FOOTNOTES
[1] Born at Steinheim, near Paderborn, in Westphalia; a proofreader in Melchior Lotter's printing-house at Leipzig, with whose oldest son he went to Wittenberg in 1519; professor of poetry at the university; rector of the same, 1525; one of Luther's staunchest supporters; rector of the school at Lünenberg, 1532 until his death in 1540. Compare Enders, Luther's Briewechsel, II, 490; Tschackert, op. cit., 203, and literature in Clemen, I, 426.
[2] Resolutiones disputatio num de indulgentiarum Virtute, 1518; others think he refers to the Sermon von Ablass und Gnade, of the same year.
[3] Sylvester Prierias and the Dominicans. Comp. Köstlin-Kawerau, Luther, I, 189 ff.
[4] Resolutiones super prop, xiii., 1519.
[5] Comp. The Papacy at Rome, Vol. I, p. 392.
[6] Comp. Fr. Lepp, Schlagworter des Ref. zeitalters (Leipzig, 1908), p. 62.
[7] The Franciscan Augustin Alveld. See Introduction, and compare Lemmens, Pater Aug. v. Alveld (Freiburg, 1599).
[8] Isidore Isolani. See Introduction.
[9] Luther pokes fun at the use of revocatio with an objective genitive.
[10] See above, p. 58, and compare Preserved Smith, Luther's Correspondence, Vol. I, letter no. 265.
[11] Cf. The Papacy at Rome, Vol. I, p. 337. The title-page of Alveld's treatise contained twenty-six lines.
[12] A satiric reference to a section in Alveld's treatise, on the name of Jesus, which he spells IHSVH and brings proofs for this form from the three languages, mentioned. See Seckendor, Hist. Luth., lib. I, sect. 27, § lxx, add. ii.
[13] Alveld calls himself, on his title-page, Franciscanus regularis observantiae Sanctae Crucis. The Observantines were Franciscan monks of the stricter rule, who separated from the Conventuals in the XV. Century. See _Prot. Realencyklopädie^3, VI, 213 ff.
[14] In the Treatise on the Blessed Sacrament; see above, p. 9.
[15] The universities of Cologne and Louvain had ratified Eck's "victory" over Luther at the Leipzig Disputation. See Köstlin-Kawerau, I, 266, 298.
[16] De disputatione Lipsicensi, 1519.
[17] A venatione Luteriana Aegocerotis assertio, 1519.
[18] Some theologians—e. g., Cajetan and Durandus—doubted whether the Sacrament of Order was received by deacons; the Council of Trent decided against them.—Cath. Encyclop., IV, 650.
[19] For Luther's opinion of Aristotle see above, pp. 146 f.
[20] The Franciscans are meant. The allusion may be to the seraphic vision of St. Francis.
[21] See above, pp. 153 ff.
[22] A less lenient view was taken by Boniface Amerbach, writing to his brother Basil at Basle, October 20, 1520: "The good man (Luther) was not a little injured by the libel of a poor impostor, who, by pretending that Martin had recanted, brought back even those who had entered upon the way of truth to their former errors." See Smith, op. cit., I, no. 316.
[23] The present did not last very long; see below, p. 292.
[24] So called because of the withholding of the wine from the laity.
[25] Cf. 1 Tim. 3:16. See Köstlin, Theology of Luther (E. Tr.), I, 403; and below, pp. 258 f.
[26] The Treatise on the Blessed Sacrament, 1519.
[27] See page 174.
[28] See above, p. 10, note 1.
[29] Decretal. Greg., lib. Ill, tit. xli, cap. 17.
[30] Migne, XLIV, 699 f.
[31] Verklärung etlicher Artikel, 1520. Weimer Ed., VI, 80 11 ff.
[32] An allusion to his opponents' doctrine of the complete freedom of the will, which Luther denied. Compare his De servo arbitrio (1525). Weimar Ed., XVIII, 600 ff. He finds in their treatment of Scripture and of logic a practical expression of this doctrine of theirs.
[33] Luther humbly identifies himself with the erring priesthood,
[34] Alveld.
[35] The res sacramenti. The sacrament consisted of these two parts—(1) the sacramentum, or external sign, and (2) the res sacramenti, or the thing signified, the sacramental grace. Another distinction is that between (1) materia, or the external sign, and (2) forma, or the words of institution or administration. See below, p. 223.
[36] Cf. Weimar Ed., VI, 505, note 1.
[37] Cf. Vol. I, p. 325, and Realencyklopädie, X, 289, pp. 11 ff.
[38] Cf. Weimar Ed., VI, 506, note 2.
[39] Cf. W. Kohler, Luther unci die Kirchengeschichte (Erlangen, 1900), chap. viii.
[40] On the spiritual reception of the sacrament see H. Hering, Die Mystik Luthers (1879), pp. 173 f. Cf. above, p. 40.
[41] See above, p. 172.
[42] John Wyclif (†1384), the keenest of the mediæval critics of the doctrine of transubstantiation.
[43] Pierre d'Ailly (†1425), who, with his master Occam, greatly influenced Luther.
[44] The Sentences of Peter Lombard, the text-book of medieval theology.
[45] In the dogma of transubstantiation (Fourth Lateran Council, 1215) the Church taught that the substance of bread and wine was changed into the substance of Christ's body and blood, while the accidents of the former—i. e., their attributes, such as form, color, taste, etc.—remained.
[46] Aquinas.
[47] Thus the Erlangen Ed.; the Weimar Ed. reads: an accidentia ibi sint sine substantia.
[48] See above, p. 20.
[49] i. e., the host, or wafer.
[50] Decretal. Greg. lib. I, tit. i, cap. I, §3.
[51] See above, pp. 26 ff.
[52] See above, p. 137.
[54] Comp. Vol. I, pp. 295 ff.
[55] The Douay Version has here been followed.
[56] See Luther's own definition above, pp. 22 ff.
[57] See above, p. 181, note.
[58] See above, p. 198.
[59] See above, p. 195.
[60] See above, p. 10.
[61] See above, p. 187, note 1.
[62] See above, p. 188.
[63] See above, p. 182, note 2.
[64] On "fruits of the mass" compare Seeberg, Dogmengesch.., III, p. 472.
[65] Comp. Vol. I, p. 307.
[66] Comp. Vol. I, pp. 302 f.
[67] See above, pp. 22 f.
[68] See p. 23.
[69] See Vol. I, pp. 187 ff.
[70] See above, p. 196.
[71] That portion of the mass included between the Sanctus and the Lord's Prayer.
[72] See Vol. I, p. 312, and Prot. Realencyklop., XIV, 679, 41 ff.
[73] See above, p. 211, note 2.
[74] See above, p. 16.
[75] See Vol. I, p. 306.
[76] The offertory prayers in the mass. C. Prot. Realencyklopädie, XII, 720, 46 ff.
[77] The private mass does not require the presence of a congregation. Besides the celebrant there need be present only a ministrant. There is no music, the mass is only read. See Realencyklopädie, XII, 723.
[78] The res sacramenti. See above, p. 182.
[79] Masses celebrated by special request or in honor of certain mysteries (e. g., of the Holy Trinity, of the Holy Spirit, or of angels). Realencyklopädie, XII, 722.
[80] Pope Gregory I. See Realencyklopädie, XII, 681 f.
[81] See above, p. 196, note, and comp. Seeberg, Dogmengesch., Ill, 461 f.
[82] For letters of indulgence.
[83] E p. 130, 9 (Migne, XXII, 1115).
[84] Factions in the monastic orders.
[85] The reference may be to Blandina, who suffered martyrdom under Marcus Aurelius.
[86] The three parts of penance; see below, p. 247.
[87] See Vol. I, p. 91.
[88] Peter Lombard, the fourth book of whose Sentences treats of the sacraments; see above, p. 188.
[89] See p. 182, note 2.
[90] The scholastics distinguished between the "material" and the "form" of a sacrament. In baptism, the material was the water; the form, the words, "I baptise thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost."
[91] Alexander, of Hales, denied the validity of baptism "in the name of Jesus," which Peter Lombard defended. Cf. Realencyklopädie, XIX, 412.
[92] Cf. Weimar Ed., I, 544, and Erlangen Ed., XLIV, 114 ff.
[93] See above, p. 203.
[94] A point at issue between Thomists and Franciscans. The former held that the grace of the sacrament was contained in the sacramental sign and directly imparted through it; thus Aquinas. The Franciscans contended that the sign was merely a symbol, but that God, according to a pactio, or agreement, imparted the grace of the sacrament when the sign was being used; thus Bonaventura, and especially Duns Scotus. See Seeberg, DC, III, 455 ff., and in Realencyklopädie, V, 73.
[95] The conclusion of the investigation begun on p. 226.
[96] See above, p. 204.
[97] See above, p. 223.
[98] See above, p. 226.
[99] Baptisma; see above, p. 226, and compare Vol. I, p. 56.
[100] Res. See above, p. 182, note 2.
[101] Res baptismi. See above, p. 231.
[102] Cf. below, pp, 258 ff.
[103] See above, p. 231.
[104] The position of Thomas Aquinas, going back to Augustine, and ratified by Clement V at the Council of Vienna, 1311-12.
[105] See above, p. 227.
[106] See above, pp. 227 ff.
[107] For a full discussion of this "baptism," see Scheel, in the Berlin Edition of Luther's works, Ergänzungsband II, pp. 134-157.
[108] See above, p. 238.
[109] The threefold vow of the mendicant orders.
[110] Bulla means both a papal bull and a bubble.
[111] Compare above, p. 172, note 4.
[112] An obscure allegorical reference to the Babylonian captivity of the Jews. "The people of the captivity" (comp. Ps. 64:1 and 1 Kings 24:14, Vulgate) are the better portion of the people who were carried captive, together with their possessions, to Babylon; "the people of the earth," am haarez, the common people, were left behind and became the nucleus of the hybrid Samaritan nation.
[113] See above, p. 123.
[114] See above, p. 75.
[115] See Decretal. Greg., lib. Ill, tit. xxxiv, cap. 7.
[116] Cf. Köhler, Luther und die KG., pp. 222 ff.
[117] Comp. below, p. 248.
[118] This time came during Luther's sojourn at the Wartburg, when he wrote De votis monasticis, 1521. See Vol. IV.
[119] The XCV Theses, the Resolutiones, the Sermon von Ablass und Gnade, the Confitendi Ratio; the first and last of these in Vol. I.
[120] Reference to a probably spurious bull of Clement VI. In his Grund u. Ursach aller Artikel D. Martin Luthers, so durch röm. Bulle unrechtlich verdammt sind (1521), Luther writes: "Thus it happened in the days of John Hus that the pope commanded the angels of heaven to conduct to heaven the souls of the Roman pilgrims who died en route. Against this dreadful blasphemy and more than devilish presumption Hus raised his voice, and though he lost his life therefor, yet forced the pope to pipe a different tune and in future to refrain from such blasphemy."—Compare Köhler, Luther u. die Kirchengeschichte, p. 206. See also above, p. 81.
[121] Longe viliorem; the Jena Ed., followed by Lemme and Kawerau, reads, longe meliorem.
[122] Comp. Vol. I, p. 20.
[123] Comp. Vol. I, p. 86.
[124] See above, pp. 105 f.
[125] See above, p. 105, note 4.
[126] See above, p. 223, note 1,
[127] See above, p. 245, note 2.
[128] A play on the word observantia, which means both observation and observance. A scriptural fling at the Observantines. Comp. above, p. 172, note 4.
[129] Luther quotes correctly, confortatus, but thinks confirmatus.
[130] Vulgate: confirmet.
[131] Above, pp. 203 f.
[132] Vulgate: sacramenta.
[133] Erasmus edited the first published Greek New Testament in March, 1516 (Basle: John Froben), the Complutensian Polyglot being the first printed edition (1514). Luther used Erasmus' work as soon as it came out, as may be seen in his lectures on Romans, 1515-16 (cf. Picker, Luthers Vorlesung über den Romerbrie; also Preserved Smith, Luther's Correspondence, etc., I, nos. 21 and 65). In an interesting letter to Luther of Feb. 14, 1519, Froben announces the second edition of Erasmus' New Testament, which Luther used in making his translation. Cf. Smith, op. cit., 00.125.
[134] See above, p. 177.
[135] Namely, for Paul.
[136] The precise meaning is not clear. The Latin is: vel proprio spiritu vel general! sententia.
[137] Here follows a passage that clearly breaks into the context and belongs elsewhere. See Introduction, p. 169.
"I admit that the sacrament of penance existed also in the Old Law, yea, from the beginning of the world. But the new promise of penance and the gift of the keys are peculiar to the New Law. For as we now have baptism instead of circumcision, so we have the keys instead of the sacrifices and other signs of penance. We said above that the same God at divers times gave divers promises and signs for the remission of sins and the salvation of men, but that all nevertheless received the same grace. Thus it is said in II Corinthians iv, 'Having the same spirit of faith, we also believe, or which cause we speak also'; and in i Corinthians x, 'Our fathers did all eat the same spiritual food, and all drank the same spiritual drink; and they drank of the spiritual rock that followed them, and the rock was Christ.' Thus also in Hebrews xi, 'These all died, not receiving the promise; God providing some better thing or us, that they should not be perfected without us.' For Christ Himself is, yesterday and to-day and forever, the Head of His Church, from the beginning even to the end of the world. Therefore there are divers signs, but the faith of all is the same. Indeed, without faith it is impossible to please God, by which faith even Abel pleased Him (Hebrews xi)."
[138] The Summa angelica of Angelus de Clavassio of Genoa (died about 1495), published 1486, one of the favorite handbooks of casuistry, in which all possible cases of conscience were treated in alphabetical order. Cf. Zeitschrit für Kirchengesch., XXVII, 296 ff. The Summa angelica was among the papal books burned by Luther, together with the bull, December 10, 1520. Cf. Smith, Luther's Correspondence, I, no. 355.
[139] For a full discussion of the hindrances see article Eherecht, by Sehung, in Prot. Realencyklopädie, V.
[140] On this whole paragraph compare Vol. I, p. 294.
[141] It is to be borne in mind that all that follows is in the nature of advice to confessors in dealing with difficult cases of conscience, and is parallel to the closing paragraphs of the section on The Sacrament of the Bread.
[142] Namely, by officiating at the marriage ceremony.
[143] Namely, by betrothal (sponsalia de praesenti).
[144] Lemme pertinently reminds the reader that by "laws of men" Luther here understands the man-made laws of the Church of Rome.
[145] See above, p. 103, note 2.
[146] Relationship arising from sponsorship and legal adoption. Cf. above, p. 128.
[147] Cognatio spiritualis.
[148] The res sacramenti. See above, p. 182.
[149] Cognatio legalis.
[150] Disparilitas religionis.
[151] Impedimentum criminis.
[152] Impedimentum ligamiais.
[153] The fides data et accepta, which Luther finds in the fides (faith) of Gal. 5:22
[154] Page 243.
[155] Impedimentum erroris. With fine sarcasm Luther here plays of one hindrance against another.
[156] Impedimentum ordinis.
[157] Impedimentum publicae honestatis.
[158] An untranslatable pun: non iustitia sed inscitia.
[159] Page 244.
[160] See p. 263, note 2.
[161] Page 242.
[162] The following points need to be borne in mind in order to a fair evaluation of this much criticized section: (1) What is here given is in the nature of advice to confessors, and the one guiding principle is the relief of souls in peril. (2) It must not be forgotten that Luther wrote the treatise in Latin, and not for the general public. There is without doubt a certain betrayal in turning into the vernacular a passage written in the language of the learned. Yet we have done this, being unwilling to all under the charge of giving a garbled version. (3) The hindrance Luther is here discussing was one recognized and provided or by the Church of Rome, and the remedy suggested by him was prescribed by the German Volksrecht in many localities. (4) Divorce was absolutely forbidden. (5) Luther's error grew out of an unhistorical interpretation of the Old Testament, and consisted in his undervaluing the importance of the public law. "To make the individual conscience the sole arbiter in matters belonging to public law, leads to dangerous consequences." (See Kawarau, Berlin Ed., II, 482 f., where references are given.)
[163] As he actually did in the case of Henry VIII and Philip of Hesse.
[164] See above, p. 269, note 1.
[165] Page 271.
[166] An allusion to the act that what he is writing is a "Prelude." See Introduction, p. 168.
[167] Contra epistolam Manichaei, 5, 6 (Migne, XLII, 176). Cf. below, p. 451.
[168] De trinitate, 9, 6, 10 (Migne, VIII, 966).
[169] See below, pp. 451 ff.
[170] The council that condemned and burned John Hus (1414-1418).
[171] Dionysius Areopagita, the pseudonym (cf. Acts 17:54) of the unknown author (about 500, in Syria?) of the neoplatonic writings, Of the Celestial, and Of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, etc.
[172] William Durandus the elder, died 1296.
[173] The Franciscan Bonaventura (†1274) in his De reductione artium ad theologiara.
[174] Donatus (ab. 350 A.D.), a famous Latin grammarian, whose Ars minor was a favorite mediæval text-book. The chancellor of the University of Paris, John Gerson († 1429), published a Donatus moralisatus seu per allegoriam traductus—a mystical grammar, in which the noun was compared to man, the pronoun to man's sinful state, the verb to the divine command to love, the adverb to the fulfilment of the divine law, etc.
[175] See above, p. 190.
[176] The so-called character indelebilis, the peculiar gift of ordination, so that "once a priest, always a priest." See above, p. 68, note 5.
[177] See above, pp. 178 ff.
[178] The stated daily prayers, fixed by canon, of the clergy. The seven hours are respectively: matins (including noctums and lauds), prime, tierce, sext, nones, vespers, and compline.
[179] Comp. above, p. 69. The fullest development of Luther's doctrine of the spiritual priesthood of believers is to be found in his writings against Emser, especially Auf das überchristliche, übergeistliche und überkünstliche Buch Bock Emsers Antwort, 1521.
[180] On the last sentence see above, pp. 251 f.
[181] See p. 278, note 1.
[182] See above, p. 92.
[183] See above, p. 280.
[184] See above, p. 185.
[185] See above, p. 213.
[186] Covers for the chalice.
[187] This promise was fulfilled in the Liberty of a Christian Man.
[188] Thus Erasmus: Fieri potest ut nomen commune cum apostolo praebuerit occasionem ut haec epistola lacobo apostolo ascriberetur, cum uerit alterius cuiusdam Iacobi.—Moffatt, Introduction to the Lit. of the N. T., p. 472.
[189] See above, p. 275.
[190] Comp. above, p. 171.
[191] See above, p. 285.
[192] See above, p. 226.
[193] See above, p. 275.
[194] See above, p. 226.
[195] See above, p. 177.
[196] See above, pp. 220 f.
[197] The res sacramenti. See above, p. 182, note 2.
[198] Vergil's Eclogues, VIII, 63.
[199] See Introduction, p. 168.
[200] The remainder of Luther's "recantation" was the De libertate. In the letter to the pope, which accompanied it, he gave ample proof of his obedience.
[201] The eighth stanza of Coehus Sedulius' Hymnus acrostichis totam vitam Christi continens (beginning, A solis ortus cardine), of the fifth century. Stanzas 8, 9, 11 and 13 were used as an Epiphany hymn, which Luther translated on December 12, 1541,—"Was fürchtst du, Feind Herodes, sehr." The above translation is taken from Hymns Ancient and Modern, No. 60.