THE BERLIN CONGRESS AND AFTER
The feelings of consternation and bitter resentment evoked by the publication of the Treaty of San Stefano soon found expression in the Roumanian Chamber, where the action of the Russian Government was criticised in scathing terms, and in the Press, whose comments on the situation were little calculated to restrain the popular indignation. The Minister of the Exterior telegraphed to the various Roumanian diplomatic agents abroad that the Government felt itself compelled to protest against a treaty, every article of which was either directly or indirectly opposed to the interests of Roumania. Prince Charles, on the other hand, was convinced of the futility of all protests, and the impossibility of retaining Bessarabia, and was therefore chiefly concerned in checking the growing hostility of the Roumanian nation towards their all-powerful neighbour. At the same time no effort was spared to secure the representation of Roumania at the impending European Congress, and M. Bratianu, the President of the Ministry, was despatched for this purpose to Vienna and Berlin with letters from the Prince himself.
Though the general disposition towards Roumania on the part of the Great Powers was that of lukewarm platonic sympathy, a ray of hope was at one time afforded by the warlike attitude of England, who would only agree to a Congress empowered to consider the whole of the Treaty of San Stefano. General Ignatieff traversed Europe in order to effect an understanding between the several Cabinets. Prince Charles Anthony, however, warned his son that "the loss of the Bessarabian region must now be regarded as inevitable, and the only consolation is that the sympathy of public opinion generally is accorded to you and to your country."
During the absence of Bratianu, Prince Gortchakoff transmitted to the Roumanian Agent in St. Petersburg a threat which had fallen from the mouth of the Czar himself: that if Roumania protested against Article VIII. of the Treaty (which defined the route of the Russian troops through Roumania), he, the Czar, would disarm the Roumanian army. Prince Charles at once caused the following reply to be forwarded: "The Roumanian army, which fought so gallantly before Plevna under the eyes of the Czar, may be annihilated, but will never be disarmed!"
The situation was critical, since the Russian army practically occupied the Principality, and the flimsiest pretexts were employed to increase the number of troops in and round Bucharest. The threats of Prince Gortchakoff were discussed throughout Europe, even in the English Parliament. At length Prince Charles was forced to prepare for the worst, and to make arrangements to remove his troops and Government to Little Wallachia. The tension between Russia and Roumania was still further increased at this period by a remarkable incident. On the conclusion of the peace, Prince Charles had forwarded a congratulatory letter to the Czar through the Consul-General at Bucharest, and was therefore greatly surprised to learn from Prince Alexander of Battenberg that the Czar was complaining at not having received his congratulations. It was then discovered that the Imperial aide-de-camp, to whom the letter had been entrusted, had been seriously ill at Vienna, and the unfortunate delay of six weeks was thus accounted for. The Czar telegraphed as follows immediately the letter reached his hands (April 8, 1878):
"Your kind letter of the 21st February did not reach me until to-day. I thank you sincerely for it, and offer the same prayers as yourself that the peace may become firm and lasting. My feelings and my friendship for you and Princess Elisabeth will remain unaltered; but I cannot but regret the attitude of those who are at the head of your Government, and who have brought about a situation which is entirely antagonistic to the real interests of Roumania."
A letter expressed the Czar's views still more forcibly:
"... The painful relations created by the measures of your Ministers cannot alter my affectionate interest and friendship for you. I regret having been obliged to indicate the measures which their course of action may eventually force me to adopt. You cannot doubt how pleased I should be to be able to avoid this, for it is not in such a light that I should care to see our traditionally amicable relations placed, cemented as they are by our brotherhood in arms; and I am certain that you yourself share my sentiments. I understand the desire of your Government to regulate by a special arrangement the relations which an extension of the stay of my army on the Danube will necessitate. But the peace is not yet finally concluded, and our conventions have therefore not ceased to hold good. You certainly understand, moreover, that it is impossible for me to allow the least uncertainty to hover over the communications and supplies of my troops. A friendly arrangement between our two Governments might easily regulate matters in view of the new situation, which would follow a definite peace. I am quite willing to lend myself to this measure, and I have therefore ordered a special official to proceed to Bucharest, who will be instructed to discuss the same with your Ministers. I shall be delighted to see an entente established, and I believe that this will be more in the interests of Roumania than the existing tension of our relations. I hope that you will bring your support to bear upon the issue, and you may rest assured of mine....
"ALEXANDER."
Prince Charles thus describes the situation in a letter to his father:
"The East is confronted by a new crisis from which, thanks to its energetic attitude, my country will not emerge the loser. The Treaty of San Stefano is the work of Ignatieff.... I rejoice at the resolute attitude of England.... I asked several Russian Generals, who paid their respects to me to-day, what was the meaning of the movements of the troops in the country, and they told me that several Divisions were preparing to return to Russia: the army was longing for peace, and was thoroughly tired of the war."...
Nevertheless, the disquiet caused by the movements of the Russian troops did not disappear, although they were declared to be only directed against Austria.
As Prince Charles had foreseen, Roumania had little active support to expect from the Great Powers. Prince Bismarck informed M. Bratianu, who had been received with assurances of friendship both at Vienna and Berlin, that Bessarabia was the sine quâ non for Russia, and he therefore advised Roumania to come to an understanding with that Power before the assembly of the Congress, by voluntarily surrendering the three Pruth districts. Roumania might then obtain much, very much indeed, as compensation from the great Empire. Prince Charles considered this course practicable, but Bratianu was in favour of holding out until the last moment. Lord Salisbury, on the other hand, assured the Roumanian Agent in Paris that Prince Charles might count upon England's effectual support in peace and in war, though this promise lost much of its value by the addition that more important questions than the fate of Bessarabia existed for England, and, provided these were settled amicably, war would not be declared for the sake of Roumania.
The British armaments, which included the movement of Indian troops to the Mediterranean garrisons, continued to increase until May, when Count Schuwaloff's mission at last secured the assembly of the Congress. In the meantime, Prince Charles inspected his forces in Little Wallachia. The Russians and Roumanians at no great distance from the capital were dangerously near to one another, and the Roumanian Chamber voted increased supplies for war material on its own initiative. The whole of Roumania was anxious to make every possible sacrifice in defence of the national honour.
Two dastardly attempts on the life of the venerable German Emperor evoked feelings of the deepest indignation throughout the world. Prince Charles telegraphed as follows on behalf of both himself and his consort:
"We cannot find words in which to express our consternation and grief at the execrable deed which has again endangered your Majesty's life. We thank God that the wound is not serious, and hope that the certain knowledge that you are surrounded by the deep love of many millions will help your Majesty out of the bitterness of these hours."
The Congress was at length opened by Prince Bismarck at Berlin on June 13, 1878, after Count Schuwaloff had succeeded in making terms with England, whereby Russia was allowed to annex Bessarabia and Batoum in return for the division of Bulgaria. In appointing Bratianu and Cogalniceanu as Roumanian delegates, Prince Charles again reminded them that, since Bessarabia must be considered as lost to Roumania, they must endeavour to obtain the greatest possible territorial compensation on the right bank of the Danube, possibly even as far as the line Rustchuk-Varna. The Roumanian delegates were, however, not permitted to attend the sittings of the Congress until after the representatives of the Powers had decided to sanction the annexation of Bessarabia by Russia. Yet another severe blow was destined to fall on Roumania, and by the hand, too, of a formerly friendly power, France. Before the independence of Roumania was recognised, all restrictions upon the political and civil rights of all creeds, imposed by the Constitution, were to be removed; in other words, the Roumanian Jews were to be admitted to the franchise. All the entreaties and representations of the Roumanian delegates were in vain; even Lord Beaconsfield, in a private audience, contented himself with the remark that "in politics ingratitude is often the reward of the greatest services."
As a matter of fact, the resolutions of the Congress left Roumania in a worse plight than before the war. Even the most advanced Liberals, who had formerly championed the Jewish cause, were exasperated at having this measure thrust upon them by the Foreign Powers as a condition, before their independence, honourably achieved with blood and steel upon the field of glory, could be recognised. Moreover, the compensation offered, the Delta of the Danube and the Dobrudscha as far as the line Silistria-Mangalia, so far from being appreciated, was actually opposed with vigour by a large section of the nation.
The Prince's position was doubly difficult: himself the most tolerant of mortals, he viewed all attempts at persecution with the sternest disfavour; as a ruler, he could not close his eyes to the inevitable result of the emancipation of the Moldavian Jews, who would then have gained possession of the greater part of the heavily mortgaged estates in that district. Whatever happened, it seemed as though the enormous sacrifices which Roumania had borne had failed to secure any adequate recompense; whilst, on the other hand, England had received Cyprus, and Austria was to administer Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bratianu, therefore, was only too correct when he reported from Berlin: "Prince Bismarck alone was straightforward with us from the commencement when he told us Bessarabia was lost. He was sincere, for it would have been to his interest if we had come to an understanding with Russia direct! All the other Great Powers were interested in supporting our resistance, for they were then able, by sacrificing us in the end, to obtain more concessions for themselves from Russia."
Prince Charles wrote to his father on August 4, 1878:
"The struggles which Roumania has had to endure during the last few months, and has yet to endure, are, beyond all comparison, more serious than those at Plevna and Widin. To issue victorious from them will be far more honourable to my country than the laurels gathered on the battlefields of Bulgaria! It is pitiful that Europe should force a young and energetic State, which has shown its power and vitality in a bloody war, to cede a province. The Berlin Congress might return to Russia what the Treaty of Paris took away, but it wounds us deeply that our independence, achieved on the battlefield, should be made contingent upon the cession of Bessarabia, and much patience and moderation are necessary to allow such a course to be adopted. We shall, however, show the Powers that we know how to extricate ourselves with honour from the worst situations.
"As soon as the Articles referring to Roumania became known, the greatest consternation arose, and even the most peaceful of the people declared they would rather not acquire independence at such a price. I convened a Council of Ministers and conferred with a few political leaders, advising the greatest care, since a hasty step might bring the country into extreme danger. Europe has need of peace and insists on it; it will not, therefore, be content with half measures, but will execute the resolutions of the Congress by force. After their first anger had been subdued, people here became more reasonable, and recognised that it was impossible to resist the whole of Europe.
"We closed the Chambers, and decided to allow the Russian occupation of Bessarabia to approach. We shall then avoid any record in writing, withdraw our officials, and admit a fait accompli. When this painful affair has once come to an end, we must find a modus vivendi with Russia, in order to be able to regulate a multitude of details without hindrance. All this will, however, be effected by the Administration; Crown and Chamber are not to take any part therein.
"The territory on the right bank of the Danube is not given to us in exchange for Bessarabia; we take it simply as a war indemnity, and because Europe gives it to us. We have thus gained very much both morally and materially, and no one can refuse us their respect. The districts promised us by the Congress have a great future, and in a few years I hope to raise them to a flourishing condition. Their inhabitants think themselves fortunate in being connected with Roumania, and have already sent me many addresses, to which, up to the present, I have not replied.
"Küstendje is a beautiful port, and, like the railway to Tschernavoda, was constructed by an English company. A few good hotels and installations have been made there for sea bathing. The situation is healthy."
About this period the Prince received the following letter from Prince Charles Anthony of Hohenzollern:
"The whole strength of the nation must now be concentrated on the acquisition of the Dobrudscha and the economic and political tasks which have arisen there.... A reconciliation with Russia may perhaps prove the most urgent duty of self-preservation."
On the anniversary of Grivitza Prince Charles addressed a cordial telegram to the Czar, receiving in turn a very hearty reply.
After the army had been placed on a peace footing, and the Russian troops had quitted the country, Prince Charles devoted himself to the task of carrying out the conditions imposed by the Berlin Congress. Since Article VII. of the Roumanian Constitution stipulates that only Christians can become citizens, a Constituante had to be convened at Bucharest, in the hope that the alteration of the Constitution would secure the necessary two-thirds majority.
The Ministry decided about this time to request Prince Charles to assume the title of Royal Highness, as being more suitable to the ruler of a country which surpassed many a European kingdom in point of area and population. The Powers immediately recognised the new title, whilst Prince Charles Anthony was of opinion that it would have been better to follow the example of Belgium, and assume the royal dignity forthwith.
Towards the end of September the Chambers assembled to recognise the Treaty of Berlin, which, after many violent speeches, they managed to do just one day before the cession of Bessarabia, the resolution being worded as follows:
"The Chamber of Deputies has taken cognisance of the dispositions made by the Treaty of Berlin regarding Roumania. Compelled by the decision of the Powers, and in order not to be an obstacle to the consolidation of peace, the Chamber empowers the Government to comply with the universal wish of Europe by recalling the civil and military authorities from Bessarabia, and taking possession of the Dobrudscha, the Danube Delta, and the Serpents' Island. The other questions will be settled by constitutional methods."
The Russian occupation of Bessarabia passed off uneventfully; the Roumanian officials retired without a word, and Prince Charles was spared the pain of signing his name to any document in connection with the cession. A marked contrast to this was afforded by the Austrian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which encountered violent resistance, and was accompanied by much bloodshed.
A couple of days after the withdrawal from Bessarabia, the triumphal entry of the Roumanian army into Bucharest took place, and the striking unanimity with which the dignified bearing of the Prince and his subjects was recognised both at home and abroad afforded Prince Charles much consolation during this critical period.
From the German Crown Prince, October 19th, 1878.
"You know that you were much in my thoughts during the Congress and afterwards, in the midst of that truly difficult period of negotiations about the cession of Bessarabia. But I purposely refrained from writing to you, because I did not know how I was to express myself in view of such events.
"I was convinced that you would estimate the circumstances correctly, and be able to take matters as they are. The exchange of territory, however, hit you doubly hard, since only too many were anxious to throw suspicion on you for being an immigrant wanting in 'patriotic feeling.' Thank Heaven, the representatives of your country appear to have submitted with the necessary resignation, so that you have been relieved of a real trouble. May Roumania now speedily realise all the advantages which may still be drawn from the Dobrudscha, though it offers but little, and may the construction of bridges, canals, and ports mark a new era in your rule. If such undertakings succeed, a true substitute will have been found for all you have given up, and one day the advantage may perhaps be on your side. This is my heart's desire.
"Russia's conduct, after the manful service you did for that colossal Empire, meets with censure on all sides. I do not understand the importance which they attach to that piece of land. But they have scarcely got their way, when Russia begins to stir up a question about Afghanistan, which again threatens the peace, though for the present only in Asia! As if enough blood had not been shed already. It is to be hoped that the good Ameer will listen to reason, but the general tension is nevertheless very great."
Referring to the events of the last summer, the attempted assassination of the Emperor William I., and his own Regency, the Crown Prince remarks:
"My best thanks, though late, for your welcome and sympathetic letter in June. You felt with us what a heavy blow had fallen on us all, and rejoiced with us over the recovery of the dear Emperor, whom I found wonderfully well at Cassel and Baden. His freshness and mobility, his memory and spirits are completely restored. Yet those who see him daily, say that mental exertion still tires him easily, and that he is therefore very willing to avoid it. His resumption of official duties is thus postponed still further, so that I shall probably not be free from this burden until December on his return from Wiesbaden to Berlin!...
"A few days ago we bade farewell to Henry for two years. Seldom has a separation fallen so heavily on my heart as this. He proceeds round Cape Horn viâ Rio, and will then join his station in Japan.
"William has just returned from England and Scotland; he met Charlotte and Bernard in Paris, where they amused themselves immensely in the strictest incognito....
"My wife and I are tolerably well in spite of these troublous times, which in less than half a year have brought me a Peace Congress, marriages, special legislation, dissolution of the Imperial Diet, elections, and the execution of a death sentence. In all these events I see God's will that I should taste of everything that still is set before me. But it is not easy to exercise the rights and bear all the burdens of a monarch to the best of one's ability and conscience without taking the sole responsibility.
"To-morrow the Imperial Diet concludes its deliberations; let us hope that the law against social democracy marks the commencement of a radical cure, by means of which this evil may be overcome. It will, however, cost us much pains before we can rid ourselves of this abortion, which has increased with such incredible rapidity since the teaching of this unhealthy society finds a ready market, and the attempted assassinations, which will now multiply still more, show the direction taken by a misunderstood application...."
From Prince Alexander of Battenberg, October 20th, '78.
"You can imagine how I have followed the march of political events. The consequence of the unhappy Peace of Berlin will probably be that we, i.e., the Russians, shall soon have to draw sword again. Should we then be comrades in arms once more? Probably not!
"What do you think of Dondukow's doings? Here in Jugenheim I am too far away to be able to form an opinion, and the papers contain nothing but lies; the events in Bulgaria interest me greatly, as secret inquiries continue to reach me from time to time."
The first ambassador to the Roumanian Court, Count Hoyos, was sent by Austria, an example soon followed by Turkey, and later on by Russia, who raised the rank of its representative first from Consul-General to Resident Minister, and then to Ambassador. In return, the Diplomatic Agents of Roumania in Vienna, St. Petersburg, and Constantinople were created Ambassadors. A very friendly understanding with Turkey was now initiated, and proved to be of great advantage to Roumania during the transactions of the Frontier Commission, which was presided over by the former State. In strict accordance with the provisions of the Treaty of Berlin, the frontier line was fixed close to the gates of Silistria, in spite of the immediate protests of the Russian Commissary, who succeeded in delaying a final settlement for a period of years.
On November 26, 1878, the Roumanians proceeded to take possession of the Dobrudscha, and were received with the greatest enthusiasm, to the surprise of the Austrian Emperor, whose experience in Bosnia had led him to advise Prince Charles not to garrison the Dobrudscha with less than a Division.
The first anniversary of Plevna was marked by the issue of a stirring Army Order by Prince Charles, who also exchanged warm congratulations by telegraph with the Czar and the Archduke Nicholas.
Rumours in the Press pointed to the probable selection of Prince Alexander of Battenberg for the newly created throne of Bulgaria, whilst the selection of Prince Charles also received public support. In reply to his Ministers, who considered that his candidature was desirable, Prince Charles remarked that the moment for such a step had passed. Not against, but only with the aid of Russia could such a candidature succeed!
Although the Chamber and Senate at first supported the speedy convocation of a Constituante, months elapsed before the three readings took place in the Chamber before proceeding to a dissolution to allow the elections to take place.
The third reading did not take place till April 5, 1879, after Prince Bismarck had in a somewhat threatening manner requested to be informed when the Jewish question was to be settled. This question was transmitted through Austria-Hungary, the Roumanian representative in Berlin being passed over!
In addition to this pressing question of the Jewish franchise, the old trouble about the re-purchase of the Strousberg Railway Line was raised by Germany, which roundly declared that her attitude in future depended on this measure being carried out.
The Prince of Roumania wrote to Prince Charles Anthony:
"Although we wish to acquire the railway lines, we nevertheless feel hurt at this pressure. The Jewish question, and the purchase of the railways are two such important problems that they can hardly be grappled with simultaneously. Bleichröder's influence is evident in both affairs.
"Our relations with Russia are no better, though Schuwaloff said to my Ambassador: 'I admit that we have committed many blunders with regard to you, but remember that you have done the same with us. We have no reason to quarrel; on the contrary, at such a time we ought to be on the best footing.'
"We have little hope that the question of the Dobrudscha frontier will be decided to our advantage, since Germany is quite on the side of Russia. Bismarck is the man who deters those Powers which are not yet in diplomatic connection with us. The proposal to recognise Servia proceeded from Berlin to the other Powers, with the remark that a distinction must be made between one country that fulfils its obligations and another that seeks to avoid them!"
Prince Charles Anthony had already written as follows to his son in February 1879:
"In spite of the completed cession of Bessarabia, Russia still appears to be hostile to you, and the remainder of Europe, including the German Empire, does not take up a resolute attitude against that Power. Every step taken by Roumania, conscious of her achieved independence, is hindered and opposed! It would be desirable to put an end to your ominous Jewish question, if only to remove every pretext from the Powers."
Again, a few months later:
"There is nothing left for you but to carry through the Jewish question a tout prix, in spite of all the antipathies of the populace, and regardless of the mischievous nature of the whole measure."
The whole country, Moldavia in particular, was in a state of the greatest excitement, and on no occasion were the elections so largely participated in as those which preceded this Revising Chamber. Prince Charles, accompanied by the Crown Prince of Sweden, made a tour through Moldavia before the elections took place. The National festival, the 10th-22nd May, was celebrated with particularity and fervour in 1879. The Roumanian army presented a sword of honour to their sovereign, inscribed with the names of the victorious actions and the following dedication: "To the victorious leader in the War of 1877-78, from his grateful Army," and "Virtus Romana rediviva."
The opening of the Revising Chamber was but the prelude to a summer of violent political struggles, which kept the national feelings at a dangerously high pitch of excitement. The Ministry would not lay definite proposals before the Chambers, but seemed anxious to allow the nation to take the lead in this vital question, whilst a strong current of public feeling advocated opposition to the demands of the Berlin Treaty.
To Prince Charles Anthony.
"In the event of an unsatisfactory solution, they are determined in Berlin to intervene by means of a Collective Note which will dictate to us what rights we are to concede to the Jews. Such a step would, of course, arouse national excitement, and only further increase resistance; but this might become a great danger to the country apart from the humiliation which it includes. The question is whether execution would follow intervention, and what shape the execution would take? Italy contents itself with the removal of Article VII. of the Constitution, and likewise England, with the naturalisation of a few Jews. Waddington, however, demands a radical solution, and Berlin insists on the re-purchase of the railways under the conditions imposed by her bankers. The German Chancellor is opposed to us, and all the goodwill of the Emperor is of no avail."
Prince Bismarck informed the Roumanian Government through Count Andrassy that he placed no confidence in their good faith, and that, in his opinion, Roumania was still a dependent State. In the event of her resisting the resolutions of the Berlin Congress he intended to treat with the Suzerain at Constantinople! Count Andrassy in vain represented the difficulty of the Roumanian situation, for Prince Bismarck was armed with the argument that he considered the honour of the German Empire pledged in this matter, whilst England proposed a Collective Note to be executed by the Austrian Cabinet. Yet, despite the threatening aspect of affairs, the Roumanian Chambers became more and more obstinate, and refused to hasten a solution of the constitutional questions involved.
The marriage of the Prince's youngest brother, Frederick, with Princess Louise of Thurn and Paris, took place at Regensburg in June 1879, and the German Emperor and Empress celebrated their golden wedding at Berlin. The same month, however, brought the terrible news of the death of the unfortunate Prince Imperial, who had volunteered for service with the British troops acting against the Zulus. In reply to Prince Charles' letter of sympathy the Empress Eugenie wrote:
"Chislehurst, August 19th, 1879.
"You recall to me the days of happiness, and by recurring to the present you share my illimitable grief.
"Everything has fallen from me, and only two tombs are left of all I loved. I rest near them, and here my isolation seems less great. I have known both extremes and the want of stability of human fortunes. We are wrong in not always fixing our eyes beyond this life on that one where nothing changes, and where we shall rejoin those whom we love to all eternity.
"I beg that you will thank the Princess for the sympathy which my recent and overwhelming misfortune has elicited from in her.
"EUGENIE."
The death of the German Crown Prince's third son, Waldemar, at the early age of eleven, gave occasion to the following letter:
"Potsdam, July 27th, 1879.
"Your kind and sympathetic letter, no less than Elisabeth's deeply touching verses, were very welcome to my poor wife and myself. You both feel with and for us, for God decreed a like trouble for you, and even though your fate was much harder, still we all have to bear the heavy destiny of surviving our children.
"We endeavour to bear God's decree with resignation, but we cannot even now become reconciled to the loss of another son from the happy circle of our family, a son, too, who justified our highest hopes, and already displayed character at an early age. It is so difficult to accustom ourselves to everyday life without our most dearly loved child, for every step reminds us that he will never appear again, and that we must learn to live without our companion.
"... Our life, which, moreover, has never been a tranquil one, had already become gloomy by the moving incidents of last year; with this sorrow it has lost what remaining joy it still had to offer us, and we can only gather satisfaction from the execution of our tasks and duties.
"You very rightly lay stress upon the fact that such grief causes us more than ever to sympathise with others in their sorrow and to seek their society. Many other things are first apparent to us in our time of mourning, and it is certainly through the medium of this chastening that we are to be prepared for a higher calling, which appears dark and mysterious to dwellers on earth. It is not for us to inquire 'Why?' and yet we do so; we are but human beings, to whom the work of Divine justice is hidden here, but will be made clear to us there."
The chivalrous Prince Alexander of Battenberg, who had been elected Prince of Bulgaria, experienced the greatest difficulties in taking over the reins of government, as the following letter shows:
"I am now passing through the same stage as you did last year: devoted with my whole heart to the Czar Alexander, I am anxious to do nothing that can be called anti-Russian. Unfortunately the Russian officials have acted with the utmost want of tact; confusion prevails in every office, and peculation, thanks to Dondukow's decrees, is all but sanctioned. I am daily confronted with the painful alternative of having to decide either to assent to the Russian demands or to be accused in Russia of ingratitude and of 'injuring the most sacred feelings of the Bulgarians.' My situation is truly terrible; I reject everything opposed to my conscience, and therefore have to write daily to the Czar in order to obtain a hearing before the calumnies of the Russian officials shall have had time to reach him. I will tell you everything shortly on the occasion of my visit."
From Alexander Prince of Bulgaria, August 22nd, 1879.
"A thousand thanks for your long and kind letter, the conferring of your Grand Cross, and the geniality with which you welcomed my Envoy. I have, it is true, never doubted your friendship, but to see it once more confirmed in this handsome fashion has nevertheless made me very happy. I shall reply to Elisabeth's kind letter direct.
"Unfortunately I cannot pay you a visit before October, for I have so much to do that I cannot quit the country. All my Ministers are a little anxious, and I myself have more or less to decide everything.
"The solitude here is very great, but as at present I am busy from morning to night I feel it the less. The idea of marriage is antipathetic to me: I feel that I have no right to bring a wife to this lonely spot; moreover, I do not want to bind myself, in order that, in the event of affairs turning out badly, my convictions may not be influenced by any external consideration. Everything will depend upon the first National Assembly. It is not easy to be Dondukow's heir.
"With my whole heart I sympathise with you regarding the Jewish question. What a fatal thing it is for us all that the Great Powers have declared themselves Masters of the World!
"Although hostile to the Treaty of Berlin, I have nevertheless given it my complete adherence in my new position. I have conceived my mission from the European standpoint as far as possible, and allow the same law to apply to all. Consequently I sought to help the Mohammedans as much as possible, but utilised the moment to introduce universal service; if the Mohammedans want to enjoy the advantages of all subjects, they must also bear the disadvantages. I am in everything the opposite of my predecessors; I shall make fewer speeches, but work more, and the final result will, it is to be hoped, justify me.
"If only the frontiers at least were settled! So long as this is not the case there will be no peace in the country. (I do not thereby mean Arab-Tabia, but the South and West, where disturbances always take place.) Everything beyond this must be delivered verbally.
"With many hearty greetings,
"Your sincere
"SANDRO."
During the course of the summer the unhappy Jewish question became "in truth a gigantic struggle," as Prince Charles informed his father:
"Whilst the country considers me the defender of the rights of the Jews, the Foreign Powers complain that I do not champion them with sufficient energy. This reproach, however, affects me very little. There is only one path which can lead me to my goal, and that is laid down by the Constitution."
Owing to this struggle a modification of the Ministry became necessary towards the end of July, and M. Sturdza was sent to Berlin to lay the difficulties of the situation before Prince Bismarck, whilst Prince Charles Anthony turned to the aged Emperor William.
From Prince Charles Anthony, July 24th, 1879.
"Only a few words to-day to tell you that we saw the Emperor (William) in the Mainau the day before yesterday. He asked me to come to his room after dinner, when I at last found an opportunity of discussing Roumanian affairs and of commending you to his care. I can now tell you that I was greatly surprised and pleased with the Emperor's opinions, even though I must regretfully limit this favourable impression by the fact that the Emperor has certainly not been kept au courant with the situation. He at first ascribed the whole blame to England, who is urging the Jewish question with the greatest want of consideration, and from whose policy Germany cannot dissociate herself.
"When I proved that the exact opposite was the case, and compared the constantly progressive moderation of England with the harsh attitude of Germany, which never has regard to circumstances, the Emperor was highly astonished; he would not believe it at all, and said that the Jewish question was entirely antipathetic to him; that he was acquainted with similar circumstances in Poland and Russia; and that, if he had not been suffering from his wounds during the Berlin Congress, he would never have consented to the present extension of this question. In brief, I am convinced that the Imperial Chancellor did not consult the Emperor in this matter at all, or at least did not report it to him fully."
A few days later Prince Charles Anthony forwarded to his son a copy of a letter to the Empress, written by the Emperor at Gastein, July 25, 1879:
"With regard to Roumania I have, as you know, from the outset most strongly disapproved of the resolution of the Congress concerning the Jewish question, though only after the blow had fallen, since I was not at the head of affairs.
"Since then I have, of course, only had to support the strict execution of the resolutions of the Congress, but I have demanded at every opportunity that no pressure be used in this matter, for I know by experience what the Jews are in those regions—starting with Posen, Poland, Lithuania, and Volhynia—and the Roumanian Jews are said to be even worse! The whole Jewish question there has been championed so violently by England. Lord Odo Russell confessed as much to me in answer to my representations, indicating at the same time by a gesture his disagreement with them.
"I explained the attitude which I have adopted with regard to the Jewish question (on which the recognition of my cousin as an independent Sovereign depends) to the Prince of Hohenzollern, when he excitedly complained of the extreme severity of our note. I added, however, that I was not acquainted with the note in question. On my making inquiry, the latest document for Bucharest was only yesterday laid before me. It states that the Powers would be satisfied by the annulment of the restrictive article of the Roumanian Constitution being recognised as a principle, leaving the decision as to the method of carrying it into effect to a later date, when the Ministry and Chamber have come to an agreement. When once this method has been accepted, nothing will impede the recognition of the Prince. I commission you to communicate this most exactly in Krauchenwies, and also add that I think that Charles of Roumania and his Ministry, which has just been changed, should accept this method; the Chambers will then have to practise self-restraint.
"You will remember that I always took the part of the Roumanian Government, whenever difficulties arose between Christians and Jews, whilst England invariably took the opposite side, because she sees a refined Rothschild in every Jew."
Whilst the German Emperor thus roundly declared his interest in the Roumanian Sovereign, his Chancellor proved no less sympathetic towards M. Sturdza, at an interview which took place at Kissingen. Prince Bismarck admitted that the Berlin Congress had set Roumania a hard task, but remarked that the resolutions must be executed in their entirety. Germany was only demanding what France and Italy also wished in the matter of the Jews, of whom there were a large number crowded together in certain portions of the country. The Roumanians must open the war upon economic ground: work and save, found banks, &c. The Empire was anxious to maintain friendly relations with Roumania, although the latter had until recently treated Germany somewhat cavalierly. The sympathy of the Roumanian nation with France, though perhaps only natural, had in the end annoyed Germany, and it was never wise to annoy anybody, least of all one who happened to be powerful. In order to ameliorate the existing relations, it was necessary that the railway question should disappear.
"One must be acquainted with the commencement of this affair in order to realise its importance. No one can be blamed for it, neither we nor Roumania: the affair exists, and we must get rid of it with profit to both parties.
"Our interest is considerable, since about one hundred million marks are invested there. These moneys must be rescued from a precarious situation, in which it has often been the duty of the State to defend them, and on each occasion this has strained the relations between the two States.
"This railway affair commenced with Dr. Strousberg, who dragged the Silesian magnates into it, and with them all their friends and dependents were in turn involved. To-day we find amongst the bondholders of the Roumanian Railway Company, lords and ladies, lackeys of the great houses, and even cabdrivers—in a word, almost the whole of Berlin. Indeed, more than that, the King himself had to intervene to save a few of the Silesian magnates, when Strousberg could carry on no longer! He then applied to Bleichröder, who was, however, rich enough not to need to address himself to so involved a question. Nevertheless, he did so because he was asked, and also on account of the credit which it brought him. He has taken the matter in hand, and we are bound to support him. But the King has done even more than this. He has had to assist the great Silesian nobles out of his privy purse. It is, therefore, easy to understand that every one is anxious to escape from this painful situation. You must, therefore, solve these two questions in order to enter the ranks of the Independent States. An independent Roumania will throw a heavy weight into the balance of Oriental questions.... Roumania has an area of 2500 square miles (German) and 6,000,000 inhabitants. It might have 10,000,000; and how powerful it would be then."
The Jews were admitted to the franchise on October 18, 1879, by an alteration of Article VII. of the Constitution, and over 900 Jews who had served with the colours in 1877-78 were immediately admitted to the rights of citizenship. Though the situation at one period became so critical that the German Empress sent a "quite confidential" warning that delay was fraught with danger, the demands of Germany in the matter of the railway purchase were satisfied three months later, and the independence of the Roumanian State was in consequence fully recognised by all the European Powers.
To Prince Charles Anthony, February 11th, 1880.
"Sandro[22] is in despair about the doings of the Panslavists, who are making his task uncommonly difficult; had he only Bulgarians to deal with, he would get on easily enough.... He is determined to speak openly to the Czar Alexander about the Panslavonic and Nihilist agitation in Sofia. He returns to his capital at the end of March, when the newly elected National Assembly will be opened; it is not much better than the former. So long as the Czar Alexander lives he will personally exert a favourable influence in Bulgaria, but when he dies everything will be changed. I told Sandro, who has much confidence in me, that if he possesses enough strength to live down this period of suffering, he will be richly rewarded for his patience and endurance. But few, perhaps, have the patience that I had, and still have."
During the stay of the Prince of Bulgaria in St. Petersburg an attempt was made by Nihilists to blow up the Winter Palace, but it failed owing to a mere chance. Prince Alexander of Hesse, the father of the Prince of Bulgaria, reached St. Petersburg later than was expected, and so caused the dinner to be postponed to a later hour. The explosion, which destroyed the dining-room, took place, therefore, whilst their Majesties were in an antechamber.
The English elections in March displaced the Conservative Ministry and summoned Gladstone to the head of the Government. About the same time Prince Charles despatched the President of the Ministry to Berlin, to hand the insignia of the Star of Roumania to the Emperor William, the Crown Prince, and Prince Bismarck. The last-named suggested that Roumania had claims to become a kingdom, but the opinion in Vienna was in favour of delaying this step.
From the German Crown Prince.
"Your relations towards Russia will grow exceptionally difficult; for, no matter how great the confidence one may place in the magnanimity of the Czar, the less can one trust his Government, looking impartially at the actions of their agents, who are actively propagating the views of the Panslavists in all directions, and are finally making it seem impossible for the Government to disavow and abandon their countrymen who have gone to such lengths. One would really think that Russia was large enough already, and that she had enough to do at home, and might leave her neighbours in peace. Bulgaria seems to me like a Russian province, which is only waiting for a hint to allow itself to be incorporated; and Battenberg, even though he possessed ever so much foresight and determination, will hardly be able to steer against the Russian stream.
"Our rapprochement and understanding with Austria last autumn was, no doubt, under the circumstances, a correct step, and has given the Czar's Empire something to think about. If we could only succeed in preventing France from forming the ardently desired alliance with Russia—which has probably been postponed for some time—we might then see favourable guarantees for peace everywhere. No one wants war, because all have much to do at home, and have enough to think over in the consequences of the last bloody war. Above all things, we Germans do not wish for war, since we gained far more by the last than we ever dared to hope for, and we anticipate no advantage from any extension.
"Permit me to inform you and dear Elisabeth that the premature hints of the Press regarding the betrothal of my eldest son, William, to Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein, eldest daughter of the late Fritz of Schleswig-Holstein-Augustenburg, are quite true. Mutual and deep-seated inclination has brought the two together, and this fulfils the sincere wish of my wife and myself to greet as our daughter-in-law a Princess so distinguished by gifts of spirit, heart, and temperament, as well as by dignified grace. God grant that this union of hearts may one day be a blessing to the Empire."
From the German Emperor, March 5th, 1880.[23]
"My dear Cousin,
"At last we have arrived at the goal of our long-cherished wishes. It has cost many a hard and bitter struggle before we could see you standing independent before the world! May the proverb come true which says, 'Slow but sure.'
"I have never concealed the sympathy which I have always cherished for you alike personally and as a Hohenzollern; but when many are striving to the same goal and each goes his own way, time and sacrifices are required until they are at length all gathered together! So I too have had to temporise in order to recognise you at last before the world.
"May God give His blessing to your now independent Government and bless you, your consort, and your country!
"Your sincere Cousin and Friend,
"WILLIAM."
From Prince Bismarck, May 20th, 1880.
"I share your Royal Highness's regret that the acquisitions resulting from the peace, apart from the dissolution of the relations to the Porte, were not in proportion with the achievements and valour of your Royal Highness's army; but, having regard to the dignity and weight of the Powers by which Roumania is surrounded, and also to the difficulty of securing a modus vivendi amongst them, which would give us peace for the time being, I do not know of any possible means by which greater advantages could have been obtained for Roumania.
"The difficulty of the historical situation is that on the far bank of the Danube there are no national points d'appui to strengthen Roumania, and, on the other side, the population belongs to the two great neighbouring Empires. To live in peace with these is necessary for the consolidation of affairs, and to select at least one of them as a certain ally will always be the object of Roumanian policy. In this historical situation the acquisition of the Dobrudscha was a pis-aller, whose favourable aspect—the possession of the sea-coast—will increase in value during the further development of your resources."
In reply to his father, who urged him to fulfil his promise to return home after an absence of six years, Prince Charles wrote:
"The still incomplete negotiations about the Arab-Tabia question will unfortunately cause a slight delay in our departure for abroad. The reason why the Powers delay so long in completing a matter which has reached its last stage is unintelligible. In order partly to give way to Russia, they intend to grant Bulgaria a territorial compensation. An exchange of notes has arisen on this point, and we have directed our Ambassadors to express the expectation that the frontier defined by the International Commission will be adhered to. However, in the end it will be Roumania qui payera les pots cassés—i.e., they will give us with one hand what they take away with the other!"
On July 29, 1880, the frontier was definitely fixed and sanctioned by the Powers, and though Roumania did not acquire all she had fought for, she nevertheless retained Arab-Tabia.
At length, on August 10, the Prince and his consort quitted Roumania to enjoy a well-earned rest in Germany. On passing through Ischl, Prince Charles was appointed Colonel-in-Chief of the 6th Infantry Regiment by the Emperor of Austria. The Prince then rejoined his dearly loved parents at the Weinburg, and Princess Elisabeth proceeded to visit her mother. Visits were then paid to the Courts of Dresden and Berlin, where the Roumanian sovereigns received a hearty welcome. The German Emperor also appointed the Prince to the Colonelcy of one of his regiments—the 1st Hanoverian Dragoons (No. 9).
The beautiful autumn months at the Weinburg passed only too quickly, for the cares of State demanded the return of the Prince about the middle of October. After attending the Roumanian manœuvres near Bucharest and Jassy, Prince Charles paid a visit to Rustchuk, where he was greeted with the greatest enthusiasm as the liberator of Bulgaria.
The important question of the succession to the Roumanian throne had been fully discussed during Prince Charles's visit to Germany, with the result that the constitutional right of succession of the Prince's brothers and their heirs was officially recognised by the princely House of Hohenzollern. This was effected by the exchange of letters, which were laid before the Chambers as soon as they assembled. A hearty vote of thanks rewarded the royal couple for their disinterested solicitude for the welfare of the State.
The anniversary of Plevna was marked by a pleasant incident—the presentation of a piece of statuary to Princess Elisabeth by the wives of the officers of the Roumanian army. The Princess herself was represented nursing a wounded soldier as an emblem of her noble activity during the terrible period of the war of 1877-78.
Early in 1881 the Roumanian Ambassador in Berlin reported that the representatives of the Powers had all expressed their opinion that the time had come for Roumania to be created a kingdom. The Ministry wished to delay this solemn act till the day of the National Festival, May 22, but the ceremony was precipitated by an unforeseen event. On March 13, Czar Alexander fell a victim to a Nihilist plot, and the Roumanian Opposition seized the occasion to accuse the Liberals of aiming at Republican and Anti-dynastic ideals. To refute this calumny effectually, the Liberal Ministry proposed the elevation of the Roumanian Principality into the "Kingdom of Roumania," amidst the enthusiastic plaudits of Chamber and Senate. After the motion had been unanimously carried, the legislative bodies proceeded to the Palace, where Prince Charles attached his signature to the document in their presence with the following words:
"This is a grand and solemn moment, in which the representatives of the nation approach me with a unanimous resolution of the legislative bodies. Herewith begins a new page in the volume of Roumanian national life; here, too, ends a period full of struggle and difficulties, but full also of virile effort and heroic deeds. At this moment I repeat what I have so often said before: the wish of the nation is the guide and goal of my life. I have ruled this land for fifteen years; I have been surrounded by the love and confidence of the nation; this love and confidence have made the good days even brighter, and have strengthened and confirmed me during those which were evil. I was therefore proud to be Prince, and that title has been dear to me, round which the past has entwined glory and strength.
"But Roumania thinks that it would be more in keeping with her position to proclaim herself a kingdom. I therefore accept the kingly title, not for myself personally, but for the aggrandisement of my country, and to fulfil the long-cherished wish of every Roumanian. This title will not in any way alter the close bond which unites me to the nation by all that we have fought for and experienced together.
"May the first King of Roumania enjoy the same love that has supported the last Prince through all his troubles! The affection of this noble and brave nation, to whom I have devoted my whole existence, is more to me than all the greatness and brilliancy of a crown."
This sudden and unexpected fulfilment of a long-cherished hope aroused the greatest enthusiasm in every class of Roumanian society. The recognition of the new kingdom by the Great Powers followed very shortly, the reception of the news by the Emperor William being especially cordial. Prince Charles Anthony wrote:
"The unanimity with which the kingly crown has been offered you is the surest foundation of your new and hard-won stability."
The coronation of King Charles took place at Bucharest on May 10-22, 1881. In accordance with his wish, the royal crown of Roumania was fashioned of steel from a Turkish gun captured at Plevna, as a remembrance to all time of the achievements on the battlefields of Bulgaria, and of the fact that the new kingdom was not bound or hampered by old traditions, but looked forward to a great future springing from a vigorous beginning.
The golden crown for the Queen was also fashioned in Roumania from a simple design, without jewels or ornaments. These crowns were consecrated by the Metropolitan in the presence of their Majesties, the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern and his two sons, Ferdinand and Charles, and the ceremony was attended by delegates from every district in the kingdom, as well as by all corporations and other bodies.
After this the crowns were carried in an unending coronation procession to the royal palace, where King Charles took the crown into his hands with these words:
"I assume with pride this crown, wrought from a cannon sprinkled with the blood of our heroes, and consecrated by the Church; I accept it as a symbol of the independence and power of Roumania."