CONTENTS
| Letters to Atticus Book VII | Page [2] |
| Letters to Atticus Book VIII | [98] |
| Letters to Atticus Book IX | [176] |
| Letters to Atticus Book X | [272] |
| Letters to Atticus Book XI | [352] |
CICERO'S LETTERS
TO ATTICUS
BOOK VII
R VOL. II
M. TULLI CICERONIS
EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM
LIBER SEPTIMUS
I
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Athenis XVII K. Nov. a. 704
Dederam equidem L. Saufeio litteras et dederam ad te unum, quod, cum non esset temporis mihi ad scribendum satis, tamen hominem tibi tam familiarem sine meis litteris ad te venire nolebam; sed, ut philosophi ambulant, has tibi redditum iri putabam prius. Sin iam illas accepisti, scis me Athenas venisse pr. Idus Octobres, e navi egressum in Piraeum tuas ab Acasto nostro litteras accepisse, conturbatum, quod cum febre Romam venisses, bono tamen animo esse coepisse, quod Acastus ea, quae vellem, de allevato corpore tuo nuntiaret, cohorruisse autem me eo[1] quod tuae litterae de legionibus Caesaris adferrent, et egisse tecum, ut videres, ne quid φιλοτιμία eius, quem nosti, nobis noceret, et, de quo iam pridem ad te scripseram, Turranius autem secus tibi Brundisi dixerat (quod ex iis litteris cognovi, quas a Xenone, optimo viro, accepi), cur fratrem provinciae non praefecissem, exposui breviter. Haec fere sunt in illa epistula. Nunc audi reliqua.
[1] me eo Tyrrell; me MSS.; eo Koch, Müller.
Per fortunas! omnem tuum amorem, quo me es amplexus, omnemque tuam prudentiam, quam mehercule
CICERO'S LETTERS
TO ATTICUS
BOOK VII
I
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Athens, Oct. 16, B.C. 50
I did give L. Saufeius a letter, one for you alone, because, though I had no time to write, I was reluctant that so intimate an acquaintance of yours should come to you without a note from me. But, considering the pace of philosophers, I imagine the present letter will reach you first. If, however, you have got that earlier letter now, you will know that I arrived at Athens on Oct. 14; that on disembarking at the port I received your letter from our friend Acastus; that, perturbed though I was at your arrival in Rome with a fever, nevertheless I began to take heart at Acastus' welcome announcement of your convalescence; but shivered myself at your news of Caesar's legions, and pleaded with you to beware lest friend Philotimus' time-serving injure us.[2] As for the point I touched on long ago (misrepresented to you by Turranius at Brundisium, as I gathered from a letter received from that good fellow Xeno), I set forth briefly the reason why I had not put my brother in charge of the province. Those practically were the topics of that letter. Now hear what remains.
[2] Cf. vi, 4, 6, 9.
In heaven's name, I want all the affection which you have lavished on me, and all your worldly
in omni genere iudico singularem, confer ad eam curam, ut de omni statu meo cogites. Videre enim mihi videor tantam dimicationem, nisi idem deus, qui nos melius, quam optare auderemus, Parthico bello liberavit, respexerit rem publicam,—sed tantam, quanta numquam fuit. Age, hoc malum mihi commune est cum omnibus. Nihil tibi mando ut de eo cogites, illud meum proprium πρόβλεμα, quaeso, suscipe. Videsne, ut te auctore sim utrumque complexus? Ac vellem a principio te audisse amicissime monentem.
Ἀλλ' ἐμὸν οὔποτε θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ἔπειθες.
Sed aliquando tamen persuasisti, ut alterum complecterer, quia de me erat optume meritus, alterum, quia tantum valebat. Feci igitur itaque effeci omni obsequio, ut neutri illorum quisquam esset me carior. Haec enim cogitabamus, nec mihi coniuncto cum Pompeio fore necesse peccare in re publica aliquando nec cum Caesare sentienti pugnandum esse cum Pompeio. Tanta erat illorum coniunctio. Nunc impendet, ut et tu ostendis, et ego video, summa inter eos contentio. Me autem uterque numerat suum, nisi forte simulat alter. Nam Pompeius non dubitat; vere enim iudicat ea, quae de re publica nunc sentiat, mihi valde probari. Utriusque autem accepi eius modi litteras eodem tempore quo tuas, ut neuter quemquam omnium pluris facere quam me videretur. Verum quid agam? Non quaero illa ultima (si enim
wisdom, which I swear to my mind is unrivalled in every subject, to be devoted to a careful estimate of my whole position. For myself, I seem to foresee a terrific struggle, unless indeed the same god, who wrought above my boldest hopes in freeing us from a Parthian war, take pity on the state—anyhow, such a terrific struggle as there never has been before. True, the calamity would fall not only on me, but on every one. I don't ask you to consider the wider problem: solve my own little case, I entreat. Don't you see that it is you who are responsible for my friendship with both Pompey and Caesar? Ah, would that I had listened to your friendly admonitions from the outset.
Odyssey ix, 33
"Thou couldst not sway the spirit in my breast."
But at last, however, you persuaded me to be friendly with the one, because he had done so much for me; with the other, because he was so powerful. Well, I did so, and I have studiously contrived to be particularly dear to both of them. For my idea was this. Allied with Pompey, I should never have to be guilty of political impropriety; and, siding with Caesar, I should not have to fight with Pompey. So close was the alliance of those two. But now, on your showing and in my view, there threatens a dire struggle between them. Each of them counts me his friend—unless, perhaps, Caesar is dissembling; for Pompey has no doubt, rightly supposing that his present political views have my strongest approval. But both have sent me letters (which came with yours) in terms that would appear to make more of me than of anyone at all. But what am I to do? I don't mean in the long run. If the matter is to be fought in the
castris res geretur, video cum altero vinci satius esse quam cum altero vincere), sed illa, quae tum agentur, cum venero, ne ratio absentis habeatur, ut exercitum dimittat. "Dic, M. Tvlli." Quid dicam? "Exspecta, amabo te, dum Atticum conveniam"? Non est locus ad tergiversandum. Contra Caesarem? "Ubi illae sunt densae dexterae?" Nam, ut illi hoc liceret, adiuvi rogatus ab ipso Ravennae de Caelio tribuno pl. Ab ipso autem? Etiam a Gnaeo nostro in illo divino tertio consulatu.
Aliter sensero? Αἰδέομαι non Pompeium modo, sed Τρῶας καὶ Τρωάδας.
Πουλυδάμας μοι πρῶτος ἐλεγχείην καταθήσει.
Quis? Tu ipse scilicet, laudator et factorum et scriptorum meorum. Hanc ergo plagam effugi per duos superiores Marcellorum consulatus, cum est actum de provincia Caesaris, nunc incido in discrimen ipsum? Itaque ut stultus[3] primus suam sententiam dicat, mihi valde placet de triumpho nos moliri aliquid, extra urbem esse cum iustissuma causa. Tamen dabunt operam, ut eliciant sententiam meam. Ridebis hoc loco fortasse. Quam vellem etiam nunc in provincia morari! Plane opus fuit, si hoc impendebat. Etsi nil miserius. Nam, ὁδῦυ πάρεργον, volo te hoc scire.
[3] The reading here is debatable. Sulpicius, Hillus, and alius have been suggested in place of stultus.
field, I see it would be better to be beaten with Pompey than to win with Caesar. But what about the points in debate on my arrival—refusing the claims of a candidate who is away from Rome and ordering the disbanding of his army. "Your opinion, Marcus Tullius," will be the question. What am I to say? "Please wait till I meet Atticus?" There is no chance of evasion. I speak against Caesar? "Where then the pledge of plighted hands?"[4] For I assisted in getting Caesar privilege on these two points, when I was asked by him personally at Ravenna to approach Caelius the tribune to propose a bill. Asked by him personally, do I say? Yes, and by our friend Pompey in that immortal third consulship.
[4] Probably a quotation from some early poet.
Shall I choose the other course? "I fear" not only Pompey, but "the men and long-robed dames of Troy": "Polydamas will be the first to rail."[5] Who's he? Why, you, who praise my work and writings. Have I then avoided this trap during the last two consulships of the Marcelli, when the matter of Caesar's province was under debate, only to fall now into the thick of the trouble? That some fool may have the first vote on the motion, I feel strongly inclined to devote my energies to my triumph, a most reasonable excuse for staying outside the city. Nevertheless they will try to extract my opinion. Perhaps this will excite your mirth: I wish to goodness I were still staying in my province. I certainly ought to have stayed, if this was coming: though it would have been most wretched. For by the way
[5] Iliad vi, 442, and xxii, 100.
Omnia illa prima, quae etiam tu tuis litteris in caelum ferebas, ἐπίτηκτα fuerunt. Quam non est facilis virtus! Quam vero difficilis eius diuturna simulatio! Cum enim hoc rectum et gloriosum putarem, ex annuo sumptu, qui mihi decretus esset, me C. Caelio quaestori relinquere annuum, referre in aerarium ad HS CIↃ, ingemuit nostra cohors omne illud putans distribui sibi oportere, ut ego amicior invenirer Phrygum et Cilicum aerariis quam nostro. Sed me non moverunt; nam et mea laus apud me plurimum valuit, nec tamen quicquam honorifice in quemquam fieri potuit, quod praetermiserim. Sed haec fuerit, ut ait Thucydides, ἐκβολὴ λόγου non inutilis.
Tu autem de nostro statu cogitabis, primum quo artificio tueamur benevolentiam Caesaris, deinde de ipso triumpho; quem video, nisi rei publicae tempora impedient, εὐπόριστον. Iudico autem cum ex litteris amicorum tum ex supplicatione. Quam qui non decrevit, plus decrevit, quam si omnes decresset triumphos. Ei porro adsensus est unus familiaris meus, Favonius, alter iratus, Hirrus. Cato autem et scribendo adfuit et ad me de sententia sua iucundissimas litteras misit. Sed tamen gratulans mihi Caesar de supplicatione triumphat de sententia Catonis nec scribit, quid ille sententiae dixerit, sed tantum, supplicationem eum mihi non decrevisse.
there is one thing I want to tell you. All that show of virtue at first, which even you praised sky high in your letters, was only superficial. Truly righteousness is hard: hard even to pretend to it for long. For, when I thought it a fine show of rectitude to leave my quaestor C. Caelius a year's cash out of what was decreed me for my budget and to pay back into the treasury £8,800,[6] my staff, thinking all the money should have been distributed among them, lamented that I should turn out to be more friendly to the treasuries of Phrygia and Cilicia than to our own. I was unmoved: for I set my good name before everything. Yet there is no possible honour that I have omitted to bestow on any of these knaves. This, in Thucydides' phrase, is a digression—but not pointless.
[6] 1,000,000 sesterces.
Thuc. i, 97
But as to my position. You will consider first by what trick I can retain Caesar's good will: and then the matter of my triumph, which, barring political obstacles, seems to me easy to get: I infer as much from letters from friends and from that business of the public thanksgiving in my honour. For the man who voted against it,[7] voted for more than if he had voted for all the triumphs in the world; moreover his adherents were one a friend of mine, Favonius, and another an enemy, Hirrus. Cato both took part in drafting the decree, and sent me a most agreeable letter about his vote. But Caesar, in writing to congratulate me over the thanksgiving, exults over Cato's vote, says nothing about the latter's speech on the occasion, and merely remarks that he opposed the proclamation of a thanksgiving.
[7] Cato.
Redeo ad Hirrum. Coeperas eum mihi placare; perfice. Habes Scrofam, habes Silium. Ad eos ego et iam antea scripsi ad ipsum Hirrum. Locutus enim erat cum iis commode se potuisse impedire, sed noluisse; adsensum tamen esse Catoni, amicissimo meo, cum is honorificentissimam in me sententiam dixisset; nec me ad se ullas litteras misisse, cum ad omnes mitterem. Verum dicebat. Ad eum enim solum et ad Crassipedem non scripseram. Atque haec de rebus forensibus; redeamus domum.
Diiungere me ab illo volo. Merus est φυρατής, germanus Lartidius.
Ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν προτετύχθαι ἐάσομεν ἀχνύμενοί περ.
Reliqua expediamus, hoc primum, quod accessit cura dolori meo. Sed tamen hoc, quicquid est, Precianum cum iis rationibus, quas ille meas tractat, admisceri nolo. Scripsi ad Terentiam, scripsi etiam ad ipsum, me, quicquid possem nummorum, ad apparatum sperati triumphi ad te redacturum. Ita puto ἄμεμπτα fore; verum ut lubebit. Hanc quoque suscipe curam, quem ad modum experiamur. Id tu et ostendisti quibusdam litteris ex Epiro an Athenis datis, et in eo ego te adiuvabo.
I come back to Hirrus. You have begun to reconcile him to me; accomplish it. Scrofa and Silius are on your side. I have already written to them and to Hirrus himself. For Hirrus had told them in a friendly way that he could easily have prevented the decree, but was reluctant; that, however, he had sided with Cato, my very good friend, when the latter recorded a vote complimenting me in the highest terms. Hirrus added that I had omitted to write to him, though I had sent letters to every one else. He was right. It was only to him and to Crassipes that I did not write. So much for public life. Let us come home.
I wish to dissociate myself from that fellow Philotimus. He is a veritable muddler, a regular Lartidius[8].
[8] Taken by the older commentators to be a Latin form of Λαερτιάδης (i.e. Ulysses); but the sense does not seem to warrant the comparison, which could only mean "as wily as Ulysses."
"A truce to what is past for all our pain."[9]
[9] Iliad xviii, 112; xix, 65, "Let bygones be bygones."
Let us settle what remains; and first this point, which adds anxiety to my sorrow. This sum, I mean, whatever it is, which comes from Precius, I do not want mixed up with the accounts of mine of which that fellow has the handling. I have written to Terentia and to Philotimus himself that I shall deposit with you any moneys I may collect, for the equipment of the triumph I anticipate. So I fancy there will be no amour propre wounded: but as they like. Here is another matter for your consideration—the steps I am to take to arrange this business. You outlined them in a letter dated from Epirus or Athens, and I will support your plan.
II
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Brundisi V K. Dec., ut videtur, a. 704
Brundisium venimus VII Kalend. Decembr. usi tua felicitate navigandi; ita belle nobis
"Flavit ab Epiro lenissimus Onchesmites."
Hunc σπονδειάζοντα, si cui voles τῶν νεωτέρων, pro tuo vendito. Valetudo tua me valde conturbat; significant enim tuae litterae te prorsus laborare. Ego autem, cum sciam, quam sis fortis, vehementius esse quiddam suspicor, quod te cogat cedere et prope modum infringat. Etsi alteram quartanam Pamphilus tuus mihi dixit decessisse et alteram leviorem accedere. Terentia vero, quae quidem eodem tempore ad portam Brundisinam venit quo ego in portum mihique obvia in foro fuit, L. Pontium sibi in Trebulano dixisse narrabat etiam eam decessisse. Quod si ita est, est, quod maxume mehercule opto, idque spero tua prudentia et temperantia te consecutum.
Venio ad epistulas tuas; quas ego sescentas uno tempore accepi, aliam alia iucundiorem, quae quidem erant tua manu. Nam Alexidis manum amabam, quod tam prope accedebat ad similitudinem tuae litterae; non amabam, quod indicabat te non valere. Cuius quoniam mentio facta est, Tironem Patris aegrum reliqui, adulescentem, ut nosti, et adde, si quid vis,
II
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Brundisium, Nov. 26, B.C. 50
I arrived at Brundisium on the 24th of November after enjoying your proverbial luck at sea: so fair for me "blew from Epirus the softest of breezes, Onchesmites." There, that verse with its spondaic ending you can pass off for your own on any of our new school of poets[10] you like. Your health causes me great anxiety; for I see from your letter that you really suffer. But, knowing your spirit, I strongly suspect there is something serious which compels you to give in and nearly causes a breakdown, although your Pamphilus tells me that one fit of quartan has passed, and that a second and lighter attack is coming on. But Terentia (who reached Brundisium's gates as I reached the harbour, and met me in the forum) told me that L. Pontius had informed her at Trebula that the second attack also had abated. If that is so, my utmost hopes are realized, and I expect that consummation has been attained by your caution and moderate habits.
[10] Catullus, Cinna, and the other imitators of Alexandrine poetry.
I come to your letters, which have reached me in shoals, each more delightful than the last—I mean those in your own handwriting. I like Alexis' hand; it so closely resembles your own script; but there is one thing I do not like about it—it shows that you are ill. Talking of Alexis, I left Tiro sick at Patrae; he is, as you know, a young man, and you may add, if you like, an honest fellow. Nothing
probum. Nihil vidi melius. Itaque careo aegre et, quamquam videbatur se non graviter habere, tamen sum sollicitus, maximamque spem habeo in M'. Curi diligentia, de qua ad me scripsit Tiro et multi nuntiarunt. Curius autem ipse sensit, quam tu velles se a me diligi, et eo sum admodum delectatus. Et mehercule est, quam facile diligas, ἀυτόχθων in homine urbanitas. Eius testamentum deporto trium[11] Ciceronum signis obsignatum cohortisque praetoriae. Fecit palam te ex libella, me ex terruncio. In Actio Corcyrae Alexio me opipare muneratus est. Q. Ciceroni obsisti non potuit, quo minus Thyamim videret. Filiola tua te delectari laetor et probari tibi φυσικὴι esse τὴν πρὸς τὰ τέκνα. Etenim, si haec non est, nulla potest homini esse ad hominem naturae adiunctio; qua sublata vitae societas tollitur, "Bene eveniat!" inquit Carneades spurce, sed tamen prudentius quam Lucius noster et Patron, qui, cum omnia ad se referant, numquam quicquam alterius causa fieri putent et, cum ea re bonum virum oportere esse dicant, ne malum habeat, non quo id natura rectum sit, non intellegant se de callido homine loqui, non de bono viro. Sed haec, opinor, sunt in iis libris, quos tu laudando animos mihi addidisti.
[11] detortorio M; detortorium CZ; corr. by Junius.
Redeo ad rem. Quo modo exspectabam epistulam,
could be better than Tiro. So I miss him terribly, and, though he did not seem very bad, still I am anxious, and build great hopes on the care of M'. Curius, about which Tiro has written and many people have told me. Curius himself was aware of your desire that he should win my esteem: and I am greatly charmed with him. Indeed he is one of nature's gentlemen, whom it is easy to like. I carry home his will sealed with the seals of three of my family and of the praetor's staff. In the presence of witnesses he made you heir to a tenth of his estate and me to a fortieth.[12] At Actium in Corcyra Alexio made me a splendid present. Q. Cicero could not be stopped from seeing the river Thyamis. I am glad you take delight in your baby daughter, and have satisfied yourself that a desire for children is natural.[13] For, if it is not, there can be no natural tie between man and man; remove that tie, and social life is destroyed. "Heaven bless the consequence," says Carneades naughtily, but with more wisdom than our philosophers Lucius and Patron, who in sticking to selfish hedonism and denying altruism, and saying that man must be virtuous for fear of the consequences of vice and not because virtue is an end in itself, fail to see that they are describing a type not of goodness but of craftiness. But these points, I think, are handled in the volumes[14] you have encouraged me by praising.
[12] Monetary fractions are generally expressed by parts of the as; but here the denarius is used as the standard. The libella was one-tenth and the teruncius one-fortieth of a denarius.
[13] With φυσικήν the substantive ὁρμήν must be understood.
[14] De Republica.
I return to business. How I looked for the letter
quam Philoxeno dedisses! Scripseras enim in ea esse de sermone Pompei Neapolitano. Eam mihi Patron Brundisi reddidit. Corcyrae, ut opinor, acceperat. Nihil potuit esse iucundius. Erat enim de re publica, de opinione, quam is vir haberet integritatis meae, de benevolentia, quam ostendit eo sermone, quem habuit de triumpho. Sed tamen hoc iucundissimum, quod intellexi te ad eum venisse, ut eius animum erga me perspiceres. Hoc mihi, inquam, accidit iucundissimum. De triumpho autem nulla me cupiditas umquam tenuit ante Bibuli impudentissimas litteras, quas amplissume supplicatio consecuta est. A quo si ea gesta essent, quae scripsit, gauderem et honori faverem; nunc illum, qui pedem porta, quoad hostis cis Euphratem fuit, non extulerit, honore augeri, me, in cuius exercitu spem illius exercitus habuit, idem non adsequi, dedecus est nostrum, nostrum inquam te coniungens. Itaque omnia experiar, et ut spero, adsequar. Quodsi tu valeres, iam mihi quaedam explorata essent. Sed, ut spero, valebis.
De raudusculo Numeriano multum te amo. Hortensius quid egerit, aveo scire, Cato quid agat; qui quidem in me turpiter fuit malevolus. Dedit integritatis, iustitiae, clementiae, fidei mihi testimonium, quod non quaerebam; quod postulabam, negavit id. Itaque Caesar eis litteris, quibus mihi gratulatur et omnia pollicetur, quo modo exsultat Catonis in me ingratissmi iniuria! At hic idem Bibulo dierum XX.
you said was entrusted to Philoxenus! For it was to contain news of Pompey's talk at Naples. Patron handed it to me at Brundisium. It was at Corcyra, I fancy, he had taken charge of it. Nothing could be more delightful. It touched on politics, the great man's opinion of my honour, the kindliness he displayed in his remarks about my triumph. But the most delightful item of all was the intelligence that you had called on him to find out his feeling towards me. This, I repeat, was what I found most delightful. As for a triumph, I had no desire for one up to the time Bibulus sent his shameless despatches and got a thanksgiving voted in the most complimentary way. Now, if he had done what he professed to have done, I should have been glad and supported the honour; but, as it is, it is a disgrace to us—to both of us: for I include you in the business—that I, on whose army his army relied, should not get the same rewards as a man who never set foot outside the city gates so long as there was an enemy this side of Euphrates. Therefore I shall make every effort, and, as I hope, shall succeed. If you were well, some points would have been settled already; but I hope you will soon be well.
For that twopenny debt to Numerius I am much bounden to you. I long to know what Hortensius has done about my triumph and what Cato is doing. Cato's behaviour to me was shamefully spiteful. He gave me a character for rectitude, equity, clemency, and good faith, for which I did not ask; what I did want, that he denied me. Accordingly in his letter of congratulation and lavish assurances, how Caesar exults over the wrong Cato did me by his deep ingratitude! Yet Cato voted Bibulus a twenty days'
Ignosce mihi; non possum haec ferre nec feram.
Cupio ad omnes tuas epistulas, sed nihil necesse est; iam enim te videbo. Illud tamen de Chrysippo—nam de altero illo minus sum admiratus, operario homine; sed tamen ne illo quidem quicquam improbius. Chrysippum vero, quem ego propter litterularum nescio quid libenter vidi, in honore habui, discedere a puero insciente me! Mitto alia, quae audio multa, mitto furta; fugam non fero, qua mihi nihil visum est sceleratius. Itaque usurpavi vetus illud Drusi, ut ferunt, praetoris, in eo, qui eadem liber non iuraret, me istos liberos non addixisse, praesertim cum adesset nemo, a quo recte vindicarentur. Id tu, ut videbitur, ita accipies; ego tibi adsentiar.
Uni tuae disertissimae epistulae non rescripsi, in qua est de periculis rei publicae. Quid rescriberem? valde eram perturbatus. Sed ut nihil magno opere metuam, Parthi faciunt, qui repente Bibulum semivivum reliquerunt.
III
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Trebulano V Id. Dec. a. 704
A. d. VIII Idus Decembr. Aeculanum veni et ibi tuas litteras legi, quas Philotimus mihi reddidit. E quibus hanc primo aspectu voluptatem cepi, quod
festival. Forgive me, I cannot and I will not bear it.
I long to answer all your letters; but there is no need, for soon I shall see you. Still I must tell you about Chrysippus—the conduct of that other fellow, a mere mechanic, excites my surprise less, though it could not have been more scandalous. But Chrysippus, whom I was always glad to see and held in honour, because he had a smattering of culture, fancy him deserting my son without my knowledge! I can put up with other things, though I hear of plenty, I can even put up with embezzlement; but I cannot put up with his flight. It is the most scandalous thing I ever heard of. So I have taken a leaf from Drusus' book, when, in his praetorship, as the story goes, a man, who had been manumitted, refused to take the oaths he had promised: and I have denied that those fellows ever were freed by me, especially as there were no legal witnesses to the transaction. Take it any way you will: I will abide by your decision.
The only one of your letters, which I have not answered, is the most eloquent of them all, dealing with the country's peril. I have no answer to make: I am very much upset. But the Parthians, whose sudden retreat left Bibulus half dead with fright, have taught me not to be much alarmed at anything.
III
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Trebula, Dec. 9, B.C. 50
On the 6th of December I came to Aeculanum, and there I read your letter, which Philotimus handed to me. I was pleased at the first glance to see it was
erant a te ipso scriptae, deinde earum accuratissuma diligentia sum mirum in modum delectatus. Ac primum illud, in quo te Dicaearcho adsentiri negas, etsi cupidissume expetitum a me est et te approbante, ne diutius anno in provincia essem, tamen non est nostra contentione perfectum. Sic enim scito, verbum in senatu factum esse numquam de ullo nostrum, qui provincias obtinuimus, quo in iis diutius quam ex senatus consulto maneremus, ut iam ne istius quidem rei culpam sustineam, quod minus diu fuerim in provincia, quam fortasse fuerit utile. Sed "quid si hoc melius?" opportune dici videtur ut in hoc ipso. Sive enim ad concordiam res adduci potest sive ad bonorum victoriam, utriusvis rei me aut adiutorem velim esse aut certe non expertem; sin vincuntur boni, ubicumque essem, una cum iis victus essem. Quare celeritas nostri reditus ἀμεταμέλητος debet esse. Quodsi ista nobis cogitatio de triumpho iniecta non esset, quam tu quoque adprobas, ne tu haud multum requireres illum virum, qui in sexto libro informatus est. Quid enim tibi faciam, qui illos libros devorasti? Quin nunc ipsum non dubitabo rem tantam abicere, si id erit rectius. Utrumque vero simul agi non potest, et de triumpho ambitiose et de re publica libere. Sed ne dubitaris, quin, quod honestius, id mihi futurum sit antiquius. Nam, quod putas utilius esse, vel mihi quod tutius sit, vel etiam ut rei publicae prodesse possim, me esse cum imperio, id coram considerabimus quale sit. Habet enim res deliberationem; etsi ex parte magna
in your handwriting; and I was highly delighted at the care and attention it showed. First you say that you disagree with Dicaearchus.[15] Now, though I was exceedingly anxious, and that with your approval, not to stay in my province more than a year, it was not my own efforts that gained the point. For you should know that no word was ever said in the House about any of us provincial governors outstaying the term of our appointment; so that now I am not to be blamed even for making a shorter stay in my province than was perhaps to my advantage. But "all for the best" is an apt saying, as it is in this case. For, if peace can be patched up, or the loyalists can be made to win the victory, I should be sorry not to assist or at any rate have a hand in the matter. But, if the loyalists are conquered, I should share their defeat wherever I were. So my speedy return ought not to cost me any regret. If this idea of a triumph that you approve had not come into my head, you would find me not far short of the ideal statesman I sketched in the sixth volume.[16] What would you have me do, you devourer of those books of mine? Even now I will not hesitate to throw away my great ambition, if that course is better. One cannot of course play both parts at once, the selfish candidate for triumph and the independent politician. But doubt not that I shall take honesty to be my best policy. As for your point that it were better for me, whether for my private safety, or for the public welfare, that I should retain my command, we will talk it over together. It is a matter for deliberation,
[15] Cf. II, 16, where Dicaearchus is mentioned as an advocate of an active life. He was a pupil of Aristotle, and wrote philosophical and geographical works.
[16] Of the De Republica.
tibi adsentior. De animo autem meo erga rem publicam bene facis quod non dubitas, et illud probe indicas, nequaquam satis pro meis officiis, pro ipsius in alios effusione illum in me liberalem fuisse, eiusque rei causam vere explicas, et eis, quae de Fabio Caninioque acta scribis, valde consentiunt. Quae si secus essent, totumque se ille in me profudisset, tamen illa, quam scribis, custos urbis me praeclarae inscriptionis memorem esse cogeret, nec mihi concederet, ut imitarer Volcacium aut Servium, quibus tu es contentus, sed aliquid nos vellet nobis dignum et sentire et defendere. Quod quidem agerem, si liceret, alio modo, ac nunc agendum est.
De sua potentia dimicant homines hoc tempore periculo civitatis. Nam, si res publica defenditur, cur ea consule isto ipso defensa non est? cur ego, in cuius causa rei publicae salus consistebat, defensus postero anno non sum? cur imperium illi aut cur illo modo prorogatum est? cur tanto opere pugnatum est, ut de eius absentis ratione habenda decem tribuni pl. ferrent? His ille rebus ita convaluit, ut nunc in uno civi spes ad resistendum sit; qui mallem tantas ei vires non dedisset quam nunc tam valenti resisteret,
though I agree with you in the main. You do well not to doubt my attitude towards politics: and you judge rightly that Caesar has not been liberal to me considering my services, and considering his lavishness towards others. You explain his reasons rightly: I am in the same boat with Fabius and Caninius,[17] as your letter shows. But if things were otherwise and he had been profuse in his generosity towards me, nevertheless the goddess you mention, the guardian of the city, would have compelled me to remember her fine inscription, and would not allow me to imitate Volcacius or Servius,[18] with whom you are content, but would wish me to express and maintain a policy worthy of my name. And I should have done it, if I could, in a different way from the way I must adopt now.
[17] Legati of Caesar: but nothing is known of any slight on them.
[18] Before his exile Cicero dedicated a statue of Minerva in the Capitol with the inscription Custos Urbis. Possibly, however, there was a longer inscription. Volcacius and Servius maintained neutrality in the civil war.
It is for their own power men are fighting now to the danger of the country. For if the constitution is being defended, why was it not defended when Caesar himself was consul? Why was I, on whose case the safety of the constitution depended, not defended in the following year? Why was Caesar's command prolonged, or why was it prolonged in such a fashion? Why was there such a struggle to get the ten tribunes to bring in a bill allowing him to stand in his absence? All this has made him so strong that now hope of resistance depends on one citizen. I wish that citizen had not given him so much power rather than that he now resisted him in the hour of
Sed, quoniam res eo deducta est, non quaeram, ut scribis:
Ποῦ σκάφος τὸ τῶν Ἀτρειδῶν;
coegi a Pompeio gubernabitur. Illud ipsum quod ais: "Quid fiet, cum erit dictum: Dic, M. Tvlli?"—σύντομα: "Cn. Pompeio adsentior." Ipsum tamen Pompeium separatim ad concordiam hortabor. Sic enim sentio, maxumo in periculo rem esse. Vos scilicet plura, qui in urbe estis. Verum tamen haec video, cum homine audacissimo paratissimoque negotium esse, omnes damnatos omnes ignominia adfectos, omnes damnatione ignominiaque dignos illac facere, omnem fere iuventutem omnem illam urbanam ac perditam plebem, tribunos valentes addito C. Cassio, omnes, qui aere alieno premantur, quos pluris esse intellego, quam putaram (causam solum ilia causa non habet, ceteris rebus abundat), hic omnia facere omnes, ne armis decernatur; quorum exitus semper incerti, nunc vero etiam in alteram partem magis timendi.
Bibulus de provincia decessit, Veientonem praefecit; in decedendo erit, ut audio, tardior. Quem cum ornavit Cato, declaravit iis se solis non invidere, quibus nihil aut non multum ad dignitatem posset accedere.
Nunc venio ad privata; fere enim respondi tuis litteris de re publica, et iis, quas in suburbano, et iis, quas postea scripsisti. Ad privata venio. Unum etiam de Caelio. Tantum abest, ut meam ille sententiam
his strength. But since things have come to such a pass, I shall not ask, to borrow your quotation,
"Where is the bark of Atreus' sons?"[19]
[19] Euripides Troades 455 ποῦ σκάφος τὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ
My only bark will be that which has Pompey for a pilot. For your query "What will happen when the question is put 'Your vote, Marcus Tullius'"—briefly "I vote with Pompey." Still I shall exhort Pompey privately to pacific measures. I feel that there is the greatest danger. You, who are in town, will know more. Yet I see that we have to do with a man of the greatest daring and readiness, who has on his side all the criminal and social outcasts, and all who deserve to be counted criminals and outcasts; nearly all the younger generation; all the lowest city rabble; the powerful tribunes including C. Cassius; all the insolvent, who are more in number than I imagined. All his cause wants is a good cause: it has everything else in plenty. On our side we all do everything to avoid battle. You can never be sure of the issue of war, and it is to be feared it would go against us now.
Bibulus has quitted the province and left Veiento in charge: he will be pretty slow, I hear, on his journey. This is the man in whose praise Cato spoke, when he declared that the only people he did not envy were those who could not be raised higher or not much higher.
To come to private matters: for I have fairly answered your letter on the political situation, both the one you wrote in your town villa and the one you wrote later. Now for private matters. But one word about Caelius. So far is he from affecting my
moveat, ut valde ego ipsi, quod de sua sententia decesserit; paenitendum putem. Sed quid est, quod et vici Luccei sint addicti? Hoc te praetermisisse miror. De Philotimo faciam equidem, ut mones. Sed ego mihi ab illo non rationes exspectabam, quas tibi edidit, verum id reliquum, quod ipse in Tusculano me referre in commentarium mea manu voluit, quodque idem in Asia mihi sua manu scriptum dedit. Id si praestaret, quantum mihi aeris alieni esse tibi edidit, tantum et plus etiam mihi ipse deberet. Sed in hoc genere, si modo per rem publicam licebit, non accusabimur posthac, neque hercule antea neglegentes fuimus, sed amicorum multitudine occupati. Ergo utemur, ut polliceris, et opera et consilio tuo nec tibi erimus, ut spero, in eo molesti. De serperastris cohortis meae nihil est quod doleas. Ipsi enim se collegerunt admiratione integritatis meae. Sed me moverat nemo magis quam is, quem tu neminem putas. Idem et initio fuerat et nunc est egregius. Sed in ipsa decessione significavit sperasse se aliquid et id, quod animum induxerat paulisper, non tenuit, sed cito ad se rediit, meisque honorificentissimis erga se officiis victus pluris ea duxit quam omnem pecuniam.
Ego a Curio tabulas accepi, quas mecum porto. Hortensi legata cognovi. Nunc aveo scire, quid hominis sit et quarum rerum auctionem instituat.
view, that I think he must be sorry he changed his own. But what is this story of Lucceius' property being knocked down to him? I wonder you passed that over. As for Philotimus I shall take your advice. But I was not expecting from him the accounts, which he gave you: I was expecting the balance, which he wished me to enter in my note-book with my own hand at Tusculum, and for which he gave me in Asia a certificate in his own hand. If he should pay up all the money he told you was owing to me, he would still owe me as much again and even more. But, if only politics will allow, I shall not incur blame hereafter in matters of this kind. Indeed I have not been careless hitherto; but my time has been taken up by a crowd of friends. I shall therefore have your industry and advice, as you promise, and I hope I shall not be troublesome in the matter. You have no reason to lament the treatment that I meted to my crooked staff.[20] They pulled themselves together in amaze at my honesty. But nobody surprised me more than the man whom you think a nobody. From first to last he was and is splendid. But just at my departure he showed me that he had hoped for some reward; and yet he did not long cling to the idea which had entered his mind, but quickly came to himself again, and overwhelmed by the honours I had done him, regarded them as of more worth than any money.
[20] Lit. "about the knee-splints (I gave) my staff." He refers to restraining their rapacity.
I have received his will from Curius and bring it with me. I know the legacies Hortensius has to pay. Now I want to know the metal of the man, and what properties he is putting up for sale. When
Nescio enim, cur, cum portam Flumentanam Caelius occuparit, ego Puteolos non meos faciam.
Venio ad "Piraeea" in quo magis reprehendendus sum, quod homo Romanus "Piraeea" scripserim, non "Piraeum" (sic enim omnes nostri locuti sunt), quam quod addiderim "in." Non enim hoc ut oppido praeposui, sed ut loco. Et tamen Dionysius noster et, qui est nobiscum, Nicias Cous non rebatur oppidum esse Piraeea. Sed de re ego[21] videro. Nostrum quidem si est peccatum, in eo est, quod non ut de oppido locutus sum, sed ut de loco, secutusque sum non dico Caecilium:
"Máne ut ex portu ín Piraeum"
(malus enim auctor Latinitatis est), sed Terentium, cuius fabellae propter elegantiam sermonis putabantur a C. Laelio scribi:
"Heri áliquot adulescéntuli coíimus in Piraeum,"
et idem:
"Mercátor hoc addébat, captam e Súnio."
[21] re ego Reid; re L (marg.), M (above the line); reo NOPM1: eo M2.
Quodsi δήμους oppida volumus esse, tam est oppidum Sunium quam Piraeus. Sed, quoniam grammaticus es, si hoc mihi ξήτημα persolveris, magna me molestia liberaris.
Ille mihi litteras blandas mittit: facit idem pro eo Balbus. Mihi certum est ab honestissuma sententia digitum nusquam. Sed scis, illi reliquum quantum sit. Putasne igitur verendum esse, ne aut obiciat id nobis aliquis, si languidius, aut repetat, si fortius? Quid ad haec reperis? "Solvamus," inquis. Age, a
Caelius has taken the Porta Flumentana,[22] I don't see why I should not make Puteoli mine.
[22] Caelius had bought Lucceius' property near the Porta Flumentana at the entrance of the Campus Martius.
Coming to the form Piraeea, I am more to be blamed for writing it thus and not Piraeum in Latin, as all our people do, than I am for adding the preposition "in." I used "in" as before a word signifying a place and not a town. After all Dionysius and Nicias of Cos, who is with me, do not consider that the Piraeus is a town. I will look into the question. If I have made a mistake, it is in speaking of it not as a town but as a place, and I have authority. I do not depend on a quotation from Caecilius: "Máne ut ex portu in Piraeum,"[23] as he is a poor authority in Latinity; but I will quote Terence, whose fine style caused his plays to be ascribed to C. Laelius "Heri áliquot adulescéntuli coíimus in Piraeum," and again: "Mercátor hoc addébat, captam e Súnio."[24] If we want to call parishes towns, Sunium is as much a town as the Piraeus. But, since you are a purist, you will save me a lot of trouble, if you can solve the problem for me.
[23] In the morning as I disembarked in the Piraeus.
[24] Terence, Eun. 539 (yesterday while some of us youths met in the Piraeus), and 115 (The merchant added one thing more, a female slave from Sunium). In the first the MSS. of Terence read Piraeo.
Caesar sends me a friendly letter. Balbus does the same on his account. Certainly I shall not swerve a finger's breadth from the strictest honour; but you know how much I still owe him. Don't you think there is fear that this may be cast in my teeth, if I am slack; and repayment demanded from me, if I am energetic? What solution is there?
Caelio mutuabimur. Hoc tu tamen consideres velim; puto enim, in senatu si quando praeclare pro re publica dixero, Tartessium istum tuum mihi exeunti: "Iube sodes nummos curare."
Quid superest? Etiam. Gener est suavis mihi, Tulliae, Terentiae. Quantumvis vel ingenii vel humanitatis: satis est[25]; reliqua, quae nosti, ferenda. Scis enim, quos aperuerimus. Qui omnes praeter eum, de quo per te egimus, reum me[26] facerent.[27] Ipsis enim expensum nemo feret. Sed haec coram; nam multi sermonis sunt. Tironis reficiendi spes est in M'. Curio; cui ego scripsi tibi eum gratissimum facturum.
[25] satis est Mommsen: satis MSS.: comitatis satis or satis dignitatis Lehmann.
[26] rem Bosius; rem a me Purser.
[27] facere rentur Δ Bosius; facerentur O2.
Data v Idus Decembr. a Pontio ex Trebulano.
IV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Pompeiano IV aut III Id. Dec. a 704
Dionysium flagrantem desiderio tui misi ad te nec mehercule aequo animo, sed fuit concedendum. Quem quidem cognovi cum doctum, quod mihi iam ante erat notum, tum sane plenum officii, studiosum etiam meae laudis, frugi hominem, ac, ne libertinum laudare videar, plane virum bonum. Pompeium vidi IIII Idus Decembres. Fuimus una horas duas fortasse. Magna laetitia mihi visus est adfici meo adventu, de
"Pay up," say you. Well, I will borrow from the bank.[28] But there is a point you might consider. If I ever make a notable speech in the House on behalf of the constitution, your friend from Tarshish[29] will be pretty sure to say to me as I go out: "Kindly send me a draft."
[28] Caelius the banker is again referred to in XII, 5.
[29] L. Cornelius Balbus of Tartessus.
Anything else? Yes. My son-in-law is agreeable to me, to Tullia, and to Terentia. He has any amount of native charm or shall I say culture: and that is enough. We must put up with the faults you know of. For you know what we have found the others to be on inspection. All of them except the one with whom you negotiated for us would get me into the law courts. No one will lend them money on their own security. But this when we meet: it is a long story. My hope of Tiro's recovery lies in M'. Curius. I have written to him that he will be doing you the greatest favour.
Dec. 9, at Pontius' villa at Trebula.
IV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Pompeii, Dec. 10 or 11, B.C. 50
Dionysius burned to be with you, so I sent him, with some misgivings I must admit; but it had to be. I knew him before to be a scholar: I find him very obliging, careful of my good name, an honest fellow, and, not to give him a mere freedman's character, evidently a man of honour. Pompey I interviewed on the 10th of December. We were together a matter of two hours: he seemed greatly delighted with
triumpho hortari, suscipere partes suas, monere, ne ante in senatum accederem, quam rem confecissem, ne dicendis sententiis aliquem tribunum alienarem. Quid quaeris? in hoc officio sermonis nihil potuit esse prolixius. De re publica autem ita mecum locutus est, quasi non dubium bellum haberemus. Nihil ad spem concordiae. Plane illum a se alienatum cum ante intellegeret, tum vero proxume iudicasse. Venisse Hirtium a Caesare, qui esset illi familiarissimus, ad se non accessisse, et, cum ille a. d. VIII Idus Decembr. vesperi venisset, Balbus de tota re constituisset a. d. VII ad Scipionem ante lucem venire, multa de nocte eum profectum esse ad Caesarem. Hoc illi τεκμηριῶδες videbatur esse alienationis. Quid multa? nihil me aliud consolatur, nisi quod illum, cui etiam inimici alterum consulatum, fortuna summam potentiam dederit, non arbitror fore tam amentem, ut haec in discrimen adducat. Quodsi ruere coeperit, ne ego multa timeo; quae non audeo scribere. Sed, ut nunc est, a. d. III Nonas Ian. ad urbem cogito.
V
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano XV K. Ian., ut videtur, a. 704
Multas uno tempore accepi epistulas tuas; quae mihi, quamquam recentiora audiebam ex iis, qui ad me veniebant, tamen erant iucundae; studium enim et benevolentiam declarabant. Valetudine tua moveor et Piliam in idem genus morbi delapsam curam tibi
my arrival, encouraged me about my triumph, promised to do his part, warned me not to enter the House till my business was finished, for fear I should make an enemy of some tribune by the opinions I expressed. In short, promises could go no further. As to the political situation, he hinted certain war, without hope of agreement. It appeared that, though he had long understood there was a split between himself and Caesar, he had had very recent proof of it. Hirtius, a very intimate friend of Caesar's, had come and had not called on Pompey. Besides Hirtius had arrived on the evening of the 6th of December and Balbus had arranged a meeting with Pompey's father-in-law before daybreak on the 7th to discuss affairs, when, lo, late on the night before, Hirtius set out to go to Caesar. This seemed to Pompey proof positive of a split. In a word I have no consolation except the thought, that, when even his enemies have renewed his term of office and fortune has bestowed on him supreme power, Caesar will not be so mad as to jeopardize these advantages. If he begins to run amuck, my fears are more than I can commit to paper. As things are, I meditate a visit to town on the 3rd of January.
V
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae Dec. 16, B.C. 50
A number of your letters have reached me at the same time: and, although visitors bring me later news, they are delightful, as they show your affection and good will. I am concerned about your illness, and I suppose Pilia's attack of the same complaint will increase
adferre maiorem sentio. Date igitur operam, ut valeatis. De Tirone video tibi curae esse. Quem quidem ego, etsi mirabilis utilitates mihi praebet, cum valet, in onmi genere vel negotiorum vel studiorum meorum, tamen propter humanitatem et modestiam malo salvum quam propter usum meum. Philogenes mecum nihil umquam de Luscenio locatus est; de ceteris rebus habes Dionysium. Sororem tuam non venisse in Arcanum miror. De Chrysippo meum consilium probari tibi non moleste fero. Ego in Tusculanum nihil sane hoc tempore; devium est τοῖς ἀπαντῶσιν et habet alia δύσχρεστα. Sed de Formiano Tarracinam pridie Kal. Ian. Inde Pomptinam summam, inde in Albanum Pompei. Ita ad urbem III Nonas natali meo.
De re publica cotidie magis timeo. Non enim boni, ut putant, consentiunt. Quos ego equites Romanos, quos senatores vidi, qui acerrime cum cetera tum hoc iter Pompei vituperarent! Pace opus est. Ex victoria cum multa mala tum certe tyrannus exsistet. Sed haec prope diem coram. Iam plane mihi deest, quod ad te scribam; nec enim de re publica, quod uterque nostrum scit eadem, et domestica nota sunt ambobus.
Reliquum est iocari, si hic sinat. Nam ego is sum, qui illi concedi putem utilius esse, quod postulat, quam signa conferri. Sero enim resistimus ei, quem per annos decem aluimus contra nos. "Quid sentis igitur?" inquis. Nihil scilicet nisi de sententia tua nec prius quidem, quam nostrum negotium aut confecerimus
your trouble. Both of you do your best to get well. As for Tiro I see you are attending to him. Though when in health, he is marvellously useful to me in every department of business and literature, it is not a selfish motive, but his own charming character and modest bearing that prompts my hope for his recovery. Philogenes has never said anything to me about Luscenius. As for other matters Dionysius is with you. I am astonished your sister has not come to Arcanum. I am glad you approve my plan about Chrysippus. I shall not go to Tusculum at such a time as this, not I. It is out of the way for chance rencontres and has other drawbacks. But from Formiae I go to Tarracina on the last of December. Thence to the upper end of the Pomptine marsh: thence to Pompey's Alban villa: and so to Rome on the 3rd, my birthday.
The political crisis is causing me greater fear every day. The loyalists are not, as is imagined, in agreement. I have met numbers of Roman knights, and numbers of Members, ready to inveigh bitterly against everything and especially this journey of Pompey's. Peace is our want. Victory will bring many evils, and without doubt a tyrant. But this we shall soon discuss together. I have no news at all now: each of us knows as much as the other about political affairs, and domestic details are for us common knowledge.
All one can do is to jest—if he will allow it. For I am one who thinks it better to agree to his demands than to enter upon war. It is late to resist him, when for ten years we have nurtured this viper in our bosom. Then you ask my view. It is the same as yours; and I shall express none till my own affairs
aut deposuerimus. Cura igitur, ut valeas. Aliquando ἀπότριψαι quartanam istam diligentia, quae in te summa est.
VI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano XIV K. Ian., ut videtur, a. 704
Plane deest, quod ad te scribam; nota omnia tibi sunt; nee ipse habeo, a te quod exspectem. Tantum igitur nostrum illud sollemne servemus, ut ne quem istuc euntem sine litteris dimittamus. De re publica valde timeo, nec adhuc fere inveni, qui non concedendum putaret Caesari, quod postularet, potius quam depugnandum. Est illa quidem impudens postulatio, opinione valentior. Cur autem nunc primum ei resistamus?
Οὐ γὰρ δὴ τόδε μεῖζον ἔπι κακόν
quam cum quinquennium prorogabamus, aut cum, ut absentis ratio haberetur, ferebamus, nisi forte haec illi tum arma dedimus, ut nunc cum bene parato pugnaremus. Dices: "Quid tu igitur sensurus es?" Non idem quod dicturus; sentiam enim omnia facienda, ne armis decertetur, dicam idem quod Pompeius neque id faciam humili animo. Sed rursus hoc permagnum rei publicae malum est, et quodam modo mihi praeter ceteros non rectum me in tantis rebus a Pompeio dissidere.
are concluded or abandoned. So be sure to get well. Apply some of your wonderful capacity for taking pains to shaking off the fever.
VI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Dec. 17, B.C. 50
I have positively no news: all mine is known to you; and there is none that I can look for from you. Only let me preserve my old ceremony of letting no visitor go to you without a letter. My fears as to the political situation are great. And so far I have found hardly a man who would not yield to Caesar's demand sooner than fight. That demand, it is true, is shameless, but stronger than we thought. But why should we choose this occasion to begin resisting?
Odyssey xii, 209
"No greater evil threatens now"
than when we prolonged his office for another five years; or when we agreed to let him stand as a candidate in his absence. But perhaps we were then giving him these weapons to turn against us now. You will say; "What then will your view be?" My view will not be what I shall say; for my view will be that every step should be taken to avoid a conflict; but I shall say the same as Pompey, nor shall I be actuated by subserviency. But again it is a very great calamity to the state, and in a way improper to me beyond others to differ from Pompey in matters of such importance.
VII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano inter XIII et X K. Ian. a. 704
"Dionysius, vir optumus, ut mihi quoque est perspectus, et doctissumus tuique amantissumus, Romam venit XV Kalend. Ian. et litteras a te mihi reddidit." Tot enim verba sunt de Dionysio in epistula tua, illud putato non adscribis, "et tibi gratias egit." Atqui certe ille agere debuit, et, si esset factum, quae tua est humanitas, adscripsisses. Mihi autem nulla de eo παλινωδία datur propter superioris epistulae testimonium. Sit igitur sane bonus vir. Hoc enim ipsum bene fecit, quod mihi sui cognoscendi penitus etiam istam facultatem dedit. Philogenes recte ad te scripsit; curavit enim, quod debuit. Eum ego uti ea pecunia volui, quoad liceret; itaque usus est menses XIIII. Pomptinum cupio valere, et, quod scribis in urbem introisse, vereor, quid sit; nam id nisi gravi de causa non fecisset. Ego, quoniam IIII Non. Ian. compitalicius dies est, nolo eo die in Albanum venire, ne molestus familiae veniam. III Non. Ian. igitur; inde ad urbem pridie Nonas. Tua λῆψις quem in diem incurrat, nescio, sed prorsus te commoveri incommodo valetudinis tuae nolo.
De honore nostro nisi quid occulte Caesar per suos tribunos molitus erit, cetera videntur esse tranquilla; tranquillissimus autem animus meus, qui totum istuc aequi boni facit, et eo magis, quod iam a multis audio constitutum esse Pompeio et eius concilio in Siciliam
VII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Dec. 18-21, B.C. 50
"Dionysius, an excellent fellow—as I too have found him—a good scholar and your very stanch friend, arrived in Rome on the 16th of December, and gave me a letter from you." That's all you say about Dionysius in your letter. You do not add "and he expressed his gratitude to you." Yet certainly he ought to have done so, and, if he had, you would have added it with your usual good nature. I cannot make a volte face about him, owing to the character I gave him in the former letter. Let us call him then an honest fellow. He has done me one kindness at any rate in giving me this further chance to know him thoroughly. Philogenes is correct in what he wrote: he duly settled his debt. I wanted him to use the money as long as he could; so he has used it for 14 months. I hope Pomptinus is getting well. You mention his entrance into town. I am somewhat anxious as to what it means: he would not have entered the city except for some good reason. As the 2nd of January is a holiday, I don't wish to reach Pompey's Alban villa on that date for fear I should be a nuisance to his household. I shall go there on the 3rd, and then visit the city on the 4th. I forget on what day the fever will attack you again; but I would not have you stir to the damage of your health.
As for my triumph, unless Caesar has been secretly intriguing through his tribune partisans, all else seems smooth and easy. My mind is absolutely at ease, and I regard the whole business with indifference, especially as many people tell me that Pompey and his advisers
me mittere, quod imperium habeam. Id est Ἀβδηριτικόν. Nec enim senatus decrevit, nec populus iussit me imperium in Sicilia habere. Sin hoc res publica ad Pompeium refert, qui me magis quam privatum aliquem mittat? Itaque, si hoc imperium mihi molestum erit, utar ea porta, quam primam videro. Nam, quod scribis mirificam exspectationem esse mei neque tamen quemquam bonorum aut satis bonorum dubitare, quid facturus sim, ego, quos tu bonos esse dicas, non intellego. Ipse nullos novi, sed ita, si ordines bonorum quaerimus; nam singulares sunt boni viri. Verum in dissensionibus ordines bonorum et genera quaerenda sunt. Senatum bonum putas, per quem sine imperio provinciae sunt (numquam enim Curio sustinuisset, si cum eo agi coeptum esset; quam sententiam senatus sequi noluit; ex quo factum est, ut Caesari non succederetur), an publicanos, qui numquam firmi, sed nunc Caesari sunt amicissimi, an faeneratores an agricolas, quibus optatissimum est otium? nisi eos timere putas, ne sub regno sint, qui id numquam, dum modo otiosi essent, recusarunt. Quid ergo? exercitum retinentis, cum legis dies transierit, rationem haberi placet? Mihi vero ne absentis quidem; sed, cum id datum est, illud una datum est. Annorum enim decem imperium et ita latum placet? Placet igitur etiam me expulsum et agrum Campanum
have determined to send me to Sicily, because I still have military powers. That is a muddle-headed plan.[30] For neither has the House decreed, nor the people authorized me to have military power in Sicily. If the state delegates the appointment to Pompey, why should he send me rather than any unofficial person? So, if this military power is going to be a nuisance, I shall get rid of it by entering the first city gate I see. As for your news that there is a wonderful interest in my arrival and that none of the "right or right enough party" doubt as to my future action, I don't understand your phrase "the right party." I don't know of such a party, that is if we look for a class; of course there are individuals. But in political splits it is classes and parties we want. Do you think the Senate is "right," when it has left our provinces without military rule? For Curio could never have held out, if there had been negotiations with him—a proposal rejected by the House, which left Caesar without a successor. Is it the tax-collectors, who have never been loyal and are now very friendly with Caesar? Or is it the financiers or the farmers, whose chief desire is peace? Do you suppose they will fear a king, when they never declined one so long as they were left in peace? Well then, do I approve of the candidature of a man who keeps his army beyond the legal term? No, not even of his candidature in absence. But when the one privilege was granted, the other went with it. Do I then approve of the extension of his military power for ten years, and that carried as it was carried? Then I should have to approve of my own banishment, the throwing away of the Campanian land on the people, the adoption
[30] Abdera was the classical Gotham.
perisse et adoptatum patricium a plebeio, Gaditanum a Mytilenaeo, et Labieni divitiae et Mamurrae placent et Balbi horti et Tusculanum. Sed horum omnium fons unus est. Imbecillo resistendum fuit, et id erat facile; nunc legiones XI, equitatus tantus, quantum volet, Transpadani, plebes urbana, tot tribuni pl., tam perdita iuventus, tanta auctoritate dux, tanta audacia. Cum hoc aut depugnandum est aut habenda e lege ratio. "Depugna," inquis, "potius quam servias." Ut quid? si victus eris, proscribare, si viceris, tamen servias? "Quid ergo," inquis, "facturus es?" Idem quod pecudes, quae dispulsae sui generis sequuntur greges. Ut bos armenta sic ego bonos viros aut eos, quicumque dicentur boni, sequar, etiamsi ruent. Quid sit optimum male contractis rebus, plane video. Nemini est enim exploratum, cum ad arma ventum sit, quid futurum sit, at illud omnibus, si boni victi sint, nec in caede principum clementiorem hunc fore quam Cinna fuerit, nec moderatiorem quam Sulla in pecuniis locupletum. Συμπολιτεύομαί σοι iam dudum et facerem diutius, nisi me lucerna desereret. Ad summam "Dic, M. Tvlli." Adsentior Cn. Pompeio, id est T. Pomponio.
Alexim, humanissimum puerum, nisi forte dum ego absum, adulescens factus est (id enim agere videbatur), salvere iubeas velim.
of a patrician by a plebeian, of that gentleman of Gades by the man of Mytilene.[31] And I should have to approve of the wealth of Labienus and Mamurra and the gardens and Tusculan estate of Balbus. But the source of all these evils is one. We ought to have resisted him when he was weak: that would have been easy. Now there are eleven legions, cavalry as much as he wants, the northern tribes across the Po, the city riff-raff, all the tribunes of the people, the young profligates, a leader of such influence and daring. We must either fight him or allow his candidature according to the law. "Fight," say you, "rather than be slaves." The result will be proscription if beaten and slavery even if one wins. "What shall I do then?" What the cattle do, who when scattered follow flocks of their own kind. As an ox follows the herd, so shall I follow the "right party," or whoever are said to be the "right party," even if they rush to destruction. The best course in our straits is clear to me. No one can tell the issue of war: but every one can tell that, if the right party are beaten, Caesar will not be more merciful than Cinna in slaying the nobility, nor more moderate than Sulla in robbing the rich. I have discussed la haute politique long enough, and I would do so longer, had not my lamp gone out. The end is "Your vote, Marcus Tullius." I vote with Pompey, that is with Titus Pomponius.
[31] Balbus of Gades was adopted by Theophanes of Mytilene, who had himself received the citizenship from Pompey.
Please remember me to Alexis, a very clever boy, unless perhaps in my absence he has become a man, as he threatened to do.
VIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano VI aut V K. Ian. a. 704
Quid opus est de Dionysio tam valde adfirmare? An mihi nutus tuus non faceret fidem? Suspicionem autem eo mihi maiorem tua taciturnitas attulerat, quod et tu soles conglutinare amicitias testimoniis tuis, et illum aliter cum aliis de nobis locutum audiebam. Sed prorsus ita esse, ut scribis, mihi persuades. Itaque ego is in illum sum, quem tu me esse vis.
Diem tuum ego quoque ex epistula quadam tua, quam incipiente febricula scripseras, mihi notaveram et animadverteram posse pro re nata te non incommode ad me in Albanum venire III Nonas Ianuar. Sed, amabo te, nihil incommodo valetudinis feceris. Quid enim est tantum in uno aut altero die?
Dolabellam video Liviae testamento cum duobus coheredibus esse in triente, sed iuberi mutare nomen. Est πολιτικὸν σκέμμα, rectumne sit nobili adulescenti mutare nomen mulieris testamento. Sed id φιλοσοφώτερον διευκρινήσομεν, cum sciemus, quantum quasi sit in trientis triente.
Quod putasti fore ut, antequam istuc venirem, Pompeium viderem, factum est ita; nam VI Kal. ad Lavernium me consecutus est. Una Formias venimus et ab hora octava ad vesperum secreto collocuti sumus. Quod quaeris, ecquae spes pacificationis sit, quantum ex Pompei multo et accurato sermone perspexi, ne voluntas quidem est. Sic enim existimat, si ille vel dimisso exercitu consul factus sit, σύγχυσιν
VIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Dec. 25 or 26, B.C. 50
There was no need for you to give such strong assurances about Dionysius. A hint from you would have satisfied me. But your silence gave me all the more reason for suspicion, because you are used to cement friendships with good-natured assurances, and because I heard that he used different language about us to others. However, your letter convinces me. So I behave to him exactly as you wish.
Your bad day too I had noted from a letter you wrote at the beginning of your feverishness, and I had calculated that under the circumstances you could conveniently meet me at the Alban villa on the 3rd of January. But please do nothing to affect your health. A day or two will make no difference.
Dolabella, I see, by Livia's will shares a third of her estate with two others, but is asked to change his name. It is a social problem whether it is proper for a young noble to change his name under a lady's will. But we can determine that on more scientific grounds, when we know to how much a third of a third amounts.
Iliad xviii, 309
Your guess that I should meet Pompey before coming to Rome has come true. On the 25th he overtook me near the Lavernium. We reached Formiae together, and were closeted together from two o'clock till evening. For your query as to the chance of a peaceful settlement, so far as I could tell from Pompey's full and detailed discourse, he does not even want peace. Pompey thinks that the constitution will be subverted even if Caesar is elected consul without
τῆς πολιτείας fore, atque etiam putat eum, cum audierit contra se diligenter parari, consulatum hoc anno neglecturum ac potius exercitum provinciamque retenturum. Sin autem ille fureret, vehementer hominem contemnebat et suis et rei publicae copiis confidebat. Quid quaeris? etsi mihi crebro ξυνὸς Ἐνυάλιος occurrebat, tamen levabar cura virum fortem et peritum et plurimum auctoritate valentem audiens πολιτικῶς de pacis simulatae periculis disserentem. Habebamus autem in manibus Antoni contionem habitam X Kal. Ianuar., in qua erat accusatio Pompei usque a toga pura, querela de damnatis, terror armorum. In quibus ille "Quid censes," aiebat, "facturum esse ipsum, si in possessionem rei publicae venerit, cum haec quaestor eius infirmus et inops audeat dicere?" Quid multa? non modo non expetere pacem istam, sed etiam timere visus est. Ex illa autem sententia ἰδέα[32] relinquendae urbis movet hominem, ut puto. Mihi autem illud molestissimum est, quod solvendi sunt nummi Caesari et instrumentum triumphi eo conferendum. Est enim ἄμορφον ἀντιπολιτευομένου χρεωφειλέτην esse. Sed haec et multa alia coram.
[32] ἰδέα Schmidt: î M; ita, viv, nif, infra other MSS.
IX
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano V aut IV K. Ian. a. 704
"Cotidiene," inquis, "a te accipiendae litterae sunt?" Si habebo, cui dem, cotidie. "At iam ipse ades." Tum igitur, cum venero, desinam. Unas video
an army; and he fancies that when Caesar hears of the energetic preparations against him, he will give up the idea of the consulship this year, and prefer to keep his army and his province. Still, if Caesar should play the fool, Pompey has an utter contempt for him, and firm confidence in his own and the state's resources. Well, although the "uncertainty of war" came constantly into my mind, I was relieved of anxiety as I listened to a soldier, a strategist, and a man of the greatest influence discoursing in a statesmanlike way on the risks of a hollow peace. We had before us a speech of Antony made on the 21st of December, which attacked Pompey from boyhood, complained about the condemnation of certain people and threatened war. Pompey's comment was "What do you suppose Caesar will do, if he becomes master of the state, when a wretched, insignificant subordinate dares to talk in this strain?" In a word, he appeared not only not to seek peace, but even to fear it. But I fancy the idea of leaving the city shakes his resolution. What annoys me most is that I have to pay up to Caesar, and devote to the purpose what I should have used for my triumph. It is bad form to owe money to a political opponent. But this and many other topics can wait till we meet.
IX
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Dec. 26 or 27, B.C. 50
You ask if you are going to get a letter from me every day. Every day, if I can find a messenger. True I am at hand myself. Well, I will stop writing
mihi a te non esse redditas, quas L. Quinctius, familiaris meus, cum ferret, ad bustum Basili vulneratus et despoliatus est. Videbis igitur, num quid fuerit in iis, quod me scire opus sit, et simul hoc διευκρινήσεις πρόβλημα sane πολιτικόν. Cum sit necesse aut haberi Caesaris rationem illo exercitum vel per senatum vel per tribunos pl. obtinente; aut persuaderi Caesari, ut tradat provinciam atque exercitum et ita consul fiat; aut, si id ei non persuadeatur, haberi comitia sine illius ratione illo patiente atque obtinente provinciam; aut, si per tribunos pl. non patiatur et tamen quiescat, rem adduci ad interregnum; aut, si ob eam causam, quod ratio eius non habeatur, exercitum adducat, armis cum eo contendere, illum autem initium facere armorum aut statim nobis minus paratis, aut tum, cum comitiis amicis eius postulantibus, ut e lege ratio habeatur, impetratum non sit, ire autem ad arma aut hanc unam ob causam, quod ratio non habeatur, aut addita causa, si forte tribunus pl. senatum impediens aut populum incitans notatus aut senatus consulto circumscriptus aut sublatus aut expulsus sit dicensve se expulsum ad illum confugerit, suscepto autem bello aut tenenda sit urbs aut ea relicta ille commeatu et reliquis copiis intercludendus—quod horum malorum, quorum aliquod certe subeundum est, minimum putes. Dices profecto persuaderi illi, ut tradat exercitum et ita consul fiat. Est omnino id eius modi, ut, si ille eo descendat, contra dici nihil possit, idque eum, si non obtinet, ut ratio habeatur retinentis exercitum, non
when I arrive. I see I have missed one of your letters: my friend L. Quinctius was wounded and robbed near the tomb of Basilus, while he was bringing it. So you must see if there was any news in it I ought to have, and you shall solve me this inevitable problem of politics to boot. It may be necessary for us to admit Caesar as a candidate while he keeps his army, be it by the favour of the House or the tribunes. Or we may have to persuade him to take office on condition of giving up his province and his troops. Or, if he will not yield to persuasion on that point, we may refuse to admit him as a candidate at the election, and he may endure the treatment and keep his province. Or, if he employs the tribunes to interfere, yet keeps the peace, a political deadlock may be brought about. Or, if he uses force, because we reject him as a candidate, we may have to fight and he may begin at once before we are ready, or when his friends fail to get his candidature allowed at the elections in accordance with his legal privilege. He may resort to arms solely on account of his rejection as a candidate, or for a further reason, if a tribune through using obstructionist tactics or an appeal to popular feeling incur a censure or a limitation of power or suspension or expulsion from office, or if some tribune fly to him with a tale of expulsion. War begun, we must either hold the city or abandon it and cut him off from food and supplies. Of these evils some one must be borne: consider which in your opinion is the lightest. Of course you will say, "Induce him to give up his army and so take the consulship." True there can be no objection to that, if he will condescend, and I wonder he does not, if he cannot get his candidature supported
facere miror. Nobis autem, ut quidam putant, nihil est timendum magis quam ille consul. "At sic malo," inquies, "quam cum exercitu." Certe; sed istud ipsum "sic" magnum malum putat aliquis, neque ei remedium est ullum. "Cedendum est, si id volet." Vide consulem illum iterum, quem vidisti consulatu priore. "At tum imbecillus plus," inquis, "valuit quam tota res publica." Quid nunc putas? et eo consule Pompeio certum est esse in Hispania. O rem miseram! si quidem id ipsum deterrimum est, quod recusari non potest, et quod ille si faciat, iam iam a bonis omnibus summam ineat gratiam. Tollamus igitur hoc, quo illum posse adduci negant; de reliquis quid est deterrimum? Concedere illi, quod, ut idem dicit, impudentissime postulat. Nam quid impudentius? Tenuisti provinciam per annos decem, non tibi a senatu, sed a te ipso per vim et per factionem datos; praeteriit tempus non legis, sed libidinis tuae, fac tamen legis; ut succedatur, decernitur; impedis et ais: "Habe meam rationem." Habe tu nostram. Exercitum tu habeas diutius, quam populus iussit, invito senatu? "Depugnes oportet, nisi concedis." Cum bona quidem spe, ut ait idem, vel vincendi vel in libertate moriendi. Iam, si pugnandum est, quo tempore, in casu, quo consilio, in temporibus situm est. Itaque te in ea quaestione non exerceo; ad ea, quae dixi, adfer, si quid habes. Equidem dies noctesque torqueor.
while he keeps his army. But for us some think that nothing could be worse than Caesar in office. You may say, "Better so, than with an army." Certainly: but Pompey thinks that very "so" fatal, and there is no remedy for it. "We must submit to Caesar's will." But imagine him in office again after your experience of his former tenure. You will reflect that, weak as he was, he was too strong for the constitution. What about him now? And now, if Caesar is consul, Pompey will remain in Spain. What a plight! since the worst of all is the very alternative which we cannot refuse him, and the one which, if he takes it, will of itself win him the favour of the right party. This course it is said he will not accept; let us put it out of court. Which is the worst of the remaining alternatives? To concede his impertinent demand, as Pompey terms it? Impertinent it is indeed. You have had a province for ten years, not allotted by the Senate, but by yourself through force and insubordination. This term, not a legal term, but a term of your own will and pleasure—or say, this legal term—comes to an end. The House passes a decree for the appointment of a successor. You object and cry, "Consider my candidature." Consider our case. Are you to dare the House and keep your army longer than the nation sanctions? "You must fight or yield." Then as Pompey says, let us hope for victory, or death with freedom. If we must fight, the time depends on chance, the plan of campaign on circumstances. So I do not trouble you on that point. But make any suggestion you can on my remarks. Day and night I am tormented.
X
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. ad urbem XIV sub noctem aut XIII ante lucem K. Febr. a. 705
Subito consilium cepi, ut, antequam luceret, exirem, ne qui conspectus fieret aut sermo, lictoribus praesertim laureatis. De reliquo neque hercule quid agam neque quid acturus sim, scio; ita sum perturbatus temeritate nostri amentissimi consilii. Tibi vero quid suadeam, cuius ipse consilium exspecto? Gnaeus noster quid consilii ceperit capiatve, nescio, adhuc in oppidis coartatus et stupens. Omnes, si in Italia consistat, erimus una; sin cedet, consilii res est. Adhuc certe, nisi ego insanio, stulte omnia et incaute. Tu, quaeso, crebro ad me scribe, vel quod in buccam venerit.
XI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Campania inter XIV et IX K. Febr. a. 705
Quaeso, quid est hoc? aut quid agitur? Mihi enim tenebrae sunt. "Cingulum," inquit, "nos tenemus, Anconem amisimus; Labienus discessit a Caesare." Utrum de imperatore populi Romani an de Hannibale loquimur? O hominem amentem et miserum, qui ne umbram quidem umquam τοῦ καλοῦ viderit! Atque haec ait omnia facere se dignitatis causa. Ubi est autem dignitas nisi ubi honestas? Honestum igitur habere exercitum nullo publico consilio, occupare urbes civium, quo facilior sit aditus ad patriam, χρεῶν ἀποκοπάς, φυγάδων καθόδους, sescenta alia scelera moliri,
X
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Near Rome, Jan. 17 or 18, B.C. 49
I have suddenly determined to leave town before daybreak, so that I may escape sightseers and gossips, especially with my bay-decked lictors. For the rest, what to do now or later, upon my word, I do not know: I am so upset by our rash and lunatic policy. What advice can I offer you, when it is to you I look for advice? I know not what plan Pompey has made or is making: so far he is cooped up in the towns, paralysed. If he makes his stand in Italy, we shall all be together: if he retires, it will be a matter for debate. So far certainly, unless I have lost my wits, his policy has been rash and foolish. Please write to me often, just what comes into your head.
XI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
In Campania, Jan. 17-22, B.C. 49
What in the name of wonder is this? What is happening? I am in the dark. People say, "Cingulum is ours, Ancona is lost, Labienus has deserted from Caesar." Are we talking of a Roman officer or of Hannibal? Wretched madman never to have seen the shadow even of right! Yet all this, he says, is done to support his honour. Can there be honour without honesty: and is it honest to retain an army without sanction, to seize the cities of your country that you may strike the better at her heart, to contrive abolition of debts, the restoration of exiles, and scores of other crimes,
τὴν θεῶν μεγίστην ὥστ' ἔχειν τυραννίδα——;
Sibi habeat suam fortunam! Unam mehercule tecum apricationem in illo lucrativo tuo sole malim quam omnia istius modi regna vel potius mori miliens quam semel istius modi quicquam cogitare. "Quid, si tu velis?" inquis. Age, quis est, cui velle non liceat? Sed ego hoc ipsum "velle" miserius esse duco quam in crucem tolli. Una res est ea miserior, adipisci, quod ita volueris. Sed haec hactenus. Libenter enim in his molestiis ἐνσχολάζω τόσον.[33]
[33] COCON MSS.: τόσον Tyrrell, Purser; σοι Vict.
Redeamus ad nostrum. Per fortunas! quale tibi consilium Pompei videtur? hoc quaero, quod urbem reliquerit. Ego enim ἀπορῶ. Tum nihil absurdius. Urbem tu relinquas? ergo idem, si Galli venirent? "Non est," inquit, "in parietibus res publica." At in aris et focis. "Fecit Themistocles." Fluctum enim totius barbariae ferre urbs una non poterat. At idem Pericles non fecit annum fere post quinquagesimum, cum praeter moenia nihil teneret; nostri olim urbe reliqua capta arcem tamen retinuerunt.
Οὕτο που τῶν πρόσθεν ἐπευθόμεθα κλέα ἀνδρῶν.
Rursus autem ex dolore municipali sermonibusque eorum, quos convenio, videtur hoc consilium exitum habiturum. Mira hominum querela est (nescio an[34]
[34] an added by Ernesti.
"To win God's greatest gift, a crown?"
Euripides, Phoenissae, 516
Well, let him keep his fortune. For my part, let me bask one hour in your clime's free gift of[35] sunlight, rather than win any kingdom of that sort. Better a thousand times to die than once to meditate such villainy. "Suppose you conceive a desire for it," you say. Desire is free to anyone; but I would rather be crucified than have such a desire. There is only one worse fate, to obtain your desire. But enough of this. It eases me to philosophize a trifle in our present straits.
[35] Or "precious." The meaning is very doubtful.
To come back to Pompey. What, in heaven's name, do you think of his plan? I mean his desertion of Rome. I don't know what to make of it. Besides nothing could be more ridiculous. Leave the city? Would you then have done the same if the Gauls were coming? He may object that the state does not consist of lath and plaster. But it does consist of hearths and altars. "Themistocles abandoned Athens." Yes, because one city could not stand the flood of all the barbarians of the East. But Pericles did not desert her about fifty years later, though he held nothing but the walls. Once too our ancestors lost the rest of Rome, but they kept the citadel.
"Such were the deeds they did, men say,
The heroes of an elder day."
Iliad ix, 529
On the other hand to judge from the indignation in the towns and the talk of my acquaintances, it looks to me as if Pompey's flight would be a success. Here there is an extraordinary outcry (whether in
istic, sed facies, ut sciam) sine magistratibus urbem esse, sine senatu. Fugiens denique Pompeius mirabiliter homines movet. Quid quaeris? alia causa acta est. Nihil iam concedendum putant Caesari. Haec tu mihi explica qualia sint.
Ego negotio praesum non turbulento. Vult enim me Pompeius esse, quem tota haec Campania et maritima ora habeat ἐπίσκοπον, ad quem dilectus et summa negotii referatur. Itaque vagus esse cogitabam. Te puto iam videre, quae sit ὁρμὴ Caesaris, qui populus, qui totius negotii status. Ea velim scribas ad me, et quidem, quoniam mutabilia sunt, quam saepissime. Acquiesco enim et scribens ad te et legens tua.
XII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Formiis X K. Febr. a. 705
Unam adhuc a te epistulam acceperam datam XII Kal., in qua significabatur aliam te ante dedisse, quam non acceperam. Sed quaeso, ut scribas quam saepissime, non modo si quid scies aut audieris, sed etiam si quid suspicabere, maximeque quid nobis faciendum aut non faciendum putes. Nam, quod rogas, curem, ut scias, quid Pompeius agat, ne ipsum quidem scire puto; nostrum quidem nemo. Vidi Lentulum consulem Formiis X Kal., vidi Libonem; plena timoris et erroris omnia. Ille iter Larinum; ibi enim cohortes et Luceriae et Teani reliquaque in Apulia. Inde
Rome also, I do not know: please tell me) at the city being left without magistrates and without the House. In fact Pompey's flight has made a marvellous stir. Men's attitude is really quite different: they object to any concession to Caesar. Explain to me what it all means.
My task is peaceful. Pompey wishes me to act as surveyor over the whole of the Campanian coast, to superintend the levy and all important business. So I expect to be a wanderer. I imagine you realize Caesar's policy, the temper of the people and the condition of affairs. Pray keep me informed, and, since things are in a changeable condition, as often as possible. It soothes me to write to you and read your letters.
XII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Jan. 21, B.C. 49
So far I have received one letter from you dated the 19th. In it you state that you sent me another; but it has not reached me. I entreat you, write to me as often as possible, not only what you shall know or hear, but even anything you may suspect; and especially give me your opinion as to what I ought or ought not to do. As to your request for information on Pompey's policy, I don't think he knows himself; certainly none of us know. I saw Lentulus the consul at Formiae on the 21st. I saw Libo. Everywhere there is panic and confusion. Pompey is on the road to Larinum; for there are cohorts there and also at Luceria and Teanum and in the rest of Apulia. No one knows whether he
utrum consistere uspiam velit an mare transire, nescitur. Si manet, vereor, ne exercitam firmum habere non possit; sin discedit, quo aut qua, aut quid nobis agendum sit, nescio. Nam istum quidem, cuius φαλαρισμὸν times, omnia taeterrime facturum puto. Nec eum rerum prolatio nec senatus magistratuumque discessus nec aerarium clausum tardabit. Sed haec, ut scribis, cito sciemus.
Interim velim mihi ignoscas quod ad te scribo tam multa totiens. Acquiesco enim, et tuas volo elicere litteras, maximeque consilium, quid agam aut quo me pacto geram. Demittamne me penitus in causam? Non deterreor periculo, sed dirumpor dolore, Tamne nullo consilio aut tam contra meum consilium gesta esse omnia! An cuncter et tergiverser, et eis me dem, qui tenent, qui potiuntur? Αἰδέομαι Τρῶας nec solum civis, sed etiam amici officio revocor; etsi frangor saepe misericordia puerorum. Ut igitur ita perturbato, etsi te eadem sollicitant, scribe aliquid, et maxime, si Pompeius Italia cedit, quid nobis agendum putes. M'. quidem Lepidus (nam fuimus una) eum finem statuit, L. Torquatus eundem. Me cum multa tum etiam lictores impediunt. Nihil vidi umquam, quod minus explicari posset. Itaque a te nihildum certi exquiro, sed quid videatur. Denique ipsam ἀπορίαν tuam cupio cognoscere. Labienum ab illo discessisse prope modum constat. Si ita factum esset, ut ille Romam veniens magistratus et senatum
will make a stand anywhere or cross the sea. If he remains in Italy, I fear it is impossible for him to have a reliable army. If he leaves Italy, where he will go or stay, and what we are to do I don't know. For I imagine that Caesar, whom you fear may be a Phalaris, will stick at no abominations. He will not be deterred by adjournment of public business, the departure of members and magistrates and the closure of the treasury. But, as you say, we shall know soon.
Meanwhile forgive me for writing so much and so often; it soothes me, and I wish to extract letters from you, and especially advice as to where to go and what to do. Shall I give myself up heart and soul to the good cause? I am not terrified by the danger, but tortured by the anguish. To think that everything has been done with such a lack of plan, or so contrary to my plan! Or shall I hesitate and play the turncoat, and join the party that holds the field? "I fear the Trojans," and I am held back not only by my duty as a citizen, but by my duty as a friend; though I am often shaken by pity for the boys. So write a line to me in my distress, although you have the same worries; and especially as to what you think I should do, if Pompey leaves Italy. I have met M'. Lepidus and he draws the line there; so does L. Torquatus. There are many obstacles before me, including my lictors. I have never seen such an intricate tangle. So I do not look to you for positive advice: but only for your opinion. In fact I want to know how the dilemma presents itself to you. It is practically certain that Labienus has left Caesar. If it could have been arranged that he could meet magistrates and Senate on his arrival at
Romae offenderet, magno usui causae nostrae fuisset. Damnasse enim sceleris hominem amicum rei publicae causa videretur, quod nunc quoque videtur, sed minus prodest. Non enim habet, cui prosit, eumque arbitror paenitere, nisi forte id ipsum est falsum, discessisse illum. Nos quidem pro certo habebamus.
Et velim, quamquam, ut scribis, domesticis te finibus tenes, formam mihi urbis exponas, ecquod Pompei desiderium, ecquae Caesaris invidia appareat, etiam quid censeas de Terentia et Tullia, Romae eas esse an mecum an aliquo tuto loco. Haec et si quid aliud ad me scribas velim vel potius scriptites.
XIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Menturnis IX K. Febr. a. 705
De Vennonianis rebus tibi assentior. Labienum ἥρωα iudico. Facinus iam diu nullum civile praeclarius, qui, ut aliud nihil, hoc tamen profecit, dedit illi dolorem. Sed etiam ad summam profectum aliquid puto. Amo etiam Pisonem. Cuius iudicium de genero suspicor visum iri grave. Quamquam, genus belli quod sit, vides. Ita civile est, ut non ex civium dissensione, sed ex unius perditi civis audacia natum sit. Is autem valet exercitu, tenet multos spe et promissis, omnia omnium concupivit. Huic tradita urbs est nuda praesidio, referta copiis. Quid est,
Rome, he would have been of great service to our cause. Loyalty it would have appeared had made him regard his friend a traitor: it appears so as it is, but it is of less use. For there is no cause to serve, and I imagine that he is sorry at leaving Caesar, unless perhaps the report is false. Myself I think it true.
And please give me a sketch of city affairs, though according to your account you keep to your house. Is Pompey missed? Does Caesar seem disliked? What do you think about Terentia and Tullia? Should they remain in Rome, or join me, or seek some refuge? On these and any other topics pray write to me, I mean write often.
XIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Menturnae, Jan. 22, B.C. 49
In the matter of Vennonius I agree with you. Labienus I consider a hero. There has been no public action of such distinction for a long time. If he has done nothing else, he has at least hurt Caesar's feelings. But I think he has served our main interests as well. I am delighted too with Piso. His judgement on his son-in-law[36] should carry weight. However, you see the nature of our struggle. It is civil war, though it has not sprung from division among our citizens, but from daring of one abandoned citizen. He is strong in military forces, he attracts adherents by hopes and promises, he covets the whole universe. Rome is delivered to him stripped of defenders, stocked with supplies: one may
[36] Caesar.
quod ab eo non metuas, qui illa templa et tecta non patriam, sed praedam putet? Quid autem sit acturus aut quo modo, nescio, sine senatu, sine magistratibus. Ne simulare quidem poterit quicquam πολιτικῶς. Nos autem ubi exsurgere poterimus aut quando? Quorum dux quam ἀστρατήγητος, tu quoque animadvertis, cui ne Picena quidem nota fuerint; quam autem sine consilio, res testis. Ut enim alia omittam decem annorum peccata, quae condicio non huic fugae praestitit? Nec vero, nunc quid cogitet, scio ac non desino per litteras sciscitari. Nihil esse timidius constat, nihil perturbatius. Itaque nec praesidium, cuius parandi causa ad urbem retentus est, nec locum ac sedem praesidii ullam video. Spes omnis in duabus insidiose retentis paene alienis legionibus. Nam dilectus adhuc quidem invitorum est et a pugnando abhorrentium. Condicionum autem amissum tempus est. Quid futurum sit, non video; commissum quidem a nobis certe est sive a nostro duce, ut e portu sine gubernaculis egressi tempestati nos traderemus.
Itaque de Ciceronibus nostris dubito quid agam; nam mihi interdum amandandi videntur in Graeciam; de Tullia autem et Terentia, cum mihi barbarorum adventus ad urbem proponitur, omnia timeo; cum autem Dolabellae venit in mentem, paulum respiro. Sed velim consideres, quid faciendum putes primum πρὸς τὸ ἀσφαλές (aliter enim mihi de illis ac de me ipso consulendum est), deinde ad opiniones, ne reprehendamur, quod eas Romae velimus esse in communi bonorum fuga. Quin etiam tibi et Peducaeo (scripsit enim ad me), quid faciatis, videndum est. Is enim
fear anything from a man who regards her temples and her homes not as his native land, but as his loot. What he will do, and how he will do it, in the absence of House and magistrates, I do not know. He will be unable even to pretend constitutional methods. But where can our party raise its head or when? You, too, remark how poor a soldier our leader is; why, he did not even know how things were in Picenum; and the crisis shows his lack of policy. Pass over other faults of the last ten years. What compromise were not better than this flight? I do not know what he is thinking of doing now, though I inquire by constant letters. It is agreed that his alarm and confusion has reached the limit. He was kept in Italy to garrison Rome, but no garrison or place to post a garrison can I see. We depend entirely on two legions that were kept here by a trick, and are practically disloyal. For so far the levy has found unwilling recruits, afraid of war. But the time of compromise is passed. The future is obscure. We, or our leader, have brought things to such a pass, that having put to sea without a rudder, we must trust to the mercy of the storm.
So I hesitate what to do with the boys. Sometimes I think of sending them to Greece. As for Tullia and Terentia, when I picture the approach of the barbarians on Rome, I am terrified. But the thought of Dolabella is some small relief to my mind. Please consider my best course, in the first place with an eye to safety, for their safety stands on a different footing to mine, and then with regard to possible criticism, if I leave them in Rome, when the loyal are all in flight. Even you and Peducaeus must be careful what you do, as he writes to me. For your
splendor est vestrum, ut eadem postulentur a vobis quae ab amplissimis civibus. Sed de hoc tu videbis, quippe cum de me ipso ac de meis te considerare velim.
Reliquum est, ut, et quid agatur, quoad poteris, explores scribasque ad me, et quid ipse coniectura assequare, quod etiam a te magis exspecto. Nam acta omnibus nuntiantibus, a te exspecto futura. Μάντις δ' ἄριστος—. Loquacitati ignosces, quae et me levat ad te quidem scribentem et elicit tuas litteras. Aenigma Oppiorum ex Velia plane non intellexi; est enim numero Platonis obscurius.[37]
[37] Aenigma—obscurius, transferred by O. E. Schmidt from the beginning of XIIIa.
XIIIa
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Menturnis VIII K. Febr. a. 705
Iam intellexi tuum; Oppios enim de Velia saccones dicis. In eo aestuavi diu. Quo aperto reliqua patebant et cum Terentiae summa congruebant. L. Caesarem vidi Menturnis a. d. VIII Kal. Febr. mane cum absurdissimis mandatis, non hominem, sed scopas solutas, ut id ipsum mihi ille videatur irridendi causa fecisse, qui tantis de rebus huic mandata dederit;
eminence is such that people will expect the same from you as from the most distinguished citizens. But you are capable of looking after yourself. Why, it is to you that I look for advice about myself and my family.
For the rest, you must discover, as far as you can, what is happening, and write to me. Add your conjectures, too, for I look forward still more eagerly to them. Anybody can inform me of what has happened. From you I hope to hear what will happen. "The prince of seers...."[38] Pardon my chatter. It is a relief to write to you, and it gets me a letter from you. I am at a loss to explain your riddle about the Oppii of Velia; it is darker than Plato's number.[39]
[38] The line—in full μάντις δ'ἄριστος ὅστις εἰκάζει καλῶς—is taken from a lost tragedy of Euripides.
[39] The "nuptial number" of the Republic, 545c foll.
XIIIa
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Menturnae, Jan 23, B.C. 49
I understand it now, you call those pursy Oppii the bagmen of Velia.[40] I was in doubt for a long time. But the riddle solved, the rest became clear, and tallied with Terentia's reckoning. I met L. Caesar at Menturnae on the morning of the 23rd of January with the most ridiculous commission. He is not a man, but a broom untied. I imagine that Caesar is mocking us by sending such a commissioner on so important business; but perhaps the fellow has no
[40] The Oppii were bankers. If saccones is read, it must be taken as a jocular reference to money-bags. Some, however, read succones "blood-suckers," suggesting an obscure play upon the words ὀπός (fig juice) and sucus.
nisi forte non dedit, et hic sermone aliquo arrepto pro mandatis abusus est.
Labienus, vir mea sententia magnus, Teanum venit a. d. VIIII Kal. Ibi Pompeium consulesque convenit. Qui sermo fuerit, et quid actum sit, scribam ad te, cum certum sciam. Pompeius a Teano Larinum versus profectus est a. d. VIII Kal. Eo die mansit Venafri. Iam aliquantum animi videtur nobis attulisse Labienus. Sed ego nondum habeo, quod ad te ex his locis scribam; ista magis exspecto, quid illim adferatur, quo pacto de Labieno ferat, quid agat Domitius in Marsis, Iguvi Thermus, P. Attius Cinguli, quae sit populi urbani voluntas, quae tua coniectura de rebus futuris. Haec velim crebro, et quid tibi de mulieribus nostris placeat, et quid acturus ipse sis, scribas. Si scriberem ipse, longior epistula fuisset, sed dictavi propter lippitudinem.
XIV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Calibus a. d. VI K. Febr. a. 705
A. d. VI Kal. Febr. Capuam Calibus proficiscens, cum leviter lippirem, has litteras dedi. L. Caesar mandata Caesaris detulit ad Pompeium a. d. VIII Kal., cum is esset cum consulibus Teani. Probata condicio est, sed ita, ut ille de eis oppidis, quae extra suam provinciam occupavisset, praesidia deduceret. Id si fecisset, responsum est ad urbem nos redituros esse et rem per senatum confecturos. Spero posse in praesentia pacem nos habere; nam et illum furoris et hunc nostrum copiarum suppaenitet. Me Pompeius
authority, and is palming off some chance conversation as a commission.
Labienus, my hero, arrived at Teanum on the 22nd, where he met Pompey and the consuls. As soon as I have positive news, I will inform you of what they have said and done. Pompey set out from Teanum for Larinum on the 23rd. He spent that day at Venafrum. At last Labienus has given us some encouragement, but I have no news from this quarter. Rather I expect news from you of Caesar's doings, how he takes Labienus' desertion, what Domitius is doing among the Marsi, Thermus at Iguvium, and P. Attius at Cingulum, what is the city's feeling, and what are your views as to the future. Please write me often on these topics, and give me your opinion about my women-folk and your own intentions. Were I writing myself this letter would have been longer, but I dictate it owing to inflammation of the eyes.
XIV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Cales, Jan. 25, B.C. 49
On the 25th of January, setting out from Cales to Capua, I write this letter, though still suffering from slight inflammation of the eyes. L. Caesar brought Caesar's ultimatum to Pompey on the 23rd, while Pompey was at Teanum with the consuls. His conditions were accepted with the reservation that he should withdraw his garrison from the towns he has occupied outside his own province. That done, they said, we would return to Rome and settle business in the House. I hope for the present we may have peace: Caesar is rather sorry for his madness, and Pompey
Capuam venire voluit et adiuvare dilectum; in quo parum prolixe respondent Campani coloni. Gladiatores Caesaris, qui Capuae sunt, de quibus ante ad te falsum ex A. Torquati litteris scripseram, sane commode Pompeius distribuit binos singulis patribus familiarum. Scutorum in ludo IↃↃ fuerunt. Eruptionem facturi fuisse dicebantur. Sane multum in eo rei publicae provisum est.
De mulieribus nostris, in quibus est tua soror, quaeso videas, ut satis honestum nobis sit eas Romae esse, cum ceterae illa dignitate discesserint. Hoc scripsi ad eas et ad te ipsum antea. Velim eas cohortere, ut exeant, praesertim cum ea praedia in ora maritima habeamus, cui ego praesum, ut in iis pro re nata non incommode possint esse. Nam, si quid offendimus in genero nostro—quod quidem ego praestare non debeo—sed id fit maius, quod mulieres nostrae praeter ceteras Romae remanserunt. Tu ipse cum Sexto scire velim quid cogites de exeundo de totaque re quid existimes. Equidem pacem hortari non desino; quae vel iniusta utilior est quam iustissimum bellum cum civibus. Sed haec, ut fors tulerit.
XV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Capuae V K. Febr. a. 705
Ut ab urbe discessi, nullum adhuc intermisi diem, quin aliquid ad te litterarum darem, non quo haberem
is uneasy as to our forces. I am wanted at Capua to assist the levy. The settlers in Campania are hanging back. As for Caesar's professional fighting men at Capua, about whom I misinformed you on the authority of A. Torquatus, Pompey has very cleverly distributed them two a-piece to heads of families. There were 5,000 heavy armed gladiators in the school. They were said to meditate a sortie. Pompey's was a wise provision for the safety of the state.
As for my women-folk, among whom is your sister, I entreat you to consider the propriety of their stay at Rome, when the other ladies of their rank have departed. I wrote to them and to you on this point previously. Please urge them to leave the city, especially as I have those estates on the sea-coast, which is under my care, so that they can live there without much inconvenience, considering the state of affairs. For, if I give offence by the conduct of my son-in-law (though I am not his keeper), the fact that my women-folk stay in Rome after others have left makes matters worse. I should like to know what you and Sextus think about leaving town, and to have your opinion of matters in general. As for me, I cease not to advocate peace. It may be on unjust terms, but even so it is more expedient than the justest of civil wars. However, I can but leave it to fate.
XV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Capua, Jan. 26, B.C. 49
Since I left Rome I have not yet let a day pass without dropping you a line; not that I had any
magno opere, quod scriberem, sed ut loquerer tecum absens; quo mihi, cum coram id non licet, nihil est iucundius.
Capuam cum venissem a. d. VI Kal. pridie, quam has litteras dedi, consules conveni multosque nostri ordinis. Omnes cupiebant Caesarem abductis praesidiis stare condicionibus iis, quas tulisset; uni Favonio leges ab illo nobis imponi non placebat. Sed is haud auditus[41] in consilio. Cato enim ipse iam servire quam pugnare mavult; sed tamen ait in senatu se adesse velle, cum de condicionibus agatur, si Caesar adductus sit, ut praesidia deducat. Ita, quod maxime opus est, in Siciliam ire non curat; quod metuo ne obsit, in senatu esse vult. Postumius autem, de quo nominatim senatus decrevit, ut statim in Siciliam iret Furfanioque succederet, negat se sine Catone iturum et suam in senatu operam auctoritatemque quam magni aestimat. Ita res ad Fannium pervenit. Is cum imperio in Siciliam praemittitur. In disputationibus nostris summa varietas est. Plerique negant Caesarem in condicione mansurum postulataque haec ab eo interposita esse, quo minus, quod opus esset ad bellum, a nobis pararetur. Ego autem eum puto facturum, ut praesidia deducat. Vicerit enim, si consul factus erit, et minore scelere vicerit, quam quo ingressus est. Sed accipienda plaga est. Sumus enim flagitiose imparati cum a militibus tum a pecunia; quam quidem omnem non modo privatam, quae in urbe est, sed etiam publicam, quae in aerario est, illi reliquimus. Pompeius ad legiones Appianas[42] est profectus; Labienum secum habet. Ego tuas opiniones de his rebus exspecto. Formias me continuo recipere cogitabam.
[41] haud auditus Bosius: auditus auditus M: a nullo auditus Müller.
[42] Appianas Lipsius: acianas M1: actianas M2: Attianas most editors.
particular news, but I wanted to talk with you in my absence. When we cannot talk face to face, there is nothing I like better.
I reached Capua yesterday, the 25th, where I met the consuls and many fellow-members. All hope that Caesar will abide by his conditions, accepting the withdrawal of his garrisons: only Favonius objects to his dictating to us. But no one listened to him. For even Cato now prefers slavery to war: but he wants to be in the House when the terms are debated, if Caesar can be induced to withdraw his garrisons. So he does not care to do what would be most useful, and go to Sicily: and he wants to be in the House, where I fear he will cause trouble. The Senate definitely decreed that Postumius should set out for Sicily at once and succeed Furfanius. Postumius replied he would not go without Cato; he has a great idea of his own value and influence in the House. So choice fell on Fannius; he is dispatched to Sicily with military power. In our debates there is great difference of opinion. Most declare that Caesar will not stick to his compact, and that his demands were only introduced to hinder our preparations for war. I fancy, however, that he will withdraw his garrisons. For he will win his point, if he is elected consul, and win it with less scandal than by his first course. But the blow must be borne. We are sinfully unready in men and money: for we have left him not only our private purses in the city, but the state funds in the treasury. Pompey along with Labienus has set out for Appius' legions. I want your views on this. I think of returning to Formiae at once.
XVI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Calibus III K. Febr. a. 705
Omnes arbitror mihi tuas litteras redditas esse, sed primas praepostere, reliquas ordine, quo sunt missae per Terentiam. De mandatis Caesaris adventuque Labieni et responsis consulum ac Pompei scripsi ad te litteris iis, quas a. d. V Kal. Capua dedi, pluraque praeterea in eandem epistulam conieci. Nunc has exspectationes habemus duas, unam, quid Caesar acturus sit, cum acceperit ea, quae referenda ad illum data sunt L. Caesari, alteram, quid Pompeius agat. Qui quidem ad me scribit paucis diebus se firmum exercitum habiturum, spemque adfert, si in Picenum agrum ipse venerit, nos Romam redituros esse. Labienum secum habet non dubitantem de imbecillitate Caesaris copiarum; cuius adventu Gnaeus noster multo animi plus habet. Nos a consulibus Capuam venire iussi sumus ad Nonas Febr.
Capua profectus sum Formias a. d. III Kal. Eo die cum Calibus tuas litteras hora fere nona accepissem, has statim dedi. De Terentia et Tullia tibi adsentior. Ad quas scripseram, ad te ut referrent. Si nondum profectae sunt, nihil est, quod se moveant, quoad perspiciamus, quo loci sit res.
XVII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano IV Non. Febr. a. 705
Tuae litterae mihi gratae iucundaeque sunt. De pueris in Graeciam transportandis tum cogitabam,
XVI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Cales, Jan. 28, B.C. 49
I think all your letters reached me, but the first out of proper order, the others as they were dispatched by Terentia. About Caesar's ultimatum, the arrival of Labienus, and the reply of Pompey and the consuls, I informed you in my letter of the 26th of January from Capua, and I threw in a deal of other information besides. Now we have two things to wait for, first what Caesar will do on receipt of the terms given to L. Caesar to convey to him, and secondly what Pompey is doing now. Pompey indeed writes to me that in a few days he will have a strong force, and he encourages me to hope, that, if he enters Picenum, we shall return to Rome. Labienus accompanies him, confident in the weakness of Caesar's forces. His arrival has much encouraged Pompey. The consuls have ordered me to go to Capua by the 5th of February.
I set out from Capua for Formiae on the 28th of January. On receipt of your letter at Cales on that day about three o'clock I write this by return. As for Terentia and Tullia I agree with you, and I have written to them to consult you. If they have not yet started, there is no reason for them to bestir themselves, till we see how things are.
XVII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 2, B.C. 49
Your welcome letter I received with delight. I thought of sending the boys to Greece when Pompey's
cum fuga ex Italia quaeri videbatur. Nos enim Hispaniam peteremus; illis hoc aeque commodum non erat. Tu ipse cum Sexto etiam nunc mihi videris Romae recte esse posse; etenim minime amici Pompeio nostro esse debetis. Nemo enim umquam tantum de urbanis praediis detraxit. Videsne me etiam iocari?
Scire iam te oportet, L. Caesar quae response referat a Pompeio, quas ab eodem ad Caesarem ferat litteras. Scriptae enim et datae ita sunt, ut proponerentur in publico. In quo accusavi mecum ipse Pompeium, qui, cum scriptor luculentus esset, tantas res atque eas, quae in omnium manus venturae essent, Sestio nostro scribendas dederit. Itaque nihil umquam legi scriptum σηστιωδέστερον. Perspici tamen ex litteris Pompei potest nihil Caesari negari omniaque ei cumulate, quae postulet, dari. Quae ille amentissimus fuerit nisi acceperit, praesertim cum impudentissime postulaverit. Quis enim tu es, qui dicas: "Si in Hispaniam profectus erit, si praesidia dimiserit"? Tamen conceditur minus honeste nunc quidem violata iam ab illo re publica illatoque bello, quam si olim de ratione habenda impetrasset. Et tamen vereor, ut his ipsis contentus sit. Nam, cum ista mandata dedisset L. Caesari, debuit esse paulo quietior, dum responsa referrentur; dicitur autem nunc esse acerrimus.
Trebatius quidem scribit se ab illo VIIII Kal. Febr.
flight from Italy seemed likely. For I myself should have gone to Spain, but it would not have been so suitable for them. I fancy you and Sextus may well stay in Rome even now; for you are not in the least bound to be Pompey's friends: no one has ever depreciated city property so much as Pompey. I must have my joke still, you see.
You should know already the reply that Pompey is sending by Lucius Caesar, and the nature of his letter to Caesar; for it was written and sent on purpose to be published. Mentally I blamed Pompey who, though a clear writer himself, gave Sestius the task of drawing up documents of such importance, which were to come into every one's hands. Accordingly I have never seen anything more Sestian in its style.[43] Still it is plain from the letter that nothing can be denied to Caesar, and that the whole bulk of his demands are to be granted. He will be utterly mad to reject the terms, particularly when his demands are most impudent. Pray, who are you, Caesar, to insist "Provided Pompey go to Spain, provided he dismiss his garrisons"? Still the demand is being granted, but it has cost us more loss of dignity now that he has outraged the sanctity of the state and waged war against it, than if he had obtained his previous request to be admitted a candidate. And yet I fear he may want more. For when he entrusted his ultimatum to L. Caesar, he should have kept a little quiet until he received a reply. But he is said now to be more energetic than ever.
[43] Cf. Catullus xliv for comments on Sestius' style. Sestius was defended by Cicero in 56 B.C. with a speech which is extant.
Trebatius indeed writes to me that Caesar requested
rogatum esse, ut scriberet ad me, ut essem ad urbem, nihil ei me gratius facere posse. Haec verbis plurimis. Intellexi ex dierum ratione, ut primum de discessu nostro Caesar audisset, laborare eum coepisse, ne omnes abessemus. Itaque non dubito, quin ad Pisonem, quin ad Servium scripserit; illud admiror, non ipsum ad me scripsisse, non per Dolabellam, non per Caelium egisse. Quamquam non aspernor Trebati litteras; a quo me unice diligi scio. Rescripsi ad Trebatium (nam ad ipsum Caesarem, qui mihi nihil scripsisset, nolui), quam illud hoc tempore esset difficile; me tamen in praediis meis esse neque dilectum ullum neque negotium suscepisse. In quo quidem manebo, dum spes pacis erit; sin bellum geretur, non deero officio nec dignitati meae pueros ὑπεκθέμενος in Graeciam. Totam enim Italiam flagraturam bello intellego. Tantum mali est excitatum partim ex improbis, partim ex invidis civibus. Sed haec paucis diebus ex illius ad nostra responsa responsis intellegentur quorsum evasura sint. Tum ad te scribam plura, si erit bellum; sin otium aut[44] etiam indutiae, te ipsum, ut spero, videbo.
[44] otium aut Tyrrell and Purser: autem MSS.
Ego IIII Nonas Febr., quo die has litteras dedi, in Formiano, quo Capua redieram, mulieres exspectabam. Quibus quidem scripseram tuis litteris admonitus, ut Romae manerent. Sed audio maiorem quendam in urbe timorem esse. Capuae Nonis Febr. esse volebam, quia consules iusserant. Quicquid huc erit a Pompeio allatum, statim ad te scribam tuasque de istis rebus litteras exspectabo.
him on the 22nd of January to write and beg me to remain near the city; that would win me his best thanks. All this at great length. I calculated from the date, that as soon as he heard of my departure Caesar began to be concerned lest we should all go from town. So I have no doubt he wrote to Piso and to Servius. One thing surprises me that he did not write to me himself, or approach me through Dolabella or Caelius. However, I am not offended at a letter from Trebatius, who is my particular wellwisher. I would not reply to Caesar himself, as he had not written to me; but I wrote to Trebatius how difficult such a course would be at this juncture, but that I was staying on my country estates, and had not undertaken any part in the levy or any business. To this I will stand so long as there is any prospect of peace; but, if it comes to war, I shall act as becomes my duty and rank, after stowing away my boys to Greece. For all Italy, I gather, will blaze with war. Such a catastrophe is caused partly by disloyalty, partly by jealousy amongst her citizens. The outcome will be known in a few days from Caesar's answer to our letter. Then, if it be war, I will write again: if it be peace or a respite, I shall hope to see you.
On the 2nd of February, the date of this letter, I await my women-folk in my place at Formiae, whence I have returned from Capua. I wrote to them on your advice to stay in Rome. But I hear that panic has rather increased there. I want to be at Capua on the 5th of February, as the consuls have ordered. Any news we get here from Pompey I will let you know at once, and I shall look to letters from you for news from the city.
XVIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano III Non. Febr. a. 705
IIII Non. Febr. mulieres nostrae Formias venerunt tuaque erga se officia plena tui suavissimi studii ad me pertulerunt. Eas ego, quoad sciremus, utrum turpi pace nobis an misero bello esset utendum, in Formiano esse volui et una Cicerones. Ipse cum fratre Capuam ad consules (Nonis enim adesse iussi sumus) III Nonas profectus sum, cum has litteras dedi.
Responsa Pompei grata populo et probata contioni esse dicuntur. Ita putaram. Quae quidem ille si repudiarit, iacebit; si acceperit—. "Utrum igitur," inquies, "mavis"? Responderem, si, quem ad modum parati essemus, scirem. Cassium erat hic auditum expulsum Ancona eamque urbem a nobis teneri. Si bellum futurum est, negotium utile. Caesarem quidem L. Caesare cum mandatis de pace misso tamen aiunt acerrime dilectum habere, loca occupare, vincire praesidiis. O perditum latronem! o vix ullo otio compensandam hanc rei publicae turpitudinem! Sed stomachari desinamus, tempori pareamus, cum Pompeio in Hispaniam eamus. Haec opto[45] in malis, quoniam illius alterum consulatum a re publica ne data quidem occasione reppulimus. Sed haec hactenus.
[45] optima Lipsius and recent editors.
XVIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 3, B.C. 49
On the 2nd of February my women-folk came to Formiae and brought me an account of your very kind and zealous attentions. I wished them to stay in my villa here along with the boys, till we know whether we are to have peace with dishonour, or war with its horrors. I and my brother start for Capua on the 3rd of February, the date of this letter, to meet the consuls on the 5th according to their instructions.
Pompey's reply to Caesar is said to please the people, and to have won the approval of a public meeting. I expected it. If Caesar rejects this condition, he will fall in esteem: if he accept——. You will ask my choice in the matter. I would answer, if I knew our state of preparation. It is reported here that Cassius has been driven from Ancona, and that our party hold the town. That will be a useful thing in the event of war. As for Caesar, though he has sent L. Caesar with negotiations for peace, nevertheless reports declare that he is collecting levies with the greatest energy, seizing posts, and securing the country with garrisons. What a villain robber! What a disgrace to the country, too dear a price to pay for any peace! But let us restrain our anger, yield to circumstance and accompany Pompey to Spain. That is my choice in our straits, since we did not take the chance when we had it of keeping him from his second consulship.[46] But enough of politics.
[46] Or "since we refused him his second consulship, when we had no choice in the matter."
De Dionysio fugit me ad te antea scribere; sed ita constitui, exspectare responsa Caesaris, ut, si ad urbem rediremus, ibi nos exspectaret, sin tardius id fieret, tum eum arcesseremus. Omnino, quid ille facere debuerit in nostra illa fuga, quid docto homine et amico dignum fuerit, cum praesertim rogatus esset, scio, sed haec non nimis exquiro a Graecis. Tu tamen videbis, si erit, quod nolim, arcessendus, ne molesti simus invito.
Quintus frater laborat, ut tibi, quod debet, ab Egnatio solvat; nec Egnatio voluntas deest, nec parum locuples est, sed, cum tale tempus sit, ut Q. Titinius (multum enim est nobiscum) viaticum se neget habere idemque debitoribus suis denuntiarit, ut eodem faenore uterentur, atque hoc idem etiam L. Ligus fecisse dicatur, nec hoc tempore aut domi nummos Quintus habeat aut exigere ab Egnatio aut versuram usquam facere possit, miratur te non habuisse rationem huius publicae difficultatis. Ego autem, etsi illud ψευδησιόδειον (ita enim putatur) observo μηδὲ δίκην, praesertim in te, a quo nihil umquam vidi temere fieri, tamen illius querela movebar. Hoc quicquid est, te scire volui.
It escaped my memory to write to you about Dionysius before: but my determination is this, to await Caesar's answer, so that, if I return to Rome, Dionysius may await me there; but, if there is delay, then I would summon him. I am quite aware of what he ought to have done when I took to flight, what was proper for a scholar and a friend, especially when he had been asked to do it: but I do not expect much from a Greek. But please see, if I have to summon him, which I hope I shall not, that I may not be troubling a reluctant man.
My brother Quintus is anxious to give you a draft on Egnatius for the money he owes, and Egnatius is willing and has plenty of cash; but when the times are such that Q. Titinius,[47] whom I see often, declares he has no money to get along with, and yet has told his debtors that they may let their debts stand over at the same rate of interest as before, and when L. Ligus too is said to have taken the same steps, and Quintus at the present time has no money in hand, and is unable to borrow from Egnatius or to raise a new loan anywhere, he is surprised that you have not taken into account our national straits. Though I observe the saying wrongly ascribed to Hesiod "Hear both sides,"[48] particularly in the case of yourself, whom I have always found considerate, still I was affected by his grievance. You ought to know his grievance, such as it is.
[47] An eques and a money-lender.
[48] μηδὲ δίκην δικάσῃς πρὶν ἃν ἀμφοῖν μῦθον ἀκούσῃς, generally ascribed to Phocylides.
XIX
CICERO ATTICO.
Scr. in Formiano III Non. Febr. a. 705.
Nihil habeo, quod ad te scribam, qui etiam eam epistulam, quam eram elucubratus, ad te non dederim. Erat enim plena spei bonae, quod et contionis voluntatem audieram et illum condicionibus usurum putabam, praesertim suis. Ecce tibi III Nonas Febr. mane accepi litteras tuas, Philotimi, Furni, Curionis ad Furnium, quibus irridet L. Caesaris legationem. Plane oppressi videmur, nec, quid consilii capiam, scio. Nec mehercule de me laboro, de pueris quid agam, non habeo. Capuam tamen proficiscebar haec scribens, quo facilius de Pompei rebus cognoscerem.
XX
CICERO ATTICO.
Scr. Capuae Non. Febr. a. 705
Breviloquentem iam me tempus ipsum facit. Pacem enim desperavi, bellum nostri nullum administrant. Cave enim putes quicquam esse minoris his consulibus: quorum ego spe audiendi aliquid et cognoscendi nostri apparatus maximo imbri Capuam veni pridie Nonas, ut eram iussus. Illi autem nondum venerant, sed erant venturi inanes, imparati. Gnaeus autem Luceriae dicebatur esse et adire cohortes legionum Appianarum[49] non firmissimarum. At illum
[49] Appianarum Lipsius cf. 15. 3: itinarum M1: itinerum M2: Attianarum older editors.
XIX
CICERO TO ATTICUS.
Formiae, Feb. 3, B.C. 49
I have no news for you, and have not even sent you my lucubration of last night: for that was a letter full of good cheer, because I had heard of the temper shown at the public meeting, and thought that Caesar would abide by terms which were in fact his own. But now on this, the morning of the 3rd of February, I have got a letter from you, one from Philotimus, one from Furnius, and one from Curio to Furnius ridiculing the mission of L. Caesar. We appear to be crushed utterly, nor do I know what plan to take. I am not indeed in trouble about myself, it is the boys that put me in a dilemma. Still I am setting out for Capua, as I write this, that I may more easily get to know Pompey's affairs.
XX
CICERO TO ATTICUS.
Formiae, Feb. 5, B.C. 49
The occasion makes me brief. I have abandoned hope of peace: but our party takes no steps for war. Pray don't suppose that there is anything of less concern to our present consuls than the war. I came to Capua on the 4th according to instructions, in heavy rain, with the hope of hearing something from them and getting to know of our equipment. They had not yet arrived, but were expected, emptyhanded, unprepared. Pompey was reported to be at Luceria and close to some cohorts[50] of the shaky
[50] Or "and some cohorts are approaching."
ruere nuntiant et iam iamque adesse, non ut manum conserat (quicum enim?), sed ut fugam intercludat. Ego autem in Italia καὶ συναποθανεῖν—nec te id consulo; sin extra, quid ago? Ad manendum hiems, lictores, improvidi et neglegentes duces, ad fugam hortatur amicitia Gnaei, causa bonorum, turpitudo coniungendi cum tyranno; qui quidem incertum est Phalarimne an Pisistratum sit imitaturus. Haec velim explices et me iuves consilio; etsi te ipsum istic iam calere puto, sed tamen, quantum poteris. Ego si quid hic hodie novi cognoro, scies; iam enim aderunt consules ad suas Nonas. Tuas cotidie litteras exspectabo; ad has autem, cum poteris, rescribes. Mulieres et Cicerones in Formiano reliqui.
XXI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Calibus VI Id. Febr. ante lucem a. 705
De malis nostris tu prius audis quam ego. Istim enim emanant. Boni autem hinc quod exspectes, nihil est. Veni Capuam ad Nonas Febr., ita ut iusserant consules. Eo die Lentulus venit sero. Alter consul omnino non venerat VII Idus. Eo enim die ego Capua discessi et mansi Calibus. Inde has litteras postridie ante lucem dedi. Haec, Capuae dum fui, cognovi, nihil in consulibus, nullum usquam dilectum. Nec enim conquisitores φαινοπροσωπεῖν audent, cum
Appian troops. Caesar is said to be tearing along, and is nearly on us, not to join battle—there is no one to join it with—but to cut us off from flight. Now, if it is to be in Italy, I am ready to die with her—and on that I need not ask your advice: but if the struggle is beyond her borders, what am I to do? The winter, my lictors, the improvidence and neglect of the leaders prompt me to stay: my friendship with Pompey, the cause of the loyalists, the disgrace of association with a tyrant, prompt me to flee. One cannot say whether that tyrant will choose Phalaris or Pisistratus as his model. Please unravel this and assist me with your advice. Though I suppose you are in a warm corner in Rome, still help me to the best of your ability. I will advise you if anything new crops up here to-day. The consuls will arrive on the 5th as arranged. I shall look for a letter every day: but answer this one as soon as you can. I have left the ladies and the boys at Formiae.
XXI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Cales, Feb. 8, B.C. 49
Of our troubles you hear sooner than I. It is from your quarter they come. No good news can be expected from here. I reached Capua on the 5th of February, as the consuls bade. Lentulus arrived late in the day. The other consul had not arrived at all on the 7th: for on that day I left Capua and stayed at Cales. On the 8th before daybreak I dispatch you this letter from there. The discovery I made at Capua was that no reliance is to be placed on the consuls, and that no levy is being made anywhere. For recruiting officers do not dare to show their faces
ille adsit, contraque noster dux nusquam sit, nihil agat, nec nomina dant. Deficit enim non voluntas, sed spes. Gnaeus autem noster (o rem miseram et incredibilem!) ut totus iacet! Non animus est, non consilium, non copiae, non diligentia. Mittam illa, fugam ab urbe turpissimam, timidissimas in oppidis contiones, ignorationem non solum adversarii, sed etiam suarum copiarum; hoc cuius modi est? VII Idus Febr. Capuam C. Cassius tribunus pl. venit, attulit mandata ad consules, ut Romam venirent, pecuniam de sanctiore aerario auferrent, statim exirent. Urbe relicta redeant; quo praesidio? deinde exeant; quis sinat? Consul ei rescripsit, ut prius ipse in Picenum. At illud totum erat amissum; sciebat nemo praeter me ex litteris Dolabellae. Mihi dubium non erat, quin ille iam iamque foret in Apulia, Gnaeus noster in navi.
Ego quid agam σκέμμα magnum—neque mehercule mihi quidem ullum, nisi omnia essent acta turpissime, neque ego ullius consilii particeps—sed tamen quod me deceat. Ipse me Caesar ad pacem hortatur; sed antiquiores litterae, quam ruere coepit. Dolabella, Caelius me illi valde satis facere. Mira me ἀπορία
when Caesar is at hand, and our leader is nowhere to be found and takes no action. No one enlists. It is not good will that is lacking, but hope. What an inconceivable plight is Pompey's, and how utterly he has broken down! He has neither spirit nor plan, nor forces, nor energy. I say nothing of his most disgraceful flight from the city, his timorous speeches in the towns, his ignorance not only of the strength of his opponent but of his own forces: but what of this? On the 7th of February C. Cassius the tribune came to Capua, and brought an order to the consuls to come to Rome, carry off the money from the reserve treasury[51] and leave at once. On quitting the city they are to return—but they have no escort: then there is the getting out of the city—who is going to give them leave? Lentulus replied that Pompey must first come to Picenum. No one except myself knows it; but Dolabella has written to me that that district is totally lost. I have no doubt but that Caesar is on the point of entering Apulia and that Pompey is on board ship.
[51] This reserve fund was said to have been founded originally to meet a possible invasion of the Gauls. It was made up from spoils in war and from the 5 per cent tax on manumitted slaves. It was drawn upon in the second Punic War (cf. Livy XXVII, 11). Caesar (Bellum Civ. 14) says the consuls intended to open it before they left Rome; but fled in haste at a report of his approach.
What I am to do is a big problem. It would be no problem for me at all, if everything had not been disgracefully managed; and I had no part in the plan: still my proper course is a problem. Caesar himself invites to peace: but the letter is dated before he began to run amuck. Dolabella and Caelius declare that he is well satisfied with me. I am at my wits'
torquet. Iuva me consilio, si potes, et tamen ista, quantum potes, provide. Nihil habeo tanta rerum perturbatione, quod scribam. Tuas litteras exspecto.
XXII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano VI Id. Febr. vesperi aut V Id. mane a. 705
Pedem in Italia video nullum esse, qui non in istius potestate sit. De Pompeio scio nihil, eumque, nisi in navim se contulerit, exceptum iri puto. O celeritatem incredibilem! huius autem nostri—sed non possum sine dolore accusare eum, de quo angor et crucior. Tu caedem non sine causa times, non quo minus quicquam Caesari expediat ad diuturnitatem victoriae et dominationis, sed video, quorum arbitrio sit acturus. Recte sit. Censeo cedendum. De Oppiis eis[52] egeo consilii. Quod optimum factu videbitur, facies. Cum Philotimo loquere atque adeo Terentiam habebis Idibus. Ego quid agam? qua aut terra aut mari persequar eum, qui ubi sit, nescio? Etsi terra quidem qui possum? mari quo? Tradam igitur isti me? Fac posse tuto (multi enim hortantur), num etiam honeste? Nullo modo. Equidem a te petam consilium, ut soleo. Explicari res non potest; sed tamen, si quid in mentem venit, velim scribas, et ipse quid sis acturus.
[52] cedendum de oppidis iis. M. The correction Oppiis is due to Boot.
end. Assist me with your advice, if you can, but guard against events as much as possible. I have nothing to say in such an anxious crisis: but I am looking for your letter.
XXII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, the evening of Feb. 8 or morning of Feb. 9, B.C. 49
I see there is not a foot of ground in Italy which is not in Caesar's power. I have no news of Pompey, and I imagine he will be captured unless he has taken to the sea. What marvellous dispatch! While our leader—: but it grieves me to blame him, as I am in an agony of suspense on his account. There is reason for you to fear butchery, not that anything could be less advantageous to secure Caesar a lasting victory and power; but I see on whose advice he will act. I hope it will be all right; and I think we shall have to yield. As regards the Oppii I have no suggestion to make. Do what you think best. You should speak with Philotimus, and besides you will have Terentia on the 13th. What can I do? In what land or on what sea can I follow a man, when I don't know where he is? After all how can I follow on land, and by sea whither? Shall I then surrender to Caesar? Suppose I could surrender with safety, as many advise, could I surrender with honour? By no means. I will ask your advice as usual. The problem is insoluble. Still, if anything comes into your head, please write; and let me know what you will do yourself.
XXIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano V Id. Febr. vesp. aut IV Id. mane a. 705
V Idus Febr. vesperi a Philotimo litteras accepi Domitium exercitum firmum habere, cohortes ex Piceno Lentulo et Thermo ducentibus cum Domiti exercitu coniunctas esse, Caesarem intercludi posse eumque id timere, bonorum animos recreatos Romae, improbos quasi perculsos. Haec metuo equidem ne sint somnia, sed tamen M'. Lepidum, L. Torquatum, C. Cassium tribunum pl. (hi enim sunt nobiscum, id est in Formiano) Philotimi litterae ad vitam revocaverunt. Ego autem illa metuo ne veriora sint, nos omnes paene iam captos esse, Pompeium Italia cedere; quem quidem (o rem acerbam!) persequi Caesar dicitur. Persequi Caesar Pompeium? quid? ut interficiat? O me miserum! Et non omnes nostra corpora opponimus? In quo tu quoque ingemiscis. Sed quid faciamus? Victi, oppressi, capti plane sumus.
Ego tamen Philotimi litteris lectis mutavi consilium de mulieribus. Quas, ut scripseram ad te, Romam remittebam; sed mihi venit in mentem multum fore sermonem me iudicium iam de causa publica fecisse; qua desperata quasi hunc gradum mei reditus esse, quod mulieres revertissent. De me autem ipso tibi adsentior, ne me dem incertae et periculosae fugae, cum rei publicae nihil prosim, nihil Pompeio; pro quo emori cum pie possum tum lubenter. Manebo igitur, etsi vivere—.
XXIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, the evening of Feb. 9 or the morning of Feb. 10, B.C. 49
On the evening of the 9th of February, I got a letter from Philotimus, declaring that Domitius has a reliable force, the cohorts from Picenum under the command of Lentulus and Thermus have joined his army, Caesar can be cut off and fears the contingency, and the hopes of loyalists at Rome have been restored, and those of the other party dashed. I am afraid this may be a dream; but still the news revived M'. Lepidus, L. Torquatus and C. Cassius the tribune of the plebs—for they are with me, that is at Formiae. I fear the truer version may be that we are now all practically prisoners, that Pompey is leaving Italy, pursued it is said by Caesar. What a bitter thought! Caesar pursue Pompey! What, to slay him? Woe is me! And we do not all throw our bodies in the way! You too are sorry about it. But what can we do? We are beaten, ruined and utterly captive.
Still the perusal of Philotimus' letter has caused me to change my plan about the women-folk. I wrote you I was sending them back to Rome: but it has come into my mind that there would be a deal of talk, that I had now come to a decision on the political situation; and that in despair of success the return of the ladies of my house was as it were one step towards my own return. As for myself, I agree with you that I should not commit myself to the danger and uncertainty of flight, seeing that it would avail nothing to State or Pompey, for whom I would dutifully and gladly die. So I shall stay, though life—.
Quod quaeris, hic quid agatur, tota Capua et omnis hic dilectus iacet; desperata res est, in fuga omnes sunt, nisi qui deus iuverit,[53] ut Pompeius istas Domiti copias cum suis coniungat. Sed videbamur omnia biduo triduove scituri. Caesaris litterarum exemplum tibi misi; rogaras enim. Cui nos valde satis facere multi ad me scripserunt; quod patior facile, dum ut adhuc nihil faciam turpiter.
[53] nisi qui deus iuverit Tyrrell: nisi quid eius fuerit M: nisi quid eius modi fuerit Ascensius.
XXIV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano IV Id. Febr. a. 705
Philotimi litterae me quidem non nimis, sed eos, qui in his locis erant, admodum delectarunt. Ecce postridie Cassii litterae Capua a Lucretio, familiari eius, Nigidium a Domitio Capuam venisse. Eum dicere Vibullium cum paucis militibus e Piceno currere ad Gnaeum, confestim insequi Caesarem, Domitium non habere militum III milia. Idem scripsit Capua consules discessisse. Non dubito quin Gnaeus in fuga sit; modo effugiat. Ego a consilio fugiendi, ut tu censes, absum.
XXV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano IV aut III Id. Febr. a. 705
Cum dedissem ad te litteras tristes et metuo ne veras de Lucreti ad Cassium litteris Capua missis, Cephalio venit a vobis. Attulit etiam a te litteras hilariores nec tamen firmas, ut soles. Omnia facilius credere possum, quam quod scribitis, Pompeium exercitum habere. Nemo huc ita adfert omniaque, quae
For your query as to the state of affairs in this quarter, Capua and the levy are in stagnation: our cause is despaired of: every one is in flight, unless some god help Pompey to join that army of Domitius with his own. It would seem that we shall know all in a day or so. As requested I send you a copy of Caesar's letter. Many of my correspondents say that he is quite satisfied with me. I can allow that, provided I continue to do nothing to stain my honour.
XXIV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 10, B.C. 49
Philotimus' letter delighted me little, but those who are here considerably. Well, on the very next day a letter of Cassius from his friend Lucretius at Capua announced that Nigidius, an emissary of Domitius, had reached Capua, bringing news that Vibullius with a few soldiers was hurrying in from Picenum to Pompey's camp, that Caesar was pursuing rapidly and that Domitius had less than 3000 men. The letter stated that the consuls had left Capua. I am sure Pompey must be fleeing: I only hope he may escape. I accept your advice and have no intention of flight myself.
XXV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 10 or 11, B.C. 49
After I had sent you a despondent and, I fear, true report about the letter Lucretius dispatched to Cassius from Capua, Cephalio came to me from you with a letter more cheerful, but not as decided as usual. Any news is more credible than your news of Pompey having an army. No one brings such a
nolim. O rem miseram! malas causas semper obtinuit, in optima concidit. Quid dicam nisi illud eum scisse (neque enim erat difficile), hoc nescisse? Erat enim ars difficilis recte rem publicam regere. Sed iam iamque omnia sciemus et scribemus ad te statim.
XXVI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano XV K. Mart. a. 705
Non venit idem usu mihi, quod tu tibi scribis, "quotiens exorior." Ego enim nunc paulum exorior et maxime quidem iis litteris, quae Roma adferuntur de Domitio, de Picentium cohortibus. Omnia erant facta hoc biduo laetiora. Itaque fuga, quae parabatur, repressa est; Caesaris interdicta:
"Si te secundo lumine hic offendero—"
respuuntur; bona de Domitio, praeclara de Afranio fama est.
Quod me amicissime admones, ut me integrum, quoad possim, servem, gratum est; quod addis, ne propensior ad turpem causam videar, certe videri possum. Ego me ducem in civili bello, quoad de pace ageretur, negavi esse, non quin rectum esset, sed quia, quod multo rectius fuit, id mihi fraudem tulit. Plane eum, cui noster alterum consulatum deferret et triumphum (at quibus verbis! "pro tuis rebus[54] gestis amplissimis"), inimicum habere nolueram. Ego scio, et quem metuam et quam ob rem. Sin erit
[54] pro tuis rebus Lambinus; ut prorsus M.
report here, but every kind of unwelcome news. It is a sorry thought that Pompey has always won in a bad cause, but fails in the best of causes. The only solution is that he knew the ropes in the former (which is not a difficult accomplishment), but did not in the latter. It is a difficult art to rule a republic in the right way. At any moment we may know all, and I will write you immediately.
XXVI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 15, B.C. 49
I have not had what you say is your experience:—"as often as my hopes revive." Only now are mine reviving a little, and especially over letters from Rome about Domitius and the squadrons of Picenum. Things have become more cheerful in the last two days. I have given up my preparation for flight. I spurn Caesar's threat: "If I shall meet thee here to-morrow morn."[55] The news about Domitius is good, that about Afranius is splendid.
[55] From a Latin translation of Euripides, Medea, 352.
Thanks for your very friendly advice, not to commit myself more than I can help. You add a caution against showing a leaning towards the wrong party: well, I confess I may seem to. I refused to take a leading part in civil war, so long as there were negotiations for peace, not because the war was unjust, but because former action of mine in a still juster cause did me harm. I had no desire at all to excite the enmity of a man to whom our leader offered a second consulship, and a triumph too with the fulsome flattery "on account of your brilliant achievements." I know whom I have to fear and why.
bellum, ut video fore, partes meae non desiderabuntur.
De HS XX Terentia tibi rescripsit. Dionysio, dum existimabam vagos nos fore, nolui molestus esse; tibi autem crebro ad me scribenti de eius officio nihil rescripsi, quod diem ex die exspectabam, ut statuerem, quid esset faciendum. Nunc, ut video, pueri certe in Formiano videntur hiematuri. Et ego? Nescio. Si enim erit bellum, cum Pompeio esse constitui. Quod habebo certi, faciam, ut scias. Ego bellum foedissimum futurum puto, nisi qui, ut tu scribis, Parthicus casus exstiterit.
But if the war I foresee comes, I shall not fail to play my part.
About that £180,[56] Terentia sent you an answer. I did not want to trouble Dionysius, so long as I expected to be a wanderer. I gave no answer to your repeated letters about the man's duty, because daily I was expecting to settle what should be done. Now as far as I can see, my boys will certainly winter at Formiae. And I? I don't know. For, if war comes, I am determined to be with Pompey. I will keep you informed of reliable news. I fancy there will be a most terrible war, unless, as you remark, some Parthian incident occur again.[57]
[56] 20,000 sesterces.
[57] I.e. a sudden retreat of Caesar, like that of the Parthians. Cf. VI, 6.
M. TULLI CICERONIS
EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM
LIBER OCTAVUS
I
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Formiis XIV K. Mart. a. 705
Cum ad te litteras dedissem, redditae mihi litterae sunt a Pompeio. Cetera de rebus in Piceno gestis, quae ad se Vibullius scripsisset, de dilectu Domiti, quae sunt vobis nota nec tamen tam laeta erant in iis litteris, quam ad me Philotimus scripserat. Ipsam tibi epistulam misissem, sed iam subito fratris puer proficiscebatur. Cras igitur mittam. Sed in ea Pompei epistula erat in extremo ipsius manu: "Tu censeo Luceriam venias. Nusquam eris tutius." Id ego in eam partem accepi, haec oppida atque oram maritimam illum pro derelicto habere, nec sum miratus eum, qui caput ipsum reliquisset, reliquis membris non parcere. Ei statim rescripsi hominemque certum misi de comitibus meis, non me quaerere, ubi tutissimo essem. Si me vellet sua aut rei publicae causa Luceriam venire, statim esse venturum; hortatusque sum, ut oram maritimam retineret, si rem frumentariam sibi ex provinciis suppeditari vellet. Hoc me frustra scribere videbam; sed uti in urbe retinenda tunc sic nunc in Italia non relinquenda testificabar sententiam meam. Sic enim parari video, ut Luceriam omnes copiae contrahantur, et ne is quidem locus sit stabilis, sed ex eo ipso, si urgeamur, paretur fuga.
CICERO'S LETTERS
TO ATTICUS
BOOK VIII
I
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 16, B.C. 49
After I sent you my letter, I got one from Pompey. The rest of it was about what has happened in Picenum, as reported to him by Vibullius in a note, and about Domitius' levy. That you know already: but in this letter things were not so grand as in Philotimus' letter. I would have sent you Pompey's note itself, but my brother's man set out in a hurry, so I will send it to-morrow. Pompey added a P.S. in his own hand, "I think you should come to Luceria. You won't be safer anywhere else." I understood him to mean that he counts as lost the towns here and the coast. I don't wonder that a man who has given up the head should throw away the limbs. I sent a reply by return, by the hands of a sure messenger, that I was not concerned about where I should be safest, and that I would come to Luceria immediately, if his or the public interest demanded it. I entreated him to hold the coast, if he wanted supplies of corn from the provinces. I saw I was writing in vain: but I wanted to put on record now my opinion about not abandoning Italy, as I had done before about holding Rome. Evidently all forces are to be collected at Luceria, and not even there as a permanent base, but as a starting point for flight, if hard pressed.
Quo minus mirere, si invitus in eam causam descendo, in qua neque pacis neque victoriae ratio quaesita sit umquam, sed semper flagitiosae et calamitosae fugae: eundum, ut, quemcumque fors tulerit casum, subeam potius cum iis, qui dicuntur esse boni, quam videar a bonis dissentire. Etsi prope diem video bonorum, id est lautorum et locupletum, urbem refertam fore, municipiis vero his relictis refertissimam. Quo ego in numero essem, si hos lictores molestissimos non haberem, nec me M'. Lepidi, L. Volcaci, Ser. Sulpici comitum paeniteret, quorum nemo nec stultior est quam L. Domitius nec inconstantior quam Ap. Claudius. Unus Pompeius me movet beneficio, non auctoritate. Quam enim ille habeat auctoritatem in hac causa? qui, cum omnes Caesarem metuebamus, ipse eum diligebat, postquam ipse metuere coepit, putat omnes hostes illi oportere esse. Ibimus tamen Luceriam. Nec eum fortasse delectabit noster adventus; dissimulare enim non potero mihi, quae adhuc acta sint, displicere. Ego, si somnum capere possem, tam longis te epistulis non obtunderem. Tu, si tibi eadem causa est, me remunerere sane velim.
II
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Formiis XIII K. Mart. a. 705
Mihi vero omnia grata, et quod scripsisti ad me, quae audieras, et quod non credidisti, quae digna diligentia mea non erant, et quod monuisti, quod sentiebas. Ego ad Caesarem unas Capua litteras dedi, quibus ad ea rescripsi, quae mecum ille de gladiatoribus suis egerat, breves, sed benevolentiam significantes, non modo sine contumelia, sed etiam cum maxima
So you need not wonder, if I am reluctant to embark on a cause, which has no policy for peace or victory, but always a policy of disastrous and disgraceful flight. I must go to face whatever fortune bring, with so-called loyalists rather than seem to disagree with real loyalists. Yet I see Rome will soon be crammed with loyalists, I mean with men of wealth and fortune, crammed full, when the towns have been abandoned. I would be among them, were it not for these tiresome lictors. I should not be ashamed of the company of M'. Lepidus, L. Volcacius, Ser. Sulpicius, not one of whom is a bigger fool than L. Domitius, nor a bigger trimmer than Ap. Claudius. Only Pompey weighs with me, for his past kindnesses, not for his public influence. For what influence has he in this case? When we were all afraid of Caesar, he cherished him. After he has begun to fear Caesar, he thinks all should be Caesar's enemies. Still I shall go to Luceria. Perhaps he will not be pleased to meet me, for I shall not be able to disguise my disgust at what he has done so far. If I could sleep, I would not bother you with such long letters. If you suffer from the same complaint, I shall be glad if you will pay me back in the same coin.
II
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 17, B.C. 49
Many thanks for everything: for writing me your news, for not believing a report, which reflected on my energy, and for the expression of your opinion. I sent Caesar one letter from Capua in answer to his inquiries about his gladiators.[58] It was short but friendly, and, so far from abusing Pompey,
[58] Cf. p. 69.
laude Pompei. Id enim illa sententia postulabat, qua illum ad concordiam hortabar. Eas si quo ille misit, in publico proponat velim. Alteras eodem die dedi quo has ad te. Non potui non dare, cum et ipse ad me scripsisset et Balbus. Earum exemplum ad te misi. Nihil arbitror fore, quod reprehendas. Si qua erunt, doce me, quo modo μέμψιν effugere possim. "Nihil," inquies, "onmino scripseris." Qui magis effugias eos, qui volent fingere? Verum tamen ita faciam, quoad fieri poterit. Nam, quod me hortaris ad memoriam factorum, dictorum, scriptorum etiam meorum, facis amice tu quidem mihique gratissimum, sed mihi videris aliud tu honestum meque dignum in hac causa iudicare, atque ego existimem. Mihi enim nihil ulla in gente umquam ab ullo auctore rei publicae ac duce turpius factum esse videtur, quam a nostro amico factum est. Cuius ego vicem doleo; qui urbem reliquit, id est patriam, pro qua et in qua mori praeclarum fuit. Ignorare mihi videris, haec quanta sit clades. Es enim etiam nunc domi tuae, sed invitis perditissimis hominibus esse diutius non potes. Hoc miserius, hoc turpius quicquam? Vagamur egentes cum coniugibus et liberis; in unius hominis quotannis periculose aegrotantis anima positas omnes nostras spes habemus non expulsi, sed evocati ex patria; quam non servandam ad reditum nostrum, sed diripiendam et inflammandam reliquimus. Ita multi nobiscum sunt, non in suburbanis, non in hortis, non in ipsa urbe, et, si nunc sunt, non erunt. Nos interea ne Capuae quidem, sed Luceriae, et oram quidem maritimam iam relinquemus, Afranium exspectabimus et Petreium. Nam in Labieno parum est dignitatis.
praised him highly. I had to do that, as I was an advocate of peace between them. If Caesar has passed on my letter, good: I should like him to placard it in public. I have sent him another letter on the date on which I dispatch this to you. I could not help doing so when he and Balbus wrote to me. I send you a copy of the letter. I don't think you can find any fault. If you can find any, tell me how I can escape criticism. You will say I should have sent no letter at all. What better plan to escape malicious tongues? However I will do so as long as I can. Your exhortations to remember my deeds and words and even writings are friendly and very pleasant; but you seem to have a different idea to mine as to honour and propriety in this business. To my mind, no statesman or general has ever been guilty of conduct so disgraceful as Pompey's. I am sorry for him. He left Rome, his country, for which and in which it were glorious to die. You don't seem to me to realize what a disaster that is. You yourself are still in your own house; but you cannot stay there any longer without the consent of villains and traitors. It is the depth of misery and shame. We wander in want with wives and children. Our sole hope lies in the life of one man, who falls dangerously sick every year. We are not driven, but summoned to leave our country. And our country which we have left will not be kept in safety against our return, but abandoned to fire and plunder. So many Pompeians are with us, not in their suburban villas, not in Rome, and, if some are still in Rome, they will soon go. Meantime I shall not stay at Capua, but at Luceria, and of course I shall abandon the coast at once. I shall wait for the move of Afranius and Petreius: for Labienus is a
Hic tu in me illud desideras. Nihil de me...dico, alii viderint. Hic quidem quae est...?[59] Domi vestrae estis et eritis omnes boni. Quis tum se mihi non ostendit? quis nunc adest hoc bello? Sic enim iam appellandum est.
[59] after me and est there is a space left in M, probably for some Greek words, e.g. ἀξίωμα and ἀξίωσις as Tyrrell and Orelli suggest.
Vibulli res gestae sunt adhuc maximae. Id ex Pompei litteris cognosces; in quibus animadvertito ilium locum, ubi erit διπλῆ. Videbis, de Gnaeo nostro ipse Vibullius quid existimet. Quo igitur haec spectat oratio? Ego pro Pompeio lubenter emori possum; facio pluris omnium hominum neminem; sed non ita, non in eo iudico spem de salute rei publicae. Significas enim aliquanto secus, quam solebas, ut etiam Italia, si ille cedat, putes cedendum. Quod ego nec rei publicae puto esse utile nec liberis meis, praeterea neque rectum neque honestum. Sed cur "Poterisne igitur videre tyrannum?" Quasi intersit, audiam an videam, aut locupletior mihi sit quaerendus auctor quam Socrates; qui, cum XXX tyranni essent, pedem porta non extulit. Est mihi praeterea praecipua causa manendi. De qua utinam aliquando tecum loquar!
Ego XIII Kalend., cum eadem lucerna hanc epistulam scripsissem, qua inflammaram tuam, Formiis ad Pompeium, si de pace ageretur, profecturus, si de bello, quid ero?
man of little standing. You may say that I am too. I say nothing of myself: I leave that to others. Who has standing here? All you loyalists stay at home, and will continue to stay there. Who failed me in the old days? Who supports me now in this war, as I must call it.
So far Vibullius' achievements have been fine. You will see that from Pompey's letter. Vide the passage marked.[60] You will see Vibullius' own opinion of Pompey. My point is that I can gladly die for Pompey's sake—there is no one I hold dearer; but not in that way. In him I see no hope for the safety of the state. You express a view different from your usual view, that I must even leave Italy, if he does. That course seems to me of no advantage to the state or to my children, and, moreover, neither right nor honourable. But why do you say, "Will you be able to see a tyrant"? As if it mattered whether I hear of him or see him, or as if I wanted a better example than Socrates, who never set foot out of gate during the reign of the Thirty tyrants. Besides I have a special reason for staying. I wish I could talk it over with you.
[60] The διπλῆ was a marginal mark of this shape > used in MSS. to mark a special passage or in dialogue to indicate the appearance of a new speaker.
After writing this letter on the 17th, by the same lamp as that in which I burned yours, I set out from Formiae to go to Pompey, and I may be of use, if the talk is of peace: but, if of war, of what use shall I be?
III
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Caleno XII K. Mart. a. 705
Maximis et miserrimis rebus perturbatus, cum coram tecum mihi potestas deliberandi non esset, uti tamen tuo consilio volui. Deliberatio autem omnis haec est, si Pompeius Italia excedat, quod eum facturum esse suspicor, quid mihi agendum putes. Et quo facilius consilium dare possis, quid in utramque partem mihi in mentem veniat, explicabo brevi.
Cum merita Pompei summa erga salutem meam, familiaritasque, quae mihi cum eo est, tum ipsa rei publicae causa me adducit, ut mihi vel consilium meum cum illius consilio vel fortuna mea cum illius fortuna coniungenda esse videatur. Accedit illud. Si maneo et illum comitatum optimorum et clarissimorum civium desero, cadendum est in unius potestatem. Qui etsi multis rebus significat se nobis esse amicum (et, ut esset, a me est, tute scis, propter suspicionem huius impendentis tempestatis multo ante provisum), tamen utrumque considerandum est, et quanta fides ei sit habenda, et, si maxime exploratum sit eum nobis amicum fore, sitne viri fortis et boni civis esse in ea urbe, in qua cum summis honoribus imperiisque usus sit, res maximas gesserit, sacerdotio sit amplissimo praeditus, non futurus sit, qui fuerit, subeundumque periculum sit cum aliquo forte dedecore, si quando Pompeius rem publicam recuperarit. In hac parte haec sunt.
Vide nunc, quae sint in altera. Nihil actum est a Pompeio nostro sapienter, nihil fortiter, addo etiam nihil nisi contra consilium auctoritatemque meam. Omitto illa vetera, quod istum in rem publicam ille
III
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Cales, Feb. 18, B.C. 49
Upset by this grave and most calamitous crisis, though I have no opportunity of consulting you personally, still I wish to enjoy your advice. The whole question under debate is this. What do you think I should do, if Pompey leaves Italy, as I expect he will? To help you to a decision, I will briefly recount what occurs to me on both sides of the question.
Not only Pompey's great services in bringing about my restoration and his intimacy with me, but the public welfare, leads me to think that my policy and his or, if you will, my fortunes and his should be one. And another thing, if I remain in Italy and desert the company of loyal and distinguished citizens, I must fall into the power of one man, and, though he gives me many tokens of regard (and you know well I took good care that it should be so with this crisis in view), yet he still leaves me a twofold problem; how much trust can be put in his promises, and, if I am positive of his good will, is it proper for a man of courage and loyalty to remain in Rome and lose his position for the future where he has enjoyed the highest distinctions and commands, performed deeds of importance, been invested with the highest seat in the sacred college, and to suffer risks and perhaps some shame, if ever Pompey restore the constitution? So much for the arguments on one side.
Now look at those on the other. There is not an atom of prudence or courage in Pompey's policy—and besides nothing that is not clean contrary to my counsel and advice. I pass over the old grievance, how Caesar was Pompey's man: Pompey raised him to
aluit, auxit, armavit, ille legibus per vim et contra auspicia ferendis auctor, ille Galliae ulterioris adiunctor, ille gener, ille in adoptando P. Clodio augur, ille restituendi mei quam retinendi studiosior, ille provinciae propagator, ille absentis in omnibus adiutor, idem etiam tertio consulatu, postquam esse defensor rei publicae coepit, contendit, ut decem tribuni pl. ferrent, ut absentis ratio haberetur, quod idem ipse sanxit lege quadam sua, Marcoque Marcello consuli finienti provincias Gallias Kalendarum Martiarum die restitit—sed, ut haec omittam, quid foedius, quid perturbatius hoc ab urbe discessu sive potius turpissima fuga? Quae condicio non accipienda fuit potius quam relinquenda patria? Malae condiciones erant, fateor, sed num quid hoc peius? At recuperabit rem publicam. Quando? aut quid ad eam spem est parati? Non ager Picenus amissus? non patefactum iter ad urbem? non pecunia omnis et publica et privata adversario tradita? Denique nulla causa, nullae vires, nulla sedes, quo concurrent, qui rem publicam defensam velint. Apulia delecta est, inanissima pars Italiae et ab impetu huius belli remotissima; fuga et maritima opportunitas visa quaeri desperatione. Invite cepi Capuam, non quo munus illud defugerem, sed in ea causa, in qua nullus
place and military power, assisted him in passing laws by force and despite bad omens, granted him Further Gaul in addition to his province; Pompey married his daughter, Pompey was augur at the adoption of Clodius; Pompey was more active in effecting my restoration than in preventing my banishment; Pompey prolonged the tenure of Caesar's provincial government; Pompey championed his cause in absence; and again in his third consulship, when he began to be the defender of the constitution, struggled to get the ten tribunes to propose a bill admitting Caesar's candidature in absence; ratified that privilege by a law of his own; and opposed M. Marcellus the consul, when Marcellus would have concluded Caesar's government of the provinces of Gaul on the 1st of March. Putting all this on one side, is not this departure or rather this disgraceful and iniquitous flight from Rome a most shameful sign of panic? Any compromise ought to have been accepted in preference to abandoning our country. I admit the terms were bad, but could anything be worse than this? If you say he will restore the constitution, I ask you when and what preparation has been made to that end? We have lost Picenum: the road lies open to Rome: the funds of the state and of individuals have been delivered to our enemy. Finally we have no policy, no forces, no rendezvous for patriots; Apulia has been chosen, the least populous district in Italy and the most removed from the brunt of this war, and clearly chosen in despair for the opportunity of flight which the sea affords. With reluctance I took charge of Capua, not that I would shirk the duty, but with the reluctance which one would have in a
esset ordinum, nullus apertus privatorum dolor, bonorum autem esset aliquis, sed hebes, ut solet, et, ut ipse sensissem, multitudo et infimus quisque propensus in alteram partem, multi mutationis rerum cupidi, dixi ipsi me nihil suscepturum sine praesidio et sine pecunia. Itaque habui nihil omnino negotii, quod ab initio vidi nihil quaeri praeter fugam. Eam si nunc sequor, quonam? Cum illo non; ad quem cum essem profectus, cognovi in iis locis esse Caesarem, ut tuto Luceriam venire non possem. Infero mari nobis incerto cursu hieme maxima navigandum est. Age iam, cum fratre an sine eo cum filio? at quo modo? In utraque enim re summa difficultas erit, summus animi dolor; qui autem impetus illius erit in nos absentis fortunasque nostras! Acrior quam in ceterorum, quod putabit fortasse in nobis violandis aliquid se habere populare. Age iam, has compedes, fascis, inquam, hos laureatos ecferre ex Italia quam molestum est! qui autem locus erit nobis tutus, ut iam placatis utamur fluctibus, antequam ad illum venerimus? Qua autem aut quo, nihil scimus. At, si restitero, et fuerit nobis in hac parte locus, idem fecero quod in Cinnae dominatione L. Philippus, quod L. Flaccus, quod Q. Mucius, quoquo modo ea res huic
cause in which neither ranks nor individuals had expressed any feeling, though there was some feeling amongst the loyalists, sluggish as usual. Besides, as I felt, the crowd and the dregs of the populace were inclined to the other side, and many were merely desirous of revolution. I told Pompey himself that I could undertake nothing without a garrison and without funds. So I have had nothing at all to do, since I saw from the first, that his only object was flight. If I would share his flight, whither am I to go? With him I cannot go; for, when I set out, I learned that Caesar was so posted that I could not reach Luceria with safety. I should have to go by the Lower Sea[61] in the depth of winter and with no certain destination. Moreover am I to take my brother, or leave him and take my son? But how? Either course would cause me the greatest trouble and the greatest grief: and how he will wreak his rage on me and my property in my absence! More vindictively perhaps than in the case of others, because he will think that vengeance on me will please the people. Consider too my fetters, I mean my laurelled fasces. How awkward it will be to take them out of Italy! Suppose I enjoy a calm passage, what place will be safe for me till I join Pompey? I have no idea of how or where to go. But, if I stand my ground and find a place on Caesar's side, I shall follow the example of L. Philippus under the tyranny of Cinna, of L. Flaccus and of Q. Mucius.[62] Though it ended unfortunately
[61] I.e. the sea on the west coast of Italy as opposed to mare superum, the Adriatic.
[62] All these persons stayed in Rome during the Cinnan revolution. Mucius was put to death by the younger Marius in 82 B.C.
quidem cecidit; qui tamen ita dicere solebat, se id fore videre, quod factum est, sed malle quam armatum ad patriae moenia accedere. Aliter Thrasybulus et fortasse melius. Sed est certa quaedam illa Muci ratio atque sententia, est illa etiam Philippi, et, cum sit necesse, servire tempori et non amittere tempus, cum sit datum. Sed in hoc ipso habent tamen idem fasces molestiam. Sit enim nobis amicus, quod incertum est, sed sit; deferet triumphum. Non accipere vide ne periculosum sit, accipere invidiosum ad bonos. "O rem," inquis, "difficilem et inexplicabilem!" Atqui explicanda est. Quid enim fieri potest? Ac, ne me existimaris ad manendum esse propensiorem, quod plura in eam partem verba fecerim, potest fieri, quod fit in multis quaestionibus, ut res verbosior haec fuerit, illa verior. Quam ob rem ut maxima de re aequo animo deliberanti ita mihi des consilium velim. Navis et in Caieta est parata nobis et Brundisi.
Sed ecce nuntii scribente me haec ipsa noctu in Caleno, ecce litterae Caesarem ad Corfinium, Domitium Corfini cum firmo exercitu et pugnare cupiente. Non puto etiam hoc Gnaeum nostrum commissurum, ut Domitium relinquat; etsi Brundisium Scipionem cum cohortibus duabus praemiserat, legionem Fausto conscriptam in Siciliam sibi placere a consule duci scripserat ad consules. Sed turpe Domitium deserere erit implorantem eius auxilium. Est quaedam spes mihi quidem non magna, sed in his locis firma, Afranium in Pyrenaeo cum Trebonio pugnasse, pulsum Trebonium, etiam Fabium tuum transisse cum
in the case of Q. Mucius, yet he was wont to say he foresaw the issue, but preferred it to taking arms against his country. Thrasybulus took the other and perhaps happier course. But Mucius' decision and views were quite definite, and so were those of Philippus; that one might do some time-serving, when it was necessary, but when one's time came, one should not miss it. But, in that event, still my fasces are a nuisance. I do not know if Caesar will be friendly; but suppose he is, he will offer me a triumph. To refuse would damage my chances with Caesar, to accept would annoy the loyalists. It is a hard and insoluble question; and yet solve it I must. What else can I do? I have said most in favour of staying in Italy: but do not infer that I have any particular inclination towards so doing: it may be, as often happens, that there are more words on one side and more worth on the other. Then please give me your advice, counting me openminded on the important question. There is a boat ready for me at Caieta and at Brundisium.
But, here are messengers arriving as I write this letter at night in Cales; and here is a letter saying that Caesar has reached Corfinium and that Domitius is there with a strong force anxious to fight. I do not think that Pompey will go so far as to abandon Domitius, though he sent Scipio ahead to Brundisium with two squadrons, and has informed the consuls that he wants one of them to take the legion raised for Faustus into Sicily. But it were base to desert Domitius, when he entreats for help. There is some hope, small enough to my mind, but favoured in this district, that Afranius has fought with Trebonius in the Pyrenees and driven him back, and that your
cohortibus, summa autem Afranium cum magnis copiis adventare. Id si est, in Italia fortasse manebitur. Ego autem, cum esset incertum iter Caesaris, quod vel ad Capuam vel ad Luceriam iturus putabatur, Leptam misi ad Pompeium et litteras; ipse, ne quo inciderem, reverti Formias.
Haec te scire volui scripsique sedatiore animo, quam proxime scripseram, nullum meum iudicium interponens, sed exquirens tuum.
IV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano VIII K. Mart. ante lucem a. 705
Dionysius quidem tuus potius quam noster, cuius ego cum satis cognossem mores, tuo tamen potius stabam iudicio quam meo, ne tui quidem testimonii, quod ei saepe apud me dederas, veritus, superbum se praebuit in fortuna, quam putavit nostram fore; cuius fortunae nos, quantum humano consilio effici poterit, motum ratione quadam gubernabimus. Cui qui noster honos, quod obsequium, quae etiam ad ceteros contempti cuiusdam hominis commendatio defuit? ut meum iudicium reprehendi a Quinto fratre volgoque ab omnibus mallem quam illum non efferrem laudibus, Ciceronesque nostros meo potius labore subdoceri quam me alium iis magistrum quaerere; ad quem ego quas litteras, dei immortales, miseram, quantum honoris significantes, quantum amoris! Dicaearchum mehercule aut Aristoxenum diceres arcessi, non unum hominem omnium loquacissimum et minime aptum ad docendum. Sed est memoria bona. Me dicet esse meliore. Quibus litteris ita respondit ut ego nemini,
friend Fabius too has gone over to Pompey with his squadrons: and high hope, that Afranius is marching hither with large forces. If that is true, we may stay in Italy. But since no one knows Caesar's route, as he was supposed to be going towards Capua or Luceria, I am sending Lepta to Pompey with a letter. Myself I return to Formiae for fear I should stumble on anyone.
I wanted you to know the news, and I write with more composure than I stated above. I advance no views of my own, but ask for yours.
IV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 22, B.C. 49
I count Dionysius your man rather than mine: for, though I was well acquainted with his character, I held to your opinion of him rather than to my own. The fellow has paid no respect even to your frequent certificates of character, but has become arrogant in what he takes for a fall in my fortune, though so far as human wit can avail, I will steer my course onward with some skill. I never failed Dionysius in respect or service, or in a good word for the despicable cad. Nay, I preferred to have my opinion criticized by Quintus and people in general rather than omit to praise the fellow; and, sooner than seek another master for my boys, I took pains to give them private lessons myself. Good God, what a letter I sent him: how full of respect and affection! You would think that I was sending for Dicaearchus or Aristoxenus and not for an arch-chatter-box useless as a teacher. He has a good memory: he shall have reason to say that mine is better. He answered the
cuius causam non reciperem. Semper enim: "Si potero, si ante suscepta causa non impediar." Numquam reo cuiquam tam humili, tam sordido, tam nocenti, tam alieno tam praecise negavi, quam hic mihi plane sine ulla exceptione praecidit. Nihil cognovi ingratius; in quo vitio nihil mali non inest. Sed de hoc nimis multa.
Ego navem paravi. Tuas litteras tamen exspecto, ut sciam, quid respondeant consultationi meae. Sulmone C. Atium Paelignum aperuisse Antonio portas, cum essent cohortes quinque, Q. Lucretium inde effugisse scis, Gnaeum ire Brundisium, desertum Domitium.[63] Confecta res est.
[63] Domitium is added by Lipsius.
V
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano VII, ut videtur, K. Mart. a. 705
Cum ante lucem VIII Kal. litteras ad te de Dionysio dedissem, vesperi ad nos eodem die venit ipse Dionysius, auctoritate tua permotus, ut suspicor; quid enim putem aliud? Etsi solet eum, cum aliquid furiose fecit, paenitere. Numquam autem cerritior fuit quam in hoc negotio. Nam, quod ad te non scripseram, postea audivi a tertio miliario tum eum isse
πολλὰ μάτην κεράεσσιν ἐς ἠέρα θυμήναντα,
multa, inquam, mala cum dixisset: suo capiti, ut aiunt. Sed en meam mansuetudinem! Conieceram in fasciculum una cum tua vementem ad illum epistulam. Hanc ad me referri volo nec ullam ob aliam
letter in a tone I have never used even when I wished to decline a case. I always say, "if possible," "if no previous engagement hinders me." I have never given so curt a refusal as his curt unqualified "no" to any client however humble, however mean, however guilty, however much a stranger. It is the height of ingratitude, and ingratitude includes all sins. But enough and more than enough of this.
I have a boat ready. Still I wait for a letter from you, that I may know your answer to my problem. You know that at Sulmo C. Atius Paelignus opened the gates to Antonius, though he had five squadrons, that Q. Lucretius has escaped from the place, and that Pompey has gone to Brundisium, deserting Domitius. We are done for.
V
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 23 (?), B.C. 49
After I sent you a letter before daybreak on the 22nd about Dionysius, on the evening of the same day came Dionysius himself. I cannot but think that it was by your influence, though he is wont to repent of his fits of temper, and this is the maddest business he has had a hand in. I did not tell you before, but I heard later, that, when he had got three miles from Rome, he took fright,
"When he had vainly butted with his horns
The vacant air."[64]
[64] Author unknown.
I mean he cursed roundly. May his curses fall on his own head, as the saying goes. But look at my good nature. I enclosed in your packet a strong letter for him. I should be glad to have it returned; and
causam Pollicem servum a pedibus meis Romam misi. Eo autem ad te scripsi, ut, si tibi forte reddita esset, mihi curares referendam, ne in illius manus perveniret.
Novi si quid esset, scripsissem. Pendeo animi exspectatione Corfiniensi, in qua de salute rei publicae decernetur. Tu fasciculum, qui est M'. Curio inscriptus, velim cures ad eum perferendum Tironemque Curio commendes et, ut det ei, si quid opus erit in sumptum, roges.
VI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano IX K. Mart., ut videtur, a. 705
Obsignata iam ista epistula, quam de nocte daturus eram, sicut dedi (nam eam vesperi scripseram), C. Sosius praetor in Formianum venit ad M'. Lepidum, vicinum nostrum, cuius quaestor fuit. Pompei litterarum ad consules exemplum attulit:
"Litterae mihi a L. Domitio a. d. XIII Kalend. Mart. allatae sunt. Earum exemplum infra scripsi. Nunc, ut ego non scribam, tua sponte te intellegere scio, quanti rei publicae intersit omnes copias in unum locum primo quoque tempore convenire. Tu, si tibi videbitur, dabis operam, ut quam primum ad nos venias, praesidii Capuae quantum constitueris satis esse, relinquas."
Deinde supposuit exemplum epistulae Domiti, quod ego ad te pridie miseram. Di immortales, qui me horror perfudit! quam sum sollicitus, quidnam futurum sit! Hoc tamen spero, magnum nomen imperatoris fore, magnum in adventu terrorem. Spero etiam, quoniam adhuc nihil nobis obfuit † nihil
only for that reason have I sent my footman Pollux to Rome. So I write to you that, if it has come into your hands, you may return it and not let it fall into his possession.
I would write any fresh news, if there were any. I am a-tiptoe with anxiety as to the business at Corfinium, which will decide the fate of the constitution. Please send the packet addressed to M'. Curius, and please recommend Tiro to Curius, and ask him to supply his wants.
VI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 21 (?), B.C. 49
After I had sealed that letter to you, which I wanted to dispatch last night (I wrote it in the evening and did dispatch it), C. Sosius the praetor came to Formiae to visit my neighbour, M'. Lepidus, whose quaestor he was. He brought a copy of Pompey's letter to the consuls: "I have received a dispatch from L. Domitius, dated the 17th of February. I enclose a copy. Now without a word from me, I know you realize of your own accord how important it is for the State that all our forces should concentrate at one spot at the earliest possible date. If you agree, endeavour to reach me at once, leaving Capua such garrison as you may consider necessary."
Then appended is a copy of Domitius' letter which I sent you yesterday. My God, how terrified I was and how distracted I am as to the future! I hope his nickname the Great will inspire great panic on his arrival. I hope too, since nothing has stood in our way at present [except his negligence, he is not
mutasset neglegentia hoc quod cum fortiter et diligenter tum etiam mehercule.†
Modo enim audivi quartanam a te discessisse. Moriar, si magis gauderem, si id mihi accidisset. Piliae dic non esse aequum eam diutius habere nec id esse vestrae concordiae. Tironem nostrum ab altera relictum audio. Sed eum video in sumptum ab aliis mutuatum; ego autem Curium nostrum, si quid opus esset, rogaram. Malo Tironis verecundiam in culpa esse quam inliberalitatem Curi.
VII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano VII K. Mart., ut videtur, a. 705
Unum etiam restat amico nostro ad omne dedecus, ut Domitio non subveniat. "At nemo dubitat, quin subsidio venturus sit." Ego non puto. "Deseret igitur talem civem et eos, quos una scis esse, cum habeat praesertim is ipse cohortes triginta?" Nisi me omnia fallunt, deseret. Incredibiliter pertimuit, nihil spectat nisi fugam. Cui tu (video enim, quid sentias) me comitem putas debere esse. Ego vero, quem fugiam, habeo, quem sequar, non habeo. Quod enim tu meum laudas et memorandum dicis, malle quod dixerim me cum Pompeio vinci quam cum istis vincere, ego vero malo, sed cum illo Pompeio, qui tum erat, aut qui mihi esse videbatur, cum hoc vero, qui ante fugit, quam scit, aut quem fugiat aut quo, qui nostra tradidit, qui patriam reliquit, Italiam relinquit,
neglecting a point which ought to be carried out vigorously].[65]
[65] The words in brackets only attempt to give the probable sense of this hopelessly corrupt passage.
I have just heard that you have lost your fever. Upon my life I could not be better pleased, if I had recovered myself. Tell Pilia that such a perfect helpmeet should not be sick longer than her husband. I hear that Tiro has recovered from his second attack: but I see he has been raising money from strangers. I had commissioned Curius to supply him with funds. I hope it is Tiro's diffidence and not Curius' meanness that is to blame.
VII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 23 (?), B.C. 49
The one act needed to crown Pompey's disgrace is the desertion of Domitius. I don't agree with the universal opinion that he is sure to help him. "Will he desert so distinguished a citizen as Domitius and those with him, even though he has thirty cohorts at his command?" Unless I am greatly mistaken he will desert him. He is incredibly alarmed, and has no thought but flight; and you want me to go with him; for I see what you think. Yes, I have a foe to flee from, but no friend to follow. As for your praise of that remark of mine, which you quote and call so memorable, that I would rather be conquered with Pompey than conquer with Caesar, well, I would: but it must be with Pompey my old hero or ideal. As to the Pompey of to-day, who flees before he knows from whom he is running or where to run; who has betrayed us, abandoned his country and deserted
si malui, contigit, victus sum. Quod superest, nec ista videre possum, quae numquam timui ne viderem, nec mehercule istum, propter quem mihi non modo meis, sed memet ipso carendum est.
Ad Philotimum scripsi de viatico sive a Moneta (nemo enim solvit) sive ab Oppiis, tuis contubernalibus. Cetera apposita tibi mandabo.
VIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano VI K. Mart. a. 705
O rem turpem et ea re miseram! Sic enim sentio, id demum aut potius id solum esse miserum, quod turpe sit. Aluerat Caesarem; eundem repente timere coeperat, condicionem pacis nullam probarat, nihil ad bellum pararat, urbem reliquerat, Picenum amiserat culpa, in Apuliam se compegerat, ibat in Graeciam, omnes nos ἀπροσφωνήτους, expertes sui tanti, tam inusitati consilii relinquebat. Ecce subito litterae Domiti ad illum, ipsius ad consules. Fulsisse mihi videbatur τὸ καλὸν ad oculos eius et exclamasse ille vir, qui esse debuit:
Πρὸς ταῦθ' ὅ τι χρὴ καὶ παλαμάσθων
καὶ πάντ' ἐπ' ἐμοὶ τεκταινέσθων.
τὸ γὰρ εὖ μετ' ἐμοῦ.
Italy,—well, if I wanted to be conquered with him, I have got my wish; I am conquered. For the rest I cannot bear to look at Caesar's doings. I never expected to see them, nor the man himself who robs me not only of my friends, but of myself.
I have written to Philotimus about money for the journey—either from the mint,[66] for none of my debtors will pay up, or from your associates the bankers. I will give you all other requisite instructions.
[66] The Roman Mint was at the Temple of Juno Moneta. Apparently money could be obtained there by exchange for bullion.
VIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 24, B.C. 49
What disgrace, and therefore what misery! For I feel disgrace to be the crown of misery, or indeed the only real misery. Pompey treated Caesar as his protégé, began suddenly to fear him, declined terms of peace, made no preparation for war, quitted Rome, lost Picenum by his own fault, got himself blocked in Apulia, went off to Greece without a word, leaving us in ignorance of a plan so important and unusual. Then all of a sudden Domitius' letter to Pompey and Pompey's letter to the consuls. It seemed to me that the Right had flashed upon his gaze, and that he, the old heroic Pompey, cried:
"What subtle craft they will let them devise,
And work their wiliest in my despite.
The right is on my side."[67]
[67] A fragment of Euripides parodied by Aristophanes, Acharnians, 659-661.
At ille tibi πολλὰ χαίρειν τᾷ καλᾷ dicens pergit Brundisium. Domitium autem aiunt re audita et eos, qui una essent, se tradidisse. O rem lugubrem! Itaque intercludor dolore, quo minus ad te plura scribam. Tuas litteras exspecto.
IX
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano V K. Mart. a. 705
Epistulam meam quod pervulgatam scribis esse, non fero moleste, quin etiam ipse multis dedi describendam. Ea enim et acciderunt iam et impendent, ut testatum esse velim, de pace quid senserim. Cum autem ad eam hortarer eum praesertim hominem, non videbar ullo modo facilius moturus, quam si id, quod eum hortarer, convenire eius sapientiae dicerem. Eam si "admirabilem" dixi, cum eum ad salutem patriae hortabar, non sum veritus, ne viderer adsentari, cui tali in re lubenter me ad pedes abiecissem. Quod autem est "aliquid inpertias temporis," non est, de pace, sed de me ipso et de meo officio ut aliquid cogitet. Nam, quod testificor me expertem belli fuisse, etsi id re perspectum est, tamen eo scripsi, quo in suadendo plus auctoritatis haberem; eodemque pertinet, quod causam eius probo.
Sed quid haec nunc? Utinam aliquid profectum esset! Ne ego istas litteras in contione recitari velim, si quidem ille ipse ad eundem scribens in publico proposuit epistulam illam, in qua est "pro tuis rebus gestis amplissimis" (amplioribusne quam suis,
However Pompey bids a long farewell to honour and away for Brundisium. They say that Domitius and those with him surrendered on receipt of the news. What a doleful business! Grief prevents me writing more. I await a letter from you.
IX
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 25, B.C. 49.
I am not upset at the circulation of my letter, indeed I myself let many people take a copy. Considering what has happened and is likely to happen, I want my views on peace published. And when I exhorted Caesar of all men to seek peace, I had no readier argument than to say, that peace became a man of his wisdom. If I spoke of his "admirable" wisdom, seeing that I was urging him on to the salvation of our country, I was not afraid of appearing to flatter him: in such a cause I would gladly have cast myself at his feet. When I use the phrase "spare time," that does not mean for the consideration of peace, but for the consideration of myself and my obligations. As to my statement that I have taken no part in the war, though the facts are evidence, I wrote it to give greater weight to my advice and it was for the same reason that I expressed approbation of his case.
But this is idle talk now: I only wish it had done some good. Why, I should not object to the recital of my letter at a public meeting, when Pompey himself, writing to Caesar, exhibited for public perusal a letter containing the words "On account of your splendid achievements," (are they more splendid
quam Africani? Ita tempus ferebat), si quidem etiam vos duo tales ad quintum miliarium quid nunc ipsum de se recipienti, quid agenti, quid acturo? Quanto autem ferocius ille causae suae confidet, cum vos, cum vestri similes non modo frequentes, sed laeto vultu gratulantes viderit! "Num igitur peccamus?" Minime vos quidem; sed tamen signa conturbantur, quibus voluntas a simulatione distingui posset. Quae vero senatus consulta video? Sed apertius, quam proposueram.
Ego Arpini volo esse pridie Kal., deinde circum villulas nostras errare, quas visurum me postea desperavi. Εὐγενῆ tua consilia et tamen pro temporibus non incauta mihi valde probantur. Lepido quidem (nam fere συνδιημερεύομεν, quod gratissimum illi est) numquam placuit ex Italia exire, Tullo multo minus. Crebro enim illius litterae ab aliis ad nos commeant. Sed me illorum sententiae minus movebant; minus multa dederant illi rei publicae pignora. Tua mehercule auctoritas vehementer movet; adfert enim et reliqui temporis recuperandi rationem et praesentis tuendi. Sed, obsecro te, quid hoc miserius quam alterum plausus in foedissima causa quaerere, alterum offensiones in optima? alterum existimari conservatorem inimicorum, alterum desertorem amicorum? Et mehercule, quamvis amemus Gnaeum nostrum, ut et facimus et debemus, tamen hoc, quod talibus viris non subvenit, laudare non possum. Nam, sive
than Pompey's own, or those of Africanus? Circumstances made him say so.) and when two men like you and S. Peducaeus are going to meet him at the fifth milestone,—and at this moment to what course does he pledge himself, what is he doing, what is he going to do? Surely his belief in his rights will grow more vehement, when he sees you and men like you not only in crowds, but with joy upon your faces. "What harm in that," you ask? Not a bit, as far as you are concerned: but still the outward signs of the distinction between genuine feeling and pretence are all upset. I foresee some strange decrees of the Senate. But my letter has been more frank than I intended.
I hope to be at Arpinum on the 28th, and then to visit my country estates, I fear for the last time. Your policy, gentlemanly, but not without a touch of caution suited to the times, has my sincere approval. Lepidus, who has the pleasure of my company almost every day, never liked the plan of quitting Italy: Tullus detested it: for letters from him often reach me from other hands. However their views influence me little: they have given fewer pledges to the state than I: but I am strongly swayed by the weight of your opinion, which proposes a plan for betterment in the future and security in the present. Is there a more wretched spectacle than that of Caesar earning praise in the most disgusting cause, and of Pompey earning blame in the most excellent: of Caesar being regarded as the saviour of his enemies, and Pompey as a traitor to his friends? Assuredly though I love Pompey, from inclination and duty, still I cannot praise his failure to succour such men. If it was fear,
timuit, quid ignavius? sive, ut quidam putant, meliorem suam causam illorum caede fore putavit, quid iniustius? Sed haec omittamus; augemus enim dolorem retractando.
VI Kal. vesperi Balbus minor ad me venit occulta via currens ad Lentulum consulem missu Caesaris cum litteris, cum mandatis, cum promissione provinciae, Romam ut redeat. Cui persuaderi posse non arbitror, nisi erit conventus. Idem aiebat nihil malle Caesarem, quam ut Pompeium adsequeretur (id credo) et rediret in gratiam. Id non credo et metuo, ne omnis haec clementia ad Cinneam[68] illam crudelitatem colligatur. Balbus quidem maior ad me scribit nihil malle Caesarem quam principe Pompeio sine metu vivere. Tu, puto, haec credis. Sed, cum haec scribebam V Kalend., Pompeius iam Brundisium venisse poterat; expeditus enim antecesserat legiones XI K. Luceria. Sed hoc τέρας horribili vigilantia, celeritate, diligentia est. Plane, quid futurum sit, nescio.
[68] Cinneam Tyrrell and Purser: unam MSS.: Sullanam Orelli.
X
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano IV K. Mart. a. 705
Dionysius cum ad me praeter opinionem meam venisset, locutus sum cum eo liberalissime; tempora exposui, rogavi, ut diceret, quid haberet in animo; me nihil ab ipso invito contendere. Respondit se, quod in nummis haberet, nescire quo loci esset; alios non solvere, aliorum diem nondum esse. Dixit etiam alia quaedam de servulis suis, quare nobiscum
it was most cowardly; if, as some think, he imagined that their massacre would assist his cause, it was most iniquitous. But let us pass over this, for remembrance adds to my sorrow.
On the evening of the 24th, Balbus the younger came to me, hurrying on a secret errand to the consul Lentulus from Caesar with a letter, a commission, and the promise of a province on condition of his returning to Rome. I don't think that he can be talked over without a personal interview. Balbus said that Caesar was most anxious to meet Pompey (I believe it), and to get on good terms with him. This I do not believe and I fear all his kindness is only a preparation for cruelty like Cinna's. Balbus the elder writes to me that Caesar wants nothing better than to live in safety under Pompey. I expect you will believe that. But while I write this letter on the 25th of February, Pompey may have reached Brundisium. He set out without baggage, and before his legions, on the 19th from Luceria. But that bogy-man has terrible wariness, speed and energy. The future is a riddle to me.
X
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 26, B.C. 49
I spoke to Dionysius in the frankest way, when contrary to my expectations he arrived. I told him how matters stood; asked him his intentions, and said that I would not press him against his will. He replied that he did not know where such money as he owned was: that some creditors did not pay, that other debts were not yet due. He said something about his wretched slaves that would prevent his
esse non posset. Morem gessi; dimisi a me ut magistrum Ciceronum non lubenter, ut hominem ingratum non invitus. Volui te scire, et quid ego de eius facto iudicarem.
XI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. in Formiano III K. Mart. a. 705
Quod me magno animi motu perturbatum putas, sum equidem, sed non tam magno, quam tibi fortasse videor. Levatur enim omnis cura, cum aut constitit consilium, aut cogitando nihil explicatur. Lamentari autem licet illud quidem totos dies; sed vereor, ne, nihil cum proficiam, etiam dedecori sim studiis ac litteris nostris. Consumo igitur omne tempus considerans, quanta vis sit illius viri, quem nostris libris satis diligenter, ut tibi quidem videmur, expressimus. Tenesne igitur moderatorem illum rei publicae quo referre velimus omnia? Nam sic quinto, ut opinor, in libro loquitur Scipio: "Ut enim gubernatori cursus secundus, medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huic moderatori rei publicae beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit. Huius enim operis maximi inter homines atque optimi illum esse perfectorem volo." Hoc Gnaeus noster cum antea numquam tum in hac causa minime cogitavit. Dominatio quaesita ab utroque est, non id actum, beata et honesta civitas ut esset. Nec vero ille urbem reliquit, quod eam tueri non posset, nec Italiam, quod ea pelleretur, sed hoc a primo cogitavit, omnes terras, omnia maria movere, reges barbaros incitare, gentes feras armatas in Italiam
staying with me. I acquiesced, sorry to lose a master for my boys; but glad to be rid of an ungrateful fellow. I wanted you to know what happened and my opinion of his conduct.
XI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Feb. 27, B.C. 49
As you suppose, I am in great anxiety of mind: but it is not so great as you may imagine. I am rid of care, as soon as resolve is fixed or thought proves futile. Still I may lament my lot as I do all day long. But I fear, since lamentation is idle, I disgrace my philosophy and my works. So I spend my time considering the character of the ideal statesman, who is sketched clearly enough, you seem to think, in my books on the Republic. You remember then the standard by which our ideal governor was to weigh his acts. Here are Scipio's words, in the 5th book, I think it is: "As a safe voyage is the aim of the pilot, health of the physician, victory of the general, so the ideal statesman will aim at happiness for the citizens of the state to give them material security, copious wealth, wide-reaching distinction and untarnished honour. This, the greatest and finest of human achievements, I want him to perform." Pompey never had this notion and least of all in the present cause. Absolute power is what he and Caesar have sought; their aim has not been to secure the happiness and honour of the community. Pompey has not abandoned Rome, because it was impossible to defend, nor Italy on forced compulsion; but it was his idea from the first to plunge the world into war, to stir up barbarous princes, to bring savage tribes into
adducere, exercitus conficere maximos. Genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur multis, qui una sunt, cupientibus. An censes nihil inter eos convenire, nullam pactionem fieri potuisse? Hodie potest. Sed neutri σκοπὸς est ille, ut nos beati simus; uterque regnare vult.
Haec a te invitatus breviter exposui. Voluisti enim me, quid, de his mails sentirem, ostendere. Προθεσπίζω igitur, noster Attice, non hariolans ut illa, cui nemo credidit, sed coniectura prospiciens:
"Iamque mari magno—"
non multo, inquam, secus possum vaticinari. Tanta malorum impendet Ἰλιάς. Atque hoc nostra gravior est causa, qui domi sumus, quam illorum, qui una transierunt, quod illi quidem alterum metuunt, nos utrumque. "Cur igitur," inquis, "remansimus?" Vel tibi paruimus vel non occurrimus, vel hoc fuit rectius. Conculcari, inquam, miseram Italiam videbis proxima aestate aut utriusque in mancipiis ex omni genere collectis, nec tam proscriptio pertimescenda, quae Luceriae multis sermonibus denuntiata esse dicitur, quam universae rei p. interitus. Tantas in confligendo utriusque vires video futuras. Habes coniecturam meam. Tu autem consolationis fortasse aliquid exspectasti. Nihil invenio, nihil fieri potest miserius, nihil perditius, nihil foedius.
Quod quaeris, quid Caesar ad me scripserit, quod saepe, gratissimum sibi esse, quod quierim, oratque, in eo ut perseverem. Balbus minor haec eadem mandata. Iter autem eius erat ad Lentulum consulem cum litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis, si
Italy under arms, and to gather a huge army. A sort of Sulla's reign has long been his object, and is the desire of many of his companions. Or do you think that no agreement, no compromise between him and Caesar was possible? Why, it is possible to-day: but neither of them looks to our happiness. Both want to be kings.
Ennius, Alexander.
At your request I have given an outline of my views; for you wanted an expression of my opinion on these troubles. So I play the prophet, my dear Atticus, not at random like Cassandra whom no one believed, but with imaginative insight. "Now on the great sea" my prophecy runs like the old tag: such an Iliad of woe hangs over us. The case of us, who stay at home, is worse than that of those who have gone with Pompey, for they have only one to fear, while we have both. You ask then, why I stay. Well, in compliance with your request, or because I could not meet Pompey on his departure, or because it was the more honourable course. I say you will see poor Italy trodden down next summer or in the hands of their slaves drawn from every quarter of the globe. It will not be a proscription (in spite of the talk and threats we hear of at Luceria) which we shall have to dread, but general destruction. So huge are the forces that will join in the struggle. That is my prophecy. Perhaps you looked for consolation. I see none: we have reached the limit of misery, ruin and disgrace.
You inquire what Caesar said in his letter. The usual thing, that my inaction pleases him, and he begs me to maintain it. Balbus the younger brought the same message by word of mouth. Balbus was travelling to Lentulus the consul with letters from Caesar, and
Romam revertisset. Verum, cum habeo rationem dierum, ante puto tramissurum, quam potuerit conveniri.
Epistularum Pompei duarum, quas ad me misit, neglegentiam meamque in rescribendo diligentiam volui tibi notam esse. Earum exempla ad te misi.
Caesaris hic per Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus quid efficiat, exspecto. Utinam aliquid simile Parthicis rebus! Simul aliquid audiero, scribam ad te. Tu ad me velim bonorum sermones. Romae frequentes esse dicuntur. Scio equidem te in publicum non prodire, sed tamen audire te multa necesse est. Memini librum tibi adferri a Demetrio Magnete ad te missum [scio][69] περὶ ὁμονοίας. Eum mihi velim mittas. Vides, quam causam mediter.
[69] scio deleted by Wesenberg.
XIa
CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. M. CICERONI IMP.
Scr. Luceriae IV Id. Febr. a. 705
Q. Fabius ad me venit a. d. IIII Idus Febr. Is nuntiat L. Domitium cum suis cohortibus XII et cum cohortibus XIIII, quas Vibullius adduxit, ad me iter habere; habuisse in animo proficisci Corfinio a. d. V Idus Febr.; C. Hirrum cum V cohortibus subsequi. Censeo, ad nos Luceriam venias. Nam te hic tutissime puto fore.
promises of reward, if he would go back to Rome. Reckoning the days, however, I fancy Lepidus will cross the sea, before Balbus can meet him.
I send copies of Pompey's two dispatches to me. Please note his careless style and my careful answer.
I am waiting to see the result of this dash of Caesar's on Brundisium through Apulia. I should like a repetition of the Parthian incident.[70] As soon as I get any news, I will write. Please send me the talk of the loyalists who are said to be numerous at Rome. I know you do not go out, but talk must reach your ears. I remember a book being given to you by Demetrius of Magnesia. It was dedicated to you, and bore the title On Concord. I should be glad if you would let me have it. You see the part I am studying.
[70] I.e. a sudden retreat. Cf. VI, 6.
XIa
THE GREETINGS OF CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL TO CICERO THE IMPERATOR.
Luceria, Feb. 10, B.C. 49
Q. Fabius came to me on the 10th of February. He announces that L. Domitius with his twelve cohorts and fourteen cohorts brought by Vibullius is on the march towards me; that he intended to leave Corfinium on the 9th of February and that C. Hirrus with five cohorts follows behind. I think you should come to me at Luceria, for here I imagine will be your safest refuge.
XIb
M. CICERO IMP. S. D. CN. MAGNO PROCOS.
Scr. Formiis XIV K. Mart. a. 705
A. d. XV Kalend. Martias Formiis accepi tuas litteras; ex quibus ea, quae in agro Piceno gesta erant, cognovi commodiora esse multo, quam ut erat nobis nuntiatum, Vibullique virtutem industriamque libenter agnovi.
Nos adhuc in ea ora, ubi praepositi sumus, ita fuimus, ut navem paratam haberemus. Ea enim audiebamus et ea verebamur, ut, quodcumque tu consilium cepisses, id nobis persequendum putaremus. Nunc, quoniam auctoritate et consilio tuo in spe firmiore sumus, si teneri posse putas Tarracinam et oram maritimam, in ea manebo, etsi praesidia in oppidis nulla sunt. Nemo enim nostri ordinis in his locis est praeter M. Eppium, quem ego Menturnis esse volui, vigilantem hominem et industrium. Nam L. Torquatum, virum fortem et cum auctoritate, Formiis non habemus, ad te profectum arbitramur.
Ego omnino, ut proxime tibi placuerat, Capuam veni eo ipso die, quo tu Teano Sidicino es profectus. Volueras enim me cum M. Considio pro praetore illa negotia tueri. Cum eo venissem, vidi T. Ampium dilectum habere diligentissime, ab eo accipere Libonem, summa item diligentia et in illa colonia auctoritate. Fui Capuae, quoad consules. Iterum, ut erat edictum a consulibus, veni Capuam ad Nonas Februar. Cum fuissem triduum, recepi me Formias.
XIb
M. CICERO IMPERATOR GREETINGS TO CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL.
Formiae, Feb. 16, B.C. 49
On the 15th of February I got your letter at Formiae. I gather that matters in Picenum were much more satisfactory than I had heard, and am glad to learn of the bravery and energy of Vibullius.
So far I have stayed on this coast where I was given the command, but I have kept a boat ready. For the news and my fears were such that I felt I must follow any plan you should make. But now your influence and your policy have encouraged me, I will stay in the coast districts and Tarracina, if you think that the district can be held. The towns, however, are without garrison, for there is no member of the Senate in the district except M. Eppius, a man of foresight and energy, whom I desired to stay at Menturnae. The gallant and influential L. Torquatus is not at Formiae, but I fancy has set out to join you.
In entire accord with your latest instructions, I went to Capua on the very day you left Teanum Sidicinum. For you had desired me to take part with M. Considius the propraetor in looking after things there. On arrival I found that T. Ampius was holding a levy with the greatest energy, and that the troops raised were being taken over by Libo, a local man of energy and influence. I stayed at Capua as long as the consuls. Once again in accordance with instructions from the consuls I went to Capua for the 5th of February. After a stay of three days I returned to Formiae.
Nunc quod tuum consilium aut quae ratio belli sit, ignoro. Si tenendam hanc oram putas, quae et oportunitatem et dignitatem habet et egregios cives, et, ut arbitror, teneri potest, opus est esse, qui praesit; sin omnia in unum locum contrahenda sunt, non dubito, quin ad te statim veniam, quo mihi nihil optatius est, idque tecum, quo die ab urbe discessimus, locutus sum. Ego, si cui adhuc videor segnior fuisse, dum ne tibi videar, non laboro, et tamen, si, ut video, bellum gerendum est, confido me omnibus facile satis facturum. M. Tullium, meum necessarium, ad te misi, cui tu, si tibi videretur, ad me litteras dares.
XIc
CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. M. CICERONI IMP.
Scr. Canusi X K. Mart. a. 705
S. V. B. Tuas litteras libenter legi. Recognovi enim tuam pristinam virtutem etiam in salute communi. Consules ad eum exercitum, quem in Apulia habui, venerunt. Magno opere te hortor pro tuo singulari perpetuoque studio in rem publicam, ut te ad nos conferas, ut communi consilio rei publicae adflictae opem atque auxilium feramus. Censeo, via Appia iter facias et celeriter Brundisium venias.
XId
M. CICERO IMP. S. D. CN. MAGNO PROCOS.
Scr. Formiis III K. Mart. a. 705
Cum ad te litteras misissem, quae tibi Canusi redditae sunt, suspicionem nullam habebam te rei publicae
At the present moment I do not know what are your ideas and plan of campaign. If you think that this coast should be held—and Capua has a good position and is an important town, not to speak of its loyal inhabitants, and to my mind tenable—a commander is wanted. If your plan is concentration, I will come to you at once without hesitation. Nothing would delight me more, and I told you so on the day of our departure from Rome. I do not trouble about criticisms of inactivity from anyone but yourself. If, as I foresee, war is inevitable, I feel I can easily satisfy every criticism. I have sent my relative M. Tullius in case you may wish to send a reply.
XIc
CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETINGS TO CICERO IMPERATOR.
Canusium, Febr. 20, B.C. 49
I hope you are well. I was glad to read your letter, for once again I recognized your tried courage in the interests of public safety. The consuls have joined my army in Apulia. I beg you earnestly in the name of your exceptional and continued zeal for the state to join me as well, so that we may plan together to benefit and assist the state in her sore straits. I hold that you should travel by the Appian road and come with speed to Brundisium.
XId
M. CICERO IMPERATOR SENDS GREETINGS TO CN. MAGNUS, PROCONSUL.
Formiae, Febr. 27, B.C. 49
When I sent you the letter which was delivered to you at Canusium, I had no idea that the state's
causa mare transiturum eramque in spe magna fore ut in Italia possemus aut concordiam constituere qua mihi nihil utilius videbatur, aut rem publicam summa cum dignitate defendere. Interim nondum meis litteris ad te perlatis ex iis mandatis, quae D. Laelio ad consules dederas, certior tui consilii factus non exspectavi, dum mihi a te litterae redderentur, confestimque cum Quinto fratre et cum liberis nostris iter ad te in Apuliam facere coepi. Cum Teanum Sidicinum venissem, C. Messius, familiaris tuus, mihi dixit aliique complures Caesarem iter habere Capuam et eo ipso die mansurum esse Aeserniae, Sane sum commotus, quod, si ita esset, non modo iter meum interclusum, sed me ipsum plane exceptum putabam. Itaque tum Cales processi, ut ibi potissimum consisterem, dum certum nobis ab Aesernia de eo, quod audieram, referretur.
At mihi, cum Calibus essem, adfertur litterarum tuarum exemplum, quas tu ad Lentulum consulem misisses. Hae scriptae sic erant, litteras tibi a L. Domitio a. d. XIII Kal. Martias allatas esse (earumque exemplum subscripseras); magnique interesse rei publicae scripseras omnes copias primo quoque tempore in unum locum convenire, et ut, praesidio quod satis esset, Capuae relinqueret. His ego litteris lectis in eadem opinione fui qua reliqui omnes, te cum omnibus copiis ad Corfinium esse venturum; quo mihi, cum Caesar ad oppidum castra haberet, tutum iter esse non abritrabar.
Cum res in summa exspectatione esset, utrumque simul audivimus, et quae Corfini acta essent, et te iter Brundisium facere coepisse; cumque nec mihi nec fratri meo dubium esset, quin Brundisium contenderemus,
welfare would drive you to flight across the seas, and I had great hopes that it might be in Italy we should either conclude peace (the wisest course to my mind) or fight for the state with honour untarnished. My letter cannot have reached you yet, but from the message which you entrusted to D. Laelius for the consuls I learnt of your plans. I did not wait for a reply to my letter, but forthwith set out along with my brother Quintus and the children to join you in Apulia. On arrival at Teanum Sidicinum I was told by your friend C. Messius, and many other people, that Caesar was on his way to Capua, and would bivouac that very day at Aesernia. I was really startled, as it occurred to me, that, if that was so, my road was closed, and I myself was quite captured. So I went to Cales, choosing that particular place to stay at, till I should get certain news from Aesernia as to the rumour I had heard.
At Cales I received a copy of your letter to Lentulus the consul. Its purport was that you had got a letter (of which you subjoined a copy) from L. Domitius on the 17th of February, and you considered it of the greatest public importance to concentrate your forces on the earliest possible occasion, and that a sufficient garrison should be left at Capua. On the perusal of this dispatch I agreed with others in supposing that you would come in full force to Corfinium. As Caesar was encamped against the town, I considered the road thither was not safe for me.
Anxiously awaiting news, I heard two reports at the same time: news of the affair of Corfinium, and that you were coming to Brundisium. Neither I nor my brother had any hesitation about starting for
a multis, qui e Samnio Apuliaque veniebant, admoniti sumus, ut caveremus, ne exciperemur a Caesare, quod is in eadem loca, quae nos petebamus, profectus celerius etiam, quam nos possemus, eo, quo intenderet, venturus esset. Quod cum ita esset, nec mihi nec fratri meo nec cuiquam amicorum placuit committere, ut temeritas nostra non solum nobis, sed etiam rei publicae noceret, cum praesertim non dubitaremus, quin, si etiam tutum nobis iter fuisset, te tamen iam consequi non possemus.
Interim accepimus tuas litteras Canusio a. d. X K. Martias datas, quibus nos hortaris, ut celerius Brundisium veniamus. Quas cum accepissemus a. d. III K. Martias, non dubitabamus, quin tu iam Brundisium pervenisses, nobisque iter illud omnino interclusum videbamus neque minus nos esse captos, quam qui Corfini fuissent. Neque enim eos solos arbitrabamur capi, qui in armatorum manus incidissent, sed ecs nihilo minus, qui regionibus exclusi intra praesidia atque intra arma aliena venissent.
Quod cum ita sit, maxime vellem primum semper tecum fuissem; quod quidem tibi ostenderam, cum a me Capuam reiciebam. Quod feci non vitandi oneris causa, sed quod videbam teneri illam urbem sine exercitu non posse, accidere autem mihi nolebam, quod doleo viris fortissimis accidisse. Quoniam autem, tecum ut essem, non contigit, utinam tui consilii certior factus essem! Nam suspicione adsequi non potui, quod omnia prius arbitratus sum fore, quam ut haec rei publicae causa in Italia non posset duce te consistere. Neque vero nunc consilium tuum reprehendo, sed fortunam rei publicae lugeo nec, si
Brundisium, when many travellers from Samnium and Apulia warned us to beware of capture, because Caesar had set out for the same destination, and was likely to reach there quicker than ourselves. Under those circumstances, I, my brother and our friends were reluctant to allow any rashness of ours to damage the state as well as ourselves. Moreover, we were sure that, even if our path were clear, we could not overtake you.
Meanwhile I got a letter from you dated at Canusium, of the 20th of February, in which you urged me to hasten to Brundisium. Receiving this on the 27th, I felt confident you must have arrived at Brundisium, and I saw that our road was quite cut off and we were as completely captured as the people at Corfinium, for I do not only consider captured those who fall into the hands of armed bands, but equally those who, being shut off from a district, find themselves hedged between a garrison and an enemy in the field.
This being so, my first and chiefest wish is that I had stayed with you all the time. I showed you as much when I gave up command at Capua. I did so, not to shirk my duty, but because I saw that the city could not be held without troops, and I was reluctant to suffer the fate which I am sorry to hear has befallen some very brave men. Since, however, I have not had the fortune to be with you, would that I were acquainted with your plans, for I cannot imagine them, having hitherto thought that the last thing to happen would be that the national cause would not hold its own in Italy under your leadership. I do not criticize your plan, but I bewail the misfortunes of the state. If I cannot guess your
ego, quid tu sis secutus, non perspicio, idcirco minus existimo te nihil nisi summa ratione fecisse.
Mea quae semper fuerit sententia primum de pace vel iniqua condicione retinenda, deinde de urbe (nam de Italia quidem nihil mihi umquam ostenderas), meminisse te arbitror. Sed mihi non sumo, ut meum consilium valere debuerit; secutus sum tuum neque id rei publicae causa, de qua desperavi, quae et nunc adflicta est nec excitari sine civili perniciosissimo bello potest, sed te quaerebam, tecum esse cupiebam neque eius rei facultatem, si quae erit, praetermittam.
Ego me in hac omni causa facile intellegebam pugnandi cupidis hominibus non satis facere. Primum enim prae me tuli me nihil malle quam pacem, non quin eadem timerem quae illi, sed ea bello civili leviora ducebam. Deinde suscepto bello, cum pacis condiciones ad te adferri a teque ad eas honorifice et large responderi viderem, duxi meam rationem; quam tibi facile me probaturum pro tuo in me beneficio arbitrabar. Memineram me esse unum, qui pro meis maximis in rem publicam meritis supplicia miserrima et crudelissima pertulissem, me esse unum, qui, si offendissem eius animum, cui tum, cum iam in armis essemus, consulatus tamen alter et triumphus amplissimus deferebatur, subicerer eisdem proeliis, ut mea persona semper ad improborum civium impetus aliquid videretur habere populare. Atque haec non ego prius sum suspicatus, quam mihi palam denuntiata sunt, neque ea tam pertimui, si subeunda essent, quam declinanda putavi, si honeste vitare possem. Quam brevem illius temporis, dum in spe pax fuit,
policy, I still suppose that you have done nothing without cogent reasons.
I think you remember that my vote has always been for peace, even on poor terms, and secondly for holding the city. As to Italy you gave me no inkling. I do not claim that my policy should have prevailed. I followed yours, not indeed for the sake of the state, of which I despaired and which even now lies in ruin and cannot be restored without a most calamitous civil war, but I wanted you, I longed to be with you, nor will I omit any opportunity that may occur of attaining my wish.
In the whole of this crisis I was well aware that my policy of peace did not please the advocates of war. In the first place I professed to prefer peace above all things, not because I had not the same fears as they had, but because I counted those fears of less moment than intestine war. Then indeed, after war had begun, when I saw terms of peace offered to you, and met by you in an honourable and generous way, I began to consider what my own interests were. That line of conduct I suppose your kindness will easily excuse. I remembered that I was the one man of all others who had suffered most cruel misery and punishment for the greatest services to the state; that I was the one man who, if I had offended Caesar (Caesar to whom was offered even on the eve of battle a second consulship and a princely triumph), would be subjected to the same struggle as before; for a personal attack on me seems to be always popular with the disloyal. This idea only came to me after open threats. It was not persecution I feared, if it were inevitable, but I thought I should seek any escape that honour could allow. There is an outline
rationem nostram vides, reliqui facultatem res ademit. Iis autem, quibus non satis facio, facile respondeo. Neque enim ego amicior C. Caesari umquam fui quam illi neque illi amiciores rei publicae quam ego. Hoc inter me et illos interest, quod, cum et illi cives optimi sint, et ego ab ista laude non absim, ego condicionibus, quod idem te intellexeram velle, illi armis disceptari maluerunt. Quae quoniam ratio vicit, perficiam profecto, ut neque res publica civis a me animum neque tu amici desideres.
XII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Formiis prid. K. Mart. a. 705
Mihi molestior lippitudo erat etiam, quam ante fuerat. Dictare tamen hanc epistulam malui quam Gallo Fadio amantissimo utriusque nostrum nihil ad te litterarum dare. Nam pridie quidem, quoquo modo potueram, scripseram ipse eas litteras, quarum vaticinationem falsam esse cupio. Huius autem epistulae non solum ea causa est, ut ne quis a me dies intermittatur, quin dem ad te litteras, sed etiam haec iustior, ut a te impetrarem, ut sumeres aliquid temporis, quo quia tibi perexiguo opus est, explicari mihi tuum consilium plane volo, ut penitus intellegam.
Omnia sunt integra nobis; nihil praetermissum est, quod non habeat sapientem excusationem, non modo probabilem. Nam certe neque tum peccavi, cum
of my policy while there was hope of peace; its fulfilment was cut short by circumstances. I have an easy reply to my critics. I have never been more friendly to Caesar than they, and they are not more friendly to the state than I. The difference between them and me is this: they are loyal citizens, and I too deserve the title, but I wanted settlement on terms which I understood you also desired, and they wanted settlement by arms. Since their policy has won, I will do my best that the state may not find me fail in the duties of a citizen, nor you in the duties of a friend.
XII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, Febr. 28, B.C. 49
I am even more troubled by inflammation of the eyes than I was before. Still I prefer to dictate this letter, rather than let Gallus Fadius, who has a sincere regard for us both, have no letter to give you. Yesterday I wrote myself to the best of my ability a letter containing prognostications, which I hope may prove false. One excuse for the present missive is my desire to let no day pass without communicating with you, but there is a still more reasonable excuse, to beg you to devote a little time to my case, and, as it will be a short business, I hope you will explain your view thoroughly and make it quite intelligible to me.
I have not committed myself at all. There has been no omission on my part for which I cannot give not merely a plausible but a reasonable excuse. Assuredly I was not guilty of any fault, when, to avoid
imparatam Capuam non solum ignaviae dedecus, sed etiam perfidiae suspicionem fugiens accipere nolui, neque cum post condiciones pacis per L. Caesarem et L. Fabatum allatas cavi, ne animum eius offenderem, cui Pompeius iam armatus armato consulatum triumphumque deferret. Nec vero haec extrema quisquam potest iure reprehendere, quod mare non transierim. Id enim, etsi erat deliberationis, tamen obire non potui. Neque enim suspicari debui, praesertim cum ex ipsius Pompei litteris, idem quod video te existimasse, non dubitarim, quin is Domitio subventurus esset, et plane, quid rectum et quid faciendum mihi esset, diutius cogitare malui.
Primum igitur, haec qualia tibi esse videantur, etsi significata sunt a te, tamen accuratius mihi perscribas velim, deinde aliquid etiam in posterum prospicias fingasque, quem me esse deceat, et ubi me plurimum prodesse rei publicae sentias, ecquae pacifica persona desideretur an in bellatore sint omnia.
Atque ego, qui omnia officio metior, recordor tamen tua consilia; quibus si paruissem, tristitiam illorum temporum non subissem. Memini, quid mihi tum suaseris per Theophanem, per Culleonem, idque saepe ingemiscens sum recordatus. Quare nunc saltem ad illos calculos revertamur, quos tum abiecimus, ut non solum gloriosis consiliis utamur, sed etiam paulo salubrioribus. Sed nihil praescribo; accurate velim perscribas tuam ad me sententiam. Volo etiam exquiras, quam diligentissime poteris
blame for cowardice and the charge of treachery to boot, I refused to take over Capua in its unprepared state. Nor am I to blame, when, after L. Caesar and L. Fabatus had brought terms of peace, I took precautions not to incur the enmity of a man to whom Pompey was offering the consulship and a triumph, when both were under arms. Finally I cannot rightly be called to account for not crossing the sea: for, though that was a course which was worthy of consideration, still I could not keep Pompey's appointment. Nor could I guess his policy, especially as from his own letter, as I see you inferred, I had no idea that he would fail to relieve Domitius. And certainly I wanted time to consider what was right and what I ought to do.
Firstly, then, I wish you would write me a careful account of your views, though you have already outlined them, and secondly that you would glance at the future, and give me an idea of what course you think would become me, where you suppose I can serve the state best, and whether the part of a man of peace is required at all, or whether everything depends on a fighter.
And I, who test everything by the standard of duty, yet remember your advice. Had I followed it, I should have been saved from the wretchedness of that crisis in my life. I call to mind the counsel you sent me then by Theophanes and Culleo, and the memory of it often makes me groan. So let me now at last go over the old reckoning which then I cast aside, to the end that I may follow a plan, which has in view not only glory, but also some measure of safety. However, I make no conditions: please give me your candid opinion. And please use your best energies to
(habebis autem, per quos possis), quid Lentulus noster, quid Domitius agat, quid acturus sit, quem ad modum nunc se gerant, num quem accusent, num cui suscenseant—quid dico num cui? num Pompeio. Omnino culpam omnem Pompeius in Domitium confert, quod ipsius litteris cognosci potest, quarum exemplum ad te misi. Haec igitur videbis, et, quod ad te ante scripsi, Demetri Magnetis librum, quem ad te misit de concordia, velim mihi mittas.
XIIa
CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. C. MARCELLO, L. LENTULO COSS.
Scr. Luceriae XIII aut XII K. Mart. a. 705
Ego, quod existimabam dispersos nos neque rei publicae utiles neque nobis praesidio esse posse, idcirco ad L. Domitium litteras misi, primum uti ipse cum omni copia ad nos veniret; si de se dubitaret, ut cohortes XVIIII, quae ex Piceno ad me iter habebant, ad nos mitteret. Quod veritus sum, factum est, ut Domitius implicaretur et neque ipse satis firmus esset ad castra facienda, quod meas XVIIII et suas XII cohortes tribus in oppidis distributas haberet (nam partim Albae, partim Sulmone collocavit), neque se, si vellet, expedire posset.
Nunc scitote me esse in summa sollicitudine. Nam et tot et tales viros periculo obsidionis liberare cupio neque subsidio ire possum, quod his duabus legionibus
inquire (for you have suitable agents) what our friend Lentulus and what Domitius is doing, what they intend to do, what is their present attitude, whether they blame or are annoyed with anyone—why do I say anyone?—I mean Pompey. Pompey does not hesitate to put the whole blame on Domitius, as can be inferred from his letter, of which I send you a copy. So please consider these points, and, as I wrote you before, kindly send me that volume On Concord, by Demetrius of Magnesia, which he sent to you.
XIIa
CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETING TO THE CONSULS C. MARCELLUS AND L. LENTULUS.
Luceria, Feb. 17 or 18, B.C. 49
As I considered that with divided forces we could be of no service to the state and no protection to one another, I sent a dispatch to L. Domitius to come to me at once with all his forces, and that, if he was dubious about himself, he should send me the nineteen cohorts, which as a matter of fact were on the march to me from Picenum. My fears have been realized. Domitius has been trapped and is not strong enough himself to pitch a camp, because he has my nineteen and his own twelve cohorts scattered in three towns (for some he has stationed at Alba and some at Sulmo), and he is unable to free himself even if he wished.
I must inform you that this has caused me the greatest anxiety. I am anxious to free men so numerous and of such importance from the danger of a siege, and I cannot go to their assistance, because I do not think that I can trust these two
non puto esse committendum, ut illuc ducantur, ex quibus tamen non amplius XIIII cohortes contrahere potui, quod duas Brundisium misi neque Canusium sine praesidio, dum abessem, putavi esse dimittendum.
D. Laelio mandaram, quod maiores copias sperabam nos habituros, ut, si vobis videretur, alter uter vestrum ad me veniret, alter in Siciliam cum ea copia, quam Capuae et circum Capuam comparastis, et cum iis militibus, quos Faustus legit, proficisceretur, Domitius cum XII suis cohortibus eodem adiungeretur, reliquae copiae omnes Brundisium cogerentur et inde navibus Dyrrachium transportarentur. Nunc, cum hoc tempore nihilo magis ego quam vos subsidio Domitio ire possim, ... se per montes explicare non est nobis committendum, ut ad has XIIII cohortes, quas dubio animo habeo, hostis accedere aut in itinere me consequi possit.
Quam ob rem placitum est mihi (talia video[71] censeri M. Marcello et ceteris nostri ordinis, qui hic sunt), ut Brundisium ducerem hanc copiam, quam mecum habeo. Vos hortor, ut, quodcumque militum contrahere poteritis, contrahatis et eodem Brundisium veniatis quam primum. Arma quae ad me missuri eratis, iis censeo armetis milites, quos vobiscum habetis. Quae arma superabunt, ea si Brundisium iumentis deportaritis, vehementer rei publicae profueritis. De hac re velim nostros certiores faciatis. Ego ad P. Lupum et C. Coponium praetores misi, ut se vobis coniungerent, et militum quod haberent ad vos deducerent.
[71] talia video Tyrrell; altia video MSS.
legions to march to that place: moreover I have not been able to bring together more than fourteen cohorts of them, because two were sent to Brundisium, and Canusium to my mind could not be left without a garrison in my absence.
Hoping to collect larger forces I instructed D. Laelius, that with your approval one of you should come to me, and the other set out for Sicily with the force you have collected at Capua and in the neighbourhood, and with Faustus' recruits; that Domitius with his twelve cohorts should join up, and all the other troops should concentrate at Brundisium, and from thence be taken by sea to Dyrrachium. Now, since at the present time I am no more able than yourselves to go to Domitius' assistance [and it remains for him][72] to extricate himself by the mountain route, I must take steps that the enemy may not meet my fourteen doubtful cohorts or overtake me on the march.
[72] Some words appear to be missing here.
Accordingly—and I see M. Marcellus and other members of the House who are here approve—I am resolved to lead my present forces to Brundisium. You I urge to concentrate all the forces you can and to come with them to Brundisium at the first opportunity. I consider that the arms which you meant to send to me should be used to arm your troops. If you will have the remaining arms carted to Brundisium, you will have done the state great service. Please give these instructions to my supporters. I am sending word to the praetors, P. Lupus and C. Coponius, to join you with whatever soldiery they have.
XIIb
CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. L. DOMITIO PROCOS.
Scr. Luceriae III aut prid. Id. Febr. a. 705
Valde miror te ad me nihil scribere et potius ab aliis quam a te de re publica me certiorem fieri. Nos disiecta manu pares adversario esse non possumus; contractis nostris copiis spero nos et rei publicae et communi saluti prodesse posse. Quam ob rem, cum constituisses, ut Vibullius mihi scripserat, a. d. V Id. Febr. Corfinio proficisci cum exercitu et ad me venire, miror, quid causae fuerit, quare consilium mutaris. Nam illa causa, quam mihi Vibullius scribit, levis est, te propterea moratum esse, quod audieris Caesarem Firmo progressum in Castrum Truentinum venisse. Quanto enim magis appropinquare adversarius coepit, eo tibi celerius agendum erat, ut te mecum coniungeres, priusquam Caesar aut tuum iter impedire aut me abs te excludere posset.
Quam ob rem etiam atque etiam te rogo et hortor, id quod non destiti superioribus litteris a te petere, ut primo quoque die Luceriam ad me venires, antequam copiae, quas instituit Caesar contrahere, in unum locum coactae vos a nobis distrahant. Sed, si erunt, qui te impediant, ut villas suas servent, aequum est me a te impetrare, ut cohortes, quae ex Piceno et Camerino venerunt, quae fortunas suas reliquerunt, ad me missum facias.
XIIb
GREETINGS FROM CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL TO L. DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.
Luceria, Feb. 11 or 12, B.C. 49
I am greatly astonished that you send me no letters, and that I am kept informed of the political situation by others rather than yourself. With divided forces we cannot hope to cope with the enemy: united, I trust we may do something for the safety of our country. Wherefore, as you had arranged, according to Vibullius' letter, to start with your army from Corfinium on the 9th of February and to come to me, I wonder what reason there has been for your change of plan. The reason mentioned by Vibullius is trivial, namely that you were delayed on hearing that Caesar had left Firmum and arrived at Castrum Truentinum. For the nearer our enemy begins to approach, the quicker you ought to have joined forces with me, before Caesar could obstruct your march or cut me off from you.
Wherefore again and again I entreat and exhort you—as I did in my previous letter—to come to Luceria on the first possible day, before the forces which Caesar has begun to collect can concentrate and divide us. But, if people try to keep you back to protect their country seats, I must ask you to dispatch to me the cohorts, which have come from Picenum and Camerinum abandoning their own interests.
XIIc
CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. L. DOMITIO PROCOS.
Scr. Luceriae XIV K. Mart. a. 705
Litteras abs te M. Calenius ad me attulit a d. XIIII Kal. Martias; in quibus litteris scribis tibi in animo esse observare Caesarem, et, si secundum mare ad me ire coepisset, confestim in Samnium ad me venturum, sin autem ille circum istaec loca commoraretur, te ei, si propius accessisset, resistere velle.
Te animo magno et forti istam rem agere existimo, sed diligentius nobis est videndum, ne distracti pares esse adversario non possimus, cum ille magnas copias habeat et maiores brevi habiturus sit. Non enim pro tua prudentia debes illud solum animadvertere, quot in praesentia cohortes contra te habeat Caesar, sed quantas brevi tempore equitum et peditum copias contracturus sit. Cui rei testimonio sunt litterae, quas Bussenius ad me misit; in quibus scribit, id quod ab aliis quoque mihi scribitur, praesidia Curionem, quae in Umbria et Tuscis erant, contrahere et ad Caesarem iter facere. Quae si copiae in unum locum fuerint coactae, ut pars exercitus ad Albam mittatur, pars ad te accedat, ut non pugnet, sed locis suis repugnet, haerebis, neque solus cum ista copia tantam multitudinem sustinere poteris, ut frumentatum eas.
Quam ob rem te magno opere hortor, ut quam primum cum omnibus copiis hoc venias. Consules constituerunt idem facere. Ego M. Tuscilio ad te
XIIc
CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETING TO L. DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.
Luceria, Feb. 16, B.C. 49
M. Calenius has brought me a letter from you dated the 16th of February, in which you express the intention of watching Caesar and hurrying to join me in Samnium, if he shall begin to march against me along the coast: but, if he linger in your neighbourhood, you say you wish to oppose his nearer advance.
To my mind your policy is ambitious and brave, but we must take great care that, if divided, we may not be outmatched by the enemy, since Caesar has numerous troops and in a short time will have more. A man of your judgement ought to bear in mind not only the size of Caesar's present array against you but the number of infantry and cavalry that he will soon collect. Evidence of that contingency is in the letter which Bussenius dispatched to me, and it agrees with the missives from others in stating that Curio is concentrating the garrisons which were in Umbria and Etruria and marching to join Caesar. With these forces combined, though one division may be sent to Alba, and another advance on you, and though Caesar may refrain from the offensive and be content to defend his position, still you will be in a fix, nor will you be able with your following to make sufficient head against such numbers to allow of your sending out foraging parties.
Therefore I beg you earnestly to come here on the first opportunity with all your forces. The consuls have decided to do the same. I have instructed
mandata dedi providendum esse, ne duae legiones sine Picentinis cohortibus in conspectum Caesaris committerentur. Quam ob rem nolito commoveri, si audieris me regredi, si forte Caesar ad me veniet; cavendum enim puto esse, ne implicatus haeream. Nam neque castra propter anni tempus et militum animos facere possum, neque ex omnibus oppidis contrahere copias expedit, ne receptum amittam. Itaque non amplius xiiii cohortes Luceriam coegi. Consules praesidia omnia deducturi sunt aut in Siciliam ituri. Nam aut exercitum firmum habere oportet, quo confidamus perrumpere nos posse, aut regiones eius modi obtinere, e quibus repugnemus; id quod neutrum nobis hoc tempore contigit, quod et magnam partem Italiae Caesar occupavit, et nos non habemus exercitum tam amplum neque tam magnum quam ille. Itaque nobis providendum est, ut summam rei publicae rationem habeamus. Etiam atque etiam te hortor, ut cum omni copia quam primum ad me venias. Possumus etiam nunc rem publicam erigere, si communi consilio negotium administrabimus; si distrahemur, infirmi erimus. Mihi hoc constitutum est.
His litteris scriptis Sicca abs te mihi litteras et mandata attulit. Quod me hortare, ut istuc veniam, id me facere non arbitror posse, quod non magno opere his legionibus confido.
XIId
CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. L. DOMITIO PROCOS.
Scr. Luceriae XIII K. Mart. 705
Litterae mihi a te redditae sunt a. d. XIII Kal. Martias, in quibus scribis Caesarem apud Corfinium
M. Tuscilius to tell you that we must beware lest the two legions without the cohorts from Picenum come within sight of Caesar. Accordingly do not be disturbed if you hear of my retreat in the face of Caesar's possible advance, for I consider that I must take every step to avoid being trapped. The season of the year and the spirit of my troops prevents me from making a camp; nor is it wise to collect the garrisons from all the towns, lest room for retreat be lost. So I have not mustered more than fourteen cohorts at Luceria. The consuls will bring in all their garrisons to me or start for Sicily. We must either have an army strong enough to allow of our breaking through the enemy's lines, or get and hold localities we can defend. At the present moment we have neither of those advantages: a large part of Italy is held by Caesar, and our army is neither so well equipped nor so large as his. We must therefore take care to look to the main issue. Again and again I beg you to come to me as soon as possible with all your forces. Even now the constitution may be restored, if we take common counsel in our action. Division means weakness: of that I am positive.
After I had written my letter Sicca brought me a dispatch and message from you. I fear I cannot comply with your request for assistance, because I do not put much trust in these legions.
XIId
CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS SALUTATION TO DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.
Luceria Feb. 17, B.C. 49
A dispatch from you reached me on the 17th of February saying that Caesar had pitched his camp in
castra posuisse. Quod putavi et praemonui, fit, ut nec in praesentia committere tecum proelium velit et omnibus copiis conductis te implicet, ne ad me iter tibi expeditum sit atque istas copias coniungere optimorum civium possis cum his legionibus, de quarum voluntate dubitamus. Quo etiam magis tuis litteris sum commotus. Neque enim eorum militum, quos mecum habeo, voluntate satis confido, ut de omnibus fortunis rei publicae dimicem, neque etiam, qui ex dilectibus conscripti sunt consulibus, convenerunt.
Quare da operam, si ulla ratione etiam nunc efficere potes, ut te explices, hoc quam primum venias, antequam omnes copiae ad adversarium conveniant. Neque enim celeriter ex dilectibus hoc homines convenire possunt, et, si convenirent, quantum iis committendum sit, qui inter se ne noti quidem sunt, contra veteranas legiones, non te praeterit.
XIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Formiis K. Mart. a. 705
Lippitudinis meae signum tibi sit librarii manus et eadem causa brevitatis; etsi nunc quidem, quod scriberem, nihil erat. Omnis exspectatio nostra erat in nuntiis Brundisinis. Si nanctus hic esset Gnaeum nostrum, spes dubia pacis, sin ille ante tramisisset, exitiosi belli metus. Sed videsne, in quem hominem inciderit res publica, quam acutum, quam vigilantem, quam paratum? Si mehercule neminem occiderit nec cuiquam quicquam ademerit, ab iis, qui eum maxime timuerant, maxime diligetur. Multum mecum municipales homines loquuntur, multum rusticani; nihil
the neighbourhood of Corfinium. What I expected and foretold has happened: he refuses to meet you in the field at present, and he is hemming you in with all his forces concentrated, so that the road may not be clear for you to join me and unite your loyal contingent with my legions whose allegiance is questionable. Consequently I am all the more upset by your dispatch: for I cannot place sufficient confidence in the loyalty of my men to risk a decisive engagement, nor have the levies recruited for the consuls come here.
So do your best, if any tactics can extricate you even now, to join me as soon as possible before our enemy can concentrate all his forces. The levies cannot reach here at an early date, and, even if they were concentrated, you must see how little trust can be put in troops, which do not even know one another by sight, when facing a veteran army.
XIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, March 1, B.C. 49
Let my secretary's handwriting be proof that I am suffering from inflammation of the eyes, and that is my reason for brevity, though now to be sure I have no news. I depend entirely on news from Brundisium. If Caesar has come up with our friend Pompey, there is some slight hope of peace: but, if Pompey has crossed the sea, we must look for war and massacre. Do you see the kind of man into whose hands the state has fallen? What foresight, what energy, what readiness! Upon my word, if he refrain from murder and rapine, he will be the darling of those who dreaded him most. The people of the country towns and the farmers talk to me a great deal. They care for nothing at all
prorsus aliud curant nisi agros, nisi villulas, nisi nummulos suos. Et vide, quam conversa res sit; illum, quo antea confidebant, metuunt, hunc amant, quem timebant. Id quantis nostris peccatis vitiisque evenerit, non possum sine molestia cogitare. Quae autem impendere putarem, scripseram ad te et iam tuas litteras exspectabam.
XIV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Formiis VI Non. Mart. a. 705
Non dubito, quin tibi odiosae sint epistulae cotidianae, cum praesertim neque nova de re aliqua certiorem te faciam neque novam denique iam reperiam scribendi ullam sententiam. Sed, si dedita opera, cum causa nulla esset, tabellarios ad te cum inanibus epistulis mitterem, facerem inepte; euntibus vero, domesticis praesertim, ut nihil ad te dem litterarum, facere non possum et simul, crede mihi, requiesco paulum in his miseriis, cum quasi tecum loquor, cum vero tuas epistulas lego, multo etiam magis. Omnino intellego nullum fuisse tempus post has fugas et formidines nostras, quod magis debuerit mutum esse a litteris, propterea quod neque Romae quicquam auditur novi nec in his locis, quae a Brundisio absunt propius quam tu bidui aut tridui.[73] Brundisi autem omne certamen vertitur huius primi temporis. Qua quidem exspectatione torqueor. Sed omnia ante Nonas sciemus. Eodem enim die video Caesarem a Corfinio post meridiem profectum esse, id est Feralibus, quo Canusio mane Pompeium. Eo modo autem ambulat Caesar et iis congiariis militum celeritatem incitat, ut timeam, ne citius ad Brundisium, quam
[73] bidui aut tridui Reid: biduum aut triduum MSS.
but their lands, their little homesteads and their tiny hoards. And see how public opinion has changed. They fear the man they once trusted, and adore the man they once dreaded. It pains me to think of the mistakes and wrongs of ours that are responsible for this reaction. I wrote you what I thought would be our fate, and I now await a letter from you.
XIV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, March 2 B.C. 49
I have no doubt my daily letter must bore you, especially as I have no fresh news, nor can I find any new excuse for a letter. If I should employ special messengers to convey my chatter to you without reason, I should be a fool: but I cannot refrain from entrusting letters to folk who are bound for Rome, especially when they are members of my household. Believe me, too, when I seem to talk with you, I have some little relief from sorrow, and, when I read a letter from you, far greater relief. I am quite aware that there has been no time, since fear drove me to flight, when silence and no letters would have been more appropriate, for the good reason that there is no fresh news at Rome, nor here—two or three days' journey nearer Brundisium. The issue of this first campaign will turn entirely on the action at Brundisium: and I am on thorns to hear the result. However, all will be known by the 7th. On the noon of the day (that is the 21st of February), on the morning of which Pompey left Canusium, I see that Caesar set out from Corfinium. But Caesar marches in such a way, and so spurs his men with largess, that I fear he may reach Brundisium sooner than we
opus sit, accesserit. Dices: "Quid igitur proficis, qui anticipes eius rei molestiam, quam triduo sciturus sis?" Nihil equidem; sed, ut supra dixi, tecum perlibenter loquor, et simul scito labare meum consilium illud, quod satis iam fixum videbatur. Non mihi satis idonei sunt auctores ii, qui a te probantur. Quod enim umquam eorum in re publica forte factum exstitit? aut quis ab iis ullam rem laude dignam desiderat? Nec mehercule laudandos existimo, qui trans mare belli parandi causa profecti sunt. Quamquam haec ferenda non erant. Video enim, quantum id bellum et quam pestiferum futurum sit. Sed me movet unus vir; cuius fugientis comes, rem publicam recuperantis socius videor esse debere. "Totiensne igitur sententiam mutas?" Ego tecum tamquam mecum loquor. Quis autem est, tanta quidem de re quin varie secum ipse disputet? simul et elicere cupio sententiam tuam, si manet, ut firmior sim, si mutata est, ut tibi adsentiar. Omnino ad id, de quo dubito, pertinet me scire, quid Domitius acturus sit, quid noster Lentulus.
De Domitio varia audimus, modo esse in Tiburti haut lepide, modo cum Lepidis[74] accessisse ad urbem, quod item falsum video esse. Ait enim Lepidus eum nescio quo penetrasse itineribus occultis occultandi sui causa an maris apiscendi, ne is quidem scit. Ignorat etiam de filio. Addit illud sane molestum, pecuniam Domitio satis grandem, quam is Corfini habuerit, non esse redditam. De Lentulo autem nihil audimus. Haec velim exquiras ad meque perscribas.
[74] aut lepidi quo cum lepidus M: the reading of the text is that of Tyrrell, who suspects a pun on the name Lepidus.
want. You may wonder why I forestall disagreeable tidings which will be known in three days' time. I have no reason, except, as I said before, that I love to talk to you; and at the same time I want you to know that what I had counted my fixed resolve is shaken. The precedents you quote with approval don't quite fit my case. They are those of men who have never distinguished themselves by great political action, and are not looked up to for any act of merit. Nor, let me tell you, have I any praise for those who have crossed the sea to make preparations for war—unbearable as things here were. For I foresee how great and calamitous that war will be. I am influenced only by one man, whom I think I ought to accompany in flight, and help in the restoration of the constitution. I may seem variable; but I talk with you as I talk with myself, and there is no one who, in such a crisis, does not view matters in many lights. Moreover, I want to get your opinion, to encourage me, if you have not changed it, or otherwise to win my assent. It is particularly necessary for me to know in my dilemma what course Domitius and my friend Lentulus will take.
As for Domitius I hear many reports: at one time that he is at Tibur out of sorts, at another that he has consorted with the Lepidi in their march to Rome. That I see is untrue. For Lepidus says that he is following a hidden path, but whether to hide or reach the sea even he does not know. Lepidus has no news about his son either. He adds a provoking detail, that Domitius has failed to get back a large sum of money which he had at Corfinium. Of Lentulus I have no news. Please make inquiries on these points and inform me.
XV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
Scr. Formiis V Non. Mart. a. 705
A. d. V Nonas Martias epistulas mihi tuas Aegypta reddidit, unam veterem, IIII Kal. quam te scribis dedisse Pinario, quem non vidimus; in qua exspectas, quidnam praemissus agat Vibullius, qui omnino non est visus a Caesare (id altera epistula video te scire ita esse), et quem ad modum redeuntem excipiam Caesarem, quem omnino vitare cogito, et αὐθήμερον[75] fugam intendis[76] commutationemque vitae tuae, quod tibi puto esse faciendum, et ignoras, Domitius cum fascibusne sit. Quod cum scies, facies, ut sciamus. Habes ad primam epistulam.
[75] I have ventured to read αὐθήμερον for the corrupt authemonis of M, as being an easy alteration palæographically. Many suggestions have been made (e.g. Automedontis by Müller).
[76] intendis F. Schütz: tendis MSS.
Secutae sunt duae pr. Kal. ambae datae, quae me convellerunt de pristino statu iam tamen, ut ante ad te scripsi, labantem. Nec me movet, quod scribis "Iovi ipsi iniquum." Nam periculum in utriusque iracundia positum est, victoria autem ita incerta, ut deterior causa paratior mihi esse videatur. Nec me consules movent, qui ipsi pluma aut folio facilius moventur. Officii me deliberatio cruciat cruciavitque adhuc. Cautior certe est mansio, honestior existimatur traiectio. Malo interdum, multi me non caute quam pauci non honeste fecisse existiment. De Lepido et Tullo quod quaeris, illi vero non dubitant,
XV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Formiae, March 3 B.C. 49
On the 3rd of March Aegypta[77] brought me your letters, one an old one dated February 26, which you say you handed to Pinarius, whom I have not seen. In that letter you were waiting to hear the result of Vibullius' advance mission. He did not meet Caesar at all, as I see from your second letter you are aware. You also wanted to know how I shall receive Caesar on his return. I intend to shun him altogether. And you contemplate flight on the day he comes, and a change in your life, which I agree is politic. You wrote too that you do not know if Domitius keeps his fasces. When you do know, please tell me. That settles the first letter.
[77] A slave of Cicero's.
There follow two more dated the 28th of February, which hurled me from my old position, when I was already tottering, as I had informed you. I am not upset by your phrase "angry with almighty God."[78] There is danger not only in Pompey's anger, but in Caesar's, and the issue is doubtful, though to me the worst cause seems better equipped. Nor am I influenced by the consuls, who themselves are more easily moved than leaf or feather. It is consideration of my duty that tortures me and has been torturing me all along. To remain in Italy is certainly safer: to cross the sea the path of honour. Sometimes I prefer that many should accuse me of rashness, rather than the select few of dishonourable action. For your query about Lepidus and Tullus, they have
[78] This probably means that Pompey had said he would be angry with every one who did not leave Rome, even with Jupiter.
quin Caesari praesto futuri in senatumque venturi sint.
Recentissima tua est epistula Kal. data, in qua optas congressum pacemque non desperas. Sed ego, cum haec scribebam, nec illos congressuros nec, si congressi essent, Pompeium ad ullam condicionem accessurum putabam. Quod videris non dubitare, si consules transeant, quid nos facere oporteat, certe transeunt vel, quo modo nunc est, transierunt. Sed memento praeter Appium neminem esse fere, qui non ius habeat transeundi. Nam aut cum imperio sunt ut Pompeius, ut Scipio, Sufenas, Fannius, Voconius, Sestius, ipsi consules, quibus more maiorum concessum est vel omnes adire provincias, aut legati sunt eorum. Sed nihil decerno; quid placeat tibi, et quid prope modum rectum sit, intellego.
Plura scriberem, si ipse possem. Sed, ut mihi videor, potero biduo. Balbi Corneli litterarum exemplum, quas eodem die accepi quo tuas, misi ad te, ut meam vicem doleres, cum me derideri videres.
XVa
BALBUS CICERONI IMP. SAL.
Scr. Romae ex. m. Febr a. 705
Obsecro te, Cicero, suscipe curam et cogitationem dignissimam tuae virtutis, ut Caesarem et Pompeium perfidia hominum distractos rursus in pristinam concordiam reducas. Crede mihi Caesarem non solum fore in tua potestate, sed etiam maximum beneficium te sibi dedisse iudicaturum, si hoc te reicis. Velim
decided to meet Caesar and to take their seats in the House.
In your last letter, dated the 1st of March, you long for a meeting between the two leaders, and have hopes of peace. But at the time of writing I fancy they will not meet, and that, if they do, Pompey will not agree to any terms. You seem to have no doubt as to what I ought to do, if the consuls go over-seas; well they will go, or rather have now gone. But bear in mind that of their number it is practically only Appius who has not a right to cross. The rest are either invested with military power, like Pompey, Scipio, Sufenas, Fannius, Voconius, Sestius and the consuls themselves, who by old custom may visit all the provinces; or else they are legates. However I have no positive views. I know what you approve and pretty well what it is right to do.
My letter would be longer, if I could write myself. I fancy I shall be able in two days' time. I have had Cornelius Balbus' letter, which I received on the same day as yours, copied, and I forward it to you, that you may sympathize with me on seeing me mocked.
XVa
BALBUS SALUTES CICERO THE IMPERATOR.
Rome, Feb., B.C. 49
I beg you, Cicero, to consider a plan eminently suited to your character, namely to recall Caesar and Pompey to their former state of friendship, which has been broken by the treachery of others. Believe me that Caesar will not only meet your wishes, but will esteem any endeavours of yours in this matter as a very great service. I wish Pompey would take the same
idem Pompeius faciat. Qui ut adduci tali tempore ad ullam condicionem possit, magis opto quam spero. Sed, cum constiterit et timere desierit, tum incipiam non desperare tuam auctoritatem plurimum apud eum valituram.
Quod Lentulum consulem meum voluisti hic remanere, Caesari gratum, mihi vero gratissimum medius fidius fecisti. Nam illum tanti facio, ut non Caesarem magis diligam. Qui si passus esset nos secum, ut consueveramus, loqui et non se totum etiam ab sermone nostro avertisset, minus miser, quam sum, essem. Nam cave putes hoc tempore plus me quemquam cruciari, quod eum, quem ante me diligo, video in consulatu quidvis potius esse quam consulem. Quodsi voluerit tibi obtemperare et nobis de Caesare credere et consulatum reliquum Romae peragere, incipiam sperare etiam consilio senatus auctore te, illo relatore Pompeium et Caesarem coniungi posse. Quod si factum erit, me satis vixisse putabo.
Factum Caesaris de Corfinio totum te probaturum scio: et, quo modo in eius modi re, commodius cadere non potuit, quam ut res sine sanguine confieret. Balbi mei tuique adventu delectatum te valde gaudeo. Is quaecumque tibi de Caesare dixit, quaeque Caesar scripsit, scio, re tibi probabit, quaecumque fortuna eius fuerit, verissime scripsisse.
view; but it is rather a dream of mine than a hope, that he can be persuaded to come to terms at this time. When he becomes settled and recovers from fright, I shall have better hopes that your influence may avail with him.
In desiring my friend the consul Lentulus to remain in Rome, you have gratified Caesar, and myself too, I may assure you, in the highest degree. I value Lentulus as much as Caesar. If he had allowed me to renew my old intercourse, and had not again and again avoided conversation with me, I should be less unhappy than I am. For do not think that this crisis causes anyone more torment than it causes me, when I see him, to whom I am more devoted than to myself, acting in office in a way quite unfitted for a consul. If he only takes your advice and believes our professions about Caesar, and serves the remainder of his office in Rome, then I shall begin to hope that by the advice of the Senate, on your suggestion and at his formal motion, there may be effected a reconciliation between Pompey and Caesar. In that event I shall think my life's mission accomplished.
I know that you will approve entirely of Caesar's action about Corfinium. Under the circumstances there could have been nothing better than a settlement without bloodshed. I am delighted that you are pleased with the arrival of my and your Balbus. Whatever Balbus has told you about Caesar, and whatever Caesar has said to you in his letters, I am confident Caesar will convince you by his acts, be his fortune what it will, that his professions were quite sincere.
XVI
CICERO ATTICO,
Scr. Formiis IV Non. Mart. a. 705
Omnia mihi provisa sunt praeter occultum et tutum iter ad mare superum. Hoc enim mari uti non possumus hoc tempore anni. Illuc autem, quo spectat animus, et quo res vocat, qua veniam? Cedendum enim est celeriter, ne forte qua re impediar atque alliger. Nec vero ille me ducit, qui videtur; quem ego hominem ἀπολιτικώτατον omnium iam ante cognoram, nunc vero etiam ἀστρατηγητότατον. Non me igitur is ducit, sed sermo hominum, qui ad me a Philotimo scribitur. Is enim me ab optimatibus ait conscindi. Quibus optimatibus, di boni! qui nunc quo modo occurrunt, quo modo autem se venditant Caesari! Municipia vero deum; nec simulant, ut cum de illo aegroto vota faciebant. Sed plane, quicquid mali hic Pisistratus non fecerit, tam gratum erit, quam si alium facere prohibuerit. Propitium hunc sperant, illum iratum putant. Quas fieri censes ἀπαντήσεις ex oppidis, quos honores! "Metuunt," inquies. Credo, sed mehercule illum magis. Huius insidiosa elementia delectantur, illius iracundiam formidant. Iudices de CCCLX, qui praecipue Gnaeo nostro delectabantur, ex quibus cotidie aliquem video, nescio quas eius Lucerias horrent. Itaque quaero, qui sint isti optimates,
XVI
CICERO TO ATTICUS.
Formiae, March 4, B.C. 49
Iliad vi, 442
I have made provision for everything except a secret and safe passage to the Adriatic. The other route I cannot face at this time of the year. How can I get to that place on which my mind is set, and whither fate calls? My departure must be in haste, for fear some obstacle and hindrance should arise. It is not, as one might think, Pompey who induces me to go. I have long known him to be the poorest of statesmen, and I now see he is the poorest of generals. I am not induced by him, but by the common talk of which Philotimus informs me. He says that the loyalists are tearing me to tatters. Loyalists, good God! And see how they are running to meet Caesar, and selling themselves to him. The country towns are treating him as a god, and there is no pretence about it, as there was in the prayers for Pompey's recovery from illness. Any mischief this Pisistratus may leave undone will give as much satisfaction as if he had prevented another from doing it. People hope to placate Caesar; they think that Pompey is angered. What ovations from the towns and what honour is paid him! In fright I dare say, but they are more afraid of Pompey. They are delighted with the cunning kindness of Caesar, and afraid of the anger of his rival. Those who are on the jury list of 360 judges, the especial partisans of Pompey, some of whom I see daily, shudder at vague Lucerias[79] which they conjure up. So I ask what sort of loyalists are
[79] Cf. VIII, 11, where Pompey at Luceria is said to have talked of a proscription.
qui me exturbent, cum ipsi domi maneant. Sed tamen, quicumque sunt, αἰδέομαι Τρῶας,. Etsi, qua spe proficiscar, video, coniungoque me cum homine magis ad vastandum Italiam quam ad vincendum parato dominumque exspecto. Et quidem, cum haec scribebam, IIII Nonas, iam exspectabam aliquid a Brundisio. Quid autem "aliquid"? quam inde turpiter fugisset, et victor hic qua se referret et quo. Quod ubi audissem, si ille Appia veniret, ego Arpinum cogitabam.
these, to banish me, while they remain at home? Still whoever they are "I fear the Trojans." Yet I see clearly with what a prospect I set out, and I join myself with a man ready to devastate our country rather than to conquer its oppressor, and I look to serve a tyrant. And indeed on March 4, the date of this letter, I am expecting every moment some news from Brundisium. Why do I say "some news," when it is news of his disgraceful flight, and the route by which the victor is returning and the direction in which he is moving. On hearing that, I think of going to Arpinum, if Caesar comes by the Appian way.