THE SKÁTONA.

The myth of the ska´tona (a monster plumed serpent) who, in the old time, ate the people, is familiar to every man, woman, and child of Sia. This serpent, who lived in the mountains, did not move to catch the people, but drew them to him with his breath; he never called but one person at a time, compelling each one to approach sidewise so that he could not be seen. The hand was usually grabbed first, then the serpent would take the hand into his mouth and gradually devour his victim.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The author mentions gratefully the share of this work performed by her late husband, Mr. James Stevenson, whose notes taken during his last year’s work in the field have been freely used by her and whose life interest in the North American Indians has been her inspiration.

[2] Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, 1869, pp. 351, 352.

[3] The writer is indebted to Mr. A. F. Bandelier for the information regarding the Catholic missions.

[4] Sûs´sĭstinnako is referred to both as father and mother, he being the parent of all, and sometimes as grandmother or the first parent.

[5] In this paper the words “cardinal points” are used to signify north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir.

[6] The Ï´ärriko or ya´ya (mother) is an ear of corn which may be any color but must be symmetrically perfect, and not a grain must be missing. Eagle and parrot plumes are placed in pyramidal form around the corn. In order that the center feathers may be sufficiently long they are each attached to a very delicate splint. The base of this pyramid is formed of splints woven together with native cotton cord and ornamented at the top with shells and precious beads. A pad of native cotton is attached to the lower end of the corn. When the ya´ya is completed there is no evidence of the corn, which is renewed every four years when the old corn is planted. The ya´ya is made only by the theurgists of the cult societies, and continency must be practiced four days previous to the making of the Ï´ärriko, and an emetic taken each of the four mornings before breaking fast for purification from conjugal relations. A ya´ya is presented by the theurgist to each official member, the little ones being apparently as appreciative and proud as their elders of the honor conferred upon them. The Ï´ärriko is the Sia’s supreme idol. The one given to the writer by the theurgist of the knife society is now in the National Museum.

[7] Though it is not mentioned in the story, it seems to be understood that these games were played for the houses, for had Po´shaiyänne lost the games he would have lost the houses.

[8] Ancient flat shell beads as thin as paper.

[9] This reference to tables appears to evidence the fact that this portion of the cosmogony is of later date, and the whole paragraph savors of a coloring from Christian or biblical teaching.

[10] The culture hero of the Sia bears a name similar to that of the corresponding prodigy among the Zuñi. The same is true of other of their mythological beings.

[11] Fifth Ann. Rept. Bu. Eth., pp. 539-553.

[12] Presiding officer of a cult society.

[13] This society differed from the one of the same name afterwards organized in the upper world; knife in the former referring to the implement used for domestic and other purposes, while the word in the latter indicates the arrows presented to Ma´asewe and U´yuuyewĕ, the two war heroes, sons of the sun, by their father.

[14] The ho´naaite, in this instance, is not, strictly speaking, the theurgist, for the priest-doctor of the society of warriors practices surgery exclusively, such as extracting balls and arrows, while the theurgist has to deal with afflictions caused by witchcraft and the anger of certain animals and insects, he acting simply as the agent of the prey animals. The functions of the ho´naaites of the Koshai´ri and Quer´ränna also differ from those of the other societies. As these two societies received their songs and medicine directly from the sun, they are not entitled to the slat altars used in ceremonials and given by Ût´sĕt to the societies in the lower world; only those ho´naaites who practice through the power of the prey animals possess the sand paintings. The Warriors, Koshai´ri and Quer´ränna, make their cloud emblems of meal.

[15] The sacred meal, or shell mixture as it is often called by the Sia, may be prepared by an adult of either sex; it is composed of coarsely ground meal, powdered shells, and turkis.

[16] A member of a society is selected by the ho´naaite to collect the willow twigs from which the hä´chamoni are made. The ho´naaite arranges a bunch of bird plumes which the collector attaches to the limb of a willow, saying: “I have come to collect twigs for hä´chamoni and I pay you with these plumes.” The tree to which the plumes are attached is not touched, but the one nearest to it. A stroke at the place where the twig is to be cut is made with an ancient stone knife and the twig is severed from the tree on a line at right angles with itself, the stick varying from four inches to a foot in length, according to the symmetry of the twig, which is divided by three cuts (these having first been indicated by the stone knife), leaving the selected portion with a pointed end which in cross section would show an equilateral triangle.

[17] The Sia do not differ from the Zuñi, Tusayan, and Navajo in their process of preparing sand paintings, the powdered pigment being sprinkled between the index finger and thumb. All these Indian artists work rapidly.

[18] The uncolored illustrations are from photographs by Miss May S. Clark, the interior views being by flash light. The writer is pleased to congratulate Miss Clark for having succeeded under the most trying circumstances.

[19] All the figures show the feet as they are colored before the moccasins are put on. The red spot on the body designates the heart, the black spot on the figure of the member of the fire society indicates the coal which is eaten. The white around the face, arms, and legs is down from the breast of the hawk.

[20] Female members are never present at the ceremonial of brushing with straws and feathers, and therefore the ya´ya belonging to the woman and child were not to be seen on this occasion, and neither did the one captured from the Navajo appear.

[21] The portraits of the ho´naaites were made in secluded spots in the woods. The hair is not arranged as it is in the ceremonials, fear of discovery preventing the proper arrangement and adornment with feathers. ([Pl. xxx.])

[22] There were other Ka´ᵗsuna, however, which were in the upper world before the Sia came. While the Sia can not account for their origin they are also personated by them.

[23] The aged ho´naaite has since died.

[24] Here the singers sprinkle pollen to the north with an under wave of the hand.

[25] Can not be translated.

[26] Shell mixture and sacred meal are synonymous.

[27] After the religious services it is usual for the ho´naaite to absent himself, even though he be the woman’s husband or father; his remaining being an evidence of unusual devotion. The mother-in-law may be present at childbirth, but not the father-in-law unless he be the chosen ho´naaite for the occasion, and his affection for the daughter-in-law prompting him to remain, this, however, being very rare. “Should the expectant mother fail to bend her thoughts upon the event to come the child would not care to be born and would lie still and die.” It is rare for a Sia woman to die in childbirth; or for a child to he stillborn.

[28] The doctress names all infants, one name usually serving the female through life, but the male may have a plurality of names; for example, upon his return after a long journey, or after having performed some valorous deed his head is bathed in yucca suds by some female member of the cult society to which he belongs, or by a member of his clan, when she bestows an appropriate name.

Transcriber’s Notes: