Chapter VII
The Tragedy of the Generalissimo
Any account of conditions in China today would be incomplete without mentioning the Nationalist Government and what it attempted to achieve.
The political and social revolution inside China has been in progress many years, and these years have been turbulent ones. The Chinese, largely illiterate, were for a long time completely isolated. Many believed that China was the entire world and that a “foreigner” was a Chinese from another province. Patriotism was felt by them only where the home and family were concerned.
In 1911, Dr. Sun Yet-sen led a successful revolution and overthrew the Manchu Dynasty. Desiring to make China a modern republic, he proclaimed as his aim: “To dedicate the few score perishable years of our life to the laying of an imperishable foundation for our Nation.” To this end he gave his life.
The educated Chinese then began the creation of a modern, unified and democratic country. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, co-founder of the revolution of 1911, became its second leader in 1925, on the death of Dr. Sun. China knew no other leader until 1949.
In the beginning, the Chinese Communist and Nationalist Parties were one and the same. They were the Revolutionary Party. An admirer of the United States and Great Britain, Dr. Sun first requested their help in reorganizing and revitalizing his country, but they refused. With no alternative, he was forced to accept the aid of Russian revolutionaries who jumped at the chance to tie China up with their own impending revolution. Working with the famous Communist, Adolph Joffe, Dr. Sun drew up the policy of the new government. However, not all the Chinese revolutionaries were radical. Some were moderate liberals, and many were wealthy conservatives who desired only a more modern setup than the Manchus had. Among the latter the Soong family is certainly the best known. This family cleverly safeguarded its future by marrying one of its charming daughters, Chingling, to Dr. Sun Yat-sen; another, Meiling, to Chiang Kai-shek; and a third, Eiling, to Dr. H. H. Kung, a 75th lineal descendant of Confucius. This last was of definite psychological significance, as it united the mighty Soong family with that of China’s most revered Saint.
When Chiang Kai-shek inherited the mantle of Sun Yat-sen, he determined to carry out the policy of the revolution. His actions followed his words. Enormous progress was made during the so-called “Golden Decade,” between 1927 and 1937. China made a beginning toward industrialization and economic stability and improved her educational facilities.
This was the age of enormous industrial expansion. Railroads were constructed, telephone lines built, and even radio was introduced. Electricity and power plants were created, and merchants did a flourishing business. Tourist trade was at its height, and Chinese and American importers were cooperating harmoniously. Everyone seemed to be better off than before, the poor as well as the rich.
| Chinese Communist Party | Koumintang | |||||
| 1910 | Period of | 1910 | ||||
| 1912 | Dr. Sun Yat-Sen | 1911 | ||||
| 1914 | Socialist | Republican | ||||
| 1916 | Activity | Regime | 1912 | |||
| 1918 | Revolution | Kuomintang | ||||
| and | Government | |||||
| 1920 | Birth of Chinese | Warlordism | ||||
| 1922 | Communist Party | 1921 | ||||
| Period of | ||||||
| Cooperation | ||||||
| 1924 | Period of | Death of Dr. Sun, | ||||
| 1926 | Advent of | |||||
| 1928 | Russian | Chiang Kai-shek | ||||
| 1930 | 1927 | |||||
| 1932 | Interference | |||||
| 1934 | Single | Party | Hide and | |||
| 1936 | “Long March” | Seek Period | ||||
| Revolution | ||||||
| 1938 | Marco Polo | and | ||||
| Bridge | Civil War | Reconciliation | 1937 | |||
| Period of Mixed | ||||||
| 1940 | “Yenan | Civil War, | ||||
| 1942 | Interlude” | Cooperation and | ||||
| 1944 | Anti-Japanese | |||||
| Activities | ||||||
| 1945 | ||||||
| 1946 | Period of | End of | ||||
| American | Japanese War | |||||
| 1948 | Interference | |||||
| 1949 | ||||||
| 1950 | USSR and British | Civil War | Retreat to | |||
| Recognition | Formosa | 1950 | ||||
Chart showing origins of the Chinese Communist Party and the Nationalist Party, or Koumintang (KMT), as the latter frequently was called
Thousands of Chinese enthusiastically took part in helping to build this New China, and every effort was made to instill a real spirit of Nationalism in the hearts of the people. To quote the Generalissimo, “If the National Revolution should fail, China, as a nation, would have nothing to rely upon. Should this happen, not only would China cease to rank as one of the Four Powers of the world, but she would be at the mercy of other countries.”
The period of progress, unhappily, was short lived. It had become obvious to the Japanese war lords that a patriotic, united China might, on the one hand, prove an insurmountable obstacle to their own plan to conquer and control all of Asia. On the other hand, it would be too sweet a plum to pass up! Twice during the Thirties they shelled Shanghai and in 1939 launched a full scale war of aggression. All of the cities along the coast were captured, and the Chinese were forced to move far inland.
Led by the Generalissimo, thousands of Chinese moved whole libraries, printing presses, government records and valuables laboriously up the Yangtse River to the city of Chungking. Every kind of river craft was used from a few modern boats to small sampans, junks and home-made rafts pushed by hand. All had to be either lifted out of the water and carried around the rapids in the river or be abandoned. Many families travelled on foot, each member carrying a bundle on his back. Even children of four and five had their small belongings wrapped in a large scarf and tied to the end of a stick slung over their shoulders. The road along the river valley became lined with food vendors and shoemakers who did a big business in woven straw sandals. Professors, surrounded by their students carrying modern books or ancient Chinese written scrolls, conducted classes during their periods of rest. United with their leader against a foreign enemy, the people of China revered and respected the Generalissimo.
At last the long procession of uprooted patriots reached its destination, Chungking, and here Chiang set up his military headquarters and conducted his affairs of State. The Japanese, unable to reach the city by land, attacked almost nightly by air. Without anti-aircraft guns or planes of their own, the Chinese suffered terrible civilian casualties. A great part of the city was burned by incendiary bombs.
On the ruins of the old city, Madame Chiang Kai-shek proceeded to build a model village, with schools, nurseries, libraries and churches such as she had known in America. The project proved a wonderful morale builder. Everybody for miles around took part in the construction of the unique little city, and it became the center of a broader undertaking known as “The New Life Movement.”
In this new village, personal habits of cleanliness and sanitation were taught and ways of being mutually helpful suggested. Concerts and community singing were held almost nightly. The Generalissimo, wishing to emphasize unselfish cooperation, expressed the philosophy of the movement in four simple words: “Honesty, Industry, Sincerity and Justice.” There developed, among these people at least, a feeling of pride and unity that was well on the way to becoming national patriotism. This new spirit of oneness in the face of common danger was greater than at any time since Emperor Chin caused the Great Wall to be built in 214 B. C. to keep the Huns from invading his Empire.
The Generalissimo’s gallant stand against the modern war machines and trappings of the Japanese added shining pages to the history of China. History will record a full realization of the importance of his contributions to the United States in World War II. After Pearl Harbor, while the Japanese won many military successes against the Americans and the British, Chiang’s determination to stay in the fight saved countless American lives. The Japanese were forced to keep a million and a half of their best troops in China, although these were needed desperately in the East Indies and the Islands of the Pacific, where they were trying to stop the Allied advance under General MacArthur and Admiral Nimitz. We in the United States, for the first time, became dimly aware of what a capable and relentless foe the Japanese could be and of the tremendous battle the Chinese had long been fighting.
The Chinese have never been a warlike nation. Their industrial development was comparable to that of Europe in the Middle Ages. Therefore, their political and economic structures were totally unable to meet the demands of a modern military struggle with Japan. Regardless of how little they had, however, they fought doggedly against increasing odds. When all surface communication with the outside world was cut off, their resistance forces burrowed underground.
Several times the Japanese offered the Generalissimo very attractive peace terms, but he resolutely declined them. He had promised to stick with his Allies to the end, to give them his full assistance to achieve a decisive victory. His confidence in Roosevelt was complete, and, like a great many Americans, British and others, Chiang believed Roosevelt incapable of injustice. He was undoubtedly familiar with the discussions at the Cairo Conference when Roosevelt, in mock seriousness, said to Churchill:
“I think all of the Chinese territory liberated from the Japanese during the war should be returned to China, including Hong Kong.”
Churchill, jumping to his feet, said emphatically, “I will never permit the return of Hong Kong to the Chinese!”
“Then I will take the matter up, personally, with your King!” said Roosevelt.
“The King of England has no authority to give away Imperial Territory,” shouted Churchill. “I alone hold that power!”
Roosevelt laughed heartily. He always enjoyed baiting Churchill, because the latter was so hot tempered and quick to jump whenever he was goaded.
Chiang took Roosevelt seriously.
During the years of the Japanese war, the Generalissimo also had to contend with the Communists. The Chinese Red Armies, while giving lip service to anti-Japanese activity, were in fact so placed militarily as to be facing the Nationalist troops, rather than the Japanese! It is true that the Communists made a number of raids on isolated Japanese posts, but this they did with the purpose of capturing soldiers whom they could then indoctrinate with Communist propaganda. Naturally the Japanese resented these raids and retaliated. Consequently, there were skirmishes now and then, but they were of little importance. The fact still remains that the Japanese fought their major war against the Generalissimo’s Armies. Wherever and whenever possible, the Chinese Communist Armies helped the enemy by attacking Nationalist-held towns and lines of communication.
The Japanese surrender, when it finally came, was received with great jubilation throughout China and the world. It was indeed a triumphant hour for the Generalissimo. Now, at long last, he was in a position to undertake a peaceful rehabilitation of his country and to pick up where he had left off when the Japanese struck. He could go forward with his program of political and social reforms and establish, first of all, a sound economy. The stage was set for his dreams to become a reality—the dream that China would take her rightful place in the world of democratic nations.
Although the American Ambassador, General Patrick J. Hurley, had told Chiang of the decision at Yalta to give Manchuria to Russia as her price for entering the war against Japan, the Generalissimo believed so firmly in the good will and friendship of Roosevelt that he was sure he would be supported in his effort to regain this important Northern province. Therefore, as soon after the Japanese surrender as possible, he sent troops to occupy and try to hold Manchuria. There his army found itself confronted by the Russian Mongolian Army bent on the same mission.
At home, likewise, the Generalissimo was faced with ever-increasing problems. The Allied and Japanese bombing had caused great destruction, not unlike that in Europe. Villages had to be rebuilt, factories and lines of communication restored. Millions of displaced Chinese were waiting patiently to be returned to their homes. Approximately three and a half million Japanese soldiers and civilians were ready for repatriation.
With great courage, inexhaustible patience and amazing wisdom, Chiang Kai-shek began his program of reconstruction and rehabilitation. He little realized that his three great Allies—Russia, England and the United States—had plotted behind his back to snatch from his hands, in his moment of victory, the one area that could change China from a backward agricultural country into a modern and powerful nation. Without Manchuria Chiang was lost. This was the juicy bone that first the Japanese, then the Communists or the Generalissimo had to have to complete their growth as a modern power. Without it each would be rendered impotent.
Chiang Kai-shek had fought for eight years to prevent the spread of Japanese totalitarianism in China. Now he was confronted with a much more vicious brand, Communist totalitarianism. He commented, “The Japanese were a disease of the skin. The Communists are a disease of the bone.”
Many people wonder why the Nationalist Armies were so ineffective and why so many of them went over to the Communists without even putting up a fight. Certainly the bulk of the Chinese are not disposed to Communism. They just want an opportunity to feed, clothe and shelter their families. Most of them do not understand Communism or any other political philosophy. Some accepted the new leadership through sheer inertia. Some of them leaned toward it in protest against stupid and oppressive government police measures, corrupt practices and bad administration. Squeeze, or graft as we call it, was never a crime in China. The Chinese people have no sense of political right or wrong, no convictions about political truths as the Western world recognizes them. As one Chinese General put it, “To take from the government is no crime.” Indeed the principal weakness of the Generalissimo was the very fact that he surrounded himself with men who did not hesitate to take all they could get from the government.
Chiang showed the same loyalty to those who surrounded him and supported him, including members of his own and his wife’s families, as President Truman, for instance, has demonstrated in his loyalty to the Pendergast machine and others who have done his bidding. The Generalissimo’s honesty and personal integrity have never been questioned by those who know him best, and who were in constant association with him during the Japanese war. General Wedemeyer has attested to this statement and he was the American Chief of Staff to Chiang Kai-shek and knew him intimately. For us to say his Nationalist Government was corrupt and deserved to fall, amounts to the pot calling the kettle black. Such a situation exists today in Washington, D. C.
Feeding the armies was Chiang’s greatest problem. The government at first gave a lump sum to the army commanders, but many of these were unscrupulous rascals who kept most of it for themselves, allocating a small remainder to subordinates, who passed a still smaller proportion on down through the lower levels to the unprotected soldier. This was a century-old practice in China, and the hungry soldier was reduced to stealing or appropriating his food from the peasant merchants. Naturally there was always trouble between the soldiers and the merchants, with no love lost between the two. The latter lost their profits, and the soldiers reasoned that they were at least entitled to food from the people they were fighting to protect. It became increasingly easy for the Chinese Communists to win converts. They went with those who offered them food.
In spite of this tragic situation, the Generalissimo, with the same patience and strength that had made his war leadership outstanding, continued to hold the loyalty of a great number of his people. Long after his flight to Formosa, rich and poor, officer and soldier continued to fight for his principles. For example, as the Communists entered Peking, there was desperate street fighting. The commander of a battalion told his men, “We are greatly outnumbered. I cannot keep you from going over to the other side, but I have fought the Communists for eight years and I will not give up now!” Inspired by his brave stand, most of his men remained with him and formed an obstacle to the Communist advance. Finally, after an hour of hopeless fighting, and when all his men had been killed, the battalion commander manned the last machine gun himself and turned it full force on the solid front of Communist troops advancing toward him.
The Generalissimo had many such brave soldiers who fought to the death in his armies. Not all those loyal to Chiang were soldiers. In Canton, after the Communists took over, they held a great celebration featuring a long victory parade. This stopped every few miles and put on a little skit which showed the Generalissimo on his knees, with his hands tied behind his back, confessing his sins to the Communist leaders who laughed uproariously! The actor who impersonated Chiang received numerous threatening letters. When he reported this to his Soviet boss, he was told to disregard the threats and was ordered to continue his role. A few days later the actor was shot. Even behind the Red Curtain there are still snipers about. In fact there is every reason to believe that active guerrilla bands are on the prowl.
In Kwangsi Province, the Southern Province of General Li Tsun-jen, pronounced “Lee Tzun-ren,” the villagers found that if they did not cooperate with the Communists, they would be shot. On the other hand, if they did, they took the chance of meeting a similar fate at the hands of Nationalist guerrillas for collaborating with the enemy. Undoubtedly this situation existed in many other places.
Many of those who knew the Generalissimo best believed that despite the corruption that surrounded him he would go down in history as a man of integrity and high purpose. Tribute is paid him by General Wedemeyer when he says, “There are few people who can speak more authoritatively than I can concerning the sincerity and Christian humility of the Generalissimo. I had frequent, almost daily, contacts with him for nearly a year. I can vouch for his unselfish devotion to the Chinese people and for his earnest desire to provide a democratic way of life within China. Surely his loyalty and his faithful cooperation during the war fully merit our lasting friendship.”
Our assistance was denied to Chiang, and the outcome of our most grievous mistakes will be judged by future historians. Not only the United States, but some of the Chinese themselves, selfishly withheld the aid they could have given their leader and their country. In 1946, fifty of the wealthiest Chinese were called in and asked if they would each donate a large portion of their enormous fortunes, which together ran into the billions, to their government. Bowing and nodding their heads, they listened politely, but not one of them was willing to sacrifice his future security or even to jeopardize it against such stupendous odds.
Support of the State still is a secondary consideration to the Chinese. Their principal loyalty—financial, filial, and political—is to their own family. As in the ancient days, the poor, the sick and the destitute can claim the protection of their nearest relative. No matter how distant the relationship, they are given food and shelter. Be it said to their credit, there are very few asylums or orphanages in China. The family takes care of its own.
Perhaps this idea was in Chiang’s mind when he refused the enticing peace terms offered him by the Japanese at Hankow. A devout scholar, he quoted Confucius: “The men of old, when they wished their virtues to shine throughout the land, first had to govern their states well. To govern their states well, they had to establish harmony in their families. To establish harmony in their families, they had to discipline themselves and set their minds in order. To set their minds in order, they had to make their purpose sincere. To make their purpose sincere, they had to extend their knowledge to the utmost. Such knowledge is acquired through a careful investigation of things. For, with things investigated, knowledge becomes complete. With knowledge complete, the purpose becomes sincere. With the purpose sincere, the mind is set in order, and there is real self-discipline. With self-discipline, the family achieves harmony. With harmony in the family, the state becomes well governed. With the state well governed, there is peace throughout the land.”
With due respect for what the Generalissimo attempted to do in China and what he has accomplished on Formosa, I would like to quote one paragraph from a scholarly article entitled: “What Americans Don’t Know About Asia,” appearing in the June 4, 1951, issue of Life Magazine, written by James Michener, Pulitzer Prize author of “Tales of the South Pacific”:
“To appreciate the greatness of our loss (of China) one must visit Formosa. This island today is the bright spot of Asia. The Nationalist government, shaken to its withers by the debacle on the mainland, has matured astonishingly in the chastisement of defeat. It has established an enlightened commonwealth. Nowhere in Asia is the food problem more fairly handled. Nowhere are justice, human safety and property—those universal measures of good government—so respected and secured. The American cannot visit this island without one lament filling his mind: this might have been China today.”
Let us, in the United States, so act in the moments left of the immediate and perilous hours of this half-way-mark of the Twentieth Century to preclude a similar “chastisement of defeat.” May it never be said, by some lone survivor of an atomic attack, tossed upon a distant isle, the beauty, dignity and grandeur of which is strangely familiar, yet defies Paradise itself: “This might have been America.”