 1875; K. Hartfelder, Die Quellen von Ciceros zwei Büchern de Divinatione, Freiburg, 1878.

[1257] Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, XIV, I.

[1258] Adv. astrol., in Opera, ed. Johannes Albertus Fabricius, Leipzig, 1718.

[1259] De divinatione, I, 39.

[1260] Ibid., I, 58.

[1261] Ibid., II, 11.

[1262] Ibid., II, 33.

[1263] Ibid., II, 36.

[1264] I, 50.

[1265] II, 3-4.

[1266] II, 5. “Quae enim praesentiri aut arte aut ratione aut usu aut coniectura possunt, ea non divinis tribuenda putas sed peritis.”

[1267] II, 30.

[1268] II, 12. An astrologer, however, would probably say that seeming contradiction could be accounted for by the varying influence of the constellations upon different regions.

[1269] II, 12.

[1270] II, 19. “Quid igitur minus a physicis dici debet quam quidquam certi significari rebus incertis?”

[1271] II, 60-71.

[1272] II, 54.

[1273] II, 16.

[1274] II, 42-47.

[1275] NH, VII, 21.

[1276] Republic, II, 10.

[1277] Ibid., II, 15.

[1278] Ibid., II, 18.

[1279] Apologia pro mercede conductis. Most of Lucian’s Essays have been translated into English by H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, 1905, 4 vols.

[1280] De defectu oraculorum, 45.

[1281] Fowler’s translation.

[1282] Fowler omits it. It appears in the Teubner edition, Luciani Samosatensis opera, ed. C. Jacobitz, II (1887), 187-95, but both Jacobitz and Dindorf mark it as spurious. Croiset, Essai sur la vie et les œuvres de Lucien, Paris, 1882, p. 43, also rejects it.

[1283] See the interesting paper of J. D. Rolleston, “Lucian and Medicine,” 1915, 23 pp., reprinted from Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, VIII, 49-58, 72-84.

[1284] See the close of Nigrinus.

[1285] Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt, XXI, i, 14.

[1286] The wording of these excerpts is that of Fowler’s translation.

[1287] See Sackur, Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen, Halle, 1898; Alexandre, Oracula Sibyllina, 2nd ed., Paris, 1869; Charles (1913) II, 368 ff.

[1288] Besides the works to be cited later in this chapter, the reader may consult: A. Dieterich, Abraxas (Studien z. relig. gesch. d. spät. alt.), Leipzig, 1891, especially chapter II (pp. 136ff.), “Jüdisch-orphisch-gnostiche Kulte und die Zauberbücher”; and G. A. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, 1829, 2 vols.

[1289] Steinschneider (1906), 24. He mentions the dissertation of R. Pietschmann, Hermes Trismegistus, Leipzig, 1875.

[1290] See Galen, citing Pamphilus, Kühn, XI, 798.

[1291] XXI, 14, 15.

[1292] VI, 4.

[1293] I, 1; VIII, 1-4.

[1294] VIII, 1.

[1295] VIII, 2.

[1296] VIII, 4.

[1297] I, 1.

[1298] R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, Leipzig, 1904, p. 319. This work is the fullest scientific treatment of the subject.

[1299] Citations supporting this and the preceding sentences may be found in Kroll’s article on Hermes Trismegistus in Pauly-Wissowa, 809-820. The Poimandres was translated into English by John Everard, D.D., a mystic but also a popular preacher whose outspoken sermons caused his frequent arrest and imprisonment during the reigns of James I and Charles I. James is reported to have said of him, “What is this Dr. Ever-out? His name shall be Dr. Never-out,” (Dict. Nat. Biog.). Dr. Everard’s translation was printed in 1650 and again in 1657 when the “Asclepius” was added to it. In 1884 it appeared again in the Bath Occult Reprint Series with an introduction by Hargrave Jennings, and the second volume in the same series was Hermes’ The Virgin of the World, published at London. Kroll mentions only the more recent translation by Mead, Thrice Greatest Hermes. London, 1906.

[1300] Consult the bibliography in Kroll’s article in Pauly-Wissowa.

[1301] See the various volumes of Catalogus codicum astrologorum Graecorum, passim.

[1302] Unprinted.

[1303] An English translation by John Harvey was printed in London, 1657, 12mo. It also exists in manuscript form in the British Museum; Sloane 1734, fols. 283-98, “The learned work of Hermes Trismegistus intituled hys Phisicke Mathematycke or Mathematicall Physickes, direct to Hammon Kinge of Egypte.”

[1304] Orphica, ed. Abel (1885), p. 141.

[1305] It was to a work on this last subject that Pamphilus, cited by Galen, referred in mentioning the herb ἀετοῦ, but this plant is not named in the extant treatise on the decans. Such treatises are more or less addressed to Asclepius: printed in J. B. Pitra, Analecta Sacra, V, ii, 279-90; Cat. cod. astrol. Graec., IV, 134; VI, 83; VII, 231; VIII, ii, 159; VIII, iii, 151; and by Ruelle, Rev. Phil., XXXII, 247.

[1306] Berthelot (1885), pp. 133-6, and his article on Hermes Trismegistus in La Grande Encyclopédie; also Kroll on Hermes in Pauly-Wissowa, 799.

[1307] Berthelot (1885), p. 134.

[1308] Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque, 1899, pp. xi, 519-20, 563-4.

[1309] NH, II, 21; VII, 50.

[1310] Kühn, XII, 207.

[1311] They have been collected and edited by E. Riess, Nechepsonis et Petosiridis fragmenta magica, in Philologus, Supplbd. VI, Göttingen (1891-93), pp. 323-394. See also F. Boll, Die Erforschung der antiken Astrologie, in Neue Jahrb. für das klass. Altert., XI (1908), p. 106, and his dissertation of the same title published at Bonn, 1890. I have found that Riess, while including some of the passages attributed to Nechepso by the sixth century medical writer, Aetius, seems to have overlooked the “Emplastrum Nechepsonis e cupresso,” Aetius, Tetrabibl., IV, Sermo III, cap. 19 (p. 771 in the edition of Stephanus, 1567).

[1312] Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque, 1898, p. xiii. Axt and Riegler, Manethonis Apotelesmaticorum libri sex, Cologne, 1832. Also edited by Koechly.

[1313] E. Riess, On Ancient Superstition, in Transactions American Philological Association (1895), XXVI, 40-55. Grenfell (1921), p. 151, announces that J. G. Smyly is about to publish “a remarkable fragment of an Orphic ritual” among some thirty papyrus texts in the Cunningham Memoirs of the Royal Irish Academy.

[1314] The Greek text of the Lithica is contained in Orphica, ed. E. Abel, Lipsiae et Pragae, 1885. A rather too free English verse translation, Orpheus on Gems, is given in C. W. King, The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious Stones and Gems and of Precious Metals, London, 1865.

[1315] Pp. 397-98.

[1316] Line 94, περίφρονι Θειοδάμαντι; line 165, δαιμόνιος φώς.

[1317] Lines 410-411.

[1318] Confessio S. Cypriani, in Acta Sanctorum, ed. Bollandists, Sept., VII, 222; L. Preller, Philologus (1846), I, 349ff.; cited by A. B. Cook, Zeus, Cambridge, 1914, I, 110-111. The work is treated more fully below in Chapter 18.

[1319] Franz Cumont, op. cit., Chicago, 1911, p. 189. See also Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien, Berlin, 1863.

[1320] See below, Chapter 26.

[1321] Cap. 16.

[1322] Edited by Kroll, De oraculis Chaldaicis, in Breslau Philolog. Abhandl., VII (1894), 1-76. Cory, Ancient Fragments, London, 1832.

[1323] L. A. Gray in A. V. W. Jackson, Zoroaster, 1901, pp. 259-60.

[1324] G. Wolff, Porphyrii de philosophia ex oraculis hauriendis, Berlin, 1886. Pitra, Analecta Sacra, V, 2, pp. 192-95, Πρόκλου ἐκ τῆς Χαλδαικῆς φιλοσοφίας. Many quotations of oracles from Porphyry’s De philosophia ex oraculis hausta are made by Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica, in PG, XXI.

[1325] Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque, p. 599.

[1326] Paul Allard, La transformation du Paganisme romain au IVe siècle, pp. 113-33, in Compte Rendu du Congrès Scientifique International des Catholiques. Deuxième Section, Sciences religieuses. Paris, 1891.

[1327] Plotini opera omnia, Porphyrii liber de vita Plotini, cum Marsilii Ficini commentariis ... ed D. Wyttenbach, G. H. Moser, and F. Creuzer, Oxford, 1835, 3 vols. Page references in my citations are to this edition, but I have also employed: Plotini Enneades, ed. R. Volkmann, Leipzig, 1883; Select Works of Plotinus translated from the Greek with an Introduction containing the substance of Porphyry’s Life of Plotinus, by Thomas Taylor, new edition with preface and bibliography by G. R. S. Mead, London, 1909; K. S. Guthrie, The Philosophy of Plotinus, Philadelphia, 1896, and Plotinos, Complete Works, 4 vols., 1918, English Translation. Where my citations give the number of the chapter in addition to the Ennead and Book, these agree with Volkmann’s text and Guthrie’s translation,—which, however, are not quite identical in this respect. A noteworthy recent publication is W. R. Inge, The Philosophy of Plotinus, 1918, 2 vols.

[1328] H. F. Müller, Plotinische Studien II, in Hermes, XLIX, 70-89, argues that the philosophy of Plotinus was genuinely Hellenic and free from oriental influence, that all theurgy was hateful to him, and that he opposed Gnosticism and astrology. Müller seems to me to overstate his case and to be too ready to exculpate Plotinus, or perhaps rather Hellenism, from concurrence in the superstition of the time.

[1329] For Gnosticism see Chapter 15.

[1330] Ennead, II, 9, 14. Πλωτίνου πρὸς τοὺς Γνωστικούς, ed. G. A. Heigl, 1832; and Plotini De Virtutibus et Adversus Gnosticos libellos, ed. A. Kirchhoff, 1847; are simply extracts from the Enneads. See also C. Schmidt, Plotin’s Stellung zum Gnosticismus u. kirchl. Christentum, 1900; in TU, X, 90 pp.

[1331] Ennead, IV, 4, 40 (II, 805 or 434). Τὰς δὲ γοητείας πῶς; ἢ τῇ συμπαθείᾳ, καὶ τῷ πεφυκέναι συμφωνίαν εἶναι ὁμοίων καὶ ἐναντίωσιν ἀνομοίων, καί τῇ τῶν δυνάμεων τῶν πολλῶν ποικιλίᾳ εἰς ἓν ζῷον συντελούντων. Ibid. 42 (II, 808 or 436) ... καὶ τέχναις καὶ ἰατρῶν καὶ ἐπαοιδῶν ἄλλο ἄλλῳ ἠναγκάσθη παρασχεῖν τι τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς αὐτοῦ. Ennead, IV, 9 (II, 891 or 479). Greek: εἰ δὲ καὶ ἐπωδαὶ καὶ ὅλως μαγεῖαι συνάγουσι καὶ συμπαθεῖς πόῤῥωθεν ποιοῦσι, πάντως τοι διὰ ψυχῆς μιᾶς.

[1332] Ennead, IV, 4 (II, 810 or 437).

[1333] Ennead, IV, 4, 43-44.

[1334] Ennead, IV, 4, 44.

[1335] See Chapter XII, pp. 323-4.

[1336] Vita Plotini, cap. 10.

[1337] Vita, cap. 10.

[1338] Cap. 10.

[1339] A748.

[1340] Shown in the article on “Jewelry” in the eleventh edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, Plate I, Figure 50. The article says of the pendant, “Here we find the themes of archaic Greek art, such as a figure holding up two water-birds, in immediate connexion with Mycenaean gold patterns.” See further A. J. Evans in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1893, p. 197.

[1341] J. E. Harrison, Themis, Cambridge, 1912. p. 114, Fig. 20.

[1342] Vita, cap. 15. It will be noted that like some of the church fathers Plotinus attacked genethlialogy rather than astrology. Προσεῖχε δὲ τοῖς μὲν περὶ τῶν ἀστέρων κανόσιν οὐ πάνυ τι μαθηματικῶς, τοῖς δὲ τῶν γενεθλιαλόγων ἀποτελεστικοῖς ἀκριβέστερον. καὶ φωράσας τῆς ἐπαγγελίας τὸ ἀνεχέγγυον ἐλέγχειν πολλαχοῦ καὶ (τῶν) ἐν τοῖς συγγράμμασιν οὐκ ὤκνησε.

[1343] Ennead II, 3, Περὶ τοῦ εἰ ποιεῖ τὰ ἄστρα. Porphyry arranged his master’s treatises in the form of six enneads of nine each and perhaps somewhat revised them at the same time.

[1344] Matheseos libri VIII, ed. Kroll et Skutsch, Lipsiae, 1897. I, 7, 14-22.

[1345] See below, pp. 353-4.

[1346] Ennead II, 3 (p. 242), Ὅτι ἡ τῶν ἄστρων φορὰ σημαίνει περὶ ἕκαστον τὰ ἐσόμενα ἀλλ’ οὐκ αὐτὴ πάντα ποιεῖ, ὡς τοῖς πολλοῖς δοξάζεται, εἴρηται μὲν πρότερον ἐν ἅλλοις. See also Ennead III, 1, and IV, 3-4.

[1347] I, 18.

[1348] Cap. 19.

[1349] Polycraticus, II, 19, (ed. C. C. I. Webb, 1909, I, 112). Mr. Webb (I, xxviii) holds that John of Salisbury “certainly did not have Plotinus,” and derived some passages from his works through Macrobius and Augustine; but he is unable to state in what intermediate source John could have found the passage now in question. It does not seem to reflect Plotinus’ doctrine very accurately.

[1350] Ennead IV, iv, 6 and 8.

[1351] Ibid., 30. Guthrie’s translation, “We have shown that memory is useless to the stars: we have agreed that they have senses, namely, sight and hearing,” is quite misleading, as caps. 40-42 make evident.

[1352] Ennead II, iii, 6 and 13 (249-50).

[1353] Ennead IV, iv, 31. ὅτι μὲν οὗν ἡ φορὰ ποιεῖ ... ἀναμφισβητήτως μὲν τὰ ἐπίγεια οὐ μόνον τοῑς σώμασιν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς τῆς ψυχῆς διαθέσεσι καὶ τῶν μερῶν ἕκαστον εἰς τὰ ἐπίγεια καὶ ὅλως τὰ κάτω ποιεῖ, πολλαχῇ δῆλον.

[1354] Idem. Guthrie heads the passage, “Absurdity of Ptolemean Astrology.” See also Ennead, II, iii, 1-5.

[1355] Ennead II, iii, 6.

[1356] Ennead II, iii, 4.

[1357] Guthrie’s translation, Ennead IV, iv, 35. εἰ δὴ δρᾷ τι ὁ ἥλιος καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἄστρα εἰς τὰ τῇδε, χρὴ νομίζειν αὐτὸν μὲν ἄνω βλέποντα εἶναι.

[1358] Idem. καὶ ἐν τοῖς παρ’ ἡμῖν εἰσι πολλαί, ἃς οὐ θερμὰ ἢ ψυχρὰ παρέχεται, ἀλλὰ γενόμενα ποιότησι διαφόροις καὶ λόγοις εἰδοποιηθέντα καὶ φύσεως δυνάμεως μεταλαβόντα, οἷον καὶ λίθων φύσεις καὶ βοτανῶν ἐνέργειαι θαυμαστὰ πολλὰ παρέχονται.

[1359] Ennead IV, iv, 34. καὶ ποιήσεις καὶ σημασίας ἐν πολλοῖς ἀλλαχοῦ δὲ σημασίας μόνον.

[1360] Ennead II, iii (p. 256).

[1361] Ibid. (pp. 250-1).

[1362] Ibid., II, iii (pp. 243-6, 254-5, 263-5).

[1363] Ennead, II, ix, 13. τῆς τραγῳδίας τῶν φοβερῶν, ὡς οἴονται, ἐν ταῖς τοῦ κόσμου σφαίραις.

[1364] The references for the statements in this paragraph are in the order of their occurrence: Ennead, II, iii (pp. 257, 251-2); III, iv (p. 521); IV, iv (p. 813); II, iii (p. 260); III, iv (p. 520); IV, 3 (p. 711): in these cases the higher page-numbering is used.

[1365] Edited Venice, Aldine Press, 1497 and 1516; Oxford, 1678; by G. Parthey, Berlin, 1857. In the following quotations from it I have usually adhered to T. Taylor’s English translation, London, 1821.

[1366] Carl Rasche, De Iamblicho libri qui inscribitur de mysteriis auctore, Aschendorff, 1911, 82 pp.

[1367] Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque (1898), p. 599, citing Kroll, De oraculis Chaldaicis.

[1368] De mysteriis, I, 5.

[1369] VIII, 2.

[1370] I, 9.

[1371] I, 17 (Taylor’s translation).

[1372] IV, 6.

[1373] I, 10.

[1374] V, 10-12.

[1375] I, 20.

[1376] II, 6.

[1377] II, 7.

[1378] IV, 1.

[1379] IV, 2.

[1380] IV, 10.

[1381] II, 11.

[1382] II, 3.

[1383] V, 20.

[1384] I, 9; VI, 6; II, 11.

[1385] I, 11.

[1386] V, 23.

[1387] IV, 2.

[1388] I, 12.

[1389] I, 15; III, 24 (Taylor’s translation).

[1390] VII, 4.

[1391] VII, 5.

[1392] III, 29.

[1393] II, 10.

[1394] IV, 10.

[1395] IV, 12.

[1396] IV, 3.

[1397] IV, 10; III, 31.

[1398] IV, 7.

[1399] II, 10.

[1400] VI, 5; III, 25; III, 13.

[1401] II, 10.

[1402] E. S. Bouchier, Syria as a Roman Province, Oxford, 1916, p. 231.

[1403] De abstinentia, II, 48.

[1404] III, 1, 10.

[1405] III, 2-3.

[1406] III, 11.

[1407] III, 24; III, 17.

[1408] III, 14.

[1409] III, 25. Although, as stated above, one may be divinely inspired while diseased. But there is no causal connection between the two.

[1410] III, 26.

[1411] III, 15.

[1412] I, 17.

[1413] VIII, 4.

[1414] VIII, 6.

[1415] IX, 3-4.

[1416] I, 18.

[1417] Iamblichus, In Nicomachi Geraseni arithmeticam introductionem et De fato, published by Tennulius, Deventer and Arnheim, 1668.

[1418] Zeller, Philos. d. Gr., III, 2, 2, p. 608. cites passages to show Porphyry’s leanings towards astrology; but F. Boll, Studien über Claudius Ptolemaeus, 115-17, and Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque, 601-602, are inclined to the opposite view.

[1419] CCAG, passim.

[1420] Ed. Hieronymus Wolf, Basel, 1559, Greek and Latin.

[1421] III, 28.

[1422] III, 29.

[1423] Eusebius, Praep. evang., IV, 6-15, 23; V, 6, 11, 14-15; VI, 1, 4-5; etc., in Migne, PG, XXI.

[1424] Loeb Library edition of Julian’s works, I, 398, 412, 433.

[1425] I, 482, 498.

[1426] I, 405.

[1427] I, 374-75.

[1428] I, 366-67.

[1429] I, 368.

[1430] I, 419.

[1431] XXII, xii, 8.

[1432] XXI, i, 7.

[1433] XXVIII, iv, 24.

[1434] XXII, xvi, 17-18.

[1435] Published at Venice (Aldine), 1497, along with the De mysteriis, and other works edited or composed by Marsilius Ficinus. See also Procli Opera, ed. Cousin, Paris, 1820-1827, III, 278; and Kroll, Analecta Graeca, Greisswald, 1901, where a Greek translation accompanies the Latin text.

[1436] Eusebii Caesariensis Opera, Pars II, Apologetica, Praep. Evang., IV, 22; V, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14; VI, 1, 4; XIV, 10 (Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vol. 21).

[1437] X, 9-10.

[1438] Berthelot (1889), p. ix.

[1439] Περι ζώων ἰδιότητος. I have used both the editio princeps by Gesner, Zurich, 1556, and the critical edition by R. Hercher, Paris, 1858, and Teubner, 1864. The work will henceforth be cited without title in the notes.

[1440] See PW, and Christ, Gesch. d. griech. Litt., for further details.

[1441] I, 22.

[1442] I, 24.

[1443] I, 35. D. W. Thompson, Glossary of Greek Birds, p. 57, notes that in the Birds of Aristophanes, where the hoopoe appears, “the mysterious root in verse 654 is the magical ἀδίαυτον.”

[1444] I, 48.

[1445] I, 52.

[1446] I, 54.

[1447] II, 2 and 31; III, 5.

[1448] III, 17.

[1449] III, 23 and 25.

[1450] III, 26; in I, 45, the woodpecker similarly employs the virtue of an herb to remove a stone blocking the entrance to its nest.

[1451] III, 32 and 38.

[1452] IV, 10, 14, 17.

[1453] IV, 27.

[1454] IV, 29.

[1455] IV, 53.

[1456] V, 37.

[1457] VI, 4.

[1458] VI, 16.

[1459] VI, 33.

[1460] VI, 41.

[1461] VI, 59.

[1462] VII, 7-8.

[1463] VII, 14.

[1464] VII, 16. The story is also found in Pliny NH, X, 3, where it is added that Aeschylus remained out-doors that day, because an oracle predicted that he would be killed by the fall of a (tortoise’s) house.

[1465] VIII, 5.

[1466] VIII, 22.

[1467] IX, 1.

[1468] X, 40.

[1469] XI, 2 and 16.

[1470] XII, 21.

[1471] XIII, 3.

[1472] XIV, 19.

[1473] C. Iulii Solini Collectanea rerum memorabilium iterum recensuit Th. Mommsen, Berlin, 1895, pp. xxxi-li. Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, I, 520-2, lists 152 MSS.

[1474] Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, I, 247.

[1475] Mommsen (1895), p. 48.

[1476] Ibid., p. 7.

[1477] Yet one medieval MS of Solinus is described as De variarum herbarum et radicum qualitate et virtute medica; Vienna 3959, 15th century, fols. 56-74.

[1478] In Mommsen’s edition critical apparatus occupies more than one-half of the 216 pages.

[1479] C. W. King, The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious Stones and Gems, London, 1865, p. 6.

[1480] Mommsen (1895), pp. 132, 188.

[1481] Ibid., 46-7. Mommsen could give no source for these statements concerning Sardinia, and they do not appear to be in Pliny. But it is from a footnote in the English translation of the Natural History by Bostock and Riley (II, 208, citing Dalechamps, and Lemaire, III, 201) that I learn that the laughter which Pliny (NH, VII, 52) speaks of as a premonitory sign of death in cases of madness, “is not the indication of mirth, but what has been termed the risus Sardonicus, the ‘Sardonic laugh,’ produced by a convulsive action of the muscles of the face.” This form of death may be what Solinus has in mind. Agricola in his work on metallurgy and mines still believes in the poisonous ants of Sardinia; De re metallica, VI, near close, pp. 216-7, in Hoover’s translation, 1912.

[1482] Mommsen (1895), p. 57.

[1483] Ibid., p. 39.

[1484] Mommsen (1895), p. 82.

[1485] Ibid., pp. 45-46.

[1486] Ibid., pp. 13, 68.

[1487] Ibid., pp. 18, 41, 159.

[1488] Ibid., p. 50, and elsewhere, “siderum disciplinam.”

[1489] Ibid., p. 5, “mathematicorum nobilissimus.” Solinus probably takes this from Varro, who, as Plutarch informs us in his Life of Romulus, asked “Tarrutius, his familiar acquaintance, a good philosopher and mathematician,” to calculate the horoscope of Romulus. See above, p. 209.

[1490] Mommsen (1905), pp. 75-6.

[1491] Ibid., p. 66.

[1492] PW, for the problem of his identity and further bibliography.

[1493] I have used the text and English translation of A. T. Cory, The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo Nilous, 1840. Philip’s Greek is so bad that some would date it in the fourteenth or fifteenth century. The oldest extant Greek codex was purchased in Andros in 1419. The work was translated into Latin by the fifteenth century at latest; see Vienna 3255, 15th century, 82 fols., Horapollo, Hieroglyphicon latine versorum liber I et libri II introductio cum figuris calamo exaratis et coloratis.

[1494] I, 1; II, 61; II, 65; II, 36 and 59; II, 57; II, 83; I, 34-5; II, 57; II, 44 and 39 and 76-7 and 85-6 and 88.

[1495] II, 45.

[1496] II, 46; Aelian says the same, however, as we stated above.

[1497] II, 64.

[1498] NH, XXVIII, 27.

[1499] II, 72.

[1500] I, 6. According to Pliny (NH, XX, 26), the hawk sprinkles its eyes with the juice of this herb; Apuleius (Metamorphoses, cap. 30) says that the eagle does so.

[1501] I, 3.

[1502] II, 57.

[1503] I, 10.

[1504] I, 11.

[1505] I, 14.

[1506] I, 16.

[1507] I, 13.

[1508] I, 23.

[1509] Sir William Muir, “Ancient Arabic Poetry, its Genuineness and Authenticity,” in Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal (1882), p. 30.

[1510] Ascribed to Enoch in Harleian MS 1612, fol. 15r, Incipit: “Enoch tanquam unus ex philosophis super res quartum librum edidit, in quo voluit determinare ista quatuor: videlicet de xv stellis, de xv herbis, de xv lapidibus preciosis et de xv figuris ipsis lapidibus sculpendis,” and Wolfenbüttel 2725, 14th century, fols. 83-94v; BN 13014, 14th century, fol. 174v; Amplon, Quarto 381 (Erfurt), 14th century, fols. 42-45: for “Enoch’s prayer” see Sloane MS 3821, 17th century, fols, 190v-193.

Ascribed to Hermes in Harleian 80, Sloane 3847, Royal 12-C-XVIII; Berlin 963, fol. 105; Vienna 5216, 15th century, fols. 63r-66v; “Dixit Enoch quod 15 sunt stelle / ex tractatu Heremeth (i. e. Hermes) et enoch compilatum”; and in the Catalogue of Amplonius (1412 A.D.), Math. 53. See below, II, 220-21.

The stars are probably fifteen in number because Ptolemy distinguished that many stars of first magnitude. Dante, Paradiso, XIII, 4, also speaks of “quindici stelle.” See Orr (1913), pp. 154-6, where Ptolemy’s descriptions of the fifteen stars of first magnitude and their modern names are given.

[1511] Digby 67, late 12th century, fol. 69r, “Prologus de tribus Mercuriis.” They are also identified by other medieval writers. Some would further identify with Enoch Nannacus or Annacus, king of Phrygia, who foresaw Deucalion’s flood and lamented. See J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 155-6, and P. Buttmann, Mythologus, Berlin, 1828-1829, and E. Babelon, La tradition phrygienne du déluge, in Rev. d. l’hist. d. religs., XXIII (1891), which he cites.

Roger Bacon stated that some would identify Enoch with “the great Hermogenes, whom the Greeks much commend and laud, and they ascribe to him all secret and celestial science.” Steele (1920) 99.

[1512] R. H. Charles, The Book of Enoch, Oxford, 1893, p. 33, citing Euseb. Praep. Evan., ix, 17, 8 (Gaisford).

[1513] Charles (1893), p. 10, citing Ewald.

[1514] ed. Dindorf, 1829.

[1515] Lods, Ad. Le Livre d’Hénoch, Fragments grecs découverts à Akhmin, Paris, 1892.

Charles, R. H., The Book of Enoch, Oxford, 1893, “translated from Professor Dillman’s Ethiopic text, amended and revised in accordance with hitherto uncollated Ethiopic manuscripts and with the Gizeh and other Greek and Latin fragments, which are here published in full.” The Book of Enoch, translated anew, etc., Oxford, 1912. Also translated in Charles (1913) II, 163-281. There are twenty-nine Ethiopic MSS of Enoch.

Charles, R. H. and Morfill, W. R., The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, translated from the Slavonic, Oxford, 1896. Also by Forbes and Charles in Charles (1913) II, 425-69.

[1516] Charles (1893), p. 22.

[1517] Charles (1913), II, 165-6.

[1518] Charles (1893), pp. 2 and 41.

[1519] V., 54.

[1520] XV, 23.

[1521] Introd., vi.

[1522] Spec. Nat., I, 9. A Latin fragment, found in the British Museum in 1893 by Dr. M. R. James and published in the Cambridge Texts and Studies, II, 3, Apocrypha Anecdota, pp. 146-50, “seems to point to a Latin translation of Enoch”—Charles (1913) II, 167.

[1523] Book of Enoch, XL, 9.

[1524] Ibid., XLIII; Secrets of Enoch, IV.

[1525] Book of Enoch, XLIII; XC, 21.

[1526] Ibid., LX, 17-18.

[1527] Secrets of Enoch, XIX.

[1528] Caps. VI-XI in both Lods and Charles.

[1529] Book of Enoch, VIII, 3, in both Charles and Lods.

[1530] Book of Enoch, LXV, 6.

[1531] Ibid., LXV, 7-8; LXIX, 6-9.

[1532] Ibid., LXIX, 10-11.

[1533] Secrets of Enoch, X.

[1534] Book of Enoch, XVIII, XXI.

[1535] Ibid., XC, 24.

[1536] Singer’s translation. Studies in the History and Method of Science, Vol. I, p. 53, of Scivias, III, 1, in Migne, PL, 197, 565. See also the Koran XV, 18.

[1537] Charles, p. 32 and cap. LXXX.

[1538] Singer, 25-26.

[1539] Pp. 187-219.

[1540] Secrets of Enoch, I and XXX.

[1541] See Morfill-Charles, pp. xxxiv-xxxv, for mention of three and seven heavens in the apocryphal Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, “written about or before the beginning of the Christian era,” and for “the probability of an Old Testament belief in the plurality of the heavens.” For the seven heavens in the apocryphal Ascension of Isaiah see Charles’ edition of that work (1900), xlix.

[1542] Secrets of Enoch, XXVII. Charles prefaces this passage by the remark, “I do not pretend to understand what follows”: but it seems clear that the waters above the firmament are referred to from what the author goes on to say, “And thus I made firm the circles of the heavens, and caused the waters below which are under the heavens to be gathered into one place.” It would also seem that each of the seven planets is represented as moving in a sphere of crystal. In the Ethiopic version, LIV, 8, we are told that the water above the heavens is masculine, and that the water beneath the earth is feminine; also LX, 7-8, that Leviathan is female and Behemoth male.

[1543] Secrets of Enoch, XXX.

[1544] Ibid., 45-46, see also the Ethiopic Book of Enoch, XCIII, for “seven weeks.”

[1545] Book of Enoch, XVIII, XXIV.

[1546] Ibid., XXXII.

[1547] Book of Enoch, LII, 2.

[1548] Ibid., LXV, 7-8.

[1549] Ibid., LX, 7.

[1550] Ibid., XXXIII.

[1551] Secrets of Enoch, XII, XV, XIX.

[1552] The literature dealing in general with Philo and his philosophy is too extensive to indicate here, while there has been no study primarily devoted to our interest in him. It may be useful to note, however, the most recent editions of his works and studies concerning him, from which the reader can learn of earlier researches. See also Leopold Cohn, The Latest Researches on Philo of Alexandria (Reprinted from The Jewish Quarterly Review), London, 1892. The most recent edition of the Greek text of Philo’s works is by L. Cohn and P. Wendland, Philonis Alexandrini opera quae supersunt, Berlin, 1896-1915, in six vols. The earlier edition was by Mangey. Recent editions of single works are: F. C. Conybeare, Philo about the Contemplative Life, critically edited with a defence of its genuineness, 1895. E. Bréhier, Commentaire allégorique des Saintes Lois après l’œuvre des six jours, Greek and French, 1909. In the passages from Philo quoted in this chapter I have often availed myself of the wording of the English translation by C. D. Yonge in four vols., 1854-1855. The Latin translation of Philo’s works made from the Greek by Lilius Tifernates for Popes Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII is preserved at the Vatican in a series of six MSS written during the years 1479-1484: Vatic. Lat., 180-185.

J. d’Alma, Philon d’Alexandrie et le quatrième Évangile, 1910.

N. Bentwich, Philo-Judaeus of Alexandria, 1910 (a small general book).

T. H. Billings, The Platonism of Philo Judaeus, 1919.

W. Bousset, Jüdisch-Christlicher Schulbetrieb in Alexandria und Rom, 1915.

E. Bréhier, Les Idées philosophiques et religieuses de Philon d’Alexandrie, 1908, a scholarly work with a ten-page bibliography.

M. Caraccio, Filone d’Alessandria e le sue opere, 1911, a brief indication of the contents of each work.

K. S. Guthrie, The Message of Philo Judaeus, 1910, popular.

H. Guyot, Les Réminiscences de Philon le Juif chez Plotin, 1906.

P. Heinsch, Der Einfluss Philos auf die älteste christliche Exegese, 1908, 296 pp.

H. A. A. Kennedy, Philo’s contribution to Religion, 1919.

J. Martin, Philon, 1907, with a five-page bibliography.

L. H. Mills, Zarathustra, Philo, the Achaemenids and Israel, 1905, 460 pp.

L. Treitel, Philonische Studien, 1915, is of limited scope.

H. Windisch, Die Frömmigkeit Philos und ihre Bedeutung für das Christentum, 1909.

[1553] The genuineness of this treatise, denied by Graetz and Lucius in the mid-nineteenth century, was amply demonstrated by L. Massebieau, Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, XVI (1887), 170-98, 284-319; Conybeare, Philo about the Contemplative Life, Oxford, 1895; and P. Wendland, Die Therapeuten und die Philonische Schrift vom Beschaulichen Leben, in Jahrb. f. Class. Philologie, Band 22 (1896), 693-770. In St. John’s College Library, Oxford, in a manuscript of the early eleventh century (MS 128, fol. 215 ff) with Dionysius the Areopagite on the ecclesiastical hierarchy, is, Philonis de excircumcisione credentibus in Aegypto Christianis simul et monachis ex suprascripto ab eo sermone de vita theorica aut de orantibus.

[1554] De mundi opificio, caps. 49 and 50.

[1555] On the Contemplative Life, Chapter 9.

[1556] So he states in the opening sentences of the other treatise; it is not extant.

[1557] De mundi opificio, caps. 54 and 55.

[1558] Réville, J., Le logos, d’après Philon d’Alexandrie, Genève, 1877.

[1559] Lincoln College, Oxford, has a 12th century MS in Greek of the De vita Mosis and De virtutibus,—MS 34.

[1560] The Alexander sive de animalibus and the complete text of the De providentia exist only in Armenian translation,—see Cohn (1892), p. 16. The Biblical Antiquities, extant only in an imperfect Latin version, is not regarded as a genuine work,—see W. O. E. Oesterley and G. H. Box, The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, now first translated from the old Latin version by M. R. James (1917), p. 7.

[1561] Cohn (1892), 11.

[1562] II, 17.

[1563] (Quod omnis probus liber sit, cap. xi); also The Law Concerning Murderers, cap. 4.

[1564] On Dreams, I, 38.

[1565] Numbers XXII-XXV. Balaam is, of course, referred to in a number of other passages of the Bible: Deut., XXIII, 3-6; Joshua, XIII, 22; XXIV, 9-10; Nehemiah, XIII, 1ff; Micah, VI, 5; Second Peter, II, 15-16; Jude, 11; Revelation, II, 14.

[1566] Vita Mosis, I, 48-50. Besides discussion of Balaam in various Biblical commentaries, dictionaries, and encyclopedias, see Hengstenberg, Die Geschichte Bileams und seine Weissagungen, 1842.

[1567] De migrat. Abrahami, cap. 32.

[1568] Idem, and De somniis, cap. 10.

[1569] De monarchia, I, 1. De mundi opificio, cap. 14.

[1570] De mundi opificio, caps. 18, 50 and 24. See also his De gigantibus and Περὶ τοῦ θεοπέμπτους εἶναι τοὺς ὀνείρους.

[1571] Ibid., Cap. 50. Huet, the noted French scholar of the 17th century, states in his edition of Origen that “Philo after his custom repeats an opinion of Plato’s and almost his very words for ... he asserts that the stars are not only animals but also the purest intellects.” Migne PG, XVII, col. 978.

[1572] De monarchia, I, 1; De mundi opificio, cap. 14.

[1573] De monarchia, I, 1; De migratione Abrahami, cap. 32; De mundi opificio, cap. 40.

[1574] Eusebius, De praep. Evang., cap. 13.

[1575] De mundi opificio, cap. 19.

[1576] De somniis, II, 16.

[1577] Ibid., I, 22.

[1578] De bello Jud., V, 5, 5; Antiq., III, 7, 7-8.

[1579] Der Stern der Weisen (1827), p. 36. “Nur war ihre Astrologie dem Theismus untergeordnet. Der Eine Gott erschien immer als der Herrscher des Himmelsheeres. Sie betrachteten aber die Sterne als lebende göttliche Wesen und Mächte des Himmels.”

[1580] Münter (1827), pp. 38-39, 43, 45, etc. On the subject of Jewish astrology see also: D. Nielsen, Die altarabische Mondreligion und die mosaische Überlieferung, Strasburg, 1904; F. Hommel, Der Gestirndienst der alten Araber und die altisraelitische Überlieferung, Munich, 1901.

[1581] Such as Aulus Gellius, Macrobius, and Censorinus. These writers seem to have taken it from Varro. We have also noted number mysticism in Plutarch’s Essays.

[1582] Browne (1650) IV, 12.

[1583] De mundi opificio, cap. 40.

[1584] Ibid., caps. 30-42.

[1585] For the later influence of such doctrines in the Mohammedan world see D. B. Macdonald, Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence, and Constitutional Theory, 1903, pp. 42-3, concerning the “Seveners” and the “Twelvers” and the doctrine of the hidden Iman.

[1586] Ibid., “Thus we have a series of seven times seven Imans, the first, and thereafter each seventh, having the superior dignity of Prophet. The last of the forty-nine Imans, this Muhammad ibn Isma’il, is the greatest and last of the Prophets.”

[1587] De vita contemplativa, cap. 8. It will be recalled that the fifty books of the Digest of Justinian are similarly divided.

[1588] De mundi opificio, cap. 3.

[1589] De mundi opificio, caps. 15-16. See also on perfect numbers On the Allegories of the Sacred Laws.

[1590] Ibid., cap. 20.

[1591] Vita Mosis, I, 17.

[1592] De mundi opificio, cap. 24.

[1593] Ibid., cap. 50.

[1594] De somniis, II, 21-22.

[1595] De somniis, II, I.

[1596] Cap. 38.

[1597] II, 37.

[1598] Cap. 5.

[1599] Since I finished this chapter, I have noted that the “folk-lore in the Old Testament” has led Sir James Frazer to write a passage on “the harlequins of history” somewhat similar to that of Philo on Joseph’s coat of many colors. After remarking that friends and foes behold these politicians of the present and historical figures of the future from opposite sides and see only that particular hue of the coat which happens to be turned toward them, Sir James concludes (1918), II, 502, “It is for the impartial historian to contemplate these harlequins from every side and to paint them in their coats of many colors, neither altogether so white as they appeared to their friends nor altogether so black as they seemed to their enemies.” But who can paint out the bloodstains?

[1600] A good account of the Gnostic sources and bibliography of secondary works on Gnosticism will be found in CE, “Gnosticism” (1909) by J. P. Arendzen.

[1601] Anz, Zur Frage nach dem Ursprung des Gnostizismus, 1897, 112 pp., in TU, XV, 4.

[1602] Amélineau, Essai sur le gnosticisme égyptien, ses développements et son origine égyptienne, 1887, 330 pp., in Musée Guimet, tom. 14; and various other publications by the same author.

[1603] Bousset, Hauptprobleme der Gnosis, 1911; and “Gnosticism” in EB, 11th edition.

[1604] The dating is somewhat disputed. Some of the Gnostic writings discovered in 1896 have, I believe, not yet been published, although announced to be edited by C. Schmidt in TU. Grenfell and Hunt will soon publish “a small group of 21 papyri ... among which is a gnostic magical text of some interest”: Grenfell (1921), p. 151.

[1605] The Gospel of Matthew, XXIV, 29-31. Not to mention Paul’s “angels and principalities and powers.”

[1606] St. George Stock, “Simon Magus,” in EB, 11th edition. See also George Salmon in Dict. Chris. Biog., IV, 681.

[1607] Irenaeus, Against Heresies, I, 23.

[1608] Homilies, XVIII, 1-.

[1609] Epiphanius, Panarion, A-B-XXI; Petavius, 55-60; Dindorf,
II, 6-12.

[1610] First Apology, cap. 26.

[1611] Irenaeus and Epiphanius as cited above; also Hippolytus, Philosophumena, VI, 2-15; X, 8.

[1612] See, for example, Irenaeus, Against Heresies, I, i, 3, where we are told among other things that the disciples of the Gnostic Valentinus affirm that the number of these aeons is signified by the thirty years of Christ’s life which elapsed before He began His public ministry.

[1613] Homilies, II, 23-25; Recognitions, II, 8-9.

[1614] Homilies, II, 25.

[1615] Reply to Celsus, I, 57, and VI, 11.

[1616] Irenaeus, Against Heresies, I, 30.

[1617] G. Parthey, Zwei griech. Zauberpapyri des Berliner Museums, 1860, p. 128; C. Wessely, Griech. Zauberpapyrus von Paris und London, 1888, p. 115; F. G. Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 1893, p. 469ff.

[1618] Josephus, Antiquities, I, ii, 3.

[1619] R. Wünsch, Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus Rom, Leipzig, 1898.

[1620] E. Preuschen, Die apocryph. gnost. Adamschrift, 1900. Mechitarist collection of Old Testament Apocrypha, Venice, 1896.

[1621] The diagram is described in the Reply to Celsus, VI, 24-38; in the following description I have somewhat altered the order. An attempt to reproduce this diagram will be found in CE, “Gnosticism,” p. 597.

[1622] Reply to Celsus, VI, 22.

[1623] Anz. (1897), p. 78.

[1624] Adv. haer., I, 23.

[1625] Wm. Hartel, S. Thasci Caecili Cypriani Opera Omnia, Pars III, Opera Spuria (1870), p. 90, De rebaptismate, cap. 16, “quod si aliquo lusu perpetrari potest, sicut adfirmantur plerique huiusmodi lusus Anaxilai esse, sive naturale quid est quo pacto possit hoc contingere, sive illi putant hoc se conspicere, sive maligni opus et magicum virus ignem potest in aqua exprimere.”

[1626] Contra haereses, II, 2.

[1627] Pistis-Sophia, ed. Schwartze and Petermann (1851), pp. 386-7; ed. Mead (1896), p. 390.

[1628] Irenaeus, Against Heresies, I, 13, et seq.; Hippolytus, Philosophumena, VI, 34, et seq.; Epiphanius, Panarion, ed. Dindorf, II, 217, et seq. (ed. Petav., 232, et seq.). Concerning Marcus see further Tertullian, De praescript., L; Theodoret, Haeret. Fab., I, 9; Jerome, Epist., 29; Augustine, Haer., xiv. “D’après Reuvens,” says Berthelot (1885), p. 57, “le papyrus n^o 75 de Leide renferme un mélange de recettes magiques, alchimiques, et d’idées gnostiques; ces dernières empruntées aux doctrines de Marcus.”

[1629] Hippolytus, Philosophumena, VI, preface; I, 2; and IV, 43-4.

[1630] Censorinus, De die natali, caps. 7 and 14.

[1631] Arendzen, Gnosticism, in CE.

[1632] Ruelle et Poirée, Le chant gnostico-magique, Solesmes, 1901.

[1633] Irenaeus, I, 25; Hippolytus, VII, 20; Epiphanius, ed. Dindorf, II, 64.

[1634] Irenaeus, I, 24; Epiphanius, ed. Dindorf, II, 27-8.

[1635] Hippolytus, VII, 14-15.

[1636] The more correct title for the Philosophumena, see IX, 8-12.

[1637] Dindorf, II, 109-10, 507-9.

[1638] A. Merx, Bardesanes der letzte Gnostiker, Jena, 1864. F. Haase, Zur bardesanischen Gnosis, Leipzig, 1910, in TU, XXIV, 4.

[1639] English translation in AN, VIII, 723-34.

[1640] Recognitions, IX, 17 and 19-29.

[1641] English translations by A. A. Bevan, 1897; F. C. Burkett, 1899; G. R. S. Mead, 1906.

[1642] F. Nau, Une biographie inédite de Bardesane l’astrologue, 1897.

[1643] ed. Coptic and Latin by M. G. Schwartze and J. H. Petermann, 1851; French translation by E. Amélineau, 1895; English by G. R. S. Mead, 1896; German by C. Schmidt, 1905. The Coptic text is thickly interspersed with Greek words and phrases. In the same manuscript occurs the Book of the Saviour of which we shall also treat.

[1644] Pistis-Sophia, 25-6.

[1645] Ibid., 336-50.

[1646] Ibid., 355, et seq.

[1647] Ibid., 389-90.

[1648] Ibid., 255 and 258.

[1649] Pistis-Sophia, 29-30.

[1650] Ibid., 319-35.

[1651] Ibid., 357-8, 375-6.

[1652] Carl Schmidt, Gnostische Schrifte in koptischer Sprache aus dem codex Brucianus, 1892, 692 pp., in TU, VIII, 2, with German translation of the Coptic text at pp. 142-223. Portions have been translated into English by G. R. S. Mead, Fragments of a Faith Forgotten, 1900.

[1653] Pistis-Sophia, 205-15.

[1654] C. W. King, The Gnostics and their Remains, 1887, pp. xvi-xviii, 215-8. Also his The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious Stones and Gems, London, 1865.

[1655] A. B. Cook, Zeus, p. 235, citing J. Spon, Miscellanea eruditae antiquitatis, Lyons, 1685, p. 297.

[1656] Reitzenstein, Poimandres, pp. 111-3. On the planets in later medieval art see Fuchs, Die Ikonographie der 7 Planeten in der Kunst Italiens bis zum Ausgange des Mittelalters, Munich, 1909.

[1657] E. S. Bouchier, Spain under the Roman Empire, p. 125.

[1658] Hermann Gollancz, Selection of Charms from Syriac Manuscripts, 1898; also pp. 77-97 in Acts of International Congress of Orientalists, Sept., 1897; Syriac text and English translation.

[1659] In 1885-1886 eleven tracts by Priscillian were discovered by G. Schepss in a Würzburg MS. They shed, however, little light upon the question whether he was addicted to magic. They have been published in Priscilliani quae supersunt, etc., ed. G. Schepss, 1889, in CSEL, XVIII.

See also E. Ch. Babut, Priscillien et la Priscillienisme, Paris, 1909 (Bibl. d. l’École d. Hautes Études, Fasc. 169), which supersedes the earlier works of Paret, 1891; Dierich, 1897; and Edling, 1902.

[1660] Sulpicii Severi Historia Sacra, II, 46-51 (Migne, PL, XX, 155, et seq.) S. Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi, De viris illustribus, Cap. 15 (Migne, PL, LXXXIII, 1092).

[1661] Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie, XVI, 63.

[1662] My following statements in the text are based upon E. Chavannes et P. Pelliot, Un traité manichéen retrouvé en Chine, 1913,—they date the Chinese translation about 900 A.D. and the MS of it within a century later; W. Radloff, Chuastuanift, Das Bussgebet der Manichäer, Petrograd, 1909; A. v. Le Coq, Chuastuanift, ein Sündenbekenntnis der Manichäischen Auditores, Berlin, 1911. There are further publications on the subject.

[1663] The following details are drawn from the articles on the Mandaeans in EB, 11th edition, by K. Kessler and G. W. Thatcher, and in ERE by W. Brandt, author of Mandäische Religion, 1889, and Mandäische Schriften, 1893, and from Anz (1897), pp. 70-8. Further bibliography will be found in these references.

[1664] The number five also appears in the Pistis-Sophia and other Gnostic literature.

[1665] H. Pognon, Une Incantation contre les génies malfaisants en Mandäite, 1893; Inscriptions mandaïtes des coupes de Khonabir, 1897-1899. M. Lidzbarski, Mandäische Zaubertexte, in Ephemeris f. semit. Epig., I (1902), 89-106. J. A. Montgomery, Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur, 1913.

[1666] Genesis XLIV, 5, and J. G. Frazer (1918), II, 426-34.

[1667] In the apocryphal Protevangelium of James, cap. 16, both Joseph and Mary undergo the test.

[1668] Joachim consults the plate in the Protevangelium, cap. 5.

[1669] See J. G. Frazer, Folk-Lore in the Old Testament, 1918, 3 vols., and also his other works; for instance, The Magic Art, 1911, I, 258, for the contest in magic rain-making between Elijah and the priests of Baal in First Kings, Chapter XVIII, while I do not understand why Joshua is not mentioned in connection with “The magical control of the sun,” Ibid., I, 311-19.

[1670] However, the Apocrypha of the New Testament may be read in English translation by Alexander Walker in The Ante-Nicene Fathers (American edition), VIII, 357-598, and in that by Hone in 1820, which has since been reprinted without change. It includes only a part of the apocrypha now known and presents these in a blind fashion without explanation. It differs from Tischendorf’s text of the apocryphal gospels (Evangelia Apocrypha, ed. Tischendorf, Lipsiae, 1876) both in the titles of the gospels, the distribution of the texts under the respective titles, and the division into chapters. I have, however, sometimes used Hone’s wording in making quotations. Older than Tischendorf is Thilo, Codex apocryphus Novi Testamenti, Leipzig, 1832; Fabricius, etc.

[1671] It is ascribed to the second century both by Tischendorf and The Catholic Encyclopedia (“Apocrypha,” 607). There are plenty of fairly early Greek MSS for it.

[1672] The Greek MSS are of the 15th and 16th centuries; Tischendorf examined only partially a Latin palimpsest of it which is probably of the fifth century.

[1673] So argues The Catholic Encyclopedia, 608; Tischendorf seems inclined to date the Gospel of Thomas a little later than that of James, and to hold that we possess only a fragment of it.

[1674] Evang. Inf. Arab., cap. 25, “fecitque dominus Iesus plurima in Egypto miracula quae neque in evangelio infantiae neque in evangelio perfecto scripta reperiuntur.”

[1675] Tischendorf (1876), p. xlviii. As I have already intimated on other occasions, it seems to me no explanation to call such stories “oriental.” Christianity was an oriental religion to begin with. Moreover, as our whole investigation goes to show, both classical antiquity and the medieval west were ready enough both to repeat and to invent similar tales.

[1676] It may be noted, however, that the chief miracles of the Gospels were attacked as “absurd or unworthy of the performer” nearly two centuries ago by Thomas Woolston in his Discourses on the Miracles of our Saviour, 1727-1730. The words in quotation marks are from J. B. Bury’s History of Freedom of Thought, 1913, p. 142.

[1677] Migne, PL, 59, 162 ff. The list was reproduced with slight variations by Hugh of St. Victor in the twelfth century in his Didascalicon (IV, 15), and in the thirteenth century by Vincent of Beauvais in the Speculum Naturale (I, 14).

[1678] Tischendorf (1876), pp. xxiii-xxiv.

[1679] Mâle (1913), pp. 207-8.

[1680] Since writing this, I find that Mâle has been impressed by the same resemblance. He writes (1913), p. 207, “Some chapters in the apocryphal gospels are like the Life of Apollonius of Tyana or even like The Golden Ass, permeated with the belief in witchcraft and magic.” The resemblance to Apuleius is also noted in AN, VIII, 353.

[1681] Tischendorf, Evang. Infantiae Arabicum, caps. 20-21.

[1682] Ibid., cap. 17.

[1683] Ibid., cap. 20, “nullum in mundo doctum aut magum aut incantatorem omisimus quin illum accerseremus; sed nihil nobis profuit.”

[1684] Evang. Inf. Arab., cap. 35, “Extemplo exivit ex puero illo satanas fugiens cani rabido similis.” The apocryphal gospel adds, “This same boy who struck Jesus,” i. e., while he was still possessed by the demon, “and out of whom Satan went in the form of a dog, was Judas Iscariot, who betrayed Him to the Jews. And that same side, on which Judas struck him, the Jews pierced with a lance.”

[1685] Ibid., cap. 44; Evang. Thomae Lat., cap. 7; Ps. Matth., cap. 32.

[1686] Evang. Inf. Arab., cap. 15.

[1687] Ibid., cap. 19, “qui veneficio tactus uxore frui non poterat.”

[1688] Ibid., cap. 14.

[1689] Ibid., cap. 16.

[1690] See below, chapter 24.

[1691] Evang. Inf. Arab., caps. 33-34.

[1692] Ibid., caps. 10-11.

[1693] Ibid., caps. 27-32.

[1694] Ibid., cap. 30.

[1695] Ibid., cap. 24.

[1696] Ibid., caps. 42-43; Ps. Matth., 41; Evang. Thom. Lat., 14. Compare pp. 279-80 above.

[1697] Evang. Inf. Arab., cap. 37.

[1698] Ibid., 38-39; Ps. Matth., 37; Evang. Thom. Lat., 11.

[1699] Evang. Inf. Arab., cap. 36; Ps. Matth., 27; Evang. Thom. Lat., 4.

[1700] Evang. Inf. Arab., cap. 40. See Ad-Damîrî, translated by A. S. G. Jayakar, 1906, I, 703, for a Moslem tale of Jews who called Jesus “the enchanter the son of the enchantress,” and were transformed into pigs.

[1701] Evang. Inf. Arab., 46; Evang. Thom. Lat., 4; Ps. Matth., 26, where Mary afterwards induces Jesus to restore him to life, and 28.

[1702] Evang. Inf. Arab., cap. 47; Evang. Thom. Lat., 5; Ps. Matth., 29.

[1703] Evang. Inf. Arab., cap. 49; Evang. Thom. Lat., 12; Ps. Matth., 38.

[1704] Ps. Matth., caps. 35-36.

[1705] Ibid., cap. 29.

[1706] Ibid., cap. 40.

[1707] Later the same gospel (cap. 54) rather inconsistently represents Jesus as engaged in the study of law until his thirtieth year.

[1708] Evang. Inf. Arab., caps. 51-52.

[1709] Eusebius states that he discovered these letters written in Syriac in the public records of Edessa. Hone says that it used to be a common practice among English people to have the epistle ascribed to Christ framed and place a picture of the Saviour before it.

[1710] Gospel of Nicodemus, I, 1-2.

[1711] CE, Apocrypha, p. 611.

[1712] Greek text in Tischendorf, Apocalypses Apocryph., pp. 161-7; English translation, The Ante-Nicene Fathers, VIII, 526-7.

[1713] Evang. Inf. Arab., 7-8.

[1714] Cap. 19 (AN, I, 57).

[1715] Ante-Nicene Fathers, VIII, 494.

[1716] W. Anz, Zur Frage nach dem Ursprung des Gnostizisnus (1897), pp. 36-41. Lipsius et Bonnet, Acta apostolorum apocrypha, 1891-.

[1717] Mâle (1913), 299. For the text of this apocryphal work see Migne, Dictionnaire des Apocryphes, II, 759, et seq., or more recently, Bonnet, Acta apostolorum apocrypha, 1898, II, 151-216.

[1718] Mâle (1913), 300. But one would think that they must needs be Byzantine alchemists, if the legend did not reach the west until the sixteenth century.

[1719] HL, XV, 42.

When the gems, all smashed to pieces,

He had mended, then their prices

To the poor he handed;

Quite exhaustless was his treasure

Who from sticks made gold at pleasure,

Gems from stones commanded.

[1720] René Basset, Les apocryphes Éthiopiens, Paris, 1893-1894, vol. iv.

[1721] See Migne, PG, X (1857), for the old Latin version; the Greek text is extant only in fragments; the tradition, going back to Jerome, that there was a Syriac original is unfounded; the work is first cited by Cyril.

[1722] The Ethiopic version, made from the Greek between the fifth and seventh centuries, is translated by Basset (1894), vol. iii; and was printed before him by Dillmann, Ascensio Isaiae aethiopice et latine, Leipzig, 1877, and by Laurence, Ascensio Isaiae vatis, opusculum pseudepigraphus, Oxford, 1819. See also R. H. Charles, Ascension of Isaiah, 1900; reprinted 1917 in Oesterley and Box, Translations of Early Documents, Series I, vol. 7.

[1723] The fragments of the Book of Baruch by Justin, preserved in the Philosophumena of Hippolytus, are from an entirely different Gnostic work.

[1724] R. Basset, Les apocryphes Éthiopiens, Paris, 1893-1894, vol. i, Le Livre de Baruch et la légende de Jérémie.

[1725] Text of The Recognitions in Migne, PG, I; of The Homilies in PG, II, or P. de Lagarde, Clementina, 1865. E. C. Richardson had an edition of The Recognitions in preparation in 1893, when a list of some seventy MSS communicated by him was published in A. Harnack’s Gesch. d. altchr. Lit., I, 229-30, but it has not yet appeared. In quoting The Recognitions I often avail myself of the language of the English translation in the Ante-Nicene Fathers.

Since A. Hilgenfeld, Die klement. Rekogn. u. Homilien, 1848, the Pseudo-Clementines have provided a much frequented field of research and controversy, of which the articles in CE, EB, and Realencyklopädie (1913), XXIII, 312-6, provide fairly recent summaries from varying ecclesiastical standpoints. For bibliography see pp. 4-5 in the recent monograph of W. Heintze, Der Klemensroman und seine griechischen Quellen, 1914, in TU, XL, 2. In the same series, TU, XXV, 4, H. Waitz, Die Pseudo-Klementinen, 1904.

Concerning Simon Magus may be mentioned: H. Schlurick, De Simonis Magi fatis Romanis; A. Hilgenfeld, Der Magier Simon, in Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol., XII (1869), 353 ff.; G. Frommberger, De Simone Mago, Pars I, De origine Pseudo-Clementinorum, Diss. inaug., Warsaw, 1866; G. R. S. Mead (Fellow of the Theosophical Society), Simon Magus, 1892; H. Waitz, Simon Magus in d. altchr. Lit., in Zeitschr. f. d. neutest. Wiss., V (1904), 121-43.

[1726] BN, Greek, 930; Ottobon, 443.

[1727] Isidore, De natura rerum, caps. xxxi, xxxvi, xxxix-xli (PL, 83, 1003-12).

[1728] PL, 83, 1003, note, “Sunt haec lib. VIII Recognitionum sed apparet Isidorum alia interpretatione usum ac dubitare posse an ea quae circumfertur Rufini sit.”

[1729] See CU, Trinity 1041, 14th century, fols. 7-105, “Inc. prologus in librum quem moderni itinerarium beati Petri vocant.”

[1730] Valois (1880), p. 204.

[1731] PL, 59, 162, “Notitia librorum apocryphorum qui non recipiuntur.”

[1732] Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, 1485, I, 14.

[1733] PL, 176, 787-8, Erudit. Didasc., IV, 15.

[1734] “Itinerarium nomine Petri apostoli quod appellatur sancti Clementis libri octo apocryphum (or, apocryphi).”

[1735] Speculum naturale, XXXII, 129, concerning the morality of the Seres.

[1736] Compare Recognitions, I, 27 (PG, I, 122) with Rabanus, Comment. in Genesim, I, 2 (PL, 107, 450).

[1737] Speculum naturale, I, 7. Peter is represented as saying, “When anyone has derived from divine Scripture a sound and firm rule of truth, it will not be absurd if to the assertion of true dogma he joins something from the education and liberal studies which he may have pursued from boyhood. Yet so that in all points he teaches what is true and shuns what is false and pretense.” This corresponds to the close of the 42nd chapter of the tenth book of The Recognitions.

[1738] Since writing this I learn that Professor E. C. Richardson has examined most of the known MSS of The Recognitions and has found them all to be the version by Rufinus, except for a few additional chapters which someone has added in the French group of MSS,—chapters which Rufinus seems to have omitted because they were difficult to translate.

[1739] Heintze (1914), 23, however, argues that the conclusion of The Recognitions is dependent upon The Homilies.

[1740] Professor E. C. Richardson, after kindly reading this chapter in manuscript, writes me (Sept. 5, 1921) that he doubts if this Syriac MS is correctly described as three books of The Recognitions and four books of The Homilies, and that he thinks it may represent an earlier form in the evolution than either of them. He writes further, “I have a strong notion that a study of Greek MSS of the Epitomes will reveal still more variant forms in Greek, and there are certainly other oriental compilations not yet brought into comparison with the Greek, Latin, and Syriac forms.”

[1741] In The Homilies it is a trip only from Alexandria to Caesarea that consumes this number of days.

[1742] About 375 A.D. Epiphanius (Dindorf, II, 107-9) describes The Circuits in such a way that he might have either The Homilies or The Recognitions in mind. On the other hand, the Philocalia, composed about 358 by Basil and Gregory, cites a passage on astrology from the fourteenth book of The Circuits which is in the tenth book of The Recognitions and not in The Homilies at all.

[1743] Heintze (1914), p. 113.

[1744] Waitz (1904), pp. 151 and 243.

[1745] See E. C. Richardson in Papers of the American Society of Church History, VI (1894).

[1746] Neither Philostratus nor Apollonius of Tyana is mentioned, however, in the index of W. Heintze’s Der Klemensroman und seine griechischen Quellen (1914), 144 pp.

[1747] Recogs., VII, 6.

[1748] Recogs., I, 29; not mentioned in the corresponding chapter of The Homilies, VIII, 15.

[1749] Recogs., IX, 19-29.

[1750] Recogs., VII, 12.

[1751] Recogs., X, 15, et seq.

[1752] Recogs., I, 8; Homilies, I, 10.

[1753] Extraordinary, of course, only in that single animals instead of angels, as in the Enoch literature, are set over birds, beasts, serpents, etc.

[1754] Recogs., I, 27 and 45.

[1755] Recogs., VI, 8.

[1756] Recogs., VIII, 9, 20-22.

[1757] Recogs., VIII, 15-17.

[1758] Recogs., VIII, 21.

[1759] Recogs., VIII, 25-32.

[1760] On the other hand, in the apocryphal Epistle of Barnabas, IX, 9, it is stated that the weasel conceives with its mouth and hence typifies persons with unclean mouths.

[1761] Recogs., II, 7.

[1762] Recogs., VIII, 31.

[1763] Recogs., VIII, 30.

[1764] Recogs., VIII, 42.

[1765] Recogs., VIII, 34.

[1766] Recogs., VIII, 44.

[1767] Recogs., VIII, 45.

[1768] Recogs., VIII, 46.

[1769] Recogs., VIII, 47.

[1770] Recogs., V, 27.

[1771] Recogs., I, 28.

[1772] Recogs., VIII, 57, “frater meus Clemens tibi diligentius respondebit qui plenius scientiam mathesis attigit;” IX, 18, “quoniam quidem scientia mihi mathesis nota est.”

[1773] Recogs., X, 11-12.

[1774] Recogs., IX, 18.

[1775] Recogs., VIII, 2.

[1776] Recogs., I, 32.

[1777] Recogs., I, 21, 43, 72.

[1778] Recogs., IV, 35.

[1779] Irenaeus, I, 3.

[1780] Recogs., III, 68.

[1781] Recogs., VIII, 28, “qui est parvus in alio mundus.”

[1782] Recogs., VIII, 45.

[1783] Recogs., X, 12. In Homilies, XIV, 5, the existence of astrological medicine is implied when Peter promises to cure by prayer to God any bodily ill, even “if it is utterly incurable and entirely beyond the range of the medical profession—a case, indeed, which not even the astrologers profess to cure.”

[1784] Recogs., VIII, 2. In The Homilies, however, Peter argues that, even if Genesis prevails, which he does not admit, still he can “worship Him who is also Lord of the stars,” and that the doctrine of genesis is far more destructive to polytheism and pagan worship.

[1785] Recogs., IX, 16-17.

[1786] Recogs., IX, 6 and 12.

[1787] Recogs., IX, 30.

[1788] Recogs., X, 11.

[1789] Recogs., X, 12.

[1790] Recogs., IX, 32-7.

[1791] Recogs., IX, 19, and VIII, 48.

[1792] Recogs., X, 66.

[1793] Recogs., II, 42.

[1794] Recogs., IV, 7.

[1795] Recogs., IX, 38.

[1796] Recogs., IX, 6 and 12; IV, 21; V, 20 and 31.

[1797] Recogs., II, 71; IV, 16.

[1798] Recogs., IV, 30.

[1799] Recogs., IX, 9.

[1800] Recogs., IV, 32-33.

[1801] Recogs., IV, 21.

[1802] Recogs., IV, 26.

[1803] Reminding one of Benjamin Franklin’s more successful attempt to “snatch the thunderbolt from heaven.”

[1804] Recogs., IV, 27, and I, 30.

[1805] Recogs., IV, 29.

[1806] Dindorf, I, 282, 286-7.

[1807] Recogs., X, 55; III, 64.

[1808] Recogs., I, 70.

[1809] Recogs., I, 42 and 58; III, 12, 47, and 73; X, 54.

[1810] Recogs., I, 72.

[1811] Recogs., X, 22 and 25.

[1812] But by no means always in early Christian writings: thus Clement of Alexandria (c150-c220) in the Stromata, II, 1, asserts that the Greeks eulogize “astrology and mathematics and magic and sorcery” as the highest sciences.

[1813] In contrast to Lucian’s Menippus or Necromancy, in which the Cynic philosopher Menippus resorts to a Magus at Babylon in order to gain entrance to the lower world and question Teiresias.

Necromancy is given as a proof of the immortality of the soul in Justin’s First Apology, cap. 18, where we read, “For let even necromancy, and the divinations you practise by means of immaculate children, and the evoking of departed human souls ... let these persuade you that even after death souls are in a state of sensation.”

[1814] Recogs., I, 5.

[1815] Recogs., II, 9.

[1816] Recogs., II, 15.

[1817] Recogs., II, 6.

[1818] Recogs., III, 57.

[1819] Recogs., II, 11.

[1820] Recogs., II, 12.

[1821] Recogs., X, 53, et seq.

[1822] Recogs., III, 57-60; X, 66.

[1823] Recogs., VIII, 53.

[1824] Recogs., VIII, 60.

[1825] Recogs., II, 5.

[1826] Recogs., II, 10.

[1827] Recogs., II, 16, and III, 49.

[1828] Similarly, in a passage contained only in The Homilies, V, 5, Appion, recommending to Clement a love incantation which he had learned from an Egyptian who was well versed in magic, explains that demons obey the magician when invoked by the names of superior angels, who in their turn may be adjured by the name of God.

[1829] Concerning this boy see Recogs., II, 13-15; III, 44-45;, Homilies, II, 25-30.

[1830] Recogs., II, 6; III, 13.

[1831] Recogs., III, 73; X, 54.

[1832] Recogs., X, 58.

[1833] Recogs., III, 63.

[1834] Recogs., II, 7.

[1835] Recogs., II, 5.

[1836] Recogs., II, 9, “Multa etenim iam mihi experimenti causa consummata sunt.“

[1837] First Apology, caps. 26 and 56; Dialogue with Trypho, 120.

[1838] Adv. haer., I, 23.

[1839] See above, chapter 15, p. 365.

[1840] Tertullian, De anima, cap. 57, in PL, II, 794; De idolatria, cap. 9.

[1841] Philosophumena, VI, 2-15.

[1842] F. X. Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum, 1905, I, 320-1.

[1843] τὰ δὲ ἔθνη ἐξιστῶν μαγικῇ ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ δαιμόνων ἐνεργείᾳ.

[1844] “ ... in una die procedens vidi illum per aera volantem et ferebatur. Et subsistens dixi: In virtute sancti nominis Iesu excido virtutes tuas. Et sic ruens femur pedis sui fregit.”

[1845] Arnobius, Adversus gentes, II, 12.

[1846] Cyril, Cathechesis, VI, 15, in PG 33, 564.

[1847] Filastrii diversarum hereseon liber, cap. 23, ed. F. Marx, 1898, in CSEL; also in PL, vol. 12.

[1848] Sulpicius Severus, 363-420, Chron., II, 28, and Theodoret, c386-456, Haereticarum fabularum compendium, I, 1 (PG 83, 344) have nothing new to say.

[1849] AN, VIII, 673-5.

[1850] Ibid., 477-85; Greek text in Tischendorf, Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, 1851, pp. 1-39. The Greek scholar, Constantine Lascaris, translated part of the work into Latin in 1490.

[1851] Mead (1892), p. 37, notes that Dr. Salmon (article Simon Magus in Dict. Chris. Biog. IV, 686) “connects this with the story, told by Suetonius and Dio Chrysostom, that Nero caused a wooden theater to be erected in the Campus, and that a gymnast who tried to play the part of Icarus fell so near the emperor as to bespatter him with blood.” Hegesippus (De bello judaico, III, 2), Abdias (Hist. 1), and Maximus Taurinensis (Patr. VI, Synodi ad Imp. Const. Act. 18) compare Simon’s flight with that of Icarus.

[1852] Tischendorf (1851), p. xix.

[1853] “De mirificis rebus et actibus beatorum Petri et Pauli, et de magicis artibus Simonis:” Fabricius, Cod. apocr., III, 632; Florentinus, Martyrologium Hieronymi, 103.

[1854] A slightly different version of the dog incident is found in the Acts of Nereus and Achilles (AS, May III, 9).

[1855] Hegesippus, III, 2 ed. C. F. Weber and J. Caesar, Marburg, 1864, “et statim in voce Petri implicatis remigiis alarum quas sumserat corruit, nec exanimatus est, sed fracto debilitatus crure Ariciam concessit atque ibi mortuus est.” I earnestly recommend this passage to those who delight in finding ancient precursors of modern inventions as an example of remarkable insight into the effect of air-waves upon delicate mechanisms.

[1856] ed. Fabricius, Cod. apocr., I, 411; AS, June V, 424.

[1857] Biblioth. Patrum, Cologne, 1618, I, 70.

[1858] Printed PL, 39, 2121-2, among the works of Augustine, Sermones Supposititi, CCII. The greater number of MSS assign it to Maximus.

[1859] Mâle, Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 297, notes 3 and 4; p. 298, note 1.

[1860] The two representations are essentially identical. Simon falls head first, and the accompanying legend reads, “Hic praecepto Petri oratione Pauli Simon Magus cecidit in terram,”—“Here at Peter’s command and Paul’s prayer Simon Magus falls to earth.”

[1861] Greek and Latin text in parallel columns in AS, Sept. VII (1867), pp. 204ff. For an account of previous editions see Ibid., p. 182. Bishop John Fell published a Latin text from three Oxford MSS. In Digby 30, 15th century, fol. 29-, which I have examined, the wording differed considerably from that of the Latin text in AS. The brief Martyrium of Cyprian and Justina follows in the same volume of AS at pp. 224-6. Sahidische Bruchstücke der Legende von Cyprian von Antiochen, ed. O. v. Lamm, 1899, Ethiopic, Greek, and German, in Petrograd Acad. Scient. Imper. Mémoires, VIII série, Cl. hist. philol., IV, 6. Πρᾶξις τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων Κυπριανοῦ καὶ Ἰουστίνης, with an Arabic version, ed. Margaret D. Gibson, 1901, in Studia Sinaitica, No. 8.

[1862] Ibid., p. 180, “ipsa S. Cypriana nomine vulgata Confessio quam ante Constantini aetatem scriptam esse critici plurimi etiam rigidiores fatentur.”

[1863] Ibid., p. 205, “et initiatus sum sonis sermonum ac strepitum narrationibus.” L. Preller in Philologus, I (1846), 349ff., and A. B. Cook, Zeus, 110-1, suggest that these rites on Mount Olympus were Orphic.

[1864] “Et aliorum insidiantium decipientium permiscentium....”

[1865] Shelley, it may be recalled, in 1822 translated some scenes, published in 1824, from Calderón’s Magico Prodigioso, in which Cyprian, Justina, and the demon figure.

[1866] Bouchier, Syria as a Roman Province, p. 237.

[1867] Bouchier, Spain Under the Roman Empire, p. 123, citing AS, July 19.

[1868] Epiphanius, Panarion, ed. Dindorf, II, 97-104; ed. Petavius, 131A-137C.

[1869] Idem. The attempt to bewitch the furnaces reminds one of the fourteenth Homeric epigram, in which the bard threatens to curse the potters’ furnaces if they do not pay him for his song, and to summon “the destroyers of furnaces,”—Σύντριβ’ ὁμῶς Σμάραγόν τε καὶ Ἄσβετον ἠδὲ Σαβάκτην,—words usually interpreted as names for mischievous Pucks and brawling goblins who smash pottery. But the two middle names suggest the stones, smaragdus or emerald, and asbestos. The poet also invokes “Circe of many drugs” to cast injurious spells, and appeals to Chiron to complete the work of destruction. He further prays that the face of any potter who peers into the furnace may be burned. This epigram is probably of late date. See A. Abel, Homeri Hymni, Epigrammata, Batrachomyomachia, Lipsiae, 1886, pp. 123-4.

[1870] Mâle, Religious Art in France, 1913, pp. 304-6.

[1871] Mâle (1913), p. 306.

[1872] Ibid., p. 307.

[1873] Greek text in Migne PG, Vol. XI. English translation in the Ante-Nicene Fathers, of which I generally make use in quotations from the work. On the MSS of the Against Celsus see Paul Koetschau, Die Textüberlieferung der Bücher des Origenes gegen Celsus in den Handschriften dieses Werkes und der Philokalia. Prolegomena zu einer kritischen Ausgabe, 1889, 157 pp., (TU, VI, 1).

[1874] I, 71; also II, 32.

[1875] I, 38; also VIII, 9; II, 48.

[1876] I, 68; III, 52.

[1877] II, 49.

[1878] VII, 36.

[1879] I, 6.

[1880] VI, 40.

[1881] V, 51.

[1882] I, 26.

[1883] IV, 33.

[1884] V, 6.

[1885] V, 9.

[1886] VII, 9.

[1887] VII, 11.

[1888] VII, 3.

[1889] III, 1.

[1890] III, 5.

[1891] III, 46; IV, 51.

[1892] I, 28.

[1893] I, 38.

[1894] I, 60.

[1895] I, 38.

[1896] II, 49.

[1897] II, 51.

[1898] I, 68.

[1899] VII, 25.

[1900] V, 42.

[1901] I, 68.

[1902] VI, 41.

[1903] III, 52.

[1904] See cap. 21.

[1905] Kühn, XIX, 48 (de libris propriis). Μετροδώρου ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Κέλσον Ἐπικούρειον.

[1906] VI, 39.

[1907] IV, 86.

[1908] VII, 67.

[1909] VI, 39.

[1910] VI, 40.

[1911] VII, 3 and 35.

[1912] Ps. XCVI, 5.

[1913] VII, 69.

[1914] V, 42.

[1915] II, 51. See also V, 38; VI, 45; VII, 69; VIII, 59; I, 60.

[1916] See VII, 67, “demons ... and their several operations, whether led on to them by the conjurations of those who are skilled in the art, or urged on by their own inclinations....”

Also VII, 5, “those spirits that are attached for entire ages, as I may say, to particular dwellings and places, whether by a sort of magical force or by their own natural inclinations.”

Also VII, 64, “ ... the demons choose certain forms and places, whether because they are detained there by virtue of certain charms, or because for some other possible reason they have selected those haunts....”

[1917] VII, 4. ὡς ἐπίπαν γὰρ ἰδιῶται τὸ τοιοῦτον πράττουσι.

[1918] V, 38.

[1919] VIII, 61.

[1920] VI, 80.

[1921] I, 58.

[1922] I, 60.

[1923] I, 58. The Magi had been confused with the Chaldeans several centuries before by Ctesias in his Persica, cap. 15; see D. F. Münter, Der Stern der Weisen: Untersuchungen über das Geburtsjahr Christi, Kopenhagen (1827), p. 14.

[1924] Balaam himself was something of an astrologer according to Münter, Der Stern der Weisen, 1827, p. 31. “Die sieben Altäre die der moabitische Seher Bileam an verschiedenen Orten errichtete (IV B. Mose, XXIII) waren gewiss den sieben Planetfürsten gewidmet.”

[1925] Numbers, XXIV, 17.

[1926] Similarly an English version (in an Oxford MS of the early 15th century, Laud Misc., 658) of The History of the Three Kings of Cologne, or medieval account of the translation of the relics of the Magi, in forty-one chapters with a preface, opens its first chapter with the words, “The mater of these three worshipful and blissid kingis token the begynnyng of the prophecye of Balaam.”

[1927] In Numeros Homilia XIII, in Migne, PG, XII, 675.

[1928] In Numeros Homilia XV, col. 689.

[1929] In Genesim Homilia XIV, 3, in PG, XII, 238.

[1930] Origenis in Numeros Homiliae, Prologus Rufini Interpretis ad Ursacium. Migne, PG, XII, 583-86.

[1931] Origenis in Numeros Homilia XIII, Migne, PG, XII, 670-677. In at least one medieval manuscript we find the homily upon Balaam preserved separately, BN 13350, 12th century, fol. 92v, et omeliae de Balaham et Balach.

[1932] W. H. Bennett, Balaam, in EB, 11th edition.

[1933] One cannot help wondering whether Pharaoh’s magicians lost their rods for good as a result of this manœuvre, but it is a point upon which the Scriptural narrative fails to enlighten us.

[1934] II, 15-16.

[1935] Antiq., IV, 6.

[1936] Johannis Hildeshemensis, Liber de trium regum translatione, 1478, cap. 2.

[1937] E. W. Hengstenberg, Die Geschichte Bileams und seine Weissagungen, Berlin, 1842. Hengstenberg tried to take middle ground between Philo Judaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory of Nyssa, Theodoret, and others who regarded Balaam as a godless false prophet and magician, and the contrary opinion of Tertullian, Jerome, and some moderns who hold that Balaam was originally a devout man and true prophet who fell through his covetousness.

[1938] “Et ideo quasi expertus in talibus in opinione erat omnibus qui erant in Oriente ... Certus ergo Balach de hoc et frequenter expertus.”

[1939] In Homily XIV.

[1940] Migne, PG, XII, 1011-28.

[1941] J. G. Frazer (1918), II, 522, note, however, says of I. Samuel, XXVIII, 12: “It seems that we must read, ‘And when the woman saw Saul,’ with six manuscripts of the Septuagint and some modern critics, instead of, ‘And when the woman saw Samuel.’”

[1942] VI, 41.

[1943] V, 48.

[1944] I, 30.

[1945] II, 34.

[1946] IV, 33, and I, 22.

[1947] IV, 33. On the use of mystic names of God among the Jews of this period and “the new and greatly developed angelology that flourished at that time in Egypt and Palestine” see the Introduction to M. Gaster’s edition of The Sword of Moses, 1896,—a book of magic found in a 13-14th century Hebrew MS, but which is mentioned in the 11th century and which he would trace back to ancient times.

[1948] I, 6. It also, however, suggests the efficacy ascribed by the Mandaeans to the repetition of passages from their sacred books.

[1949] II, 49.

[1950] I, 25; V, 45.

[1951] V, 45.

[1952] I, 24.

[1953] IV, 33; I, 22, etc.

[1954] In Math. XXVI, 23 (Migne, PG, XIII, 1757).

[1955] See p. 366 in Chapter XV on Gnosticism.

[1956] V, 25.

[1957] VIII, 28.

[1958] VIII, 58.

[1959] VIII, 60.

[1960] VIII, 63.

[1961] VII, 68.

[1962] VII, 69.

[1963] VIII, 59.

[1964] V, 28.

[1965] V, 29; see Deut. xxxii, 8.

[1966] V, 30.

[1967] V, 32.

[1968] VIII, 31.

[1969] Migne, PG, XII, 680.

[1970] III, 12.

[1971] I, 8.

[1972] V, 54; see Book of Enoch, XL, 9.

[1973] Matthew, XVIII, 10.

[1974] VII, 5.

[1975] V, 6-9.

[1976] V, 6.

[1977] IV, 67; V, 20-21.

[1978] VI, 80.

[1979] Duhem (1913-1917) II, 447, treats of “Les Pères de l’Église et la Grande Année.”

[1980] V, 11.

[1981] De principiis, I, 7.

[1982] V, 10.

[1983] Deut., IV, 19-20.

[1984] V, 12.

[1985] I, 59.

[1986] V, 11.

[1987] P. D. Huet, Origenianorum Lib. II, Cap. II, Quaestio VIII, De astris, in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, XVII, 973, et seq.

[1988] XVII, 28.

[1989] “In prooemio libri prioris eiusdem Περὶ ἀρχῶν, num. 10.”

[1990] Eusebius, Praep. Evang., VI, 11, in Migne, PG, XXI, 477-506.

[1991] PG, XXI, 489.

[1992] Ibid., 501-502.

[1993] P. D. Huet, Origenianorum Lib., II, ii, v. 10, cites Basil, Homil. 3 in Hexaem.; Epiphanius, Haer., LXIV, 4, and Epist. ad Joan. Jerosolymit., cap. 3; Jerome, Epist. 61 ad Pammach., cap. 3; Gregory Nyss., lib. in Hexaem.; Augustine, Confess., XIII, 15; Isidore, Origin., VII, 5.

See also Duhem (1913-1917) II, 487, “Les eaux supracélestes.”

[1994] VI, 21.

[1995] IV, 90-95.

[1996] Origen quotes, “Ye shall not practise augury nor observe the flight of birds,” which is found in the Septuagint, Levit., XIX, 26.

[1997] I, 66.

[1998] I, 36.

[1999] I, 33.

[2000] IV, 86-88.

[2001] IV, 98.

[2002] IV, 93; it will be recalled that the witches in The Golden Ass of Apuleius assume the bodies of weasels in order to rob a corpse.

[2003] I, 37.

[2004] VII, 30.

[2005] VIII, 19-20.

[2006] Homily 18 on Numbers, Migne, PG, XII, 715.

[2007] Epistola 96 in Migne, PL, XXII, 78.

[2008] Migne, PG, XVII, 1091-92.

[2009] Tertullian, Apology, cap. 21; so also Cyprian, Liber de idolorum vanitate, cap. 13. Latin text of Tertullian in PL, vols. 1-2; English translation in AN, vol. 3.

[2010] Apology, cap. 23.

[2011] De cultu feminarum, I, 2.

[2012] Apology, cap. 22.

[2013] De anima, cap. 57.

[2014] Apology, cap. 23.

[2015] De anima, cap. 57. Damigeron is mentioned in the Orphic poem, Lithica, and in the Apology of Apuleius, cap. 45; is cited in the Geoponica, and was regarded by V. Rose as the Greek source of the Latin “Evax” and Marbod on stones. BN 7418, 14th century, Amigeronis de lapidibus, was printed by Pitra, Spic. Solesm., III, 324-35, and Abel, Orphei Lithica, p. 157, et seq. See further PW, “Damigeron.”

[2016] Presumably Nectanebus.

[2017] It is Aaron’s rod in the King James version.

[2018] De idolatria, cap. 9.

[2019] Apology, cap. 35.

[2020] PL, vol. 3; AN, vol. 4.

[2021] Thus Minucius Felix says, Octavius, cap. 26, “Magi ... quidquid miraculi ludunt ... praestigias edunt,” while Tertullian, Apology, cap. 23, writes, “Porro si et magi phantasmata edunt ... si multa miracula circulatoriis praestigiis ludunt.”

[2022] Cyprian, Liber de idolorum vanitate, caps. 6-7.

[2023] PL, vol. VI; AN, vol. VII; the following references are all to this work.

[2024] V, 3.

[2025] II, 15.

[2026] II, 17.

[2027] IV, 27.

[2028] II, 17.

[2029] The work was discovered in 1842 at Mount Athos and edited by E. Miller in 1851, Duncker and Schneidewin in 1859, and Abbé Cruice in 1860. Greek text in PG, vol. XVI, part 3; English translation in AN, vol. V.

[2030] R. Ganschinietz, Hippolytos’ Capitel gegen die Magier, 1913, in TU, 39, 2, is a commentary on the text.

[2031] Refutation of All Heresies, IV, 28.

[2032] Since writing this sentence I have found an article by Diels on the discovery of alcohol in Societas Regia Scientiarum, Abhandl. Philos.-Hist. Classe, Berlin, 1913, in which he argues from this passage in Hippolytus that the discovery was made in the Alexandrian period and that it reached western Europe again only through the Arabs about the twelfth century, since alcohol is not mentioned in the older Schlettstadt version of the Mappae clavicula. If this be so, Adelard of Bath was perhaps the first to introduce it from the Arabs or the orient, although Diels does not say so.

[2033] Refutation of All Heresies, IV, 29-41.

[2034] In some places the text is illegible.

[2035] Cap. 105.

[2036] Leo Allatius “in syntagmate” De engastrimytho, cap. 7; Sulpicius Severus, Historia sacra, liber I; Anastasius Antiochenus, Ὁδηγός , quaest., 112; “et eorum quos laudat Bellarminus liber IV de Christo, cap. 11.”

[2037] Περὶ τῆς ἐγγαστριμύθου, PG, XLV, 107-14.

[2038] Migne, PG, XVIII, 613-74.

[2039] The King James version, First Samuel, XXVIII, 19, reads, “and to morrow shalt thou and thy sons be with me,” instead of “thou and Jonathan.”

[2040] Migne, PG, XII, 143-74.

[2041] Migne, PG, LVI, 61, et seq.

[2042] Migne, PG, LVI, 637, et seq. Homily II, “Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum quod Chrysostomi nomine circumfertur.” Ibid., 602, et seq., for opinions of various past writers as to its authenticity.

[2043] Migne, PG, LX, 274-5, in the 38th homily on the Book of Acts.

[2044] On the other hand, D. Friedrich Münter, Der Stern der Weisen: Untersuchungen über das Geburtsjahr Christi, Kopenhagen, 1827, adopted the astrological theory that the star of Bethlehem was really a major conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Pisces, which Jewish tradition, too, seems to have regarded as the sign of the Messiah, and that therefore Jesus was born in 6 B. C. This view had already been advanced by Kepler, but recent writers seem to prefer a conjunction in Aries: see H. G. Voigt, Die Geschichte Jesu und die Astrologie, Leipzig, 1911; Kritzinger, Der Stern der Weisen, Gütersloh, 1911; von Oefele, Die Angaben der Berliner Planetentafel P8279 verglichen mit der Geburtsgeschichte Christi im Berichte des Matthäus, Berlin, 1903, in Mitteil. d. Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.

[2045] Mâle, Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 208, was not able to trace the legend that the star of the Magi appeared with the face of a child beyond The Golden Legend compiled by James of Voragine in the thirteenth century. We shall, however, find it mentioned in the twelfth century by Abelard, who derived it from this spurious homily of Chrysostom.

[2046] They are twice so represented on the elaborately carved Christian sarcophagus in the museum at Syracuse, Sicily, where also the manger, ox, and ass are shown (compare note 4 below).

[2047] Hugo Kehrer, Die Heiligen drei Könige in Litteratur und Kunst, Leipzig, 1908, 2 vols. An earlier work on the three Magi is Inchofer, Tres Magi Evangelici, Rome, 1639.

[2048] J. C. Thilo, Eusebii Alexandrini oratio Περὶ ἀστρονόμων (praemissa de magis et stella quaestione) e Cod. Reg. Par. primum edita, Progr. Halae, 1834.

[2049] A. Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque, 1899, p. 611, “La royauté des Mages fut inventée (vers le VIe siècle), comme la crèche (sic! see Luke, II, 12 and 16), le bœuf et l’âne pour montrer l’accomplissement des prophéties.”

[2050] Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 214 note, following, I presume, Kehrer’s work, as he does on p. 213.

[2051] For detailed references see Münter, Der Stern der Weisen, 1827, p. 15; and Bouché-Leclercq, 1899, p. 611, where they are stated somewhat differently.

[2052] Comm. in Platonis Timaeum, II, vi, 125; quoted by Münter (1827), pp. 27-8.

[2053] BN 16819, fol. 49r. Corpus Christi 134, early 12th century, fol. 1 v., has a brief “Magorum trium qui Domino Infanti aurum obtulere nomina et descriptio.”

[2054] Cotton Galba E, VIII, 15th century, fols. 3-28, Fabulosa narratio de tribus magis qui Christum adorarunt sive de tribus regibus Coloniensibus.

[2055] Cap. 12 in the 1478 edition.

[2056] Ibid., cap. 34.

[2057] At Munich all the following MSS are 15th century: CLM 18621, fol. 135, Liber trium regum, fol. 215, Legenda trium regum excerpta ex praecedenti; 19544, fols. 314-49, and 26688, fols. 157-92, Laudes et gesta trium regum, etc.; 21627, fols. 212-31, Historia de tribus regibus; 23839, fols. 112-37, and 24571, fols. 50-104, Gesta trium regum; 25073, fols. 260-83, de nativitate domini et de tribus regibus. At Berlin MSS 799 and 800, both of the 15th century, have the Gesta trium regum ascribed to John of Hildesheim. So Wolfenbüttel 3266, anno 1461. The printed edition of 1478 in 46 chapters and about 30 folios is also ascribed to John of Hildesheim. We read on the binding, “Ioannis Hildeshemensis Liber de trium regum translatione.” The Incipit is: “Reverendissimo in Christo patri ac domino domino florencio de weuelkouen divina providencia monasteriensis ecclesie episcopo dignissimo.” The colophon is: “Liber de gestis ac trina beatissimorum trium regum translacione ... per me Johannem guldenschoff de moguncia.” Some other MSS, also of the 15th century, are: Vatic. Palat. Lat. 859, de gestis et translationibus trium regum, and at Oxford, University College 33, Liber collectus de gestis et translationibus sanctorum trium regum de Colonia; Laud Misc., 658, The history of the three kings of Cologne, in forty-one chapters with a preface. It is thus seen that the number of chapters varies. Coxe’s catalogue of the Laud MSS states that the Latin original was printed at Cologne in quarto in 1481, and that it is very different from the version printed by Wynkyn de Worde. “The Story of the Magi,” in Bodleian (Bernard) 2325, covers only folio 68. At Amiens is a MS which the catalogue dates in the 14th century and ascribes to John of Hildesheim, and its Incipit is practically that of the printed edition: Amiens 481, fols. 1-58, “Reverendissimo in Christo Patri ac domino domino Florentino de Wovellonem (sic) divina providencia Monasteriensis ecclesie episcopo dignissimo. Cum venerandissimorum trium Magorum, ymo verius trium Regum.” The work ends in the MS with the words, “ ... summi Regis servant legem incole Colonie. Amen. Explicit hystoria.”

[2058] BN 16819, 10th century, fols. 46r-49r.

[2059] Marco Polo (I, 13-14, ed. Yule and Cordier, 1903, vol. I, 78-81), who located the Magi in Saba, Persia, recounts further legends concerning them and their gifts.

See also F. W. K. Müller, Uigurica, I, i, Die Anbetung der Magier, ein Christliches Bruchstück, Berlin, 1908.

[2060] Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, I, 274, says, “Augustine and Chrysostom felt and spoke in the same way, though in more measured language, and nearly all early Christian writers who touched upon the matter did so to echo the voice of authorities so unquestioned.” But I cannot agree with this statement. He goes on to imply that a majority of the fathers, like Cosmas Indicopleustes, attacked the belief in the sphericity of the earth; but here, too, I wonder if he is not following Letronne, Des Opinions Cosmographiques des Pères, without having examined the citations. Certainly no such attitude is found in Basil’s Hexaemeron, Hom. 3 and 9 as the citation implies. I have not seen Marinelli, La geographia e i Padri della Chiesa, estratto dal Bollettino della Società geografica italiana, anno 1882, pp. 11-15.

[2061] Divin. Instit., III, 24.

[2062] Migne, PG, vol. 29; PN, vol. 8.

[2063] Duhem (1914) II, 394, however, prefers Gregory of Nyssa’s work as “à la fois plus sobre, plus concis, et plus philosophique....”

[2064] Homily I was delivered in the morning, II in the evening; III was in the morning and speaks of a coming evening address. At the close of Homily VII Basil urges his hearers to talk over at their evening meal what they have heard this morning and this evening. If we regard Homily VI as the morning address referred to, we shall have Homily V left to cover an entire day. Homily VI, however, is the longest of the nine. In any case Homily VIII is clearly preached in the morning, and IX at evening.

[2065] Bk. II, caps. 10-17.

[2066] Epistola 65, ad Pammachium. Augustine’s De Genesi ad litteram, which Cassiodorus (Institutes, I, 1) esteemed above the commentaries of Basil and Ambrose upon Genesis, is a somewhat similar work, but, after a briefer treatment of the work of creation, continues to comment on the text up to Adam’s expulsion from Paradise.

[2067] Migne, PL, 14, 131-2. The most recent edition of the Hexaemeron of Ambrose is by C. Schenkl. Vienna, 1896.

[2068] Fialon, Étude sur St. Basile, 1869, p. 296.

[2069] Homily IX.

[2070] For example, in the catalogue, published in 1744, of MSS in the then Royal Library at Paris there are listed five copies of Eustathius’ Latin translation, dating from the ninth to the fourteenth century—2200, 4; 1701, 1; 1702, 1; 1787A, 2; 2633, 1; and fifteen copies of the Hexaemeron of Ambrose—1718; 1702, 2; 1719 to 1727 inclusive; 2387, 4; 2637 and 2638.

I have not noted what MSS of the Hexaemerons of Basil and Ambrose are found in the British Museum and Bodleian libraries. Some other medieval copies of Basil’s in Latin translation are: BN 12134, 9th century Lombard hand; Vendôme 122, 11th century, fols. 1 v-60; Soissons 121, 12th century, fol. 97, Eustathius’ prologue and a part of his translation; Grenoble 258, 12th century, fols. 1-45, “Eustathii translatio....”

The Hexaemeron of Ambrose, since written originally in Latin, is naturally found oftener. The oldest MS is said to be CU Corpus Christi 193, large Lombard script of the 8th century which closely resembles BN 3836. Other MSS are: BN 11624, 11th century; BN 12135, 9th century; BN 12136, 12-13th century; BN 13336, 11th century; BN 14847, 12th century, fol. 163; BN nouv. acq. 490, 12th century; Vatican 269-273 inclusive, 10-15th centuries; Alençon 10, 12th century; Vendôme 129, 12th century, fols. 48-126; Semur, 10, 12th century; Chartres 63, 10-11th century, fols. 3-46; Orléans 35, 11th century; Orléans 192, 7th century, part of the first two books only; Amiens fonds Lescalopier 30, 12th century; le Mans 15, 11th century; Brussels 1782, 10th century; CLM 2549, 12th century; CLM 3728, 10th century; CLM 6258, 10th century; CLM 13079, 12th century; CLM 14399, 12th century; Novara 40, 12th century; and many other MSS of later date in these and other libraries.

[2071] De proprietatibus rerum, VIII, 4.

[2072] Bede, Hexaemeron, sive libri quatuor in principium Genesis usque ad nativitatem Isaac et electionem Ismaelis, in Migne, PL, 91, 9-100. Bede originally intended to carry his work only to the expulsion of Adam from Paradise, but subsequently added three more books.

[2073] Homilies I, VIII, and X.

[2074] Homily III, 1 and 10.

[2075] I, 7; III, 5 and 10.

[2076] IV, 1.

[2077] I, 7; III, 5; IV, 3, 4, and 7; VI, 9; VII, 6.

[2078] II, 7; III, 10.

[2079] IV, 1; VI, 1.

[2080] VIII, 8.

[2081] Homily V, 10; IX, 2.

[2082] I, 3.

[2083] II, 1.

[2084] III, 3.

[2085] II, 4, et seq.

[2086] III, 9.

[2087] Charles, The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, Introduction, pp. xxxi, xxxix.

[2088] Irenaeus, I, 5; Epiphanius, ed. Petavius 186AB.

[2089] Homily I, 10.

[2090] VI, 9-11.

[2091] I, 11.

[2092] II, 7.

[2093] IV, 2-4.

[2094] Homily IV, 4.

[2095] IV, 6.

[2096] V, 2.

[2097] IV, 5.

[2098] III, 4.

[2099] VI, 1.

[2100] Homily V, 3.

[2101] V, 9.

[2102] V, 4.

[2103] V, 6.

[2104] VII, 5; IX, 3.

[2105] VIII, 6.

[2106] Homily VII, 6.

[2107] IX, 3.

[2108] VIII, 5. See also Aristotle, History of Animals, V, 8.

[2109] Homily VIII, 6.

[2110] IX, 2.

[2111] IX, 5.

[2112] Homily, VI, 11.

[2113] V, 1.

[2114] VI, 3.

[2115] Ad Autolycum, II, 15.

[2116] Homily VI, 5-7.

[2117] Homily VI, 10.

[2118] V, 2.

[2119] V, 7. But perhaps he simply means that oaks will grow where pines used to.

Tertullian, De pallio, cap. 2, dwelling on the law of change, speaks of the washing down of soil from mountains, the alluvial formation by rivers, and of sea-shells on mountain tops as a proof that the whole earth was once covered by water. He seems to have in mind a gradual process of geological evolution rather than Noah’s flood, and Sir James Frazer states that Isidore of Seville is the first he knows of the many writers who have appealed “to fossil shells imbedded in remote mountains as witnesses to the truth of the Noachian tradition,”—Origines, XIII, 22, cited by J. G. Frazer, Folk-Lore in the Old Testament (1918), I, 159, who cites the passage in Tertullian at pp. 338-9.

[2120] Homily IX, 2.

[2121] Cunningham, Christian Opinion on Usury, p. 9.

[2122] Twice in the course of the Panarion (Dindorf, I, 280, and II, 428; Petavius, 2D and 404A) he gives the year of the reign of Valentinian and Valens, namely, the eleventh and the twelfth.

[2123] Lucian’s De dipsadibus will be recalled; see also Pliny, NH, XXIII, 80; Lucan, Pharsalia, IX, 719.

[2124] Pliny, NH, XXIII, 18; XXX, 10.

[2125] Pliny, NH, XXV, 53; XXI, 92; XIX, 62; XII, 40 and 55.

[2126] Dindorf, II, 450; Petavius, 422C.

[2127] Liber de XII gemmis rationalis summi sacerdotis Hebraeorum, published in Dindorf’s edition of the Opera of Epiphanius, vol. IV, pp. 141-248, with the preface and notes of Fogginius, and both the Latin and Greek versions.

[2128] Ibid., 160-62.

[2129] P. 174.

[2130] Pp. 190-91.

[2131] Ibid., 184.

[2132] Pitra, Spicilegium Solesmense, Paris, 1855, III, xlvii-lxxx. K. Ahrens, Zur Geschichte des sogenannten Physiologus, 1885. M. F. Mann, Bestiaire Divin de Guillaume Le Clerc. Heilbronn, 1888, pp. 16-33, “Entstehung des Physiologus und seine Entwicklung im Abendlande.” F. Lauchert, Geschichte des Physiologus, Strassburg, 1889. E. Peters, Der griechische Physiologus und seine orientalischen Uebersetzungen, Berlin, 1898. M. Goldstaub, Der Physiologus und seine Weiterbildung, besonders in der lateinischen und in der byzantinischen Litteratur, in Philologus, Suppl. Bd. VIII (1898-1901), 337-404. Also in Verhandl. d. 41. Versammlung deutscher Philologen u. Schulmänner in München, Leipzig (1892), pp. 212-21. V. Schultze, Der Physiologus in der kirchlichen Kunst des Mittelalters, in Christliches Kunstblatt, XXXIX (1897), 49-55. J. Strzygowski, Der Bilderkreis des griechischen Physiologus, in Byz. Zeitsch. Ergänzungsheft, I (1899). E. P. Evans, Animal Symbolism in Ecclesiastical Architecture, 1896, is disappointing, being mainly compiled from secondary sources and having little to say on ecclesiastical architecture.

[2133] EB, 11th ed., “Arthropoda.”

[2134] Lauchert (1889), pp. 229-79, attempts a critical edition of the Greek text.

[2135] Pitra (1855), III, 374-90; French translation in Cahier, Nouveaux mélanges (1874), I, 117, et seq.

[2136] O. G. Tychsen, Physiologus Syrus, 1795; from an incomplete Vatican MS. Land, Otia Syriaca, p. 31, et seq., or in Anecdota Syriaca, IV, 115, et seq., gives the complete text with a Latin translation.

[2137] Hommel, Die aethiopische Uebersetzung des Physiologus, Leipzig, 1877. A bit of it was translated by Pitra (1855), III, 416-7.

[2138] Land, Otia Syriaca, p. 137, et seq., with Latin translation. A fragment in Pitra (1855), III, 535.

[2139] Pitra (1855), III, 338-73, used MSS from the 13th to 15th century. The earliest known illuminated copies are of 1100 A. D. and later: see Dalton, Byzantine Art and Archaeology, Oxford, 1911, pp. 481-2.

[2140] The oldest Latin MSS seem to be two of the 8th and 9th centuries at Berne. Edited by Mai, Classici auctores, Rome, 1835, VII, 585-96, and more completely by Pitra (1855), III, 418; also by G. Heider, in Archiv f. Kunde österreich. Geschichtsquellen, Vienna, 1850, II, 545; Cahier et Martin, Mélanges d’archéologie, Paris, II (1851), 85ff., III (1853), 203ff., IV (1856), 55ff. Cahier, Nouveaux mélanges (1874), p. 106ff.

Mann (1888), pp. 37-73, prints the Latin text which he regards as William le Clerc’s source from Royal 2-C-XII, and gives a list of other MSS of Latin Bestiaries in English libraries.

Other medieval Latin Bestiaries have been printed in the works of Hildebert of Tours or Le Mans (Migne, PL, 171, 1217-24: really this poem concerning only twelve animals is by Theobald, who was perhaps abbot at Monte Cassino, 1022-1035, and it was printed under the name of Theobald before 1500,—see the volume numbered IA.12367 in the British Museum and entitled, Phisiologus Theobaldi Episcopi de naturis duodecim animalium. Indeed, it was printed at least nine times under his name,—see Hain, 15467-75): and in the works of Hugh of St. Victor (Migne, PL, 177, 9-164, De bestiis et aliis rebus libri quatuor). Both of these versions occur in numerous MSS, as does a third version which opens with citation of the remark of Jacob in blessing his sons, “Judah is a lion’s whelp.” The author then cites Physiologus as usual concerning the three natures of the lion. See Wolfenbüttel 4435, 11th century, fols. 159-68v, Liber bestiarum. “De leone rege bestiarum et animalium (est) etenim iacob benedicens iudam ait Catulus leonis iuda. De leone. Leo tres naturas habet.” Laud. Misc. 247, 12th century, fol. 140-, ... caps. 36, praevia tabula ... Tit. “De tribus naturis leonis.” Incip. “Bestiarium seu animalium regis; etenim Jacob benedicens filium suum Udam ait Catulus leonis Judas filius meus quis suscitabit eum; Fisiologus dicit, Tres res naturales habere leonem....” Library of Dukes of Burgundy 10074, 10th century, “Etenim Jacob benedicens.” CLM 19648, 15th century, fols. 180-95, “Igitur Jacob benedicens.” CLM 23787, 15th century, fols. 12-20, “Igitur Jacob benedicens.” CU Trinity 884, 13th century in a fine hand, with 107 English miniatures, fol. 89-, “Et enim iacob benedicens filium suum iudam ait catulus leonis est iudas filius meus”; this MS ends imperfectly.

[2141] Printed by Lauchert (1889), pp. 280-99.

[2142] Max F. Mann, Der Physiologus des Philipp von Thaon und seine Quellen, Halle, 1884, 53 pp.

[2143] Mann, Bestiaire Divin de Guillaume Le Clerc, Heilbronn, 1888, in Französische Studien, VI, 2, pp. 201-306. Most recent edition by Robert, Leipzig, 1890.

[2144] Besides the two foregoing see Goldstaub und Wendriner, Ein tosco-venez. Bestiarius, Halle, 1892. Magliabech. IV, 63, 13th century, mutilated, 53 fols., bestiario moralizato, in Italian prose. E. Monaci, Rendiconti dell’ Accad. dei Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filol., vol. V, fasc. 10 and 12, has edited a Bestiario in 64 sonetti on as many animals from a private MS at “Gubbio nell’ archivio degli avvocati Pietro e Oderisi Lucarelli,” MS 25, fols. 112-27. See also M. Garver and K. McKenzie, Il Bestiario Toscano secondo la lezione dei codice di Parigi e di Roma, in Studi romanzi, Rome, 1912; McKenzie, Unpublished Manuscripts of Italian Bestiaries, in Modern Language Publications, XX (1905), 2; and Garver, “Some Supplementary Italian Bestiary Chapters,” in Romanic Review, XI (1920), 308-27.

[2145] For instance, A. S. Cook, The Old English Elene, Phoenix, and Physiologus, Yale University Press, 364 pp., 1919.

[2146] K. Ahrens, Das “Buch der Naturgegenstände,” 1892.

[2147] Cod. Vind. Med. 29, τοῦ ἅγιου Ἐπιφανίου ἐπισκόπου Κύπρου περὶ τῆς λέξεως πάντων τῶν ζώων φυσιολόγος. In the edition of Ponce de Leon, Rome, 1587, there are twenty animals described, and the symbolic interpretation is very short compared to later versions. Heider (1850), p. 543, regarded this as the oldest version and as extant in complete form.

[2148] Mansi, Concil., VIII, 151, “Liber Physiologus ab hereticis conscriptus et beati Ambrosii nomine presignatus apocryphus.”

[2149] Heider (1850), II, 541-82, “Physiologus nach einer Handschrift des XI. Jahrhunderts”: the text opens at p. 552, “Incipiunt Dicta Johannis Chrysostomi de naturis bestiarum.” Lauchert used another MS, Vienna 303, 14th century, fol. 124v-, which was considerably different and was furthermore combined with the Physiologus of Theobald. An earlier MS than either of the foregoing is CLM 19417, 9th century, fols. 29-71, Liber Sancti Johannis episcopi regiae urbis Constantinopoli ... Crisostomi quem de naturis animalium ordinavit. Another Vienna MS is 2511, 14th century, fols. 135-40, “Incipiunt dicta Johannis Chrysostomi de naturis animalium et primo de leone .../ ... Sic erit et scriba doctus in regno celorum qui profert de thesauro suo noua et uetera. Expliciunt dicta Johannis Crisostomi.” A Paris MS of the same is BN 2780, 13th century, 14, Sancti Ioannis Chrysostomi liber qui physiologus appellatur.

[2150] Additional 11,035, Johannis Scottigenae Phisiologiae liber. In the same MS are Macrobius’ Dream of Scipio and the poems of Prudentius.

[2151] De bestiis et aliis rebus, II, 1 (Migne, PL 177, 57). “Physici denique dicunt quinque naturales res sive naturas habere leonem....”

[2152] Mineral., II, i, 1 (ed. Borgnet, V, 24).

[2153] Bubnov (1899), p. 372.

[2154] Thus even Lauchert (1899), p. 105, admits that Bartholomew of England, the thirteenth century Latin encyclopedist, cites Physiologus for much which does not come from Physiologus.

[2155] Goldstaub (1899-1901), p. 341.

[2156] This and the preceding quotations in the paragraph are from Mâle (1913), pp. 48, 35, 49, 45.

[2157] Goldstaub (1899-1901), pp. 350-1. The same statement could be made with equal truth of Vincent of Beauvais and Bartholomew of England.

[2158] Hommel (1877), pp. xii, xv.

[2159] Duhem, II (1914), 314, seems to me to have overestimated the significance of Confessions, V, 5, and De Genesi ad litteram, I, 19, in saying, “L’assurance avec laquelle les Basile, les Grégoire de Nysse, les Ambroise, les Jean Chrysostome opposaient aux enseignements de la Physique profane les naïves assertions de leur science puérile contristait fort l’Évêque de Hippone.” There is nothing, I think, to indicate that Augustine had these men or men of their stamp in mind, and I doubt if his scientific attainments were superior to Basil’s.

[2160] De consensu Evangelistarum, I, 11; in Migne, PL 34, 1049-50.

[2161] Ibid., I, 9-10.

[2162] De civitate Dei, X, 9; PL vol. 41.

[2163] Ibid., VII, 34-35; and see Arnobius, Against the Heathen, V, 1, for Augustine’s probable source.

[2164] De civ. Dei, VIII, 19.

[2165] Ibid., VIII, 18, 19, 26; IX, 1.

[2166] De civ. Dei, X, 9-10.

[2167] De trinitate, IV, 11; in Migne, PL 42, 897.

[2168] De civ. Dei, X, 9.

[2169] De civ. Dei, XXI, 6.

[2170] In Grenoble 208, 12th century, containing works of Augustine, there is listed separately at fol. 54v, “De magis Pharaonis,” to which the MSS catalogue adds, “et de CLIII piscibus.” Probably it is an extract from one of Augustine’s longer works as it covers only one leaf.

[2171] De trinitate, IV, 11.

[2172] De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 79; Migne, PL 40, 92-3.

[2173] See also De cataclysmo (perhaps spurious), cap. 5, Migne, PL 40, 696; and Sermo VIII, PL 38, 74. Sermo XC, PL 38, 562, however, speaks of “Moyses et Aaron.”

[2174] De civ. Dei, XXI, 6; XVIII, 18.

[2175] De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 79; De doctrina Christiana, II, 20, in Migne, PL 34, 50.

[2176] Migne, PL 40, 581-92.

[2177] De trinitate, III, 8; PL, 42, 875.

[2178] De trinitate, III, 7-8. It seems strange to me that they should have failed on minute insects who in ancient and medieval science are often represented as produced by spontaneous generation. The Talmudists also, however, state that the Egyptians were unable to duplicate the plague of lice, as their art did not extend to things smaller than a barleycorn.

[2179] De civitate Dei, XVIII, 22. In commenting on Genesis (PL 34, 445) he speaks even more harshly of “that absurd and harmful notion of the changing of souls and of men into beasts, or of beasts into men”; but perhaps he has reference to the doctrine of transmigration of souls rather than to magic transformations.

[2180] Confessions, X, 42, in PL vol. 32.

[2181] Quaest. VI; PL 40, 162-5.

[2182] II, 3; PL 40, 142-4.

[2183] De civitate Dei, XXI, 4-6; PL 41, 712-6.

[2184] De Genesi ad litteram, XI, 28-9; PL 34, 444-5.

[2185] Confessions, X, 35; in PL vol. 32.

[2186] II, 20 and 29.

[2187] IV, 2-3.

[2188] PL 39, 2268-72.

[2189] Sermo CXXX, PL 39, 2004-5.

[2190] II, 21-3; PL 34, 51-3.

[2191] De civitate Dei, V, 7.

[2192] Confessions, VII, 6.

[2193] Unless otherwise noted, the ensuing arguments are found in The City of God, V, 1-7.

[2194] De Genesi ad litteram, II, 17; PL 34, 278. De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 45; PL 40, 28-9. Epistola 246; PL 33, 1061. Sermo 109; PL 38, 1027.

[2195] Confessions, IV, 2-3.

[2196] See below, chapter 24.

[2197] De Genesi ad litteram, XII, 22 and 17 and 12; PL 34, 472-3, 467-9, 464-5. See also the marvelous divinations of Albicerius recounted in Contra Academicos, I, 6; PL 32, 914-5.

[2198] Sermones 199 and 374; PL 38, 1027-8, and 39, 1666. Contra Faustum, II, 15; PL 42, 212.

[2199] In Quaestiones ex Novo Testamento, Quaest. 63, PL 35, 2258, which is probably a spurious work but was cited as Augustine’s by Thomas Aquinas (Summa, III, 36, v), Balaam is said to have warned the Magi to watch for the star. It is also asserted, however, that “these Chaldean Magi watched the course of the stars, not from malevolence, but curiosity concerning nature” (Hi Magi chaldaei non malevolentia astrorum cursum sed rerum curiositate speculabantur).

[2200] Enchiridion, sive de fide, spe, et charitate, I, 58; PL 40, 259-60. De civitate Dei, XIII, 16; PL 41, 388. De Genesi ad litteram, II, 18; PL 34, 279-80.

[2201] Orosii ad Augustinum Consultatio sive Commonitorium de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, PL 31, 1211-22; also in G. Schepss (1889), in CSEL XVIII. Augustini ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas, PL 41, 669, et seq. Augustine also discusses the Priscillianists in Epistle 237, PL 33, 1034, et seq., where he makes no charge either of magic or astrology against them.

[2202] This charge was later repeated by St. Leo, Epistola XV; see Withington, History of Medicine, 1894, p. 178; but the offense would seem a trivial one in any case.

[2203] De principiis, I, 7.

[2204] De doctrina Christiana, II, 29, in Migne, 34, 57.

[2205] De Genesi ad litteram, II, 16, in Migne, 34, 277.

[2206] De civitate Dei, XI, 30-31. He says about the same things concerning six and seven in De Genesi ad litteram, IV, 2.

[2207] Sermo supposititius 21, in Migne, PL XXXIX, 1783, “De convenientia decem preceptorum et decem plagarum Egypti. Non est sine causa, fratres dilectissimi, quod preceptorum legis Dei numerus cum numero plagarum quibus Aegyptus percutitur exaequari videtur.”

[2208] Cambridge Medieval History, I, 9.

[2209] The Greek work, Hermippus or Concerning Astrology, however, can no longer be regarded as an example of Christian belief in astrology at this period, since F. Boll, Heidelberger Akad. Sitzb., 1912, No. 18, has shown it to be a fourteenth century work of John Katrarios, who makes use of a Greek translation of Albumasar.

[2210] For bibliography see F. Boll’s “Firmicus” in PW. It does not include my article written subsequently on “A Roman Astrologer as a Historical Source: Julius Firmicus Maternus,” in Classical Philology, VIII, No. 4, pp. 415-35, October, 1913. For bibliography see also Kroll et Skutsch, II, xxxiv.

[2211] The edition of De errore profanarum religionum by K. Ziegler, Leipzig, 1907, is more critical than that in Migne, PL.

[2212] Iulii Firmici Materni Matheseos Libri VIII, ed. W. Kroll et F. Skutsch, Fasciculus prior libros IV priores et quinti prooemium continens, Leipzig, 1897; Fasciculus alter libros IV posteriores cum praefatione et indicibus continens, 1913. My references will be by page and line to this text, unless otherwise noted. Earlier editions, which I used for the later books before 1913, are the editio princeps, Julius Firmicus de nativitatibus, ... Impressum Venetiis per Symonem papiensem dictum bivilaqua, 1497 die 13 Iunii, cxv fols.; the Aldine edition of 1499 containing apparent interpolations, Julii Firmici Astronomicorum libri octo integri et emendati ex Scythicis oris ad nos nuper allati....; and the Basel editions of 1533 and 1551 by M. Pruckner which reproduce the Aldine text. See Kroll et Skutsch, II, xxxiii, for another reproduction of the Aldine text, printed in 1503, and p. xxviii for a partial edition of books 3-5 of the Mathesis in 1488 and 1494 in Opus Astrolabii plani ... a Iohanne Angeli.

[2213] Kroll et Skutsch, I, 3, 27.

[2214] Boll in PW, VI, 2365.

[2215] Hermes, XXIX, 468-72. The treatise could not have been composed before 334 since Firmicus (I, 13, 23) refers to an eclipse in the consulship of Optatus and Paulinus which occurred in that year.

[2216] For instance, at I, 37, 25, “Constantinus scilicet maximus divi Constantini filius,” might as well be rendered, “Constantius, son of Constantine,” as “Constantine, son of Constantius.”

[2217] I, 1, 3, “Olim tibi hos libellos, Mavorti decus nostrum, me dicaturum esse promiseram verum diu me inconstantia verecundiae retardavit.”

[2218] I, 195-6.

[2219] Ammianus Marcellinus, XVI, 8, 5, “iubetur Mavortius, tunc praefectus praetorio, vir sublimis constantiae, crimen acri inquisitione spectari.”

[2220] Ziegler, p. 7, “Physica ratio quam dicis, alio genere celetur”; p. 9, “quod dicant physica ratione conpositum.”

[2221] Ziegler, p. 5.

[2222] Ziegler, p. 23.

[2223] Kroll et Skutsch, I, 86, 12-21.

[2224] Ziegler, pp. 15, 38, 39, 64, 67, 81, 82, “sacratissimi imperatores”; pp. 31, 40, “sacrosancti principes”; p. 65, “sanctarum aurium vestrarum.”

[2225] Ziegler, pp. 53-4.

[2226] Kroll et Skutsch, I, 17-18.

[2227] See my “A Roman Astrologer as a Historical Source,” Classical Philology, VIII, 415-35, especially p. 421.

[2228] I, 16, 20, “Summo illi ac rectori deo, qui omnia perpetua legis dispositione composuit....”

[2229] I, 16, 14; I, 57, 2; I, 90, 11, to 91, 10.

[2230] I, 280, 2-28.

[2231] Besides the prayer just quoted, see I, 18, 10-13. See also the long prayer at the end of the first book to the planets and supreme God for the successful continuance of the dynasty of Constantine.

[2232] I, 18, 25-9.

[2233] I, 85-89 (Book II, chapter 30).

[2234] I, 17, 2-23.

[2235] I, 10, 3-.

[2236] I, 11, 7-.

[2237] Book I, Chapter 4 (I, 11-15).

[2238] Book I, Chapter 7 (I, 19-30).

[2239] For a fuller exposition of this quantitative method of source-analysis and the results obtained thereby see Thorndike (1913), pp. 415-35.

[2240] Temple-robbers, 5; servile or ignoble employ in temples, 5; spending one’s time in temples, 4; builders of temples, 3; beneficiaries of temples, 3; temple guards, 2; neocori, 3; and so on, making 35 references to temples in all. It is perhaps worth remarking that H. O. Taylor, The Classical Heritage, 1901, p. 80, notes that Synesius about 400 A. D. speaks of the Christian churches at Constantinople as “temples.”

[2241] Chief priests, 5; priests, 9; of provinces, 1; priestess, 1; priests of Cybele (archigalli), 3; Asiarchae, 1; priest of some great goddess, 1; illicit rites, 1. There are 27 passages concerning divination.

[2242] Kroll et Skutsch, I, 148, 8 and 123, 4.

[2243] Kroll et Skutsch, I, 201, 6.

[2244] Cumont says (Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, p. 188): “But the ancients expressly distinguished ‘magic,’ which was always under suspicion and disapproved of, from the legitimate and honorable art for which the name ‘theurgy’ was invented.” This distinction was made by Porphyry and others, and is alluded to by Augustine in the City of God, but it is to be noted that Firmicus does not use the word “theurgy.” Cumont also states (p. 179) that in the last period of paganism the name philosopher was finally applied to all adepts in occult science. But in Firmicus, while magic and philosophy are associated in two passages, there are five other allusions to magic and three separate mentions of philosophers.

[2245] Kroll et Skutsch, I, 161, 26.

[2246] Computus, 3; calculus, 2; and “those who excel at numbers,” 1.

[2247] Including two mentions of court physicians (archiatri). See Codex Theod., Lib. XIII, Tit. 3, passim, for their position.

[2248] I leave this sentence as I wrote it in 1913.

[2249] Aestus animi, 5; insanity, 13; lunatics, 10; epileptics, 8; melancholia, 3; inflammation of the brain (frenetici), 4; delirium, dementia, demoniacs, alienation, and madness, one or two each; vague allusions to mental ills and injuries, 5.

[2250] In his last chapter he says, “Take then, my dear Mavortius, what I promised you with extreme trepidation of spirit, these seven books composed conformably to the order and number of the seven planets. For the first book deals only with the defense of the art; but in the other books we have transmitted to the Romans the discipline of a new work,” (II, 360, 10-15). And in the introduction to the fifth book he writes, “We have written these books for your Romans lest, when every other art and science had been translated, this task should seem to remain unattempted by Roman genius,” (I, 280, 28-30).

[2251] I, 41, 7 and 15; I, 40, 9-11.

[2252] I, 41, 5 and 11; I, 40, 8.

[2253] They are listed by Kroll et Skutsch, II, 362, Index auctorum.

[2254] II, 294, 12-21.

[2255] Kroll et Skutsch, II, p. iii.

[2256] I, 258, 10, “in singulari libro, quem de domino geniturae et chronocratore ad Murinum nostrum scripsimus”; II, 229, 23, “exeo libro qui de fine vitae a nobis scriptus est.”

[2257] II, 18, 24; II, 283, 19.

[2258] Engelbrecht, Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches Compendium, Vienna, 1887.

[2259] De vita sua, in Libanii sophistae praeludia oratoria LXXII declamationes XLV et dissertationes morales, Federicus Morellus regius interpres e MSS maxime reg. bibliothecae nunc primum edidit idemque Latine vertit ... ad Henricum IV regem Christianissimum, Paris, 1606, II, 15-18.

[2260] Magi accusatio, Ibid., I, 898-911.

[2261] De vita sua, Opera, II, 2-3.

[2262] X, 196, 11, De sepulcro incantato.

[2263] My citations of Synesius’ works, unless otherwise noted, are from the edition: Synesii Cyrenaei Quae Extant Opera Omnia, ed. J. G. Krabinger, Landshut, 1850, vol. I, which has alone appeared. The older edition of Petavius with Latin translation is reprinted in Migne PG, vol. 66, 1021-1756. For a French translation, with several introductory essays, see H. Druon, Œuvres de Synésius, Paris, 1878. The Letters and Hymns have often been published separately. For this and other further bibliography see Christ, Gesch. d. griech. Litt., 1913, II, ii, 1167-71, where, however, no note is taken of Berthelot’s discussion of Synesius as a reputed author of alchemistic treatises.

Some works on Synesius are: H. Druon, Études sur la vie et les œuvres de Synésius, Paris, 1859; R. Volkmann, Synesius von Cyrene, Berlin, 1869; W. S. Crawford, Synesius the Hellene, London, 1901; G. Grützmacher, Synesios von Kyrene, Leipzig, 1913. In periodicals: F. X. Kraus in Theol. Quartalschrift, 1865 and 1866; O. Seeck, in Philologus, 1893.

[2264] See Crawford, op. cit., and monographs listed in Christ, op. cit., p. 1168, notes 4 and 8.

[2265] The date is variously stated as 411, 406, or 410.

[2266] A. J. Kleffner, Synesius von Cyrene ... und sein angeblicher Vorbehalt bei seiner Wahl und Weihe zum Bischof von Ptolemais, Paderborn, 1901. H. Koch, Synesius von Cyrene bei seiner Wahl und Weihe zum Bischof, in Hist. Jahrb., XXIII (1902), pp. 751-74.

[2267] Christ, op. cit., p. 1168, note 1.

[2268] Ibid., p. 1170, citing K. Prächter, in Genethliakon für C. Robert, 1910, p. 244, et seq.

[2269] Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (On dreams), ch. 2.

[2270] Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (On Dreams), ch. 3. Ἔδει γὰρ, οἶμαι, τοῦ παντὸς τούτου συμπαθοῦς τε ὄντος καὶ σύμπνου τὰ μέρη προσήκειν ἀλλήλοις, ἅτε ἑνὸς ὅλου τὰ μέλη τυγχάνοντα. Καὶ μή ποτε αἱ μάγων ἴυγγες αὗται; καὶ γὰρ θέλγεται παρ’ ἀλλήλων, ὥσπερ σημαίνεται· καὶ σοφὸς ὁ εἰδὼς τὴν τῶν μερῶν τοῦ κόσμου συγγένειαν. Ἕλκει γὰρ ἄλλο δί’ ἄλλον, ἔχων ἐνέχυρα παρόντα τῶν πλεῖστον ἀπόντων, καὶ φωνὰς, καὶ ὕλας καὶ σχήματα.... Evidently
Synesius did not regard the magi as mere imposters.

[2271] Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 3. Καὶ δὴ καὶ θεῷ τινὶ τῶν εἴσω τοῦ κόσμου λίθος ἐνθένδε καὶ βοτάνη προσήκει, οἷς ὁμοιοπαθῶν εἴκει τῇ φύσει καὶ γοητεύεται. In his Praise of Baldness (Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον), ch. 10, Synesius tells how the Egyptians attract demons by magic influences.

[2272] Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 1. Αὗται μὲν ἀποδείξεις ἔστων τοῦ μαντείαν ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις εἶναι τῶν ἐπιτηδευομένων ἀνθρώποις.

[2273] Ibid., ch. 18.

[2274] Δίων ἢ περὶ τῆς κατ’ αὐτὸν διαγωγῆς.

[2275] Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον, ch. 10.

[2276] Αἰγύπτιοι ἢ περὶ προνοίας, bk. ii, ch. 7.

[2277] Πρὸς Παιόνιον περὶ τοῦ δώρου, ch. 5.

[2278] Δίων, ch. 7. Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 4. Ἐπιστολαί, 4, 49, and 142.

[2279] On Synesius as an alchemist see Berthelot (1885), pp. 65, 188-90; (1889), p. ix.

[2280] T. R. Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century A. D., Cambridge, 1901, p. 187, note 1.

[2281] Saturnalia, I, xvi, 12.

[2282] Commentary on the Dream of Scipio, II, 17, “Universa philosophiae integritas”; ed. Nisard, Paris, 1883.

[2283] Ibid., I, 5-6; II, 1-2.

[2284] Ibid., I, 7.

[2285] Ibid., I, 19.

[2286] Ibid., I, 14.

[2287] Glover (1901), p. 178.

[2288] De nuptiis philologiae et mercurii et de septem artibus liberalibus libri novem, Lugduni apud haeredes Simonis Vincentii, 1539; ed. U. F. Kopp, Frankfurt, 1836; ed. F. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1866.

[2289] It occurs toward the close of the second book.

[2290] In Kopp’s edition pp. 202-23 are almost entirely taken up with notes setting forth other passages in the classics concerning such spirits.

[2291] Greek text in Migne, PG 3, 119-370.

[2292] Migne, PL 122, 1037-70.

[2293] The following bibliography includes the editions of the texts concerned and the chief critical researches in the field. A. Ausfeld, Zur Kritik des griechischen Alexanderromans; Untersuchungen über die unechten Teile der ältesten Ueberlieferung, Karlsruhe, 1894. A. Ausfeld and W. Kroll, Der griechische Alexanderroman, Leipzig, 1907. H. Becker, Die Brahmannen in der Alexandersage, Königsberg, 1889, 34 pp. E. A. W. Budge, History of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 1889; the Syriac version of the Pseudo-Callisthenes edited from five MSS, with an English translation and notes. E. A. W. Budge, The Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 1896; Ethiopic Histories of Alexander by the Pseudo-Callisthenes and other writers. D. Carrarioli, La leggenda di Alessandro Magno, 1892. G. G. Cillié, De Iulii Valerii epitoma Oxoniensi, Strasburg, 1905. G. Favre, Recherches sur les histoires fabuleuses d’Alexandre le Grand, in Mélanges d’hist. litt., II (1856), 5-184. Ethé, Alexanders Zug zur Lebensquelle im Lande der Finsterniss, in Atti dell’ Accademia di Monaco, 1871. B. Kübler, Julius Valerius; Res gestae Alexandri Macedonis, Leipzig, 1888 (see pp. [xxv]-xxvi for further bibliography). Levi, La légende d’Alexandre dans le Talmud, in Revue des Études juives, I (1880), 293-300. Meusel, Pseudo-Callisthenes nach der Leidener Handschrift herausgegeben, Leipzig, 1871. M. P. H. Meyer, Alexandre le Grand dans la littérature française du moyen âge, 2 vols., Paris, 1886. C. Müller, Scriptores rerum Alexandri Magni, Firmin-Didot, Paris, 1846 and 1877 (bound with Arrian, ed. Fr. Dübner); the first edition of the Greek text of the Pseudo-Callisthenes from three Paris MSS, also Julius Valerius, etc. Noeldeke, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans, Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philos. Hist. Classe, vol. 38, Vienna, 1890; Budge says of this work, “Professor Noeldeke discusses in his characteristic masterly manner the Greek, Syriac, Hebrew, Persian, and Arabic versions, and ably shows how each is related to the other, and how certain variations in the narrative have arisen. No other writer before him was able to control, by knowledge at first hand, the statements of both the Aryan and Semitic versions; his work is therefore of unique value.” Padmuthiun Acheksandri Maketonazwui, I Wenedig i dparani serbuin Chazaru, Hami, 1842; the Armenian version published by the Mechitarists, Venice, 1842. F. Pfister, Kleine Texte zum Alexanderroman, Heidelberg, 1910; Sammlung vulgärlateinischer Texte herausg. v. W. Heraeus u. H. Morf, 4 Heft. Spiegel, Die Alexandersage bei den Orientalen, Leipzig, 1851. Vogelstein, Adnotationes quaedam ex litteris orientalibus petitae quae de Alexandro Magno circumferuntur, Warsaw, 1865. A. Westermann, De Callisthene Olynthio et Pseudo-Callisthene Commentatio, 1838-1842. J. Zacher, Pseudo-Callisthenes: Forschungen zur Kritik und Geschichte der ältesten Aufzeichnung der Alexandersage, Halle, 1867 (see pp. [2]-3 for further bibliography of works written before 1851). J. Zacher, Julii Valerii Epitome, zum ersten mal herausgegeben, Halle, 1867.

[2294] Hexaemeron, VI, 7. On the other hand, Augustine, De civitate dei, V, 6-7, alludes to the sage who selected a certain hour for intercourse with his wife in order that he might beget a marvelous son.

[2295] Seneca in the Natural Questions (VI, 23) called the death of Callisthenes “the eternal crime” of Alexander which all his military victories and conquests could not outweigh,—a passage which did not keep Nero from forcing Seneca to commit suicide.

[2296] Reitzenstein, Poimandres, Leipzig, 1904, pp. 308-309.

[2297] Res gestae of Alexander of Macedon, contained in three MSS of the Royal Library in the British Museum, dating according to the catalogue from the eleventh and twelfth centuries: Royal 13-A-I, Royal 12-C-IV, and Royal 15-C-VI, are not the full text of Julius Valerius, but the epitome of which I shall soon speak.

[2298] The longer epitome is known from an Oxford MS, Corpus Christi MS 82, and was believed by Meyer to be intermediary between Valerius and the other briefer epitome. Cillié, however, tries to prove the shorter epitome to be the older.

[2299] Alexandri Magni Epistola ad Aristotelem de mirabilibus Indiae, first printed with Synesii Epistolae, graece; adcedunt aliorum Epistolae, Venice, 1499; then Bologna, 1501; Basel, 1517; Paris, 1520, fols. 102v-14v, following the Pseudo-Aristotle, Secret of Secrets; etc. These early printed editions give the oldest Latin text, dating back as we have seen to at least 800.

Some MSS of the same version are:

BM Royal 13-A-I, fols. 51v-78r, a beautifully clear MS of the late 11th century with clubbed strokes. The Epistola is preceded by the Epitome of Valerius and followed by the correspondence with Dindimus.

Royal 12-C-IV, 12th century.

Royal 15-C-VI, 12th century.

Cotton Nero D VIII, fol. 169.

Sloane 1619, 13th century, fols. 12-17.

Arundel 242, 15th century, fols. 160-83.

BL Laud. Misc. 247, 12th century, fol. 186; preceded at fol. 171 by the “Ortus vita et obitus Alexandri Macedonis,” and followed at fol. 196v by the letter to Dindimus.

BN MSS 2874, 4126, 4877, 4880, 5062, 6121, 6365, 6503, 6831, 7561, 8518, 8521A, Epistola de itinere et situ Indiae; 8607, Epistolae eius nomine scriptae; and 2695A, 6186, 6365, 6385, 6811, 6831, 8501A, for Responsio ad Dindimum.

CLM 11319, 13th century, fol. 88, Alexandri epistola ad Aristotelem de rebus in India gestis, preceded at fol. 72 by the Epitome and followed at fol. 97 by the Dindimus.

In the library of Eton College an imperfect copy of the Epistola follows Orosius in a MS of the early 13th century, 133, BL 4, 6, fols. 85r-87.

A somewhat different and later version of the Letter to Aristotle was published in 1910 at Heidelberg by Friedrich Pfister from a Bamberg MS of the 11th century, together with Palladius and the correspondence with Dindimus. Pfister believed all these to be translations from the Greek.

An Anglo-Saxon version of the Letter to Aristotle was edited by Cockayne in 1861 (see T. Wright, RS 34; xxvii).

[2300] III, 17.

[2301] First published by Joachim Camerarius about 1571.

[2302] Published with Palladius by Sir Edward Bisse in 1665; MSS are numerous.

[2303] From this same MS Pfister published the Letter to Aristotle and other treatises mentioned above.

[2304] Its influence would therefore seem to have been upon the later prose romances and not upon French vernacular poetry. Known at first only in Italy and Germany, its popularity became general in western Europe toward the close of the middle ages.

[2305] Harleian 527, fols. 47-56.

[2306] Amplon. Quarto 12, fols. 200-201; presumably it includes only those chapters concerned with Nectanebus.

[2307] CUL 1429 (Gg. I, 34), 14th century, No. 5, 35 fols. Also in CU Trinity 1041, 14th century, fols. 200v-212v, “De Nectanabo mago quomodo magnum genuerit Alexandrum. Egipti sapientes....”

[2308] NH XXXVI, 14 and 19.

[2309] De anima, cap. 57, in Migne, PL II, 792.

[2310] The former built a Temple of Isis, now a heap of ruins, at Behbit el-Hagar and a colonnade to the Temple of Hibis in the oasis of Khîrgeh; and his name appears upon a gate in the Temple of Mont at Karnak. Besides the Vestibule of Nektanebos at Philae there is a court of Nektanebos before the Temple of the Eighteenth Dynasty at Medinet Habu.

[2311] Berthelot (1885), pp. 29-30.

[2312] The Syriac version, on the contrary, emphasizes this point less.

[2313] Budge’s translation of the Ethiopic version.

[2314] CLM 215, fols. 176-94, “Egiptiorum gentem in mathematica magica quam in arte fuisse valentem littere tradunt.”

[2315] Pseudo-Callisthenes, I, 4, “casters of horoscopes, readers of signs, interpreters of dreams, ventriloquists, augurs, genethlialogists, the so-called magi to whom divination is an open book.” Budge, Syriac version, p. 4, “The interpreters of dreams are of many kinds and the knowers of signs, those who understand divination, Chaldean augurs and casters of nativities; the Greeks call the signs of the zodiac ‘sorcerers’; and others are counters of the stars. As for me, all of these are in my hands and I myself am an Egyptian prophet, a magus, and a counter of the stars.” Budge, Ethiopic Histories, p. 11, “Then Nectanebus answered and said unto her, ‘Yea. Those who have knowledge of the orbs of heaven are of many kinds. Some are interpreters of dreams, and some have knowledge of what shall happen in the future, and some understand omens, and some cast nativities, and there are besides all those who know magic and who are renowned because they are learned in their art, and some are skilled in the motion of the stars of heaven: but I have full knowledge of all these things.’”

[2316] From Fowler’s translation of Alexander: the False Prophet. See also Plutarch’s Alexander.

[2317] The Syriac and Ethiopic versions are somewhat more detailed as to the magic by which Philip’s dream was produced. Budge, Syriac version, p. 8, “Then Nectanebus ... brought a hawk and muttered over it his charms and made it fly away with a small quantity of a drug, and that night it shewed Philip a dream.” Budge, Ethiopic Histories, p. 21, “Then Nectanebus took a swift bird and muttered over it certain charms and names, and ... in one day and one night it traversed many lands and countries and seas, and it came to Philip by night and stopped. And it came to pass at that very hour ... that Philip saw a marvelous dream.”

[2318] In another place, however, Albert calls Philip Alexander’s father, De causis et proprietatibus elementorum et planetarum, II, ii, 1.

[2319] The story is better told in the Syriac version (Budge, 14-17), where Alexander does not push Nectanebus into the pit until after he has asked the astrologer if he knows his own fate and has been told that Nectanebus is to be slain by his own son. Alexander then attempts to foil fate by pushing Nectanebus into the pit, but only fulfills it. In the Ethiopic version Nectanebus is represented as educating Alexander from his seventh year on in “philosophy and letters and the working of magic and the stars and their seasons.” Aristotle becomes Alexander’s tutor only after the death of Nectanebus. Aristotle, too, is represented as an adept in astrology, amulets, and the use of magic wax images. (Budge, Ethiopic Histories, pp. 31, xlv).

[2320] VI, 4.

[2321] Royal 13-A-I, fol. 53v.

[2322] In CU Trinity 1446 (1250 A. D.) The Romance of Alexander in French verse by Eustache (or Thomas) of Kent, among 152 pictures listed by James (III, 483-91) are two representing the hero’s colloquy with the moon tree (fol. 31r). Marco Polo also tells of these marvelous trees. And see Roux de Rochelle, “Notice sur l’Arbre du Soleil, ou Arbre Sec, décrit dans la relation des voyages de Marco Polo,” in Bulletin de la Société de géographie, série 3, III (1845), 187-94.

[2323] For the Letter to Aristotle I have employed the Paris, 1520 edition and Royal 13-A-I, which follow the early Latin version. As stated above, Pfister’s edition (Heidelberg, 1910) gives a later version probably translated from the Greek.

[2324] There appears to have been no complete edition of Aëtius in Greek. The first eight of his sixteen books were printed at Venice in 1534, and the ninth at Leipzig in 1757, but for the entire sixteen books one must use the Latin translation of Cornarius, Basel, 1542, etc., which I have read in Stephanus, Medicae artis principes, 1567.

Recent editions of portions of Aëtius are: Αετιου λογος δωδεκατος πρωτον νυν εκδοθεις ὑπο Γεωργιου Α. Κωστομοιρου, pp. 112, 131, Paris, 1862.

Die Augenheilkunde des Aëtius aus Amida, Griechisch und deutsch herausg. von J. Hirschberg, pp. xi, 204, Leipzig, 1899.

Aetii sermo sextidecimus et ultimus (Αετιου περι των εν μητρα παθων etc.). Erstens aus HSS veröffentl. mit Abbildungen, etc., v. S. Zervòs, pp. k’, 172, Leipzig, 1901.

Αετιου Αμιδινου Λογος δεκατος πεμπτος, ed. S. Zerbos, 1909, in Επιστημονικη Εταιρεια, Αθηνα, vol. 21.

My references to Alexander of Tralles are both to the text of Stephanus (1567) and the more recent edition by Theodor Puschmann, Alexander von Tralles, Originaltext und Übersetzung nebst einer einleitenden Abhandlung, Vienna, 1878-9, 2 vols. This gives a more critical text than any previous edition, but unfortunately Puschmann adopted still another arrangement into books than those of the MSS and previous editions, and also in my opinion did not make a sufficient study of the Latin MSS. His introduction contains information concerning Alexander’s life and the MSS and previous editions of his works.

A valuable earlier study on Alexander was that of E. Milward, published in 1733 under the title, A Letter to the Honourable Sir Hans Sloane Bart., etc., and in 1734 as Trallianus Reviviscens, 229 pp. Milward was preparing an edition of Alexander of Tralles, but it was never published. His estimate of Alexander’s position in the history of medicine furnishes an incidental picture of interest of the state of medicine in his own time, the early eighteenth century.

The old Latin translation of Alexander of Tralles was the first to be printed at Lyons, 1504, Alexandri yatros practica cum expositione glose interlinearis Jacobi de Partibus et (Simonis) Januensis in margine posite; also Pavia, 1520 and Venice 1522. Next appeared a very free Latin translation by Torinus in 1533 and 1541, Paraphrases in libros omnes Alexandri Tralliani. The Greek text of Alexander was first printed by Stephanus (Robert Étienne) in 1548 (ed. J. Goupyl). The Latin translation by Guinther of Andernach, which is included in Stephanus (1567), first appeared in 1549, Strasburg, and was reprinted a number of times.

Another work by Puschmann may also be noted: Nachträge zu Alexander Trallianus. Fragmente aus Philumenus und Philagrius nebst einer bisher noch ungedruckten Abhandlung über Augenkrankheiten, Berlin, 1886, in Berliner Studien f. class. Philol. und Archaeol., V, 2; 188 pp., in which he segregates as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius portions of the text of Alexander as found in the Latin MSS.

My references for the De medicamentis of Marcellus apply to Helmreich’s edition of 1889 in the Teubner series. This edition is based on a single MS of the ninth century at Laon which Helmreich followed Valentin Rose in regarding as the sole extant codex of the work. As a result Rose indulged in ingenious theories to explain how the editio princeps by Ianus Cornarius, Basel, 1536, included the prefatory letter and other preliminary material not found in the Laon MS, whose first leaves and some others are missing.

But as a matter of fact BN 6880, a clear and beautifully written MS of the ninth century, contains the De medicamentis entire with all the preliminary letters. Moreover, it is evident that the editio princeps was printed directly from this MS, which contains not only notes by Cornarius but the marks of the compositors.

The text of the edition of 1536 was reproduced in the medical collections of Aldus, Medici antiqui, Venice, 1547, and Stephanus, Medicae artis principes, 1567.

Jacob Grimm, Über Marcellus Burdigalensis, in Abhandl. d. kgl. Akad. d. Wiss. z. Berlin (1847), pp. 429-60, discusses the evidence for placing Marcellus under the older Theodosius, lists the Celtic words and expressions found in the De medicamentis, and also one hundred specimens of its folk-lore and magic. This article was reprinted in Kleinere Schriften, II (1865), 114-51, where it is followed at pp. 152-72 by a supplementary paper, Über die Marcellischen Formeln, likewise reprinted from the Academy Proceedings for 1855, pp. 51-68.

The magic of Marcellus was further treated of by R. Heim, De rebus magicis Marcelli medici, in Schedae philol. Hermanno Usener oblatae (1891), pp. 119-37, where he adds nova magica ex Marcelli libris collata which Grimm had omitted.

[2325] Marcellus is often called of Bordeaux, notably in Grimm’s article, Über Marcellus Burdigalensis, 1847; also by C. W. King, The Gnostics and their Remains, 1887, p. 219; and by J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, I, 23; but there seems to be no definite proof that he was from that city.

Jules Combarieu, La musique et la magie, 1909, p. 87, says in reference to the following incantation recommended by Marcellus, tetunc resonco bregan gresso, “Je remarque en passant qu’il faut frotter l’œil en disant ce carmen, et que dans le patois du Midi, brégua ou brége, signifie frotter. Marcellus, si je ne me trompe, était de Bordeaux.”

Grimm, however (1847), p. 455, interpreted bregan as “lies”—“breigan gen. pl. von breag lüge,” and the whole line as in modern Irish teith uainn cre soin go breigan greasa (“fleuch von uns staub hinnen zu der lügen genossen!”).

[2326] Stephanus (1567), I, 347, et seq. For an English translation of the text see F. Adams, The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, London, 1844-1847.

[2327] Simia Galieni, according to Guinther in his translation of Alexander of Tralles, Stephanus (1567), I, 131.

[2328] Milward (1733), 9-11.

[2329] John Friend (or Freind), History of Physick (1725), I, 297.

[2330] Puschmann, History of Medical Education, 1891, p. 153.

[2331] Milward (1733), p. 11.

[2332] J. F. Payne, English Medicine in Anglo-Saxon Times, 1904, pp. 102-8.

[2333] Milward (1733), p. 19; Puschmann (1878), I, 104.

[2334] Ch. Daremberg, Histoire des Sciences Médicales, Paris, 1870, I, 242.

[2335] This general impression received from reading many classical and medieval works I was glad to find confirmed by Milward (1733), p. 29, in the particular case of Alexander of Tralles, of whom he writes: “As our author’s stile is excellent, so likewise is his method, and there is no respect in which he is more distinguished from the other Greek writers in physick than in this. The works of Hippocrates, Galen, and indeed of all of them except it be Aretaeus are not only very voluminous but put together with little or no order, as is evident enough to all such as have been conversant with them.”

[2336] Daremberg (1870), I, 258-9, said that a mass of MSS in a score of European libraries contained as yet unidentified Latin translations of Greek medical writers.

[2337] BN 10233, 7th century uncial; BN nouv. acq. 1619, 7-8th century, demi-uncial; BN 9332, 9th century, fol. 1-, Oribasii synopsis medica; CLM 23535, 12th century, fols. 72 and 112. V. Rose, Soranus, 1882, pp. iv-v, speaks of a sixth century Latin version of Oribasius.

[2338] Tetrabiblos, IV, iii, 15.

[2339] Ibid., I, iv, 9, where Galen is not cited, and III, i, 9, where Galen is cited. In Galen, De simplicibus, IX, ii, 19 (Kühn, XII, 207).

[2340] Ibid., I, ii, 170, where Galen is not cited; De simplicibus, XI, i, 1 (Kühn, XII, 311-4).

[2341] Tetrabiblos I, ii, 175; Kühn XII, 356-9. Galen is not cited in this, nor in any of the following passages from the Tetrabiblos listed in the notes, unless this is expressly stated.

[2342] Tetrabiblos at the beginning, pp. 6-7 in Stephanus (1567).

[2343] Tetrabiblos IV, i, 33; Kühn XIV, 233, and XII, 250-1.

[2344] Tetrabiblos I, ii, 109; Kühn XII, 288.

[2345] Tetrabiblos I, ii, 84; Kühn XII, 253.

[2346] Tetrabiblos I, ii, 84; Kühn XII, 248, 284-5.

[2347] Tetrabiblos I, ii, 111; Kühn XII, 291-3.

[2348] Tetrabiblos II, iv, 34; Kühn XII, 860. Perhaps a closer correspondence than this could be found. In his preceding 33rd chapter, headed Curatio erosorum dentium ex Galeno, Aëtius includes use of the tooth of a dead dog pulverized in vinegar, which is to be held in the mouth, or filling the ear next the tooth with “fumigated earthworms” or with oil in which earthworms have been cooked.

[2349] Tetrabiblos I, ii, 49.

[2350] Tetrabiblos IV, i, 39.

[2351] Tetrabiblos III, iii, 35.

[2352] Tetrabiblos II, ii, 12. Marcellus, cap. 20 (p. 188) also speaks of “those who often think that they are made sport of by an incubus.”

[2353] Tetrabiblos, I, ii, 177.

[2354] Tetrabiblos, IV, i, 86.

[2355] Tetrabiblos, I, iii, 164. This passage was printed separately in the Uranologion of D. Petavius, Paris, 1630 and 1703.

[2356] Agathias, De imperio et rebus gestis Justiniani, Paris, 1860, p. 149.

[2357] Milward (1733), p. 17, “he travel’d through Greece, Gaul, Spain, and several other places whose mention we find up and down in his works.”

[2358] Puschmann (1878), I, 288, διὸ καὶ γέρων λοιπὸν πειθαρχῶ καὶ κάμνειν οὐκέτι δυνάμενος....

[2359] Milward (1733), p. 25.

[2360] Puschmann (1878), I, 83.

[2361] Milward (1733), p. 27.

[2362] Puschmann (1891), 152-3.

[2363] Stephanus (1567), I, 131.

[2364] Friend (1725), I, 106.

[2365] Milward (1733), pp. 65-6, 57 et seq.

[2366] Ibid., pp. 104, 92-3, 71.

[2367] Ibid., pp. 48-9.

[2368] See V. Rose, Hermes, VIII, 39; Anecdota, II, 108. I presume that BN 9332, 9th century, fol. 139, “Alexandri hiatrosofiste therapeut(i)con” (libri tres) is the free Latin translation in a Paris MS of the ninth century alluded to by Daremberg (1870), I, 258-9. Puschmann (1878) I, 91-2, in a blind and inadequate account of the Latin MSS, does not mention it, but lists a Monte Cassino codex (97) of the 9-10th century and an Angers MS of the 10-11th century. He also alludes to a MS at Chartres without giving any number or date for it, but probably has reference to Chartres 342, 12th century, fols. 1-139, “Libri tres Alexandri Yatros.” He alludes to BN 6881 and 6882, both 13th century, libri tres de morbis et de morborum curatione; but not to CLM 344, 12-13th century, fols. 1-60, libri III de medicina,—integra versio Latina Lugduni a. 1504 edita. Other MSS are: Gonville and Caius 400, early 13th century, fols. 4v-83v, “Inc. Alexander yatros sophista”; Royal 12-B-XVI, late 13th century, fol. 113, Practica Alexandri.

It will be noted that the text in all these Latin MSS is in only three books, but it follows the same order as the twelve books. It is also, at least in the edition of 1504, not as abbreviated as one might infer from Rose. Rather the later editors, Albanus Torinus and Guinther of Andernach, seem to have taken greater liberties with, and made unwarranted additions to Alexander’s text. At the same time the early Latin text treats of some topics such as toothache which are not included in Puschmann’s Greek text, and also includes (II, 79-103, and 104-50) treatments of diseases of the abdomen and spleen for which there seems to be no genuine Greek text and which Puschmann, Nachträge, 1886, has published separately as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius, medical writers of the first and fourth centuries. His chief reason seems to be that cap. 79 is entitled, De reumate ventris filominis, and cap. 104, Ad splenem philogrius, while cap. 151 is headed, Causa que est ydropicie alexandri. These passages are, however, found in the Latin MSS of Alexander’s work from the first, and the use of Romance words by the unknown Latin translator indicates that the translation was made in the early medieval period,—Puschmann (1886), p. 12.

[2369] Puschmann (1878), I, 91.

[2370] As in Vendôme 109, 11th century, fol. 1, Mulsa Alexandri (Tralliani), fol. 68v, “De reuma ventris, de libro Alexandri” (not here ascribed, it will be noted, to Philumenus), fol. 71, “De secundo libro Alexandri de cura nefreticorum.” The Mulsa Alexandri is found also in two other 11th century MSS of the same library: Vendôme 172, fol. 1, and 175, fol. 2.

In Royal 12-E-XX, 12th century, fols. 146v-151v, “Incipit liber dietarum diversarum medicorum, hoc est Alexandri et aliorum.” This extract, made up of a number of Alexander’s chapters on the diet suitable in different ailments, is often found in the MSS, as here, with the Pseudo-Pliny and was printed as its fifth book in 1509 and 1516.

[2371] Puschmann (1878), I, 97.

[2372] Milward (1773), p. 179.

[2373] Thus in Vendôme 109 (see note 2, p. 577) besides the extracts from Alexander of Tralles we find at fol. 58, “Alexander (Aphrodisiensis) amicus veritatis in tertio libro suo ubi de febribus commemorat.” The Arabs seem to have confused these two Alexanders: see Steinschneider (1862), p. 61; Puschmann (1878), I, 94-5.

[2374] See the discussion by Choulant in Janus (1845), p. 52, and Henschel in De Renzi (1852-9) II, 11, of a 12th century MS at Breslau, “Liber Alexandri de agnoscendis febribus et pulsibus et urinis”; also Puschmann (1878) I, 105-6, concerning BN Greek MS 2316, which seems to be a late Greek translation of it,—another instance that a Greek text is not necessarily the original.

[2375] Corpus Christi 189, 11-12th century, fols. 1-5, “Antidotum pigra magni Alexandri Macedonii quod facit stomaticis epilenticis.” Steinschneider, cited by Puschmann (1878) I, 106, has also noted the attribution in Hebrew MSS to Alexander the Great of a work on fever, urine, and pulse, presumably identical with that mentioned in the foregoing note.

[2376] Stephanus (1567) I, 176, 204, 216, 225; and Puschmann, II, 575, are a few specimens.

[2377] Amplon. Quarto 204, 12-13th century, fols. 90-5, Experimentorum Alexandri medici collectio succincta. Digby 79, 13th century, fols. 180-92v, “Alexandrina experimenta de libro percompendiose extractata meliora ut nobis visum est ad singulas egritudines.” Additional 34111, 15th century, fol. 77, “Experimenta Alexandri,” in English.

[2378] Stephanus I, 156; Puschmann II, 563.

[2379] Milward (1733), p. 168.

[2380] Stephanus I, 312; Puschmann II, 579.

[2381] Stephanus I, 345, see also 296 and 339; Puschmann I, 407, 437.

[2382] Stephanus I, 312; Puschmann II, 579.

[2383] Stephanus I, 156; Puschmann I, 565.

[2384] Stephanus I, 345; Puschmann I, 437.

[2385] Καὶ θαυμαστῶς ὅπως ἀντιπαθείᾳ τινὶ καὶ λόγῳ ἀρρήτῳ.

[2386] For the passages in this paragraph see Stephanus I, 156-7, 313; Puschmann I, 561, 567-73.

[2387] Stephanus I, 312.

[2388] Stephanus I, 281; Puschmann II, 475.

[2389] Stephanus I, 296; Puschmann II, 377.

[2390] Stephanus I, 313.

[2391] Stephanus I, 296; Puschmann II, 377.

[2392] Stephanus I, 281; Puschmann II, 475.

[2393] Stephanus I, 314; Puschmann II, 585.

[2394] If the MSS, which I have not examined, agree with the 1504 edition.

[2395] Both in BN 6880 and the edition of Basel, 1536, “Marcellus vir inluster ex magno officio Theodosii Sen. filiis suis salutem d(icit).” In the MS, however, a later hand has written above the now faded line an incorrect copy in which “Theodosii Sen.” is replaced by “theodosiensi.” Helmreich (1889), on the other hand, has replaced “ex magno officio” by “ex magistro officio.” It is perhaps open to doubt whether the “Sen.” goes with “Theodosii” or “Marcellus.”

[2396] Cap. 20 (1889), p. 204.

[2397] In BN 6880 there are other headings written in capitals than those which mark the openings of the 36 chapters.

[2398] Cap. 29 (1889), pp. 304-6.

[2399] Cap. 35 (1889), p. 361.

[2400] Cap. 8 (1889), p. 80.

[2401] Cap. 5 (1889), p. 49.

[2402] For such mentions of experience and experiment see the following passages in the 1889 edition, numbers referring to page and line: 31, 7; 34, 3; 35, 14; 44, 2; 53, 1; 58, 21; 64, 34; 65, 30; 66, 26; 72, 22; 73, 7; 74, 2; 77, 9; 80, 28; 81, 29; 89, 3 and 29; 96, 14 and 31; 102, 27; 120, 32; 123, 15; 129, 21; 133, 10; 145, 33; 148, 25; 149, 26; 160, 18; 176, 5; 178, 25; 186, 15; 190, 20; 192, 31; 211, 1; 222, 18; 224, 31; 230, 3; 235, 15; 236, 14; 239, 8 and 26; 242, 8 and 23; 248, 20; 256, 9; 258, 5; 264, 21; 276, 35; 281, 19 and 27; 282, 15; 308, 21; 312, 6 and 19 and 22; 314, 25; 326, 28; 327, 13; 334, 29; 343, 23; 351, 23 and 25; 353, 4; 354, 19; 356, 6; 362, 32; 370, 22 and 37.

[2403] Cap. 15 (1889), p. 146.

[2404] Cap. 23 (1889), p. 239.

[2405] Caps. 20 and 24 (1889), pp. 208 and 244.

[2406] Cap. 26 (1889), pp. 264-6.

[2407] Cap. 29 (1889), p. 311; and see cap. 28, p. 298.

[2408] Cap. 12, p. 123.

[2409] Cap. 16, p. 166.

[2410] Cap. 23, p. 238.

[2411] Cap. 34, p. 357.

[2412] Cap. 8, p. 69.

[2413] Cap. 8, p. 66.

[2414] Cap. 12, p. 125.

[2415] Cap. 10, p. 113.

[2416] Cap. 10, p. 112; NH 30, 11.

[2417] Cap. 8, p. 68; NH 29, 38.

[2418] Cap. 29, p. 313.

[2419] Cap. 29, p. 314. Pliny has a similar procedure with a frog and a reed.

[2420] Cap. 22, p. 230.

[2421] Cap. 33, p. 347, “mulierem verendaque eius dum cum ea cois tange.”

[2422] Cap. 23, p. 239.

[2423] Cap. 1, p. 34.

[2424] Cap. 25, p. 247.

[2425] Cap. 12, p. 126.

[2426] Cap. 18, p. 178.

[2427] Cap. 17, p. 176.

[2428] Cap. 32, pp. 337, 338, 340.

[2429] Cap. 8, p. 70.

[2430] Cap. 12, p. 123.

[2431] Cap. 36, p. 379. Marcellus employs the phrase, of course, to indicate a private or personal incantation, and as a matter of fact it is somewhat less absurd than a number of others.

[2432] Cap. 28, p. 301.

[2433] Cap. 29, p. 310. For further instances of incantations and characters in the De medicamentis see page 110, lines 18-27; 111, 26-33; 112, 29-113, 2; 116, 8-11; 133, 18-22, 26-31; 139, 17-26; 142, 19-26; 149, 4-11; 151, 18-33; 152, 9-14, 19-24; 180, 1-3; 220, 11-20; 221, 2-6; 223, 15-18; 241, 1-6, 14-22; 244, 26-28; 248, 16-19; 260, 22-24; 295, 18-22; 333, 9-15; 382, 16-18.

[2434] Daremberg (1870) I, 257-8.

[2435] Plinii Secundi Iunioris de medicina libri tres, ed. V. Rose, Lipsiae, 1875. V. Rose, “Ueber die Medicina Plinii,” in Hermes, VIII (1874) 19-66.

[2436] C. Plinii Secundi Medicina, ed. Thomas Pighinuccius, Rome, 1509.

[2437] Codex St. Gall 751; described by V. Rose, Hermes, VIII, 48-55; Anecdota II, 106.

[2438] For the list of his six genuine works see above p. 222.

[2439] De nota aspirationis and De diphthongis, ed. Osann, Darmstadt, 1826, with De orthographia, a forgery by a sixteenth century humanist.

[2440] Περὶ ἑρμηνείας, sometimes printed as the third book of the De dogmate Platonis. Some scholars, however, regard it as genuine, and there are a number of MSS of it from the 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries. See Schanz (1905), 127-8.

[2441] See above p. 290.

[2442] See Schanz (1905), 139-40.

[2443] See below p. 683. Schanz fails to mention it among the apocryphal works of Apuleius.

[2444] H. Köbert, De Pseudo-Apulei herbarum medicaminibus, Bayreuth, 1888. Schanz (1905) 138, mentions only continental MSS, although there are numerous MSS of it in the British Museum and Bodleian libraries, some of which have been used and others described by O. Cockayne in his edition of the Herbarium and the other treatises accompanying it in his Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England, Vol. I (1864) in RS XXXV. Nor does Schanz note Cockayne’s book.

[2445] See Sloane 1975, a vellum MS of the 12th or early 13th century written in fine large letters and beautifully illuminated; Ashmole 1431, end of 11th century, and 1462, 13th century, fol. 45r. Harleian 4986, Apuleii Platonici de medicamentis cum figuris pictis, is another early illuminated English MS. Cockayne I, lxxxii, does not date it, but the MSS catalogue lists it as tenth century. In CU Trinity 1152, 14th century, James (III, 162-3) estimates the number of colored drawings as between 800 and 1000; he describes only a few. Singer (1921) reproduces a number of such illuminations from MSS of the Herbarium and of Dioscorides.

[2446] Lucca 236, 9-10th century, “Herbarium Apuleii Platonici quem accepit a Chironi magistro Achillis et ab Escolapio explicit feliciter.” In Cotton Vitellius C-III, early 11th century, in Anglo-Saxon, although the title reads, “The Herbarium of Apuleius the Platonist which he received from Esculapius and Chiron the centaur, the master of Achilles,” a full page painting shows Plato and Chiron receiving the volume from Aesculapius (Cockayne, I, lxxxviii). And Sloane 1975 and Harleian 1585 speak of the Herbarium as “Liber Platonis Apoliensis.” In a 15th century MS (Rawlinson C-328, fol. 113v-, Incipit de herbis Galieni Apolei et Ciceronis) Galen and Cicero, who perhaps replace Chiron and Aesculapius, are associated with Apuleius as authors.

[2447] Daremberg (1853), 11-12, said that the pagan incantations were preserved intact in a number of MSS at Oxford and Cambridge. Conjurations of herbs are not limited to the Pseudo-Apuleius in medieval MSS but sometimes occur singly as in Perugia 736, 13th century, where at fol. 267 a 14th century hand has added a passage in Latin which may be translated: “In the name of Christ, Amen. I conjure you, herb, that I may conquer by lord Peter etc. by moon and stars etc. and may you conquer all my enemies, pontiff and priests and all laymen and all women and all lawyers who are against me etc.” In Sloane 1571, 15th century, fols. 1-6, at the close of fragments of a Latin-English dictionary of herbs is a Latin prayer entitled, Benedictio omnium herbarum.

[2448] The above passages are from Sloane 1975 and the edition of 1547.

[2449] Ashmole 1431, 11th century, fol. 3r, “In nomine domini incipit herboralium apuleii platonis quod accepit ascolapio et chirone centauro magistro. Lege feliciter. Precantatio omnium herbarum ad singulas curas.” CU Trinity 1152, 14th century, fol. 1. Gonville and Caius 345, 14th century, fol. 89v.

[2450] Or Papyriensis Placitus.

[2451] Perhaps merely for “auctor.” ed. Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. XIII, 395-423, Sexti Placiti liber de medicina ex animalibus.

[2452] In Montpellier 277, 15th century, “Liber Sesti platonis de animalibus,” perhaps because the Apuleius of the Herbarium is called a Platonist. In Digby 43, late 14th century, fol. 15, “Liber Septiplanti Papiensis de bestiis et avibus medicinalis.” In Rawlinson C-328, 15th century, fol. 128, “Incipit liber Papiriensis ex animalibus ex avibus.” The work is sometimes found in juxtaposition with a somewhat similar “Liber medicinalis de secretis Galieni,” concerning which see below, chapter 64, II, 761.

[2453] V. Rose (1875) 337-8 suggests that this is a fragment from a fuller work of Aesculapius to Augustus cited by Thomas of Cantimpré, Albertus Magnus, and Vincent of Beauvais. See also Peter of Abano, De venenis, cap. 5, “in epistola Esculapii philosophi ad Octavianum.” But perhaps these writers refer to the entire work of Sextus Papirius.

[2454] Ed. Ruellius, with Scribonius Largus, Paris, 1529.

[2455] In a later medieval vocabulary taxus is given as a synonym for the animal called camaleon: Alphita, ed. Daremberg from BN 6954 and 6957 in De Renzi, Collectio Salernitana, III, 272-322.

[2456] Cotton Vespasian B, X, #6.

[2457] Harleian 3859, called tenth century in the Harleian catalogue which is often incorrect in its dating, but 11th or 12th century by d’Avezac, Mommsen in his edition of Solinus, and Beazley, Dawn of Geography, I, 523. Royal 15-B-II and 15-C-IV, both of the 12th century. For other MSS at Paris, Leyden, and Rome see Beazley, op. cit.

[2458] But after all is Suetonius any more respectable a historian than Aethicus and Solinus are geographers?

[2459] Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II, Appendix: “How M. Wuttke can attach any value to such a production is to me quite incomprehensible; still more that he should ascribe the translation to the great ecclesiastical writer,” Jerome. Bunbury believed that the work was not earlier than the seventh century. Beazley, Dawn of Geography, I, 355-63, is of the same opinion.

[2460] In his edition of Solinus, p. xxvii, he contends that certain passages which Wuttke pointed out as common to Aethicus and Solinus are borrowed by Aethicus from Isidore who died in 636.

[2461] Harleian 3859.

[2462] Steele, Opera hactenus inedita, 1905, Fasc. I, pp. 1-2.

[2463] CUL 213, 14th century, fols. 103v-14, “Qui hunc librum legit intelligat Ethicum philosophum non omnia dixisse que hic scripta sunt, set Solinus (so James, but Jeronimus in d’Avezac, p. 237) qui eum transtulit sententias veritati consonas ex libro eiusdem excerpsit et easdem testimonias scripture nostre confirmavit. Non enim erat iste philosophus Christianus sed Ethnicus et professione Achademicus.”

[2464] Bridges I, 267-8.

[2465] Cited by d’Avezac, pp. 257 and 267.

[2466] Vienna 2272, 14th century, fol. 92, De vindemiis a Burgundione translatus: Pars Geoponicorum.

[2467] Such is the view set forth in PW Geoponica.

[2468] H. Beckh, Geoponica sive Cassiani Bassi scholastici de re rustica eclogae, Lipsiae, Teubner, 1895. PW criticizes this edition as “leider völlig verfehlten.” Its preface lists the earlier editions.

[2469] Geoponica, VII, 5; II, 15.

[2470] VII, 11; XV, 1.

[2471] I, 12; VII, 13; etc.

[2472] XV, 1.

[2473] R. Heim, Incantamenta magica graeca latina, in Jahrb. f. class. Philologie, Suppl. Bd. 19, Leipzig, 1893, pp. 463-576, drew from the Geoponica 13 out of his total of 245 instances of incantations from Greek and Latin literature.

[2474] VII, 14.

[2475] XIII, 15.

[2476] The first two volumes, published at Berlin in 1907, 1906, covered the first four of the five genuine books. A previous attempt was K. Sprengel’s edition in vols. 25-26 of C. J. Kühn’s Medici Graeci, Leipzig, 1829. On the textual history and problems see further Wellman’s articles: “Dioskurides” in Pauly-Wissowa, and in Hermes, XXXIII, (1898) 360ff.

[2477] Περὶ βοτανῶν, περὶ ζῴων παντοίων, περὶ παντοίων ἐλαίων, περὶ ὕλης δένδρων, περὶ οἴνων καὶ λίθων, is another order suggested.

[2478] The MS is said by Singer (1921) 60, to have now been removed from Vienna to St. Mark’s Library at Venice; it was procured from Constantinople in 1555 for the future Emperor Maximilian II (1564-1576). A photographic copy was published in 1906 in the Leiden Collection, Codices Graeci et Latini, by A. W. Sijthoff, with an introduction by A. von Premerstein, C. Wessely, and J. Mantuani (C. Wessely, Codex Anciae Iulianae, etc., 1906). See also A. v. Premerstein in the Austrian Jahrbuch (1903) XXIV, 105ff.

I have examined the facsimile of this MS and found the large but faded and partially obliterated illuminations which precede the text rather disappointing after having read the description of them in Dalton’s Byzantine Art, (1911) 460-61, which, however, I presume is accurate and so reproduce here. These large illuminations include a portrait of Juliana Anicia, an ornamental peacock with tail spread, groups of doctors engaged in medical discussions, and Dioscorides himself seated writing, and again seated on a folding stool receiving the herb mandragora (which, of course, was a medieval favorite) from a female figure personifying Discovery (Εὕρησις), “while in the foreground a dog dies in agony,” presumably from the fatal effects of the herb. There are rough reproductions of this last picture in Woltmann and Woermann, History of Painting, I, 192-3, and Singer (1921) 62. When the text proper begins the illuminations are confined to medicinal plants.

Other early Greek manuscripts are the Codex Neapolitanus, formerly at Vienna, now at St. Mark’s, Venice, an eighth century palimpsest from Bobbio, and a Paris codex, (BN Greek 2179) of the ninth century. An Arabic translation from the Greek seems to have been made about 850; a century later the Byzantine emperor sent a Greek manuscript of Dioscorides to the caliph in Spain.

For the full text of the De materia medica we are dependent on MSS of the 11th, 12th, 13th and later centuries.

[2479] Περὶ δηλητηρίων φαρμάκων and περὶ ἰοβόλων, edited by Sprengel in Kühn (1830), XXVI, as was the Περὶ εὐπορίστων ἁπλῶν τε καὶ συνθέτων φαρμάκων. The Περὶ φαρμάκων ἐμπειρίας, (“Experimental Pharmacy”), of which a Latin version, Alphabetum empiricum, sive Dioscoridis et Stephani Atheniensis ... de remediis expertis, was edited by C. Wolf, Zürich, 1581, is an alphabetical arrangement by diseases ascribed to Dioscorides and Stephen of Athens (and other writers).

[2480] Max Wellmann, Die Schrift des Dioskurides Περὶ ἁπλῶν φαρμάκων, 1914, and col. 1140 of his article “Dioskurides” in Pauly-Wissowa.

[2481] De inst. div. lit. cap. 31.

[2482] V. Rose in Hermes VIII, 38A. Harleian 4986, fol. 44v, “ ... marcelline libellum botanicon ex dioscoridis libris in latinum sermonem conversum in quo depicte sunt herbarum figure ad te misi....”

[2483] Heinrich Kaestner, Kritisches und Exegetisches zu Pseudo-Dioskorides de herbis femininis, Regensburg, 1896; text in Hermes XXXI (1896) 578-636. Singer (1921) 68, gives as the earliest MS, Rome Barberini IX, 29, of 9th century. Some other MSS are: BN 12995, 9th century; Additional 8928, 11th century, fol. 62v-; Ashmole 1431, end of 11th century, fols. 31v-43, “Incipit liber Dioscoridis ex herbis feminis”; Sloane 1975, 12th or early 13th century, fols. 49v-73; Harleian 1585, 12th century, fol. 79-; Harleian 5294, 12th century; Turin K-IV-3, 12th century, #5, “Incipit liber dioscoridis medicine ex herbis femininis numero LXXI .../ ... Liber medicine dioscoridis de herbis femininis et masculinis explicit feliciter.”

In Vienna 5371, 15th century, fols. 121v-124v, is a briefer Latin treatise ascribed to Dioscordes, which begins with the herb aristologia and mentions silk (sericum) at its close. I have not seen the MS but from the title, Quid pro quo, and the fact that the writer dedicates it to his uncle, one might fancy that it was a work written by Adelard of Bath’s nephew in return for the Natural Questions of his uncle. (See below, chapter 36).

[2484] Hermes VIII, 38, comparing Etymologies XVII, 93, with cap. 30 of the De herbis femininis.

[2485] Anecdota graeca et graeco-latina, Berlin, 1864, II, 115 and 119; Hermes VIII, 38; Wellmann (1906), p. xxi.

[2486] BN 9332, 8th century; CLM 337, 9-10th century from Monte Cassino; ed. T. M. Auracher et H. Stadler, in Rom. Forsch. I, 49-105; X, 181-247 and 368-446; XI, 1-121; XII, 161-243.

[2487] Cod. Bam. L-III-9.

[2488] PW “Dioskurides.” A fairly early MS is CU Jesus 44, 12-13th century, fols. 17-145r, “diascorides per modum alphabeti de virtutibus herbarum et compositione olerum.” I have not seen it but, if correctly dated, it and Bologna University Library 378, 12th century, which is said to differ from the printed editions, are too early to be Peter of Abano’s version.

[2489] Explicit dyascorides quem petrus paduanensis legendo corexit et exponendo quae utiliora sunt in lucem deduxit, Colle, 1478. Dioscorides digestus alphabetico ordine additis annotatiunculis brevibus et tractatu aquarum, Lugduni, 1512. And see Chap. 70, Appendix II.

[2490] I have read it in BN 6820, fol. 1r, as well as in the 1478 edition.

[2491] A work by Serapion which Simon Cordo of Genoa translated from Arabic into Latin with the help of Abraham, a Jew of Tortosa. Serapion states at the beginning that his work is a combination of Dioscorides and of the work of Galen on medicinal simples. Aggregator was printed in 1479, Liber Serapionis aggregatus in medicinis simplicibus. Translatio Symonis Ianuensis interprete Abraam iudeo tortuosiensi de arabico in latinum.

[2492] Ruska (1912), p. 5, says that Dioscorides, V, 84-133, among other things describes “eine ganze Reihe von höchst zweifelhaften Steinen mit unglaublichen Wirkungen die in den Arabischen Arzneimittelverzeichnissen und Steinbüchern niederkehren.”

[2493] Amplon. Folio 41, fols. 36-7; Montpellier 277, caps. 46-67 of the treatise entitled, Liber aristotelis de lapidibus preciosis secundum verba sapientium antiquorum.

[2494] Sloane 3848, 17th century, fols. 36-40.

[2495] Macer Floridus de viribus herbarum una cum Walafridi Strabonis, Othonis Cremonensis et Ioannis Folcz carminibus similis argumenti, ed. Ludovicus Choulant, 1832.

[2496] V. Rose himself corrected (Hermes, VIII, 330-1) the strange statement which he had made (Hermes, VIII, 63) that the name “Macer” is not found in connection with this work until MSS of the 14th and 15th centuries. Both the treatise and the name are frequent in the earlier MSS.

[2497] Cotton, Vitellius C, III.

[2498] The Dane, Harpestreng, who died in 1244, translated and commented upon the poem; published by Christian Molbech, Copenhagen, 1826.

[2499] There are a large number in the MSS collections of the British Museum alone. Some said to be of the 12th century are Harleian 4346, and at Erfurt Amplon, Octavo 62a and 62b.

[2500] See the British Museum catalogue of printed books. I have used besides Choulant’s text of 1832 an illustrated octavo edition probably of 1489. The poem also appears in medical collections such as Medici antiqui omnes, Aldus, Venice, 1547, fols. 223-46.

[2501] Choulant (1832) Preface.

[2502] Choulant (1832) Prolegomena ad Macrum, p. 14.

[2503] See the description of Ligusticum, lines 900-6.

[2504] Often printed: ed. F. A. Reuss, Würzburg, 1834; in Migne PL 114, 1119-30.

[2505] H. Stadler, Die Quellen des Macer Floridus, in Sudhoff (1909).

[2506] Stadler, op. cit.; Choulant (1832), p. 4.

[2507] “Macer scripsit metrico stilo librum. de viribus herbarum,”—Stadler (1909), 65.

[2508] It was, however, a good deal subject to later interpolation.

[2509] Choulant (1832) adds as Macri spuria 487 lines concerning twenty herbs.

In Vienna 3207, 15th century, fols. 1-50, Macer Floridus, De viribus herbarum; fols. 50-52, Pseudo-Macer, De animalibus et lignis.

[2510] Lines 1901-2, Quae, quamvis natura potens concedere posset Vana tamen nobis et anilia iure videntur.

[2511] Lines 1881-3, Hanc herbam gestando manu si queris ab egro Dic frater quid agis? bene si responderit eger, Vivet, si vero male, spes est nulla salutis.

[2512] Herb 54, lines 1728-.

[2513] Herb 49, lines 1617-27.

[2514] Herb 67, lines 2095-.

[2515] Herb 51, lines 1685-9.

[2516] Herb 52.

[2517] Herb 34, lines 1135-8.

[2518] Herb 41, lines 1421-2.

[2519] Herb 50, lines 1641-63.

[2520] Herb 69, Cyminum, lines 2118-9, “Hoc orthopnoicis miram praestare medelam Experti dicunt cum pusce saepius haustum.”

[2521] Vienna 2532, 12th century, fols. 106-17, “Experimenta Macri. Ad dolorem capitis. Accipe balsamum et instilla .../ ... adde sucum celidonie et superpone vulneribus.”

Arundel 295, 14th century, fols. 222-33, “Experimenta Macri collecta sub certis capitulis a Gotefrido.”

[2522] R. L. Poole, Medieval Thought, 1884, pp. 19, 21.

[2523] Migne, PL 70, 1146.

[2524] Anicii Manlii Severini Boetii Philosophiae Consolationis Libri quinque, ed. R. Peiper, Lipsiae, 1871, pp. xxxix-xlvi, li-lxvii. See also Manitius (1911), pp. 33-5.

It was by seeking comfort in The Consolation of Philosophy after the death of Beatrice that Dante was led into a new world of literature, science, and philosophy, as he tells us in his Convivio; cited by Orr (1913), p. 1.

[2525] Manitius (1911), pp. 29-32.

[2526] Ibid., 26-8. At the time I went through the various catalogues of MSS in the British Museum item by item it was not my intention to include Boethius in this investigation, and I am therefore unable to say whether the Museum has MSS which may throw further light upon the problems connected with the mathematical treatises ascribed to Boethius. Manitius mentions no English MSS in this connection, but there are likely to be some at London, Oxford, or Cambridge.

[2527] Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, translated from the Latin by George Colville, 1556; ed. with Introduction by E. B. Box, London, 1897, p. xviii.

[2528] Manitius (1911) pp. 35-6; Usener, Anecdota Holderi, Bonn, 1877, pp. 48-59; E. K. Rand, Der dem Boethius zugeschriebene Traktat De fide catholica, 1901. The De fide catholica, however, is not mentioned by Cassiodorus and is regarded as spurious.

[2529] De consol. philos., III, 8, 21.

[2530] De consol. philos., IV, 1.

[2531] Ibid., III, 9, 1; III, 12, 14; III, 9, 10; III, 12, 99; II, 8, 13.

[2532] Ibid., IV, 6, 10, “In hac enim de providentiae simplicitate, de fati serie, de repentinis casibus, de cognitione ac praedestinatione divina, de arbitrii libertate quaeri solet.” To the ensuing argument are devoted the sixth and seventh chapters of Book IV and all of Book V.

[2533] Ibid., IV, 6, 21.

[2534] Ibid., IV, 6, 30.

[2535] Ibid., IV, 6, 48.

[2536] Ibid., IV, 6, 77.

[2537] De consol. philos., V, 4-6.

[2538] Ibid., IV, 6, 58.

[2539] Ibid., V, 2-3 and 6, 110, “tametsi nullam naturae habeat necessitatem atqui deus ea futura quae ex arbitrii libertate proveniunt praesentia contuetur.”

[2540] Ibid., V, 1.

[2541] De musica libri quinque, I, 1-2 and 27; in Migne, PL 63, 1167-1300.

[2542] Migne, PL 83, 963-1018. In Harleian 3099, 1134 A. D., the Etymologies at fols. 1-154, are followed by the De natura rerum, the last chapter of which (fol. 164v) is numbered 42 instead of 48 as in Migne. But up to chapter 27, Utrum sidera animam habeant, the division into chapters seems the same as in the printed text.

[2543] Migne, PL 82, 73-728, a reprint of the edition of Arevalus, Rome, 1796. Large portions of the Etymologies have been translated into English with an introduction of some seventy pages by E. Brehaut, An Encyclopedist of the Dark Ages; Isidore of Seville, 1912, in Columbia University Studies in History, etc., vol. 48, pp. 1-274. For Isidorean bibliography see pp. 17, 22-3, 46-7 of Brehaut’s introduction.

[2544] Manitius (1911), pp. 60-61; Brehaut (1912), p. 34.

[2545] To say, for example, that “so hospitable an attitude toward profane learning as Isidore displayed ... was never surpassed throughout the middle ages” (Brehaut, p. 31), is unfair to many later writers, as our discussion of the natural science of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries will show.

[2546] Brehaut (1912), p. 34.

[2547] Migne, PL 82, 73, “Opus de origine quarumdam rerum, ex veteris lectionis recordatione collectum, atque ita in quibusdam locis adnotatum, sicut exstat conscriptum stylo maiorum.”

[2548] See, for example, Etymol., VIII, 7, 3, “Vates a vi mentis appellatos, Varro auctor est.”

[2549] Etymol., XX, 2, 37.

[2550] Cassiodorus, however, urged the monks of the sixth century who cared for the sick to read Hippocrates and Galen as well as Dioscorides and Caelius Aurelianus; Brehaut (1912), p. 87, note, citing PL 70, 1146, in the De instit. divin. litterarum.

[2551] Etymol., XII, 4, 6 and 6, 34.

[2552] Ibid., XII, 4, 12.

[2553] Ibid., XII, 6, 56.

[2554] Ibid., XVII, 7, 17 and 9, 36; XIX, 17, 8.

[2555] Ibid., XVII, 9, 85.

[2556] Ibid., XVII, 9, 30.

[2557] Etymol., XVI, 15, 21-26.

[2558] Ibid., XI, 3, 4, “quod plurimis etiam experimentis probatum est.”

[2559] Brehaut (1912), p. 3.

[2560] Etymol., XVI, 26, 10, from Epiphanius, Liber de ponderibus et mensuris.

[2561] Hence, presumably, the sextarii, from sex.

[2562]

“Mens hausti nulla sanie polluta veneni

Incantata perit....”

[2563] Migne, PL 83, 9.

[2564] For Rabanus’ account see Migne, PL 110, 1097-1110; Burchard, PL 140, 839 et seq.; Ivo, PL 161, 760 et seq.; Hincmar, PL 125, 716-29. Moreover, Burchard continues to follow Rabanus word for word for some ten columns after the conclusion of their mutual excerpt from Isidore, while Ivo is identical with Burchard for fifteen more columns. In “Some Medieval Conceptions of Magic,” The Monist, January, 1915, XXV, 107-39, I stated (p. 109, note 2) that I thought that I was the first to point out the identity of these four accounts with Isidore’s.

Since then, however, I have noticed that Manitius (1911), p. 299, notes the identity of Rabanus with Isidore, “Dass Hraban sich auch sonst ganz an Isidor anlehnt, beweist er in der Schrift De consanguineorum nuptiis im Abschnitt de magicis artibus (Migne, 109, 1097ff.) der aus Etym. 8, 9 stammt.” Also Mr. C. C. I. Webb, in his 1909 edition of the Polycraticus notes John of Salisbury’s borrowings from Isidore and Ivo of Chartres. Finally, J. Hansen, Zauberwahn, Inquisition, und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, 1900, at p. 49 notes that Isidore’s sketch of the history of magic keeps recurring in medieval writings, at p. 71 the dependence of Rabanus and Hincmar upon Isidore, and perhaps he somewhere notes the identity with the foregoing of the accounts of magic in Burchard and the other decretalists, but in the absence of an index to his volume I do not find such a passage. At p. 128, however, he notes that John of Salisbury’s description of magic is in part taken word for word from Isidore and Rabanus.

Professor Hamilton, in one of his papers on Storm-Making Springs, which appeared at about the same time as my article (Romanic Review, V, 3, 1914; but, owing probably to war conditions, this issue did not actually appear until after the number of The Monist containing my article), came near noting the same thing when he spoke (p. 225) of Isidore’s chapter as “quoted at length” by Gratian—who seems to me, however, to give the substance of Isidore’s chapter rather than his exact wording—and further noted that four lines of Latin which he quoted were found alike in Rabanus, Hincmar, Ivo, and the Polycraticus of John of Salisbury.

In my article I also stated: “Professor Burr, in a note to his paper on ‘The Literature of Witchcraft’ (American Historical Association Papers, IV (1890), p. 241) has described the accounts of Rabanus and Hincmar but without explicitly noting their close resemblance, although he characterizes Rabanus’ article as ‘mainly compiled.’” Professor Burr subsequently wrote to me, “That I did not mention the relation in my old paper on “The Literature of Witchcraft” was partly because they borrowed from other sources as well and partly because Isidore is himself a compiler. I hoped to come back to the matter in a more careful study of the whole genesis of these stock passages.”

[2565] See below, chapter 60 on Aquinas.

[2566] Etymol., VIII, 11, 15-17; Differentiarum, II, 14.

[2567] Indeed, Differentiarum, II, 39, he defines astrology as he had astronomy in Etymol., III, 27. In Etymol., III, 25, he ascribes the invention of astronomy to the Egyptians and that of astrology to the Chaldeans.

[2568] Caps. 14 and 27.

[2569] De nat. rer., III, 4; PL 83, 968.

[2570] Ibid., XIX, 2.

[2571] Ibid., XXII, 2-3.

[2572] Ibid., IX, 1-2.

[2573] Ibid., XXVI, 15; Etymol., III, 71, 16.

[2574] Etymol., XIV, 5, “vim sideris.”

[2575] Ibid., IX, 2, “secundum diversitatem enim coeli.”

[2576] Ibid., IV, 13, 4.

[2577] De nat. rerum, XVIII, 5-7.

[2578] History of the Anglo-Saxons, III, 403.

[2579] Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought, 1884, p. 20; p. 18 in 1920 edition.

[2580] Migne, PL 90, 293-4.

[2581] A few MSS, chiefly from France, earlier than the 12th century, are: BN 5543, 9th century; BN 15685, 9th century; BN nouv. acq. 1612, 1615, and 1632, all 9th or 10th century; Amiens 222, 9th century; Cambrai 925, 9th century; Ivrea 3, 9th century; Ivrea 6, 10th century; Berlin 128, 8-9th century; Berlin 130, 9-10th century; CLM 18158, 11th century; CLM 21557, 11th century.

I have not noted the MSS of Bede in the British Museum and Bodleian collections.

[2582] PL 90, 187-278; the text occupies but a small portion of these columns.

[2583] Ibid., Cap. 14.

[2584] Ibid., Cap. 24.

[2585] Ibid., Cap. 25.

[2586] In Samuelem prophetam allegorica expositio, IV, 7; PL 91, 701.

[2587] De tonitruis libellus ad Herefridum, PL 90, 609-14.

[2588] See below, chapter 29.

[2589] The Aenigmatum Liber forms a part of the Liber de septenario et de metris in Aldhelm’s works as edited by Giles, Oxford, 1844, and reprinted in Migne, PL 89, 183-99.

[2590] Cantimpré’s citations of Adhelmus seem almost certainly drawn from the Aenigmata in the cases of Leo, ciconia, hirundinus, nycticorax, salamander, luligo (or, loligo), perna, draguntia lapis (natrix), myrmicoleon, colossus, and molossus. On the other hand, the citations concerning onocentaur do not correspond to the riddle De monocero sive unicorni; the two accounts of Scylla are different; and I do not find cacus or onager or harpy or siren or locust or the Indian ants larger than foxes in the Riddles as edited by Giles.

The passages in which Thomas of Cantimpré cites Adhelmus are printed together by Pitra (1855) III, 425-7.

[2591] Pitra (1855) III, xxvi. Only in the case of the salamander does Pitra say, “Thomas huc adduxit Adhelmi Shirbrunensis aenigma de Salamandra vatemque a philosopho clare distinxit.”

[2592] I have used the text in Migne, PL vol. 77.

[2593] Variarum IV, Epist. 22-23, Migne, PL 69, 624-25.

[2594] I derive the following facts from E. C. Quiggin, “Irish Literature,” in EB V, 622 et seq., where further bibliography is given.

[2595] “The Gaelic medical MSS, whether preserved in Ireland, Scotland, or elsewhere, ... are all, or nearly all, of foreign origin”:—Mackinnon, in the International Congress of Medicine, London, 1913, p. 413.

[2596] G. Flügel, Alkindi, genannt der Philosoph der Araber, ein Vorbild seiner Zeit, Leipzig, 1857.

F. Dieterici, Die Naturanschauung und Naturphilosophie der Araber im zehnten Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1861.

O. Loth, Al-Kindi als Astrolog. in Morgenländische Forschungen. Festschrift für Fleischer, Leipzig, 1875, pp. 263-309.

A. Nagy, Die philosophischen Abhandlungen des Al-Kindis, 1897 in Beiträge z. Gesch. d. Philos. d. Mittelalt., II, 5.

A. A. Björnbo and S. Vogl, Alkindi, Tideus, und Pseudo-Euclid, Drei Optische Werke, Leipzig, 1911, in Abhandl. z. Gesch. d. Math. Wiss., XXVI, 3.

For further bibliography see the last-named work and Steinschneider (1905) 23-4, 47, (1906) 31-33.

The Apology of Al Kindy (Sir Wm. Muir, London, 1882) is a defense of Christianity by another writer of about the same time.

[2597] Astrorum iudicis Alkindi, Gaphar de pluviis imbribus et ventis ac aeris mutatione, ex officina Petri Liechtenstein: Venetiis, 1507.

[2598] Amplon. Quarto 151, fols. 17-19.

[2599] In the 1412 catalogue of Amplonius, Math. 48 was “Theorica Alkindi de radiis stellicis seu arcium magicarum vel de phisicis ligaturis”; and at present Amplon. Quarto 349, 14th century, fols. 47v, 65v, 66r-v, 16r-v, 29r, contains “Liber Alkindi de radiis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / Explicit theorica artis magis (sic). Explicit Alkindi de radiis stellicis.”

Harleian 13, 13th century, given by John of London to St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury (#1166, James, 330-1), fols. 166-74, “de radiis stellicis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / explicit Theoria Artis Magice Alkindi.”

Digby 91, 16th century, fols. 66-80, Alkindus de radiis stellarum, “Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”

Digby 183, end 14th century, fols. 38-45.

Selden supra 76 (Bernard 3464), fols. 47r-60v, “Incipit theoreita artium magicarum. Capitulum de origine scientie. Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”; Selden 3467, #4.

Canon. Misc. 370, fols. 240-59, “Explicit theoria magice artis sive libellus Alkindi de radiis stellatis anno per me Theod. scriptus Domini 1484....”

Rawlinson C-117, 15th century (according to Macray, but since the MS once belonged to John of London it is more likely to be 13th century), fols. 157-69, “Incipit theorica Alkindi et est de causis reddendis circa operationes karacterum et conjurationes et suffumigationes et ceteris huiusmodi quae pertinent ad artem magicam. ‘Omnes homines qui sensibilia.’ ...”

BN nouv. acq. 616, 1442 A.D., Liber Jacobi Alchindi de radiis.

CU Trinity 936 (R. 15, 17) 17th century, Alkyndus de Radiis.

Ste. Geneviève 2240, 17th century, fol. 32 (?)—since the treatise is listed between two others which begin at fols. 68 and 112, respectively—“Alkyndus de radiis; de virtute verborum.”

Steinschneider (1906), 32, has already listed four of these MSS, but was mistaken in thinking Cotton Appendix VI, fols. 63v-70r, “Explicit Iacob alkindi de theorica planetarum,” the same treatise as The Theory of the Magic Art.

[2600] In Digby 91 Roger Bacon on Perspective is followed by Alkindi on the rays of the stars, while in Digby 183 a marginal note to Alkindi’s treatise reads “Nota hoc quod est extractum de libro Rogeri Bakun de celo et mundo, capitulo de numero celorum,” and following the work of Alkindi we have Bacon on the retardation of old age and perhaps also de radiis solaribus.

[2601] Edited by Nagy (1897). A MS of the late 12th or early 13th century which Nagy fails to note is Digby 40, fols. 15v-25, de somno et visionibus.

[2602] Nagy, p. 18, “Quare autem videamus quasdam res antequam sint? et quare videamus res cum interpretatione significantes res antequam sint? et quare videamus res facientes nos videre contrarium earum?”

[2603] Spec. astron. cap. 7. More fully the Incipit is, “Rogatus fui quod manifestem consilia philosophorum....”

[2604] Digby 68, 14th century, fols. 124-35, Liber Alkindii de impressionibus terre et aeris accidentibus. CU Clare College 15 (Kk. 4, 2), c. 1280, fols. 8-13, “In nomine dei et eius laude Epistola Alkindi de rebus aeribus et pluviis cum sermone aggregato et utili de arabico in latinum translata.”

Steinschneider (1906) 32 gives the title as De impressionibus aeris, and suggests that it is the same as a De pluviis or De nubibus, which seems to be the case, as they have the same Incipit—Steinschneider (1905) 13—as does a De imbribus in Digby 176, 14th century, fols. 61-63. Steinschneider also suggested that BN 7332, De impressionibus planetarum was probably the same treatise; and this is shown to be true by the Explicit of Alkindi’s treatise in another MS, Cotton Appendix VI, fol. 63v, “Explicit liber de impressionibus planetarum secundum iacobum alkindi.” See also BN 7316, 7328, 7440, 7482.

The opening words of an anonymous Tractatus de meteorologia in Vienna 2385, 13th century, fols. 46-49, show that it is the Alkindi. A very similar treatise on weather prediction, De subradiis planetarum or De pluviis, is ascribed to Haly and exists in three Digby MSS (67, fol. 12v; 93, fol. 183v; 147, fol. 117v) and in some other MSS noted by Steinschneider. It belongs, I suspect, together with a brief Haly de dispositione aeris (Digby 92, fol. 5) which Steinschneider listed separately.

[2605] Some notion of the number of these astrological treatises on the weather may be had from the following group of them in a single MS.

Vienna 2436, 14th century, fols. 134-6, “Finitur Hermanni liber de ymbribus et pluviis”

136-8, Iohannes Hispalensis, Tractatus de mutatione aeris

139, Haomar de pluviis

139-40, Idem de qualitate aeris et temporum

140, de pluvia, fulgure, tonitruis et vento

140-1, Dorochius, De hora pluvie et ventorum caloris et frigoris

141, Idem, De hora pluvie

141-2, Alkindus, alias Dorochius, De aeris qualitatibus

142, Idem, De imbribus

143, Jergis, De pluviis

198, 206, Iacobus Alkindus, Liber de significationibus planetarum et eorum naturis, alias de pluviis.

[2606] Their titles are listed by Steinschneider (1906) 99; 31-3. We may note BN 6978, 14th century, Incipit epistola Alkindi Achalis de Baldac philosophi de futurorum scientia; Corpus Christi 254, fol. 191, “de aspectibus”—a fragment from a 14th century MSS.

[2607] MSS of Robert’s translation of Alkindi’s Judgments are numerous in the Bodleian library: Digby 91, fol. 80-; Ashmole 179; 209; 369; 434; and extracts from it in other MSS. It opens, “Quamquam post Euclidem.”

[2608] CLM 392, 15th century, fol. 80-; 489, 16th century, fols. 207-21.

[2609] O. Loth (1875), pp. 271-2; at 280-2 he gives the Latin of the passage in question from Albumasar, following the Arabic of Alkindi at 273-9.

[2610] E. Wiedemann in Journal f. praktische Chemie, 1907, p. 73, et seq.; cited by Lippmann (1919) p. 399.

[2611] Bridges, Opus Maius, I, 262, note.

[2612] Steinschneider (1905), p. 47.

[2613] HL 21, 499-503.

[2614] Spec. astron. cap. 6. He gives the Incipit of the Experiments of Albumasar as “Scito horam introitus” which serves to identify it with the following:

Amplon. Quarto 365, 12th century, fols. 1-18, liber experimentorum.

Ashmole 369-V, 13th century, fols. 103-23v, “ ... incipit liber in revolutione annorum mundi. Perfectus est liber experimentorum....”

Ashmole 393, 15th century, fol. 95v, “Item Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum mundi sive de experimentis....”

BN 16204, 13th century, pp. 302-333, “Revolutio annorum mundi.... Perfectus est liber experimentorum Albumasar....”

Arsenal 880, 15th century, fol. 1-.

Arsenal 1036, 14th century, fol. 104v.

Dijon 1045, 15th century, fol. 81-.

Other MSS containing Experiments of Albumasar but where I am not sure of the wording of the Incipit are:

Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fol. 123-, Liber experimentorum.

Harleian 1, fols. 31-41, de experimentis in revolutione annorum mundi.

CLM 51, 1487, and 1503.

Vienna 2436, 14th century, following John of Spain’s translation of the Introductorium magnum at fols. 1-85 and a Liber magnarum coniunctionum at fols. 144-98, comes at fol. 242, “Liber experimentorum seu Capitula stellarum oblata regi magno Sarracenorum ab Albumasore.” The Incipit here is “Dispositio est ut dicam ab ariete sic initium” but the treatise is incomplete.

In some MS at Oxford which I cannot now identify the Flores of Albumasar close with the statement that the book of Experiments will follow. A different hand then adds “The following work is Albumazar on the revolutions of years,” while a third hand adds the explanation, “And according to some authorities it and the book of experiments are one,” which is the case.

In some MSS, however, another treatise on revolutions accompanies the Experiments. In Amplon. Quarto 365 it is followed at fols. 18-27 by Sentencie de revolucione annorum, while in Laud. Misc. 594 it is preceded at fol. 106 by Liber Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum collectus a floribus antiquorum philosophorum, which is the same as the Flores.

[2615] The distinction between these various works is made quite clear in BN 16204, 13th century, where at pp. 1-183 is John of Spain’s translation of the Liber introductorius maior in eight parts; at 183-302 the Conjunctions, also in eight parts; at 302-333 the Revolutio annorum mundi or Liber experimentorum; at 333-353 the Flores, and at 353-369 the De revolutione annorum in revolutione nativitatum, which opens “Omne tempus breve est operandi....” At the same time the Explicit of this treatise bears witness to the ease with which these works of Albumasar are confused, for it was at first written, “Explicit liber albumasar de revolutione annorum mundi,” and some other hand has crossed out this last word and substituted “nativitatis.”

[2616] Conciliator, Diff. 156.

[2617] Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fols. 137-41, Liber Sadan, sive Albumasar in Sadan. “Dixit Sadan, Audivi Albumayar dicentem quod omnis vita viventium post Deum est sol et luna / Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasar.”

Cat. cod. astrol. Graec. V, i, 142, quotes from a 15th century MS, “Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasaris per Sadan discipulum cuius (eius?) et vocatur liber Albumasaris in Sadan.”

The treatise, according to Steinschneider (1906), 36-8, is also found in Amplon. Quarto 352.

CLM 826, 14th century, written and illuminated in Bohemia, fols. 27-33, Tractatus de nativitatibus, “Dixit Zadan: audivi Albumazar dicentem....”

[2618] Steinschneider (1906), 36-38.

[2619] Cat. cod. astrol. Graec. V, i, 142. In Vienna MS 10583, 15th century, 99 fols., we find a “de revolutionibus nativitatum” by Albumasar “greco in latinum.”

[2620] BN 7316, 15th century, #13, liber imbrium secundos Indos ... authore Jafar; so too BN 7329, 15th century, #6; BN 7316 #16, de mutatione temporum secundum Indos, seems, however, to be another anonymous treatise on the same subject. Perhaps the following, although not so listed in the catalogue, is by Albumasar.

Digby 194, fol. 147v-“Sapientes Indi de pluviis indicant secundum lunam, considerantes ipsius mansiones / quum dominus aspectus aspicit dominum vel est ei conjunctus.”

[2621] Corpus Christi 233, 13-15th century, fol. 122-“Japhar philosophi et astrologi Aegyptii. Cum multa et varia de nubium congregatione precepta Indorum traxit auctoritas....”

Cod. Cantab. Ii-I-13, “Incipit liber Gaphar de temporis mutatione qui dicitur Geazar Babiloniensis. Universa astronomiae iudicia prout Indorum....”

[2622] The text printed in 1507 and 1540 is Hugo’s translation. So is Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456) 14th century, fols. 20r-24r, “Incipit liber imbrium editum a Iafar astrologo et a lenio et mercurio (Cilenio Mercurio) correcto.” See also Savile 15 (Bernard 6561), Liber imbrium ab antiquo Indorum astrologo nomine Jafar editus, deinde a Cylenio Mercurio abbreviatus.

[2623] Digby 68, 14th century, fol. 116-“Ysagoga minor Japharis mathematici in astronomiam per Adhelardum Bathoniencem ex Arabico sumpta. Quicunque philosophie scienciam altiorem studio constanti inquireris....”

Sloane 2030, fols. 83-86v, according to Haskins in EHR (1913), but my notes, which it is now too late to verify, suggest that it is a fragment occupying less than a page at fol. 87.

[2624] By Carra de Vaux in Journal asiatique, 9e série, I, 386, II, 152, 420, with a French translation; and by Nix, Leipzig, 1900, with a German translation, also printed separately in 1894.

[2625] Galen, ed. Chart. X, 571; Constantinus Africanus, ed. Basel, 1536, pp. 317-21; Arnald of Villanova, Opera, Lyons, 1532, fol. 295, and also in other editions of his works; H. C. Agrippa, Occult Philosophy, Lyons, 1600, pp. 637-40.

[2626] HL XXVIII, 78-9.

[2627] Idem.

[2628] Additional 22719, 12th century, fol. 200v, “Quesivisti fili karissime de incantatione adjuratione colli suspensione....” In view of this and the citations of the work by Albertus Magnus who wrote before Arnald of Villanova, I cannot agree with Steinschneider (1905), pp. 6 and 12, in denying that Constantinus translated the work and in ascribing the translation exclusively to Arnald.

[2629] Florence II, III, 214, 15th century, fols. 72-4, “Liber Unayn de incantatione. Quesisti fili karissime....”

[2630] De vegetabilibus, V, ii, 6.

[2631] Mineral. II, ii, 7, and II, iii, 6.

[2632] Mineral. II, iii, 6 (ed. Borgnet, V, 55-6).

[2633] I am not certain as to this word: it is sizamelon in one text, sesameleon in another.

[2634] “Quorum enim actio ex proprietate est non rationibus, unde sic comprehendi non potest. Rationibus enim tantum comprehenduntur que sensibus subministrantur. Aliquando ergo quedam substantie habent proprietatem ratione incomprehensibilem propter sui subtilitatem et sensibus non subministratum propter altitudinem sui magnam.” I doubt if these last three words refer to the influence of the stars.

[2635] Liber de differentia spiritus et animae, or De differentia inter animam et spiritum. The prologue opens: “Interrogasti me—honoret te Deus!—de differentia....”

[2636] Steinschneider (1866), p. 404; (1905), p. 43, “wovon ich das Original in Gotha 1158 erkannte.“

[2637] So in Corpus Christi 114, late 13th century, fol. 229, and at Paris in the following MSS of the 13th or 14th century mostly: BN 6319, #11; 6322, #11; 6323, #6; 6323A; 6325, #17; 6567A; 6569; 8247; 16082; 16083; 16088; 16142; 16490.

[2638] Specific illustrations of such confusions between the two names in the MSS are: BN 6296, 14th century, #15, “ ... authore filio Lucae Medici Constabolo”; Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 2784, 12th century, “Constaben”; Sloane 2454, late 13th century, “Liber differentiae inter animam et spiritum quem Constantinus Luce amico suo scriptori Regis edidit.”

[2639] Constantinus Africanus, Opera, Basel, 1536, pp. 307-17, “Qui voluerit scire differentiam, que est inter duas res .../ ... Hec igitur de differentiis spiritus et anime tibi dicta sufficiant, valeto.” Edited more recently by S. Barach, Innsbruck, 1878, pp. 120-39.

[2640] Theorica, III, 12.

[2641] Corpus Christi 154, late 13th century, pp. 356-74, ascribed to Augustine in both Titulus and Explicit.

[2642] S. Marco 179, 14th century, fols. 57-9, 83, Liber Ysaac de differentia spiritus et animae.

[2643] CU Gonville and Caius 109, 13th century, fols. 1-6v, “Avicenna de differencia spiritus et anime.”

[2644] So says Coxe, anent Corpus Christi 114, and Steinschneider (1905), p. 43.

[2645] Migne, PL 40, 779-832.

[2646] By Trithemius; but earlier so cited by Vincent of Beauvais (PL 40, 779-80). See also Exon. 23, 13th century, fol. 196v.

[2647] Migne, PL 40, 779-80.

[2648] Both passages were excerpted by Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, XXIX, 41.

[2649] De Renzi (1852-9) IV, 189; Petrocellus is very brief on the cells of the brain.

[2650] Singer (1917), pp. 45 and 51, has noted that Hildegard’s description of the brain as divided into three chambers is anteceded by the Liber de humana natura of Constantinus, and contained “in the writings of St. Augustine.”

[2651] PL 40, 795, cap. 22.

[2652] De proprietatibus rerum, III, 10 and 16; V, 3.

[2653] Similarly E. G. Browne (1921), p. 123, writing of Arabian medicine and Avicenna, says, “Corresponding with the five external senses, taste, touch, hearing, smelling, and seeing, are the five internal senses, of which the first and second, the compound sense (or ‘sensus communis’) and the imagination, are located in the anterior ventricle of the brain; the third and fourth, the co-ordinating and emotional faculties, in the mid-brain; and the fifth, the memory, in the hind-brain.” Galen had somewhat similar ideas.

[2654] De Genesi ad litteram, VII, 18 (PL 34, 364).

[2655] The fullest treatment of him will be found in D. A. Chwolson, Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, Petrograd, 1856, 2 vols., passim. For a list of his works see Steinschneider. Zeitschrift f. Math., XVIII, 331-38.

[2656] There is some difficulty with these dates or their Arabic equivalents, because we are not certain whether the length of his life is given in lunar or solar years: see Chwolson, I, 532-3, 547-8.

[2657] Bridges, I, 394.

[2658] Carra de Vaux, Avicenne, Paris, 1900, p. 68.

[2659] Chwolson, II, 406, 422, 431, 440, 453, 610, 703.

[2660] Ibid., I. 741; II, 7, 258, 386, 677, etc.

[2661] Chwolson, II, 386-97, 500, 525, 530, 676.

[2662] Ibid., I, 737.

[2663] Ibid., II, 30, 373.

[2664] Ibid., II, 411, 658, 839.

[2665] Ibid., II, 253.

[2666] Ibid., I, 738.

[2667] Ibid., I, 733-4.

[2668] Ibid., II, 19, 148, 150.

[2669] Ibid., II, 21, 138-9.

[2670] Ibid., I, 526; II, 141.

[2671] Quoted by Bishop Gregory Bar-hebraeus in his Syrian Chronicle: Chwolson, I, 177-80.

[2672] Chwolson, I, 195; II, 623.

[2673] Ibid., I, 482-3.

[2674] Again there seems to be uncertainty as to dates, since the Arabic sources name a caliph who was not contemporary with the philosopher in question: Chwolson, I, 548-9.

[2675] Chwolson, I, 485. Chwolson perhaps lays himself open a little to the charge of arguing in a circle, since Thebit’s writings are his main source concerning Sabianism.

[2676] Ibid., I, 553-64, for a list of his translations of, extracts from, and commentaries upon Greek works.

[2677] Ibid., I, 484.

[2678] BN 10260, 16th century, “Incipit liber Karastoni de ponderibus .../ ... editus a Thebit filio Core.” Also in BN 7377B, 14-15th century, #3; 7424, 14th century, #6; Vienna 5203, 15th century, fols. 172-80. For other MSS see Björnbo (1911) 140.

[2679] Harleian 13, fol. 118-Thebit de motu octave spere; fol. 120v-Liber Thebith ben Corath de his qui indigent expositione antequam legitur Almagestum; 123-Liber Thebit de ymaginatione spere et circulorum eius diversorum; 124v-Liber Thebith de quantitatibus stellarum et planetarum.

Also in Harl. 3647, #11-14; Tanner 192, 14th century, fol. 103-; BN 7195, 14th century, #12-15; Magliabech. XI-117, 14th century; CUL 1767 (Ii. III, 3) 1276 A. D., fols. 86-96; and many other MSS.

[2680] Delambre (1819) 73.

[2681] Chwolson, I, 551.

[2682] BN 6514, #10, Thebit de alchymia; Amplon. Quarto 312, written before 1323 A.D., fol. 29, Notule Thebith contra alchimiam.

[2683] A work on judgments is ascribed to him in a Munich MS, CLM 588, 14th century, fol. 189-Thebites de iudiciis; followed by, 220-Liber iudicialis Ptolomei, 233-Libellus de iudiciis, and 238-Modus iudicandi. The treatise on fifteen stars, fifteen herbs, and fifteen stones, which as we have seen is usually ascribed to Hermes or Enoch, is attributed to Thebit in at least one MS, BN 7337, page 129-.

[2684] I, 551.

[2685] Lyons 328, fols. 70-74, Liber prestigiorum Thebidis (Elbidis) secundum Ptolemeum et Hermetem per Adhelardum bathoniensem translatus, opening, “Quicunque geometria atque philosopia peritus astronomiae expers fuerit ociosus est.” In this MS the treatise closes with the words, “ut prestigiorum artifex facultate non decidat.” This seems to be the only MS known where the translation is ascribed to Adelard of Bath. It seems to have once been part of Avranches 235, 12th century, where the same title is listed in the table of contents. Haskins, in EHR (1911) 495, fails to identify the work, calling it “a treatise on horoscopes.” It is to be noted, however, that Albertus Magnus in listing bad necromantic books on images in the Speculum astronomiae (cap. xi, Borgnet, X, 641) gives the same Incipit for a liber praestigiorum by Hermes, “Qui geometriae aut philosophiae peritus, expers astronomiae fuerit ...” Undoubtedly the two were the same.

[2686] Of John of Seville’s translation the MSS are more numerous. The following will serve as a representative. Royal 12-C-XVIII, 14th century, fols. 10v-12r, “Dixit thebyth bencorat et dixit aristoteles qui philosophiam et geometriam exercet et omnem scientiam legit et ab astronomia vacuus fuerit erit occupatus et vacuus quod dignior geometria et altior philosophia est ymaginum scientia. / Explicit tractatus de imaginibus Thebith Bencorath translatus a Iohanne Hyspalensi atque Limiensi in Limia ex Arabico in Latinum. Sit laus deo maximo.”

This is the version cited by Michael Scot in his Liber Introductorius (Bodleian 266, fol. 200) where he gives the Incipit, “Dixerunt enim thebith benchorath et aristoteles quod si quis philosophiam ...,” etc., substantially as above.

But now comes a good joke on Albertus, who has listed among good astronomical books of images (Speculum astronomiae, cap. xi, Borgnet, p. 642) the work of “Thebith eben chorath” opening “Dixit A. qui philosophiam ...” which of course is that just mentioned. Thus he condemns one translation of the same book and approves the other; is he perhaps having some fun at the expense of the opponents of both astrology and necromancy?

It will be noted that it is Aristotle, rather than Hermes or Ptolemy, who is cited at the start in John of Seville’s translation. I therefore am uncertain whether Chwolson has our treatise in mind, when he speaks of Thebit’s commenting upon “eine pseudohermetische Schrift über Talismane u.s.w.” In the printed text of 1559 Aristotle and Ptolemy are cited in the first paragraph, but in the MSS Aristotle is cited twice.

[2687] Some other MSS differ slightly from the foregoing in their opening words, but perhaps not enough to suggest a third translation:

Ashmole 346, 16th century, fols. 113-15v, “Incipit liber de ymaginibus secundum Thebit. In nomine pii et misericordis Dei. Dixit Thebit qui geometrie aut Philosophie expers fuerit.”

Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456), written in Spain, 14th century, fols. 75r-75v, “Dixit thebit bencorat Ar. qui legit phylosophiam et geumetriam et omnem scientiam et alienus fuerit ab astronomia erit impeditus vel occupatus.”

The following MSS ascribe the translation to John of Spain and have the usual opening words, “Dixit Thebit ben Corat, Dixit Aristoteles, qui philosophiam, etc.”

Digby 194, 15th century, fol. 145v-.

S. Marco XI-102, 14th century, fols. 150-53.

Berlin 963, 15th century, fol. 140-“Dixit thebit ben corach Cum volueris operari de ymaginibus,” but then at fol. 199, with the usual Incipit.

Harleian 80 has the first part missing but ends, fol. 76r, like John’s translation.

Still other MSS are:

Harleian 3647, 13th century.

Sloane 3846, fols. 86v-93; 3847; and 3883, fols. 87-93: all three 17th century.

Amplon. Quarto 174, 14th century, fols. 120-1.

BN 7282, 15th century, #4, interprete Joanne Hispalensi.

Berlin 964, 15th century, fols. 213-5.

Vienna 2378, 14th century, fols. 41-63.

CLM 27, 14-15th century, fols. 71-77; 59, 15th century, fols. 239-43.

Florence II-iii-214, 15th century, fols. 1-4, “Incipit liber Thebit Benchorac de scientia omigarum et imaginum. (D) ixit Aristotiles qui.”

[2688] De tribus imaginibus magicis, Frankfurt, 1559.

[2689] Mineral. II, iii, 3.

[2690] Magliabech. XX-20, fol. 12r; Sloane 1305, fol. 19r.

[2691] Conciliator, Diff. X., fol. 16GH, in ed. Venice, 1526.

[2692] Commentary on the Sphere, cap. 3.

[2693] Also given as Muhammad ibn Zakariya (Abu Bakr) ar-Razi and Abu Bekr Mohammed ben Zachariah.

[2694] Withington in his Medical History, 1894, gives the date as 932, perhaps by a misprint.

[2695] Ibn Abi Usaibi’a (1203-1269, himself a physician and son of an oculist) “Sources of Information concerning Classes of Physicians,” compiled at Damascus, 1245-1246, ed. by Müller, Cairo, 1882; and Ibn Khallikan (1211-1282), “Obituaries of Men of Note,” written between 1256 and 1274.

For these titles and most of the general account of the life and works of Rasis which follows I am indebted to G. S. A. Ranking’s “The Life and Works of Rhazes,” pp. 237-68, in Transactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, London, 1913.

[2696] The list is reproduced by Ranking (1913) in Arabic and Latin, largely on the basis of a MS at the University of Glasgow, which contains a Latin translation by a Greek priest, who died in 1729, of the Arabic work of Usaibi’a, or part of it, mentioned in the previous note: Hunterian Library, MS 44, fols. 1-19v.

[2697] I have examined both these editions at the British Museum; Withington does not mention them in his History of Medicine, but cites editions of the Continens, Venice, 1542, and Opera Parva, 1510, and a modern edition (1858) by the Sydenham Society of On the Small Pox and Measles. The pages are not numbered in the edition of 1481, so that I shall not be able to give exact references to them.

[2698] This was sometimes reproduced separately: see Wolfenbüttel 2885, 15th century, fol. 1, Phisonomia Rasis, fol. 2, Phisonomia Aristetelis, Rasis et Philomenis, summorum magistrorum in philosophia.

[2699] It occupies but a little over three pages in the 1481 edition. Since in the middle of the treatise we read “Magister rasis fecit cauterizari quidem artheticum ...,” etc., it is perhaps by a disciple rather than Rasis himself.

[2700] 79, Dissertatio de causis quae plerorumque hominum animos a praestantissimis ad viliores quosque medicos solent deflectere.

124, Liber, Quod medicus acutus non sit ille qui possit omnes curare morbos quoniam hoc non est in hominum potestate ...,

125, Epistola, Quod artifex omnibus numeris absolutus in quacumque arte non existat nedum in medicina speciatim: et de causa cur imperiti medici, vulgus, et etiam mulieres in civitatibus, foeliciores sint in sanandis quibusdam morbis quam viri doctissimi et de excusatione medici hoc propter.

There appears to be a German translation by Steinschneider of this work by Rasis on the success of quacks and charlatans in Virchow’s Archiv f. Pathologische Anatomie, XXXVI, 570-86.

[2701] Ranking (1913), #180, 15, 138, 163.

[2702] Ibid., #137; also 145, Supplementum libris Plutarchi.

[2703] Ibid. #126, Liber, De probatis et experientia compertis in arte medica; per modum syntagmatis est digestus. #205, Liber, Quod in morbis qui determinari atque explicari non possunt oporteat ut medicus sit assiduus apud aegrotantem et debeat uti experimentis ad illos cognoscendos. Et de medici fluctatione.

[2704] Ibid. #25, 26, 32-35, 38, 40. I should guess that 201, Arcanum arcanorum de sapientia, was the same as 35, Arcanum arcanorum.

[2705] Ibid. #40, Responsio ad philosophum el-Kendi eo quod artem al-Chymi in impossibili posuerit.

[2706] Berthelot (1893), I, 68 and 286-7. On the alchemy of Rasis see further in this same volume the chapter, L’Alchimie de Rasis et du Pseudo-Aristote.

[2707] BN 6514 and 7156.

[2708] Riccardian 119, fol. 35v, “Incipit liber luminis luminum translatus a magistro michahele scotto philosopho.” Printed by J. Wood Brown (1897), p. 240 et seq.

[2709] Lippmann (1919), p. 400, citing the Biographies of Albaihaqi (1105-1169).

[2710] Ranking, #8.

[2711] Ibid. #107.

[2712] Ranking, #134. Other titles in mathematics and astronomy are: 73, Liber de sphaeris et mensuris compendiosis; 128, De septem planetis et de sapientia; 155, De quadrato in mathesi epistola; also 109 and 110.

[2713] Ibid. #13.

[2714] Ibid. #51.

[2715] Ibid. #158, De necessitate precationis.

[2716] Printed as the Lapidary of Aristotle, Merseburg, 1473, p. 2.

[2717] See De la Ville de Mirmont, L’Astrologie chez les Gallo-Romains, Bordeaux, 1904; also published in Revue des Études anciennes, 1902, p. 115-; 1903, p. 255-; 1906, p. 128-.

[2718] Goujet (1737), p. 50; cited by C. Jourdain (1838), pp. 28-9.

[2719] HL IV, 274-5; V, 182-3; VI, 9-10.

[2720] Palat. Lat. 487, fol. 40, opening, “Nouo et insolito siderum ortu infausta quaedam uel tristitia potius quam laeta uel prospera miseris uentura significari mortalibus pene omnia ueterum aestimauit auctoritas.”

[2721] HL VII, 137.

[2722] Ernest Wickersheimer, Figures médico-astrologiques des neuvième, dixième et onzième siècles, in Transactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History of Medicine, London, 1913, p. 313 et seq. I have not seen A. Fischer Aberglaube unter den Angelsachsen, Meiningen, 1891, or M. Förster, Die Kleinlitteratur des Aberglaubens im Altenglischen, in Archiv. f. d. Studium d. Neuer. Sprachen, vol. 110, pp. 346-58.

[2723] Charles Singer, Studies in the History and Method of Science, Oxford, 1917, Plate XV, opposite p. 40, reproduces this illumination. The MS, BN 7028, seems to have once belonged to the abbey of St. Hilary at Poitiers.

[2724] Besides those in France mentioned by Wickersheimer may be noted two of the tenth century at Munich: CLM 18629, fol. 105, “Tabula cosmica cum nominibus ventorum, germanicorum quoque”; CLM 18764, fols. 79-80, “Schema de genitura mundi.” Also Vatic. Lat. 645, 9th century, fol. 66, Ventorum imagines et in circulo Adam in medio ferarum; fol. 66v, Planetarum figura. This same MS contains a conjuration written in a later hand of the eleventh or twelfth century: fol. 4v, “In nomine patris.... Tres angeli ambulaverunt in monte....”

For such an astrological diagram in an Arabic work of the tenth century see E. G. Browne (1921), 117-8.

[2725] Amiens, fonds Lescalopier, 2, 11th century, fols. 1-12.

[2726] For instance, for February, “Bibe agrimoniam et apii semen; oculos turbulentos sanare debes”: for March, “Merum dulce primum bibe, assum balneum usita, sanguinem non minuas, ruta et levestico utere.”

[2727] Ibid., fols. 11 and 19.

[2728] Pembroke 278, early 14th century, fol. 25, “Compotus est sciencia considerans tempora.”

[2729] BN nouv. acq. 1616, 14 leaves.

[2730] BN 7299A.

[2731] BN 7299A, fols. 35v, 37v, 56r.

[2732] Notker is especially famed for his translations with learned commentaries from Latin into German, of which five are extant, namely: The Consolation of Philosophy of Boethius, The Marriage of Mercury and Philology of Martianus Capella, the Psalter, and Aristotle, De categoriis and De interpretatione: see Piper, Die Schriften Notkers, Freiburg, 1882-1883, vols. I-III.

[2733] BN nouv. acq. 229, fols. 10v-14v. Notker erkenhardo discipulo de IIII questionibus compoti. It seems not to have been printed.

[2734] Cotton Tiberius A, III, a MS written in various hands before the Norman conquest, partly in Latin and partly in Anglo-Saxon, and containing among other things the Colloquy of Aelfric. Our item occurs at fol. 34r in Latin with an Anglo-Saxon interlinear version, and at fol. 39v in Anglo-Saxon only.

Cotton Titus D, XXVI, 10th century, fols. 10v-11v, gives a slightly different version for some days of the week.

[2735] Harleian 3017, 10th century, fols. 63r-64v, CLM 6382, 11th century, fol. 42, Supputatio Esdrae; Incipit, “Kal. Jan. si fuerint dominico die hiems bona erit.”

Vatican, Palat. Lat. 235, 10-11th century, fol. 39, “Subputatio quam subputavit Esdras in templo Hierusalem,” opening, “Si in prima feria fuerint kl. Ianuarii hiemps bona erit.”

Also found in Egerton 821, fol. 1r, which is of the twelfth century and adds a more elaborate method of divination according to what planet rules the first hour of the first night of January and which of its 28 mansions the moon is in.

CLM 9921, 12th century, fol. 1, is a calendar with verses beginning, “Jani prima dies et septima fine timetur.”

[2736] Sloane 475, this portion perhaps 11th century, fol. 217r. Other MSS of later date than the period we are now considering are: Harleian 2258, fol. 191, “prognostica a die nativitatis Domini a luna et somniis petita,” predictions from Christmas, the moon, and dreams. CUL 1338, 15th century, fol. 65v, Prognostications derived from the day on which Christmas falls (in Latin); fol. 74v, Prognostications drawn from the day of the week on which the year commences. CU Trinity 1109, 14th century, fol. 148, “Prognostica anni sequentis ex die natalium Domini.”

[2737] BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, fol. 12v. Similar later MSS are:

Digby 86, 13th century, fols. 32-4, Prognosticatio ex vento in nocte Natalis Domini, and fols. 40v-41r, “Les singnes del jour de Nouel,” predictions in French according to the day of the week on which Christmas falls.

Digby 88, 15th century, fol. 77, “Howe all ye yere ys rewlyde by the day that Christemas day fallythe on,” and fol. 40r, “Prognostication from the sight of the sun on Christmas and the ten days following” (Prognosticatio ex visione solis in die Natalis Domini et in decem diebus subsequentibus), and fol. 75, a poem of prognostications for Christmas day. This same MS contains a large number of other brief anonymous treatises in the fields of astrology and divination.

[2738] Titus D, XXVI, fol. 9v. Tiberius A, III, fols. 38r and 35r. Cockayne, Leechdoms etc., III, 150-295, in RS vol. 35, published this and a number of other extracts from Tiberius A, III, and other early English MSS.

Vienna 2245, 12th century, fols. 59r-69v are devoted to various prognostications, beginning with, “Three days are to be observed above all others,” and ending with, “Thunder at dawn signifies the birth of a king.” A dream book by Daniel follows at fols. 69v-75r.

[2739] Vatican Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40, “In mense Ianuario si tonitru fuerit.” In Egerton 821, 12th century, the significance of thunder is given according to the twelve signs of the zodiac, and we are told of what the Egyptians write, and of famine in Babylon. In CUL 1687, 13-14th century, fols. 68v-69r, Latin verses containing prognostications concerning thunder are followed by “a list of the number of quarters of flour, beer, etc., used in the year at the monastery” and by “a note on the symbolism of the pastoral staff.”

[2740] Combined with the method by the day of the week in BN 7299A, 12th century, fol. 37v.

[2741] Tiberius A, III, fol. 63r; Vatican Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40.

[2742] Tiberius A, III, fol. 38v.

[2743] Sloane 475, fol. 135v.

[2744] Sloane 475, fol. 133r. The method is almost identical with that of the spheres of life and death, of which we shall speak presently. In CU Trinity 987, The Canterbury Psalter, about 1150 A. D., the value assigned Dies Solis is 24.

[2745] Vatic. Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40, “De lunae observatione: Luna I omnibus rebus agendis utilis.”

Tiberius A, III, fol. 63r, where, however, such parts of the day as morning and evening are further distinguished.

Vatic. Palat. Lat. 485, 9th century, fol. 15v, “Ad sanguinem minuendum,” merely states which days of the moon are favorable or unfavorable for blood-letting.

St. John’s 17, 1110 A. D., fol. 4, Luna quibus diebus bona est et quibus non; fol. 154v, a table of lucky and unlucky numbers.

[2746] Harleian 3017, fol. 58v; the Incipit states that it is by the same author as the preceding Sphere of Pythagoras and Apuleius.

Titus D, XXVI, fol. 8.

Cotton Caligula A, XV, 10th century, fol. 121v, Latin and Anglo-Saxon.

Egerton 821, fol. 32r, is a twelfth century instance.

The method seems combined or confused with the Egyptian days in Vatic. Palat. Lat. 485, 9th century, fol. 13v, “Dies aegyptiaci. Signa in quibus aegrotus an periclitare aut evadere non potest,” but opening, “Luna I. qui ceciderit in infirmitatem difficile euadit.”

[2747] Harleian 3017, fol. 58v, “Incipit lunarium sancti danihel de nativitate infantium. Luna I qui fuerit natus vitalis erit; Luna II, mediocris erit ... Luna IIII, tractator regum erit ... Luna XII, religiosus erit ... Luna XXX, negotias multas tractabit.”

Tiberius A, III, fols. 63r and 34v.

Titus D, XXVI, fols. 7v and 6v.

[2748] Tiberius A, III, fol. 33v. Titus D, XXVI, fol. 9r. CLM 6382, 11th century, fol. 42, De somni ueris uel mendosis quidam incipiunt in aetatibus lunae exploratis.

[2749] Tiberius A, III, fols. 30v-33v, “Finiunt somnia danielis prophete.”

Sloane 475, fols. 211-6, is almost identical, but I believe does not mention Daniel as its author.

Vatic. Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 39v.

BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, is roughly similar but names no author and does not distinguish the fates of boys and girls. It usually states whether slaves who run away and thieves who steal on the day in question will be caught or escape. It opens and closes thus: “Luna prima qui incenditur in ipsa sanabitur et bona et in omnibus dare et accipere et nubere et navigare in mare et vendere et emere et omnis quicumque fugerit in ipsa aut servus aut liber non poterit sed capitur aut qui incendit incendio sanabitur (presumably an allusion to the medical practice of cauterization) et qui natus fuerit vitalis erit .../ ... Luna XXX bona est ambulare in piscatione et qui fugit post multos annos revertitur in loco suo et qui natus fuerit dives erit et honoratissimus erit et qui incadit aut manducet aut non vivet periculo mortis habebit.”

Titus D, XXVII, fols. 22-25r, “judicia de diebus quibusdam cuiusque mensis”; fols. 27-9, “argumentum lunare, quando et qualiter observentur tempora ad res agendas.”

Of the twelfth century, Vienna 2532, fols. 55-9, “Luna I. Hec dies omnibus egrotantibus utilis est .../ ... Puer natus negotia multa sectabit.”

[2750] Sloane 2461, end of 13th century, fols. 62-4. No Biblical character is mentioned for the fifth and sixth days, but we are told that on the seventh day of the moon Abel was slain by Cain.

BN 3660A, 16th century, fols. 53r-57r, ascribes the birth of Nebuchadnezzar to the fifth day, leaves the sixth blank, has Abel slain on the seventh, Methusaleh born on the eighth, Lamech on the ninth, and so on.

Egerton 821, 12th century, fol. 12r, “Natus est Samuel propheta....”

Digby 88, 15th century, fol. 62r, has English verses beginning:

“God made Adam the fyrst day of the moone,

And the second day Eve good dedis to doone.”

A similar poem occurs at fol. 64 of the same MS and in Ashmole 189, fol. 213v.

[2751] Ashmole 361, mid 14th century, fols. 156v-158v, “Iste sunt lunaciones quas Adam primus homo disposuit secundum veram experientiam quam etiam suis filiis tradidit et quam maxime Abel et ceteris de posteritate ad quos etiam concordavit Daniel propheta ...”; fol. 159, “Modo agitur de numero lune ad videndum que sit bona vel que mala et usum istarum lunacionum invenerunt Adam et Daniel propheta.”

[2752] Canon. Misc. 517, fol. 35r, “Incipit scientia edita ab edri philosopho astrologo et medico.”

[2753] BN 3660A, fols. 53r-57r. In the catalogue of Ashburnham MSS at Florence the name of Giovannino di Graziano is connected with a moon-book in Ashburnham 130, 13-15th century, fols. 25-6, “Luna prima Adam natus fuit....” But perhaps this name should go only with some prognostications, exorcisms, and recipes which occur at the close of the predictions for the thirty days of the moon.

[2754] Ed. Leemans, 1833-1885.

[2755] Bouché-Leclercq (1899), 537-42; (1879-1882), I, 258-65. Berthelot, Alchimistes grecs (1888), I, 86-90. K. Sudhoff (1902), pp. 4-6.

[2756] Arundel 319, 13th century, fol. 2r, Versus de faustis vel infaustis nominibus pugnantium, is a medieval Latin example.

[2757] Printed among treatises of dubious or spurious authorship with Bede’s works, Migne, PL 90, 963-6; and more recently in Riess’ edition of the fragments of Nechepso and Petosiris (Philologus, Suppl. VI, 1891-1893, pp. 382-3) from Cod. Laur. XXXVIII, 24, 9-10th century, fol. 174v. Wickersheimer (1913), pp. 315-7, notes BN 17868, 10th century, fol. 13. For other MSS see Appendix I to this chapter.

[2758] Printed by Paul Lehmann, Apuleiusfragmente, Hermes XLIX (1914), 612-20. For a list of some MSS of it see Appendix I at the close of this chapter.

[2759] Polycraticus I, 13, ed. Webb, I, 54. Mr. Webb in a note refers to an article in a German periodical (K. Gillert, Neues Archiv d. Gesellschaft f. ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, V, 254) concerning a MS of the Sphere of Pythagoras preserved at Petrograd, but says nothing of the MSS in the British Museum listed in Appendix I to this chapter,—a good illustration of the unnecessary obsequiousness of English towards German scholarship which has frequently prevailed in the past.

[2760] A few of them will be found listed in Appendix I to this chapter.

[2761] Egerton 821, 12th century, fol. 15r, “Hec est spera quod fecit sanctus Donatus. Quicumque egrotare incipit....” It is followed on the next page by the usual figure for the Sphere of Apuleius.

[2762] Harleian 1735; the passages referred to in the following account occur at fols. 36v, 41, 43, 29, 44v, 40, and 39v respectively.

[2763] See Appendix II to this chapter for a list of MSS other than those mentioned in the following notes.

[2764] BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, fol. 12r.

[2765] Digby 63, end of 9th century, fol. 36.

[2766] Ibid., fols. 40-5.

[2767] CU Trinity 1369, 11th century, fol. iv.

[2768] BN 7299A, 12th century, fol. 37v.

[2769] For further information on this point see Budge, Egyptian Magic, 1899, pp. 225-8; Webster, Rest Days, 1916, pp. 295-7.

[2770] Webster (1916), pp. 300-301, however, speaks of 30 in a 14th century MS, 32 in an English MS of Henry VI’s reign, and 31 in another 15th century MS.

[2771] Cited by Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque, 1899, pp. 485-6, 623.

[2772] De proprietatibus rerum, 1488, Lindelbach, Heidelberg, IX, 20. This is not to say, however, that they always appear in medieval calendars; I did not find them in any of the 14th and 15th century calendars from Apulia and Iapygia published by G. M. Giovene, Kalendaria vetera, Naples, 1828. His calendars consist of little save saints’ days, although in some of them the beginning of dog-days is marked and when the sun enters each sign of the zodiac.

[2773] “Black earth” was the name given by the Egyptians to their country.

[2774] Imago mundi, II, 109.

[2775] Speculum naturale, XVI, 83, printed by Anth. Koburger, Nürnberg, 1485.

[2776] HL 25, 329. My impression is that some medieval astronomers also denied to these Egyptian days any astrological importance, since they always came upon the same days of the months without reference to the phases of the moon or courses of the other planets: but I cannot put my hand on such passages.

[2777] And is approvingly cited to that effect by Arnald of Villanova, Regulae generales curationis morborum. Doctrina IV.

[2778] Ashmole 361, mid 14th century, fols. 158v-159.

[2779] BN 7337, 14-15th century, p. 75. Ad-Damîrî states in his zoological lexicon, (ed. A. S. G. Jayaker, 1906, I, 134) that Mohammed is reported to have said, “Be cautious of twelve days in the year, because they are such as cause the loss of property and bring on disgrace or dishonor.”

[2780] M. Hamilton, Greek Saints and Their Festivals, 1910, p. 187, states that “in all parts of (modern) Greece on certain days of August and March it is considered necessary to abstain from particular kinds of work in order to avoid disaster.”

[2781] Mention may perhaps be made in this connection of the “Tobias nights,” three nights of abstinence which newly wedded couples were sometimes accustomed to observe in the middle ages in order to defeat the demons. The practice is mentioned in the Vulgate, but not in most ancient versions of the Book of Tobit. In 1409 the citizens of Abbeville won a lawsuit with the bishop of Amiens who claimed the right to grant dispensations from the observance of the Tobias nights and required that fees be paid him for that purpose. See J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 498-520, where analogous practices of primitive tribes are listed.

[2782] Bateson, Medieval England, 1904, p. 72; I have in the main followed the fuller account in DNB “Gerard,” from which the previous quotation is taken. William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum, III, 118 (ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, RS, vol. 52, 1870) does not say definitely that the book found under Gerard’s pillow was Firmicus. Also he says nothing of boys stoning the bier or of Gerard’s enemies interpreting his death as a divine judgment, and in his autograph copy of the Gesta Pontificum he afterwards erased the statements that rumor accused Gerard of many crimes and lusts, and that he was said to practice sorcery because he read Julius Firmicus on the sly before the midday hours, and that people say that a book of curious arts was found beneath his pillow when he died. This, the late medieval chroniclers say, was Firmicus: see Ranulf Higden, ed. Lumby, VII, 420, and Knyghton, ed. Twysden, X, SS., 2375.

[2783] Firmicus Maternus, ed. Kroll et Skutsch, II (1913), p. iv; and F. Liebermann, ed. Quadripartitus, Halle, 1892, p. 36, and Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, Halle, 1903-1906, I, 548.

[2784] C. Jourdain, Nicolas Oresme et les astrologues à la cour de Charles V, in Revue des Questions Historiques, 1875, p. 136.

[2785] English translation, ed. of 1898, p. 508.

[2786] N. Valois (1880), p. 305.

[2787] Additional 17,808, a narrow folio in vellum with all the treatises written in the same large, plain hand with few abbreviations. A considerable part of the MS is occupied by the work on music of Guido of Arezzo (c. 995-1050). This MS is not noted by Wickersheimer or by Bubnov, although it includes treatises on the abacus and the astrolabe which are perhaps by Gerbert.

[2788] BN 17,868, from the chapter of Notre Dame of Paris, 21 leaves. Wickersheimer (1913), 321-3, states that it has all the marks of the writing of the tenth century: Delisle so dated it. Bubnov (1899), LXVII, regards fols. 14r et seq. as by a slightly older hand than the first portion.

[2789] Bubnov (1899), 124-6, note.

[2790] CLM 560, described in Bubnov, Gerberti opera mathematica, 1899, p. xli.

[2791] Ibid., fols. 16r-19, Fragmentum libelli de astrolabio a quodam ex Arabico versi. Incipit, “Ad intimas summe phylosophie disciplinas et sublimia ipsius perfectionis archisteria.” Printed by Bubnov (1899), pp. 370-75.

[2792] Incipit “Quicumque astronomiam peritiam disciplinae”; the printed editions insert a discere after astronomiam, but it has not been there in the MSS which I have seen and is not needed. Printed by Pez, Thesaurus Anecdotorum Noviss. III, ii, 109-30, (1721) and incorrectly ascribed by him to Hermannus Contractus, because it often occurs in the MSS together with another treatise on the astrolabe by a “Herimannus Christi pauperum peripsima et philosophiae tyronum asello imo limace tardior assecla.” Of this last we shall have more to say presently. The edition of Pez reappears in Migne, PL vol. 143. Bubnov (1899), 114-47, gives a new edition, and at pp. 109-13 a list of the MSS of the work, in which, however, he fails to note the following: and they are also absent from his general index of 153 codices at pp. xvii-xc. BM Additional MS 17808, 11th century, fols. 73v-79r, under the title as in other MSS of “Regulae ex libris Ptolomei regis de compositione astrolapsus.” Yet Bubnov says, p. cxvi, “Catalogues of Additional MSS (omnia volumina inspexi, quae ante a. 1895 edita sunt).” BM Egerton 823, 12th century, fol. 4r. BN 7412, 12th and 13th centuries, fols. 1-9, “Waztalkora sive tract. de utilitatibus astrolabii.” Professor D. B. Macdonald suggests that Waztalkora is for rasmu-l-kura, “the describing of the sphere in lines.”

[2793] (1899), p. 370.

[2794] (1899), p. 374.

[2795] Ep. 24.

[2796] (1899), p. 370.

[2797] P. 109.

[2798] Bubnov (1899), 370.... “Hoc opusculum ex Arabico versum ad manum habuit, retractavit dicendique genere expolivit.”

[2799] Printed by Pez. Thesaur. Anecdot. Noviss. III, ii, 95-106. “Herimannus Christi pauperum peripsima et philosophiae tyronum asello imo limace tardior assecla.” The MSS are numerous.

[2800] Digby 174, fol. 210v; also noted by Bubnov (1899), p. 113. Hermann’s dedicatory prologue, however, does not give his friend’s name in full, but reads in this MS, “B. amico suo.”

[2801] See Clerval, Hermann le Dalmate, Paris, 1891, in Compte rendu du Congrès scientifique international des catholiques, Sciences Historiques, 163-9. Also, I believe, published separately as Hermann le Dalmate et les premières traductions latines des traités arabes d’astronomie au moyen âge, Paris, Picard, 1891, 11 pp. Clerval adduced only one MS in support of his contention and took up the untenable position that Arabic astronomy was unknown in Latin until the twelfth century. He also did not distinguish between the different works on the astrolabe.

[2802] Munich CLM 14836, fols. 16v-24r. BM Royal 15-B-IX, fol. 51r-: in both cases followed by the treatise of twenty-one chapters.

[2803] Professor Haskins has announced as in preparation an article on Hermann the translator which will perhaps solve the difficulties.

[2804] In a Berlin manuscript of the twelfth century (Berlin 956, fol. 11) there is added a note in a thirteenth century hand recounting the legend that this Hermann was the son of a king and queen and that, his mother having been asked before his birth whether she would prefer a handsome and foolish son or a learned and shamefully ugly one and she having chosen the latter alternative, he was born hunchbacked and lame. It was from this MS of the treatise on the astrolabe that Pertz edited the legend in the Monumenta Germaniae (Scriptores, V, 267). Rose (1905), p. 1179, calls the writer of this note Berengar, too, asking anent the opening words of the note, “De isto hermanno legitur in historia,” “Aus welcher historia hat der Schreiber (Berengarius) seine Fabeln?” The note at the close of the treatise in Digby 174, fol. 210v, gives a different version of the legend, stating that Hermann was a good man and dear to God and that one day an angel offered him his choice between bodily health without great wisdom and the greatest science with corporal infirmity. Hermann chose the latter and afterwards became a paralytic and gouty.

[2805] This treatise, in which Hermann expresses amazement that Bede has so underestimated the duration of the moon, immediately precedes the one on the astrolabe in BN nouv. acq. 229, a German MS of the twelfth century, fols. 17r-19r (formerly pp. 265-269). After the treatise on the astrolabe follows a third work by Hermann, “de quodam horologio,” fols. 25v-28r. Then follows the treatise in twenty-one chapters on the astrolabe.

These citations alone are sufficient to demonstrate the error of Clerval’s assertion: (1891), 165. “On ne peut invoquer aucune preuve sérieuse en faveur d’Hermann Contract. Jacques de Bergame et Trithème ... sont les premiers qui aient attribué au moine de Constance les traités en question.”

[2806] Bubnov (1899) 372. “Habet etiam ex divinitatis archana institutione et physica lata ratione cum omnibus mundanis creaturis concordiam in rebus omnibus, secundum phisiologos non parvam congruentiam....” Bubnov unfortunately used only one of his four MSS in printing this text, and there often seems to be something wrong with it or with his punctuation. This criticism applies more especially to the passage quoted in the following footnote.

[2807] Ibid., “Et ut Chaldaicas reticeam gentilogias (sic) qui omnem humanam vitam astrologicis attribuunt rationationibus et quosdam constellationum effectus per xii signa disponunt, quique etiam conceptiones et nativitates, hominumque mores, prospera seu adversa ex cursu siderum explicare conantur. Quod illorum tamen frivolae superstitiositati concedendum est, dum omnia divinae dispositioni commendanda sint. Illud est ovum a nullo forbillandum (Bubnov suggests the reading furcillandum in parentheses, but sorbillandum seems to me the obvious reading), nisi prius foetidos inscitiae exhalaverit ructus et feces mundialium evomerit studiorum.” The passage is rather incoherent as it stands, but I hope that I have correctly interpreted its meaning.

[2808] III, 43-45.

[2809] Ademarus Cabannensis, who died about 1035 (Bubnov, 1899, 382-3). For Gerbert’s sources in Barcelona see J. M. Burnam, “A Group of Spanish Manuscripts,” in Bulletin Hispanique, Annales de la Faculté des Lettres de Bordeaux, XXII, 4, p. 329.

[2810] III, 48-53.

[2811] “Plurima me docuit Neptanebus ille magister” (Bubnov, 381).

[2812] De rebus gestis regum Anglorum, II, 167-8.

[2813] Bodleian 266, fol. 25r.

[2814] Bubnov (1899), 391. On Gerbert as a magician see further J. J. I. Döllinger, Die Papst-Fabeln des Mittelalters, Munich, 1863, pp. 155-59.

[2815] Digby 83, quarto in skin, well written in large letters with few abbreviations and illustrated with many figures in red, 76 leaves. For the Incipits of the four books and their prologues see Macray’s Catalogue of the Digby MSS.

[2816] Another indication of mathematical activity in tenth century England is provided by some old verses in English in Royal 17-A-I, fols. 2v-3, which state that Euclid’s geometry was introduced into England “Yn tyme of good kyng Adelstones day.” Usually the first Latin translation of Euclid is supposed to have been that by Adelard of Bath in the early twelfth century. Halliwell (1839), 56.

[2817] Digby 83, fol. 24, “Epistola Ethelwodi ad Girbertum papam. Domino summo pontifici et philosopho Girberto pape athelwoldus vite felicitatem.. ..” Gerbert of course did not become pope until long after Ethelwold’s death, but this Titulus and Incipit are open to suspicion anyway, since if Gerbert had become pope he should have been addressed as Pope Silvester. The article on Ethelwold (DNB) states that “a treatise on the circle, said to have been written by him and addressed to Gerbert, afterwards Pope Silvester II, is in the Bodleian Library (1684, Bodl. MS. Digby 83, f. 24).” William of Malmesbury mentioned “Adelboldum episcopum, ut dicunt, Winterbrugensem” as the author of the letter to Gerbert, quoted by Bubnov (1899), 388.

[2818] It has always been so printed: by Pez, Olleris, Curtze, and Bubnov, and seems to be ascribed to him in most MSS, for which and other evidence pointing to the bishop of Utrecht as author see Bubnov (1899), 300-309, 41-45, 384, etc. Bubnov, however, failed to note Digby 83 either in connection with this letter or at all in his long list of mathematical MSS (XVII-CXIX). It may therefore be well to note that the letter as given in Digby 83 differs considerably from the version printed by Bubnov. It in general omits epistolary amenities which do not bear directly on the mathematical question in hand, notably the entire first paragraph of Bubnov’s text and the close of the second and third paragraphs. It also abbreviates portions of the fifth paragraph and the last sentence of the eighth and last paragraph. On the other hand after the first sentence of the fifth paragraph of Bubnov’s text it inserts the following passage which seems to be missing in Bubnov’s text of the letter: “Si quis ergo vult invenire quadraturam circuli dividat lineam in VII partes spatiumque unius septime partis semotim ponat. Deinde lineam in VII divisam in duo distribuat et spatium alterius duorum separatim ponat. Post hoc lineam in VII partitam triplicet cui triplicate spatium unius septime quod semoverat adiciat. Ipsa denique totam in IIII partiatur quarum quarta angulis directis per lineam quadrangulam metiatur. Ad ultimum sumpto spatio alterius duorum quod prius reposuerat deposito puncto in medio quadranguli eodem spatio circumducat circinum (circulum) et sic inveniet circuli quadraturam.”

[2819] Bubnov (1899), 41-42, “quod tantum virum quasi conscolasticum iuvenis convenio.”

[2820] Bubnov does not include it in his edition of the mathematical works of Gerbert, but as we have seen he was unaware of the existence of this MS, i.e., Digby 83.

[2821] And also to the Incipit of a treatise in a tenth century MS at Paris, BN 17,868, fol. 14r, “Quicumque nosse desiderat legem astrorum....” The treatise or fragment in this Paris MS seems to end at fol. 17r, or at least at fol. 17v, after which most of the few remaining leaves of the MS, which has only 21 leaves in all, are blank. There is some similarity of contents, but the Paris MS is more astrological. Possibly, however, it is a different part of, or rather extracts from the same work, since we shall see reasons for thinking that the text in Digby 83 is incomplete.

[2822] At least such seems to me to be the meaning of the passage, fol. 21r, “Quippe cum aliquando per situm gentium ipsarum positionem stellarum demonstrati simus precognita populorum habitatione rei effectus ad faciliorem curret eventus.”

[2823] Fol. 22r.

[2824] Fol. 76r, the closing words are, “Quod autem de elementis diximus idem de temporibus deque humoribus intellige sicut hec figura evidentissime designat.” But the figure is not given.

[2825] Fol. 27v.

[2826] Fol. 31v, “per que predicti planete revoluti diversa in diversis possunt et etiam secundum genethliacos bonum quidam in quibusdam malum vero in quibusdam quidam nativitatibus hominem astruunt.”

[2827] Fol. 32r.

[2828] Fol. 36r.

[2829] Fol. 59r, “Herastotenes.”

[2830] Fol. 21r-v.

[2831] Fol. 32r.

[2832] De rebus gestis regum Anglorum, II, 167.

[2833] Addit. 17808, fols. 85v-99v, “Mathematica Alhandrei summi astrologi. Luna est frigide nature et argentei coloris / oculis descriptio talis subiciatur”: and CLM 560, fols. 61-87, which I have not seen but which from the description in the catalogue is evidently the same treatise and has the same Incipit, although no author or title seems to be given.

[2834] Bodleian 266, fol. 179v, “libellum fortune faciens mentionem de tribus faciebus signorum et planetis regnantibus in eisdem ... mulieres docte.”

[2835] BN 2598, 15th century, fol. 108r.

[2836] BN 17868, fols. 2r-12v. “Incipit liber Alchandrei” (Wickersheimer) or Alchandri (Bubnov) “philosophi. Luna est frigide nature et argentei coloris.” In a passage of Addit. 17808, fol. 86v, where the years from the beginning of the world are being reckoned, the year of writing is apparently given as 1040 A. D., but the existence of the treatise in BN 17868 shows that it was written before 1000. Also there is something wrong with the passage mentioned in Addit. 17808—as is very apt to be the case with such figures in medieval MSS—for the number of years from the beginning of the world to the birth of Christ is given as 4970 and then the sum of the two as 6018 instead of 6010 years, while at fol. 85v other estimates are given of the number of years between the Creation and the Incarnation.

[2837] The spellings of such proper names vary in the different MSS or even in the same one.

[2838] Steinschneider (1905) 30, briefly notes “Alcandrinus,” however. See below, p. 715 of the present chapter.

[2839] Addit. 17808, fol. 85v; BN 17868, fol. 2r.

[2840] Addit. 17808, fols. 86r-87r; BN 17868, fol. 3v.

[2841] Addit. 17808, fols. 87v-88r.

[2842] BN 17868, fol. 2r; Addit. 17808, fol. 85v; “Iuxta que quia omnia humana secundum nutum dei disponuntur per septem planetas que subter (subtus) feruntur eorum nobis potestas innuitur”: BN 17868, fol. 3r; Addit. 17808, fol. 86v, “Per has autem vii planetas quia ut diximus et adhuc probabimus humana fata disponuntur regulam certam demus qua in quo signo queque sit pronoscatur.” Only in a third passage does he attribute such views to the mathematici; Addit. 17808, fol. 88v, “Cum sint signa xii in zodiaco cumque iuxta mathematicos et secundum horum diversissimos potestates fata omnium ita volente sapientissimo domino disponantur....”

[2843] Addit. 17808, fol. 89r, “Que quum ita discernuntur non falsa opinio persuasit istis humana principaliter gubernante domino moderari cum itaque ut mundus homo unusquisque ex his iiii compaginetur elementis.”

[2844] Addit. 17808, fol. 89v. But the lists are left incomplete and a blank leaf, which is also left unnumbered, follows in the MS.

[2845] BN 17868, fol. 5r: Addit. 17808, fol. 90r, “Hec sunt xxviii principales partes vel astra per que omnium fata disponuntur et indubitanter tam futura quam presentia prenuntiantur a quocumque itus reditus ortus occasus horum horoscoporum iocundissimo auxilio diligenter providentur.”

[2846] BN 17868, fol. 5v.

[2847] BN 17868, fol. 6r.

[2848] BN 17868, fol. 9r-; Addit. 17808, fols. 94v-95v.

[2849] BN 17868, fol. 10r; Addit. 17808, fol. 96r.

[2850] Addit. 17808, fol. 97r.

[2851] Addit. 17808, fol. 97v. In BN 17868, fol. 11r, we read, “Explicit liber primus. Incipit liber secundus.” And then begins the letter of Argafalaus with the words, “Regi macedonum Alexandro astrologo et universa philosophia perfectissimo Argafalaus servuus suus condicione et nacione ingenuus caldeus, professione vero secundus ab illo astrologus.”

[2852] Addit. 17808, fol. 99r-v. This does not appear in BN 17868 which goes on to discuss various astrological influences of the 12 hours of the day and of the night. After this there is a space left blank in the middle of fol. 12v: then more is said concerning hours of the planets and interrogations until at the bottom of fol. 13r comes the letter of Phethosiris to Nechepso. But no definite ending is indicated either of the letter of Argafalaus or the Liber Secundus of Alchandrus.

In a MS now missing but listed in the late 15th century catalogue of the MSS in the library of St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury (No. 1172, James 332) was a “Breviarium alhandredi su’m astrologi et peritissimi de soia (scienda?) qualibet ignota nullo decrete.” This was one of the MSS donated to the monastery by John of London.

BN 4161, 16th century, #5, Breviarium Alhandriae, summi Astrologi de scientia qualiter ignota nullo indicante investigari possit.

[2853] Addit. 17808, fol. 89r, “figuram quam super hac re Alexander Macedo composuit diligentissime posterius describemus”; fol. 95r, “Hinc Alexander macedo dicit eclipsin solis et lune certissima ratione colligi”; fol. 96r. “Aut iuxta alexandrum macedonem draco quasi octava planeta.”

[2854] Ashmole 369, late 13th century, fols. 77-84v. “Mathematica Alexandri summi astrologi. In exordio omnis creature herus huranicus inter cuncta sidera XII maluit signa fore .../ ... nam quod lineam designat eandem stellam occupat. Explicit.” A further discussion of the contents of this work will be found below in Chapter 48, vol. II, p. 259.

[2855] BN 17868, fol. 17r. The Incipit is the same as in Ashmole 369. The work here seems to be incomplete, since after fol. 17v most of the remaining leaves of the MS (which has 21 fols. in all) are blank.

[2856] The vowels being represented by the consonants following, a common medieval cipher.

[2857] All Souls 81, 15th century, fols. 145v-164r. “Cum sint 28 mansiones lune....” Coxe was mistaken in thinking that the work of Alkandrinus continued to fol. 188 and was in two parts, for at fol. 163r we read, “Expliciunt iudicia libri Alkandrini que sunt in divisione triplici 12 signorum que sunt apparencie per certa tempora super terram.” Moreover, the seven chapters on the planets which follow end at fol. 183v “ ... finem fecimus. Completa fuit hec compilatio in conversione sancti pauli apostoli anno domini 1350 (1305?) vacante sede per mortem Benedicti undecimi cuius anima requiescat in pace. Amen.” It would therefore seem that some compiler has made an extract from Alchandrus on the twenty-eight mansions.

[2858] BN 10271, fols. 9r-52v, “Incipit liber alchandrini philosophi de nativitatibus hominum secundum compositionem duodecim signorum celi, quem reformavit quidem philosophus cristianus prout patet, quia in quibusdam differt iste liber ab antiquo primordiali. Primo facies arietis in homine sive in masculo. Alnaliet est prima facies arietis....”

[2859] Steinschneider (1905), 30.

[2860] The editio princeps seems to be “Arcandam doctor peritissimus ac non vulgaris astrologus, de veritatibus et praedictionibus astrologiae et praecipue nativitatum seu fatalis dispositionis vel diei cuiuscunque nati, nuper per Magistrum Richardum Roussat, canonicum Lingoniensem, artium et medicinae professorem, de confuso ac indistincto stilo non minus quam e tenebris in lucem aeditus, re cognitus, ac innumeris (ut pote passim) erratis expurgatus, ita ut per multa maxime necessaria et utilissima adiecerit atque adnotaverit modo eiusdem dexteritate praelo primo donatus.” Paris, 1542.

The British Museum also contains another Latin edition of Paris, 1553; French editions of Rouen, 1584 and 1587, Lyons 1625; and English versions printed at London, 1626 (translated from the French), 1630, 1637, and 1670.

[2861] BN 7349, 15th century, fol. 56r, seems only a fragment of the work; BN 7351, 14th century, takes up the various signs.

[2862] CLM 527, 13-14th century, fols. 36-42, de physica signorum et supernascentium et aegrotantium.

[2863] Addit. 15236, English hand of 13-14th century, fols. 130-52r “libellus Alchandiandi.” BN 7486, 14th century, “Incipit liber alkardiani phylosophi. Cum omne quod experitur sit experiendum propter se vel propter aliud....”

[2864] The set in which the first line reads, “Tuum indumentum durabit tempore longo.”

[2865] Very probably this title was derived from the Incipit just given in note 4, p. 716.

[2866] See Sloane 2472, 3554, 3857.

[2867] BN 17868, fol. 14r-16v. The letter of Petosiris on the sphere of life and death at fol. 13r-v “Incipit epistola Phetosiri de sphaera” separates this treatise or fragment from the preceding liber Alchandri philosophi. Also this treatise is in a different and slightly older hand than fols. 2-13 are, or at least such was Bubnov’s opinion (1899), 125, note.

[2868] BN 17686, fol. 14v, “que sarraceni nuncupant ita.”

[2869] Berlin 165 (Phillips 1790), 9-10th century. I have not seen the MS, but follow Rose’s full description of it in his Verzeichnis der lateinischen Handschriften, I, 362-9.

[2870] Cod. Casin. 97 Gal. I, 24-51.

[2871] Berlin 165, fol. 88.

[2872] Ibid., fols. 40-2.

[2873] Ibid., fol. 39v.

[2874] Edited with an English translation, which I employ in my quotations, by Rev. Oswald Cockayne in vol. II of his Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England, in RS vol. 35, in 3 vols., London, 1864-1866. The relation of Bald and Cild to the work is indicated by the colophon at the close of the second book: “Bald habet hunc librum, Cild quem conscribere iussit,”—“Bald owns this book; Cild is the one he told to write (or copy?) it.” The following third book is therefore presumably of other authorship.

[2875] J. F. Payne, English Medicine in Anglo-Saxon Times, 1904, p. 155.

[2876] Book I, cap. 87.

[2877] I, 45.

[2878] I, 85.

[2879] III, 47.

[2880] I, 86.

[2881] I, 68.

[2882] II, 66.

[2883] I, 45.

[2884] I, 63.

[2885] II, 65.

[2886] III, 61.

[2887] Sloane 475 (olim Fr. Bernard 116), 231 leaves, including two codices, one of the 12th century, which is also medical but with which we shall not deal at present, and the other of the 10th or 11th century and written in different hands. The MS is mutilated both at the beginning and the close.

Sloane 2839, 11th century, 112 leaves.

[2888] Sloane 2839, fols, iv-3, “Liber Cirrurgium Cauterium Apollonii et Galieni.” James, Western MSS in Trinity College, Cambridge, III, 26-8, describes fifty drawings, chiefly of surgical operations, in MS 1044, early 13th century. By that date cauterization seems to have become less common.

[2889] Professor T. W. Todd thinks that I am too severe upon the practice of cauterization, and that it may sometimes have served as a counter-irritant like mustard plasters and the blister.

[2890] Sloane, 2839, fols. 79v-80v.

[2891] “Ad stomachum ubi ferro operare non oportes sansugias apponas.”

[2892] Imbrocare. I have not discovered exactly what it means.

[2893] Sloane 475, fol. 224r; Sloane 2839, fol. 97r.

[2894] Sloane 475, fol. 133, et seq.

[2895] Sloane 475, fol. 224v.

[2896] Sloane 475, fols. 1-124. At fol. 36r occurs the familiar pseudo-letter of Hippocrates to Antigonus; at fols. 8v-10r is a passage almost identical with that at the close of the De medicamentis of Marcellus, 1889, p. 382; an incantation from Marcellus is repeated at fol. 117v. At fol. 37r we read “Explicit Liber II. Incipit Liber Tertius ad ventris rigiditatem”; at fol. 60r, “Explicit liber tertius. Incipit Liber IIII”; at fol. 85r, “Incipit Liber V.”

[2897] See fol. 110r, “Cros, oros, comigeos, delig(c)ros, falicros, spolicros, splena mihi”; and fol. 114r, “Opas, nolipas, opium, nolimpium.” Those who delight in ciphers will perhaps detect in the latter incantation a hidden allusion to opiates.

[2898] Fol. 117v; see Marcellus (1889), p. 123, cap. 12.

[2899] Fol. 111r.

[2900] Fol. 111v.

[2901] BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 7v (once p. 246), “nomina septem sanctorum germanorum dormientium que sunt hec, Maximianus, Malchus, Martinianus, Constantinus, Dionisius, Iohannes, Serapion.”

[2902] Sloane 475, fol. 122v.

[2903] “Ellum super ellam sedebat et virgam viridem in manu tenebat et dicebat, Virgam viridis reunitere in simul.”

[2904] Sloane 475, fol. 112v. Unintelligible letters follow.

[2905] Egerton 821, 12th century, fols. 52v-60v.

[2906] Ibid., fol. 53v, vultilis, which I assume should be vulturis rather than vituli, or bull-calf.

[2907] Egerton 821, fol. 57.

[2908] Ibid., fol. 58v.

[2909] Ibid., fol. 60r.

[2910] BN 7028, 11th century, fols. 136v, 140-3, 154r, and 156r.

[2911] BN nouv. acq. 229, 12th century, fols. 1r-10r (once pp. 233-51), opening, “Rationem observationis vestre pietati secundum precepta doctorum medicinalium ut potui....”

[2912] BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 2r. March is treated first and February last, while a similar discussion later in the same work (fols. 8r-9r, Quid unoquoque mense utendum quidve vitandum sit) begins with January.

[2913] BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 7.

[2914] Fol. 6r.

[2915] Fol. 4v.

[2916] Fols. 4v-5r.

[2917] Fol. 7r.

[2918] Fol. 7r-v.

[2919] Fol. 7v.

[2920] Fol. 9v.

[2921] What is known of the School of Salerno has already been briefly indicated in English by H. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, I, 75-86, and T. Puschmann, History of Medical Education, English translation, London, 1891, pp. 197-211. The standard work on the subject is Salvatore De Renzi, Collectio Salernitana, in Italian with Latin texts, published at Naples in five volumes from 1852 to 1859. It contains a history of the School of Salerno by Renzi and various texts brought to light and dissertations discussing them by Renzi, Daremberg, Henschel, and others.

Unfortunately this publication proceeded by the unsystematic piecemeal and hand-to-mouth method, and new texts and discoveries were brought to the editor’s attention during the process, so that the history of the school and the texts in the earlier volumes have to be supplemented and corrected by the fuller versions and dissertations in the later volumes. It is too bad that all the materials could not have been collected and more systematically arranged and collated before publication. Also some of the texts printed have but the remotest connection with Salerno, while others have nothing to do with medicine.

To this collection of materials some further additions have been made by P. Giacosa, Magistri Salernitani nondum editi, Turin, 1901.

For further bibliography see in the recent reprint of Harrington’s English translation, The School of Salerno (1920), pp. 50-52.

[2922] Notably Daremberg.

[2923] II, 59 (MG. SS. III, 600).

[2924] S. de Renzi, Collectio Salernitana, IV, 185, Practica Petroncelli, perhaps from an imperfect copy; IV, 315, Sulle opere che vanno sotto il nome di Petroncello. Heeg, Pseudodemocrit. Studien, in Abhandl. d. Berl. Akad. (1913), p. 42, shows that what Renzi printed tentatively as the table of contents and an extract from the third book of the Practica, is not by Petrocellus but by the Pseudo-Democritus, and that one MS of it dates from the ninth or tenth century.

[2925] Petrocellus, Περὶ διδάξεων, Eine Sammlung von Rezepten in englischer Sprache aus dem 11-12 Jahrhundert. Nach einer Handschrift des Britischen Museums herausg. v. M. Löweneck (in Anglo-Saxon and Latin), 1896, pp. viii, 57, Heft 12 in Erlanger Beiträge z. englischen Philologie. The treatise perhaps also contains selections from the Passionarius of Gariopontus. It had been published before in Cockayne, Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms, 1864-1866, III, 82-143.

[2926] Payne (1904), pp. 155-6.

[2927] Ibid., p. 148.

[2928] The Latin text reads, “liver of a hedgehog,” and doubtless either would be equally efficacious.

[2929] Quoted by Payne (1904), p. 152, from Cockayne’s translation.

[2930] Renzi (1852-9), IV, 185.

[2931] Renzi, IV, 190, “Propterea fili karissime cum diuturno tempore de medicina tractassemus omnipotentis Dei nutu admonitus placuit ut ex grecis locis sectantes auctores omnium causarum dogmata in breviloquium latino sermone conscriberemus.”

[2932] For the two passages on epilepsy see Renzi, IV, pp. 235 and 293.

[2933] Renzi, I, 417-516, Flos medicinae, a text of 2130 lines; V, 1-104, the fuller text of 3526 lines; 113-72, Notice bibliographique; 385-406, Notes choisies de M. Baudry de Balzac au Flos Sanitatis.

[2934] “Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni.” Some MSS have Francorum or Roberto instead of Anglorum.

[2935] Lines 2692-3.

[2936] K. Sudhoff, Zum Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, in Archiv f. Gesch. d. Medizin, VII (1914), 360, and IX (1915-1916), 1-9.

[2937] Arnald de Villanova, Opera, Lyons, 1532, fol. 147v.

[2938] Lines 1918-9, 1932-3, 1973-4, 1985, in Renzi’s first text of 2130 lines; in the fuller version they are somewhat more widely separated: lines 3053, 3130, 3227, 3267.

[2939] Lines 1845-55 or 2873-83.

[2940] Renzi, V, 377-8.

[2941] Ibid., 372-3.

[2942] Ibid., 379-81.

[2943] Ibid., 350.

[2944] Professor T. Wingate Todd comments upon this passage: “Of course this is post hoc propter hoc, but it is the typical history of a case of Bell’s palsy occurring after a ‘chill.’”

[2945] Renzi, V, 371, “Involuntariam urine emissionem quidam patiebantur et adhuc multi patiuntur et maxime servi et ancille qui male induti et discalciati incedunt, unde frigiditate incensa vesica fit quasi paralitica cum urinam nequeat continere.”

[2946] Giacosa (1901), pp. 71-166.

[2947] Giacosa (1901), p. 146.

[2948] Ibid., p. 145.

[2949] Renzi, V, 331-2.

[2950] Many of the works listed by Peter the Deacon and some others which he does not name have been printed under Constantinus’ name, either in the edition of the works of Isaac issued at Lyons in 1515, or in the partial edition of the works of Constantinus printed at Basel in 1536 and 1539, or in an edition of Albucasis published at Basel in 1541.

An early MS containing several of Constantinus’ works is Gonville and Caius 411, 12-13th century, fol. 1-, Viaticum, 69-de melancholia, 77v-de stomacho, 98v-de oblivione, 100r-de coitu, (no author is named for 109v-liber elefantie, 113-de modo medendi), 121-liber febrium, (169-de inamidarium Galieni).

The chief secondary investigations concerning Constantinus Africanus are:

Daremberg, Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux, 1853, pp. 63-100, “Recherches sur un ouvrage qui a pour titre Zad el-Monçafir en arabe, Ephrodes en grec, Viatique en latin, et qui est attribué dans les textes arabes et grecs à Abou Djafar, et dans le texte latin à Constantin.”

Puccinotti, Storia della Medicina, II, i, pp. 292-350, 1855, devoted several chapters to Constantinus and tried to defend him from the charge of plagiarism and to maintain that the Viaticum and some other works were original.

Steinschneider, Constantinus Africanus und seine arabischen Quellen, in Virchow’s Archiv für Pathologische Anatomie, etc., Berlin, 1866, vol. 37, pp. 351-410. This should be supplemented by pp. 9-12 of his Die europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen (1905).

[2951] Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux (1853), p. 86.

[2952] Histoire des Sciences Médicales (1870), I, 261.

[2953] Indeed Daremberg said in 1853 (p. 85, note) “dans le moyen âge beaucoup d’auteurs citent volontiers Constantine comme une autorité.”

[2954] Perhaps through the fault of the printer the list of the writings of Constantinus given by Peter the Deacon is defective as reproduced in tabular form by Steinschneider (1866), pp. 353-4. Steinschneider also incorrectly speaks of Leo of Ostia as well as Peter the Deacon as a source for Constantinus (p. 352, “Die Schriften Constantins sind bekanntlich von seinen alten Biographen, Petrus Diaconus und Leo Ostiensis verzeichnet worden”), since Leo’s portion of the Chronicle ends before Constantinus is mentioned.

[2955] Peter was born about 1107 and was placed in the monastery of Monte Cassino by his parents in 1115. He became librarian. Monumenta Germaniae, Scriptores, VII, 562 and 565.

[2956] Chronica Mon. Casinensis, Lib. III, auctore Petro, MG. SS. VII, 728-9; Muratori, Scriptores, IV, 455-6 (lib. III, cap. 35).

[2957] Petri Diaconi De viribus illustribus Casinensibus, cap. 23, in Fabricius, Bibl. Graec., XIII, 123.

[2958] Yet modern compilers and writers of encyclopedia articles invariably repeat “Carthage” and “Babylon.”

[2959] BN 14700, fol. 171v, cited by Baur (1903), who also notes parallel passages in Al-Gazel, Phil. tr. I, 1; and Avicenna, De divis. philos., fol. 141.

[2960] Gundissalinus and Daniel Morley. Al-Farabi’s list of eight mathematical sciences, including “the science of spirits,” was also reproduced by Vincent of Beauvais in the thirteenth century, Speculum doctrinale, XVI.

[2961] Possibly there is some confusion with Galen’s similar experience with the physicians of Rome, which Constantinus may have reproduced in some one of his translations of Galen in such a way as to lead the reader to consider it his own experience.

[2962] The words are the same both in the Chronicle and Illustrious Men: “quem cum vidissent Afri ita ad plenum omnibus (omnium?) gentium eruditum, cogitaverunt occidere eum.”

[2963] Pagel (1902), p. 644, “Vorher soll er kurze Zeit noch in Reggio, einer kleinen Stadt in der Nähe von Byzanz, als Protosekretär des Kaisers Constantinos Monomachos sich aufgehalten und das Reisehandbuch des Abu Dschafer übersetzt haben.” But Pagel gives no source for this statement.

Apparently the notion is due to the fact that a Greek treatise entitled Ephodia, of which there are numerous MSS and which seems to be a translation of the same Arabic work as that upon which Constantinus based his Viaticum, speaks of a Constantine as its author who was proto-secretary and lived at Reggio or Rhegium.

Daremberg (1853), p. 77, held that a Vatican MS of the Ephodia was of the tenth century and therefore this Greek translation could not be the work of Constantinus Africanus in the next century, but Steinschneider (1866), p. 392, only says, “Die griechische Uebersetzung des Viaticum soll bis in die Zeit Constantins hinaufreichen.”

Another MS, Escorial &-II-9, 16th century, fol. 1-, contains a “Commeatus Peregrinantium” whose author is called “Ebrubat Zafar filio Elbazar,” which perhaps designates Abu Jafar Ahmed Ibn-al-Jezzar, whom Daremberg and Steinschneider call the author of the Arabic original of the Viaticum. The work is said to have been translated into Greek “a Constantino Primo a secretis Regis,” which suggests that Constantinus was perhaps first of the royal secretaries rather than of Reggio either in Norman Italy or near Byzantium. The translation from Greek into Latin is ascribed to Antonius Eparchus. The opening sentences of each book of this Latin version from the Greek by Eparchus differ in wording but agree in substance with those of the Viaticum of Constantinus Africanus, if we omit some transitional sentences in the latter.

[2964] Opera (1536), p. 215.

[2965] De animalibus, XXII, i, 1.

[2966] Rawlinson C, 328, fol. 3. It is accompanied by the legend, “This is Constantinus, monk of Monte Cassino, who is as it were the fount of that science of long standing from the judgment of urines, and it has exhibited a true cure in all the diseases in this book and in many other books. To whom come women with urine that he may tell them what is the cause of the disease.” The illumination shows Constantinus seated, holding a book on his knees with his left hand, while he raises his right hand and forefinger in didactic style. He wears the tonsure, has a beard but no mustache, and seems to be approached by one woman and two men carrying two jars of urine.

[2967] See Margoliouth, Avicenna, 1913, p. 49.

[2968] Only the ten books of theory are printed in the 1539 edition of Constantinus.

[2969] Chirurgia, at pp. 324-41.

[2970] Opera omnia ysaac (1515), fol. 126v, “Liber decimus practice qui antidotarium dicitur in duas divisus partes.”

Isaac Israeli is the subject of the first chapter in Husik (1916), who calls him (p. 2) “the first Jew, so far as we know, to devote himself to philosophical and scientific discussions.”

[2971] Daremberg (1853), pp. 82-5, gives the prefaces of Ali and Constantinus in parallel columns.

[2972] Printed in 1492 with the works of Ali ben Abbas; Stephen’s translation was made at Antioch in Syria.

[2973] Steinschneider (1866), p. 359.

[2974] “Ultimam et maiorem deesse sensi partem, alteram vero interpretis callida depravatam fraude.”

[2975] Amplon. Octavo 62.

[2976] In his gloss to the Viaticum of Constantinus.

[2977] Berlin HSS Verzeichnis (1905), pp. 1059-65, to whom I owe the preceding references to Ferrarius and Giraldus.

[2978] Rose cites Bamberg L-iii-9. The two following MSS are perhaps also worth noting: The Pantegni as contained in CU Trinity 906, 12th century, finely written, fols. 1-141v, comprises only ten books. The first opens, “Cum totius generalitas tres principales partes habeat”; the tenth ends, “Unde acutum oportet habere sensum ad intelligendum. Explicit.”

St. John’s 85, close of 13th century, “Constantini africani Pantegnus in duas partes divisus quarum prima dicitur Theorica continens decem libros secunda dicitur Practica 33 capita continens,” as a table of contents written in on the fly-leaf states. The ten books of theory end at fol. 100r, “Explicit prima pars pantegni scilicet de theorica. Incipit secunda pars scilicet practica et est primus liber de regimento sanitatis.” This single book in 33 chapters on the preservation of health ends at fol. 116v, and at fol. 117r begins the Liber divisionum of Rasis.

[2979] In Berlin 898, a 12th century MS of Stephen’s translation of Ali’s Practica, this ninth section by Constantinus and John is for some reason substituted for the corresponding book of Stephen.

[2980] He calls himself, “iohannes quidam agarenus (Saracenus?) quondam, qui noviter ad fidem christiane religionis venerat cum rustico pisano belle filius ac professione medicus.”

[2981] The main objection to this theory is that Stephen of Pisa, translating in 1127, speaks as if the latter portion of Ali’s work was still untranslated. Rose therefore holds that John had not yet published his translation, although we have seen that he completed the surgical section by 1115.

[2982] In Opera omnia ysaac, Lyons, 1515, II, fols. 144-72, “Viaticum ysaac quod constantinus sibi attribuit”; in the Basel, 1536, edition of the works of Constantinus, pp. 1-167, under the title, “De morborum cognitione et curatione lib. vii”; in the Venice, 1505, edition of Gerardus de Solo (Bituricensis), “Commentum eiusdem super viatico cum textu”; and in the Lyons, 1511, edition of Rhazes, Opera parva Albubetri.

A fairly early but imperfect MS is CU Trinity 1064, 12-13th century.

Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 2, recognizes in its Titulus that the Viaticum is a translation, “Incipit Viaticum a Constantino in Latinam linguam translatam.”

[2983] Steinschneider (1866), 368-9.

[2984] See above, page 745, note 2.

[2985] In the 1515 edition of Isaac’s works, I, 11-, 156-, and 203-. Peter the Deacon presumably refers to these three works in speaking of “Dietam ciborum. Librum febrium quem de Arabica lingua transtulit. Librum de urinis.” Whether the two initial treatises in the 1515 edition of Isaac, dealing with definitions and the elements, were translated by Constantinus or by Gerard of Cremona is doubtful.

[2986] See CLM 187, fol. 8; 168, fol. 23; 161, fol. 41; 270, fol. 10; 13034, fol. 49, for 13-14th century copies of Galen’s commentary upon the Aphorisms of Hippocrates with a preface by Constantinus.

University College Oxford 89, early 14th century, fol. 90, Incipiunt amphorismi Ypocratis cum commento domini Constantini Affricani montis Cassienensis monachi; fol. 155, Eiusdem Prognostica cum Galeni commento, eodem interprete; fols. 203-61, Eiusdem liber de regimine acutorum cum eiusdem commento eodem interprete.

[2987] De viris illustribus, cap. 23, “ ... transtulit de diversis gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus praecipue ...”: Chronica, Lib. III, “ ... transtulit de diversorum gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus sunt hi praecipue....”

[2988] “Librum duodecim graduum” in De viris illus.: in the Chronicle, “Liber graduum.”

[2989] Edition of Basel, 1536, at pp. 280-98 and 215-74 respectively.

[2990] It is found in Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 51v.

[2991] Edition of 1536, pp. 283-4.

[2992] See below, Chapter 64.

[2993] Zeitsch. f. klass. Philol. (1896), pp. 1098ff.

[2994] J. A. Endres, Petrus Damiani und die weltliche Wissenschaft, 1910, p. 35, in Beiträge, VIII, 3.

[2995] James (1903), p. 59, “Tractatus Alfani Salernitanus de quibusdam questionibus medicinalibus.”

[2996] CU Trinity 1365, early 12th century, fols. 155-162v, Experimenta archiep. Salernitani.

[2997] Judging from its opening and closing words as given by James.

[2998] De coitu, edition of 1536, p. 306.

[2999] Viaticum, VI, 19.

[3000] Practica, X, 1; in Isaac, Opera, 1515, II, fol. 126.

[3001] Ibid., VII, 31; fol. 111r.

[3002] Ibid., IV, 37; fol. 96r.

[3003] Ibid., V, 17; fol. 99r.

[3004] De melancholia (1536), p. 290.

[3005] Practica, VIII, 40; ed. of 1515, fol. 118v.

[3006] Practica, IV, 39, and V, 7; ed. of 1515, fols. 96r and 98r.

[3007] Ed. of 1536, p. 358; also in the Viaticum, I, 22; p. 20.

[3008] Viaticum, I, 22; p. 21.

[3009] Viaticum, VII, 13: De gradibus (1536), p. 377.

[3010] According to Steinschneider (1866), p. 402, it is only from the citations of Constantinus that we know of a work by Rufus on melancholy. See especially De melancholia (1536), p. 285, “Invenimus Rufum clarissimum medicum de melancholia fecisse librum....”

[3011] De gradibus (1536), p. 378.

[3012] Edition of 1536, pp. 20, 290, 356.

[3013] Theorica, X, 9; ed. of 1515, fol. 54.

[3014] Practica, VII, 59 (1515), fol. 114v.

[3015] Ed. of 1541, pp. 319-21.

[3016] Spec. nat., XVI, 49.

[3017] De gradibus (1536), p. 360, “de quo Arabū (Aristotle?) in libro de lapidibus intitulato.”

[3018] Manoscritto Salernitano dilucidato dal Prof. Henschel, in Renzi (1853), II, 1-80, especially pp. 16, 41, 59.

[3019] De aegritudinum curatione tractatus, Renzi, II, 81-386; De febribus tractatus, II, 737-68.

[3020] The preface to Constantinus’ translation of Isaac on fevers is addressed to his “dearest son, John”: see Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 15489, 14th century, “Quoniam te karissime fili Iohanne”; Cambrai 914, 13-14th century; Cambrai 907, 14th century, fol. 1, Prefatio Constantini ad Johannem discipulum.

[3021] However, in an Oxford MS the Liber aureus itself is ascribed to “John, son of Constantinus”: Bodleian 2060, #1, Joannis filii Constantini de re medica liber aureus.

[3022] Interest in such works was aroused by the almost simultaneous publication of R. Hendrie’s English translation of Theophilus, London, 1847; the publication of the Mappe clavicula in a “Letter from Sir Thomas Phillipps to Albert Way” in Archaeologia, XXXII, 183-244, London, 1847; and the inclusion of Heraclius, De coloribus et de artibus Romanorum, in Mrs. Merrifield’s Ancient Practice of Painting, London, 1849. Hendrie printed the Latin text of Theophilus with his translation. A. Ilg published a revised Latin text with a German translation in 1874, with a fuller account of the MSS.

[3023] Merrifield (1849), I, 166-74.

[3024] Berthelot (1893), I, 29. He dated, however, Robert of Chester’s translation of Morienus thirty-eight years too late in that century, mistaking the Spanish for the Christian era.

[3025] Ibid., p. 18.

[3026] Berthelot (1893), I, 169.

[3027] Merrifield (1849), I, 183. See also pp. 189-91.

[3028] Ibid., p. 183, “Nil tibi scribo equidem quod non prius ipse probassem.”

[3029] Ibid., p. 187.

[3030] Traité des Arts Céramiques, p. 304, cited by Merrifield, I, 177. This is not, however, to be regarded as the invention of lead glazing, since, as William Burton writes (“Ceramics” in EB, p. 706), “lead glazes were extensively used in Egypt and the nearer East in Ptolemaic times.” He adds, “And it is significant that, though the Romans made singularly little use of glazes of any kind, the pottery that succeeded theirs, either in western Europe or in the Byzantine Empire, was generally covered with glazes rich in lead.”

[3031] For these works see Berthelot (1893), III, or Lippmann (1919), who follows him. I have not had access to E. Wiedemann, Zur Chemie bei den Arabern, in Sitzungsberichte der physikalisch-medizinischen Societät in Erlangen, XLIII (1911); and his Die Alchemie bei den Arabern, in Journal für praktische Chemie, LXXVI (1907), 85-87, 105-23.

[3032] The full title is “Compositiones ad tingenda musiva, pelles et alia, ad deaurandum ferrum, ad mineralia, ad chrysographiam, ad glutina quaedam conficienda, aliaque artium documenta.” The MS, Bibliotheca capituli canonicorum Lucensium, Arm. I, Cod. L, was printed in Muratori, Antiquitates Italicae, II (1739), 364-87. It is described by Berthelot (1893), I, 7-22, whose comparison of it with previous treatises I follow.

[3033] Berthelot (1888), I, 12, note.

[3034] Text and some discussion thereof in Archaeologia, XXXII (1847), 183-244. Analyzed by Berthelot (1893), I, 23-65. On the Schlestadt MS of the 10th century, see Giry in Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études, XXXV (1878), 209-27.

[3035] See recipes 105-93.

[3036] Berthelot (1893), I, 57.

[3037] Ibid., 61. Others, however, would trace the discovery of alcohol back to Hippolytus. See above, p. 468.

[3038] “Accipies ad experimentum donec primitus discas non multum cum semel facias.”

[3039] “Absconde sanctum et nulli tradendum secretum neque alicui dederis propheta.”

[3040] Berthelot (1893), I, 303-4.

[3041] Item 265.

[3042] Item 290.

[3043] Item 289.

[3044] De coloribus et artibus Romanorum, I, iv. I have somewhat altered Mrs. Merrifield’s translation (I, 186).

[3045] Ibid., I, xi; Mrs. Merrifield (1849), I, 189-91.

[3046] Ibid., I, xii:

“Sed vim cristalli cruor antea temperet hirci

Sanguis enim facilem ferro facit his adamantem.”

Mrs. Merrifield (I, 194) has incorrectly rendered this passage, “But let the blood of a goat first temper it, for this blood makes the iron so hard that even adamant is soft compared to it.” What Heraclius says is,

“But first let the blood of a he-goat temper the force of the crystal,

For this blood makes adamant soft to the iron.”

[3047] Schedula diversarum artium, III, 98.

[3048] Ibid., III, 94.

[3049] Ibid., III, 21.

[3050] Berthelot (1893), I, 63. His French translation omits some of the Latin text as published in Archaeologia, cap. 288.

[3051] “Cardan’s concentric circles,” according to Berthelot (1893), I, 64.

[3052] Berthelot (1893), I, 55.

[3053] II, prologus (closing passage). “Huius ergo imitator desiderans fore, apprehendi atrium agiae Sophiae conspicorque cellulam diversorum colorum omnimodo varietate refertam et monstrantem singulorum utilitatem ac naturam. Quo mox inobservato pede ingressus, replevi armariolum cordis mei sufficienter ex omnibus, quae diligenti experientia sigillatim perscrutatus, cuncta visu manibusque probata satis lucide tuo studio commendavi absque invidia. Verum quoniam huiusmodi picturae usus perspicax non valet esse, quasi curiosus explorator omnibus modis elaboravi cognoscere, quo artis ingenio et colorum varietas opus decoraret, et lucem diei solisque radios non repelleret. Huic exercitio dans operam vitri naturam comprehendo, eiusque solius usu et varietate id effici posse considero, quod artificium, sicut visum et auditum didici, studio tuo indagare curavi.” Ilg’s Latin text (1874).

[3054] III, 47.

[3055] I have followed Ilg’s rather than Hendrie’s text; III, 48.

[3056] Hendrie (1847), pp. 432-3.

[3057] Ernst von Meyer, History of Chemistry, 1906.

[3058] Migne, PL 146, 583-4. Some accused the bishop of resort to magic arts: Ibid., 606.

[3059] W. Stubbs, in RS LXIII, p. cix. C. L. Barnes, Science in Early England, in Smithsonian Report for 1895, p. 732. Of the alchemy ascribed to Dunstan, Elias Ashmole remarked in his Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, 1652, “He who shall have the happiness to meet with St. Dunstan’s work De occulta philosophia ... may therein read such stories as will make him amazed to think what stupendous and immense things are to be performed by virtue of the Philosopher’s Mercury, of which a taste only and no more.”

[3060] Berthelot (1893), I, 234.

[3061] Karpinski (1915), pp. 26-30; Haskins, EHR, XXX (1915), 62-5.

[3062] Berlin 956, 12th century, “Hic incipit alchamia. Accipe CCCC ova gauline que generata sunt et facta in mense martii .../ ... ut recentiora sint semper et calidiora. Explicit alchamia.” The titles of the last three chapters are, “de iiii ollis, de cognitione, de observatione stestarum.” I have not seen the MS but follow Rose’s description in the Berlin MSS catalogue.

[3063] I have used the edition of Marbod’s poems in Migne, PL vol. 171, which also contains a life of Marbod. Two secondary accounts of Marbod are C. Ferry, De Marbodi Rhedonensis Episcopi vita et carminibus, Nemansi, 1877; L. V. E. Ernault, Marbode, Évêque de Rennes, Sa vie et ses Œuvres, in Bull. et Mém. de la Société Archéologique du dept. d’Ille-et-Vilaine, XX, 1-260, Rennes, 1889. See also V. Rose, Aristoteles De Lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo, in Zeitsch. f. deutsches Alterthum, XVIII (1875), p. 321, et seq.; L. Pannier, Les lapidaires français du moyen âge, Paris, 1882. C. W. King, The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious Stones and Gems, London, 1865.

[3064] CLM 23479, 11th century, fols. 4-10, Carmina de lapidibus eadem quae Marbodo tribuuntur sed alio ordine. Of CUL 768, 15th century, fols. 67-80, “Marbodi liber lapidum,” the Catalogue says, “This Latin poem has been often printed but it does not appear that the editors have collated this MS. The order of the sections is different from all those of which Beckmann speaks in his edition (Göttingen, 1799), answering, however, most nearly to his own.”

[3065] The full name of Tiberius was, of course, Tiberius Claudius Nero Caesar.

[3066] Library of Dukes of Burgundy 8890, 12th century, Evacis regis. BN 2621, 12th and 15th centuries, #6, Poemation de gemmis cuius author dicitur Evax, Rex Arabiae.

Montpellier 277, Liber lapidum preciosorum Evax rex Arabum.

Riccard. 1228, 12th century, fols. 41-54; Incipit prologus Evacis regis Arabie ad Neronem Tyberium de lapidibus. Incipit lapidarius Evacis habens nomina gemmarum lx.

BL Hatton 76 contains two letters of Evax, king of the Arabs, to Tiberius Caesar, on the virtues of stones, according to Cockayne (1864), I, xc and lxxxiv.

[3067] Printed by J. B. Pitra, III (1855), 324-35.

[3068] BN 7418, 14th century, fol. 116-, (D)amigeronis peritissimi de lapidibus. Since this is the sole MS known of the prose version (Rose, 1875, p. 326) and is of the 14th century, whereas we have numerous early MSS of Marbod’s poem, it would seem that this may be derived from Marbod rather than even from the earlier and fuller work which he is supposed to have used.

[3069] Namely, Leo, Cancer, Aries, Sagittarius, Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn.

[3070] See page 775, note 2.

[3071] King (1865), p. 7; Rose (1875), p. 335.

[3072] Ferry (1887), p. 69.

[3073] NH XXXVI, 56. Pliny, however, makes these statements about chelonia and not chelonitis which follows it.

[3074] The stones which I have taken as examples are numbers 1, 3, 5, 18, 19, 39, and 57 respectively.

[3075] See above, chapter 29, page 689.