General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New York

by Morton Pennypacker

AFTERMATH

None were more shocked at the news of André’s execution than the Townsend family. Robert in particular feared that his friends among the British officers might betray him in retaliation. He considered it necessary to visit personally every one in his employ. Meanwhile, his store in New York was closed for nearly three weeks and upon the day of his return entries were made of over £500 in cash that had been given to sundry persons. In a letter dated from Bedford, October 11, 1778,[53] Major Tallmadge writes:

“The conduct of Arnold, since his arrival at N. Y. has been such, that though he knows not a single link in the chain of my correspondence, still those who have assisted us in this way, are at present too apprehensive of Danger to give their immediate usual intelligence. I hope as the tumult subsides matters will go on in their old channels.

“Culper, Junr. has requested an interview with me on Long Island on the 13th inst, but in the present situation of affairs I believe it would be rather imprudent. What makes it peculiarly so at this time is the swarm of Refugee Boats which cruise along the shore of Long Island. I have wrote Culper, Junr. assuring him that his name or character are not even known by any officer but myself in the army, tho should your Excellency wish to have me meet Culper, Junr. I will appoint an interview at any time, with great Regard Regard[54]

Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient sert.

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

In reply to this General Washington wrote:

“Dear Sir, I recd. your favr. of the 11th, with C. Senior’s enclosed. I think you were right in declining an interview at this time, as the enemy would act with more than common rigor just now should an officer be taken under circumstances the least suspicious—I should be exceedingly glad to hear from C. Junior, because all my accounts from other quarters are very defective as to the number of troops to be embarked, or, indeed, whether an embarkation is seriously in contemplation. The last account was of the 13th, and it was then said the expedition was delayed for some purpose or other.”

General Washington supplements this justifiable praise with the following paragraph which will be found in a letter to the Congress (No. 20645):

“Unluckily, the person in whom I have the greatest confidence is afraid to take any measures for communicating with me just at this time, as he is apprehensive that Arnold may possibly have some knowledge of the connection and may have him watched.”

Townsend, meanwhile, in a letter addressed to John Bolton, Esq., replied to two he had received from Major Tallmadge, as follows:

“729. 462. 20th, 1780

“Sir, Yours of the 30th of Sept. & 6th of October are now before me. In answer to the first, W-s assurances are as much as I could expect. When I conclude to open another route you shall be informed of it. I do not choose that the person you mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.

“I am happy to think that Arnold does not know my name. However, no person has been taken up on his information. I was not much surprised at his conduct, for it was no more than I expected of him. Genl. Clinton has introduced him to the General officers on parade as General Arnold in the British service, and he is much caressed by General Robinson. This will tend to gloss his character with the venal part of the enemy, but the independent part must hold him in contempt; and his name will stink to eternity with the generous of all parties.

“I never felt more sensibly for the death of a person whom I knew only by sight, and had heard converse, than I did for Major André. He was a most amiable character. General Clinton was inconsolable for some days; and the army in general and inhabitants were much exasperated, and think that General Washington must have been destitute of feeling, or he would have saved him. I believe General Washington felt sincerely for him, and would have saved him if it could have been done with propriety.

“The long time I have been out of town prevents my giving you any information of consequence. The army which embarked last week are generally supposed intended to make a diversion in Virginia or Cape Fear in North Carolina, to favour Lord Cornwallis—They take but few horses, but a number of saddles with an intention to mount a number of dismounted dragoons who are going with them. The Cork and English fleets are, I expect, arrived by this. I hope and expect that all my letters are destroyed after they are perused. I am yours &c.

“Samuel Culper Junior.”

Culper Senior enclosed one of his in the above,[(129)] in which he says: “C. Junr. is now with me.... I was in hopes you might have come and seen him.” Major Tallmadge forwarded these to General Washington on October 17th, and in a note of his own[(130)] says: “As circumstances have since turned out I wish I had met C. Junr. as mentioned in my last to Your Excellency.”

* * * * *

Again on October 23d, Major Tallmadge wrote to General Washington, saying that he was obliged to attend Colonel Sheldon’s trial that day at West Point, and expected to be detained some time. Nevertheless he would give attention to the Culper messages.

* * * * *

The momentary retirement of Townsend, Woodhull’s fear to remain in the city, and request that Tallmadge undertake the expedition that terminated in the capture of Fort St. George, are features of the next letter from Culper Senior, dated October 26, 1780. In full, as translated, it reads:

“Dear Sir. Your favour of the ee instant came to hand, and observe the contents. Your desire to have a shorter conveyance opened hath been repeatedly urged from time to time. I have this day returned from New York, and am sorry to informe you that the present commotions and watchfullness of the Enemy at New York hath resolved C. Jur. for the present to quit writing and retire into the country for a time.—Most certainly the enemy are very severe, and the spirits of our friends very low. I did not think myself safe there a moment, and as nothing is like to be done about New York, perhaps it may not be much disadvantage to drop it for a time, and if need requires C. Junr. will undertake again, and in the interum if anything in particular is wanted to be known, shall be ready to serve and faithfully transmit what I may know. The enemy’s Fleet left the Hook on the 17—and very probable this moment are landed in Virginia. They were in case of a separation to rendezvous in Hampton Roads. Another embarcation is thought will take place soon, accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton, and is thought will proceed to reinforce Lord Cornwallis. The sum of their intention is you may depend, to exert their whole force against the Southern Provinces. The Militia together with their ships and about four thousand regular Troops are to defend New York this winter. The English fleet consisted of about fifty sail the better half merchantmen. The best information that can be collected says the recruits do not exceed twenty five hundred men with one general officer. They have had a short passage and are not very sickly. A Cork fleet is daily expected, and the enemy are in fears about them. Should they not arrive it would ruin them and the inhabitants of Long Island. The French have taken twenty six sail of outward bound East and West Indiamen, five of them were bound to the East Indies. The 17th Dragoons in about five days will be at Musqueto Cove, handy to take some of the gentlemen. They are now at Cedar Swamp—The enemy are foraging in these parts, with a very small guard of Militia Troops. I yesterday saw a guard of 17 men following one hundred and five Brigade Wagons. Most certainly they will be this way in three or four days, and expect they will go to South Hampton. Yourself with fifty men might do as you would with them. They are much off their guard. I think if you undertake and call on me you will do something handsome. Arnold is about to publish an address to his County Men, which am fearful may do you much harm, assuring all officers and men countenance and protection, that may come in, and have the same rank in the British service as they have now in your army. Thus sir, have communicated as much as possibly could—and in the mean time Remain your most obed. Humbl. Servt.

“Saml. Culper.”

The saddest letter in the correspondence comes next. Some of those friends of their country were captured by the British in New York. Culper transmits the information to John Bolton in the following letter:

“Setauket, November 12th, 1780

“Dear Sir.—Your favour of the k instant is received—and observe the contents—In answer to your first question I again inform you, that I was at New York about the 20th of last month. I then, with the advice of C. Junr. and others, transmitted you the most accurate account of the embarkation under Genl. Mathews that could possibly obtain, and assured you of their going to Virginia, as also of another embarkation bound to the Southward, then just in embryo—which were positively to sail three days ago. said to amount to 1300 men. I then informed you of the severity and watchfulness of the Enemy. Several of our dear friends were imprisoned, in particular one that hath been ever serviceable to this correspondence. This step so dejected the spirits of C. Junr. that he resolved to leave New York for a time. I earnestly endeavoured to prevent it but could not, so that I have no person there now that I can send the Express to that can rely upon.—In respect to the different corps and numbers that have embarked and those within these lines, I cannot ascertain, neither do I think it can possibly be done properly, for this reason. The Enemy make it a rule to supply every embarcation almost with draughts from every Regt in their army. The beforementioned reason, together with some other difficulties that attend me at this time, prevents me from making the attempt to give you a return of the enemy, and hope you’ll excuse my non complyance. Austin Roe returned from New York two days ago. The Cork Fleet was not then arrived. The Enemy in great fears about them. I think they must fall into your hands for the want of provision if the fleet should miscarry. The last accounts from England say that 23 line of Battle Ships belonging to the Russians and Danes were at Spithead—What can this mean. The 17th Dragoons is at Hempstead. The Hessian Yeagers at Jericho and Oyster Bay. There’s troops at Jamaica and Flushing, which is all I can say. Last Thursday there was a hot press in New York to man Admiral Rodney’s Fleet which is about to sail, said for the West Indies. There’s now 13 sail of the line besides Frigates Laying in Gardiner’s Bay at the eastward. There’s a very intelligent person gone to New York now, on the same account. Have taken the liberty to direct Brewster to cross again on the 19th instant when shall hope to hear from you. After that shall make one more appointment, as I intend to visit every quarter of the enemy if possible, and write you fully as I expect the winter will soon prevent the communication and in the Spring if need requires by some means or other will if possible open it again on a better footing. Depend my endeavours shall continue, as I hope never to lose sight of our cause, truly sensible our all is at stake. I greatly desire to see you but little hope of it at present, and conclude your affectionate Friend and Humble Servt.

“Saml. Culper.”

In homely words Brewster modestly records one of his brave exploits on a sheet accompanying the above letter, which reads as follows:

“Fairfield, November 13th, 1780.

“Dear Sir. Returned this evening from the Island. I left on Saturday. Culper was not at home and had to weight till this morning for him.

“Forrage is at Corum yet in stack where tavern is kept. Their remains about forty Ruffigeus yet at Mastick on Mr. Smith’s place. They have no connon, nothing but muskets.

“I took a prize a coming across today. A fine large boat from New Haven, which had been to carry passengers over. We run up long side of them and made them believe we came from Lloyd’s Neck. They enformed me who secreted the persons in New Haven four weeks and their connections, and I wrote it all down before they found out their mistake. We up sail and came off together and they engaged to pilot us to a gard on the west side of New Haven harbour to take them. We got two thirds across the Sound before they found out their mistake and I got them safe under guard. I am Dear Sir, your most obedient humbil servant,

“C. Brewster.”

Major Tallmadge quickly responded to the advice of Culper and Brewster. Indeed, so quickly that Fort St. George was captured sooner than Woodhull expected it would be.[(131)]

A TYPICAL WASHINGTON LETTER

See [page 191].

Years afterwards, Major Tallmadge’s account of this expedition was written for his “Memoirs.” Another officer, one of the party, who had accompanied Brewster on several occasions, fresh from the smoke of the battle, wrote in detail to a friend an account of the expedition. As until now his account has never been published, it is here carefully copied:

“Fairfield, November 26, 1780.[55]

“My dear Friend—I am at a loss how the account stands between us respecting letters, but as it is immaterial at present if I am in debt to you, I now propose to myself the pleasure of paying it, and if it brings you in debt I am sure you will take pleasure in discharging it, however as this is a mere subject of ceremony, will quit it, and tell you a small story of a tour we have had to St. George’s Manor, on Long Island. We arrived in this town from North Castle ye 16th Instant. Major Tallmadge, Captain Edgar, myself, and 40 dismounted Dragoons. The weather and want of provisions detained us here until 21st, when we embarked on board 8 whale boats, and in a few hours landed at the Old Mans on the Island. A severe storm prevented our doing any thing until the evening of the 22d, when we began our march with the addition of about 20 men, boatmen, and at 4 o’clock in the morning of the 23d, attacked and carried Fort St. George, (on Major Wm. Smith’s Farm) in a few minutes without the loss of one man.

“It is a very pretty built strong place. The works was completed a few days before. They were completely surprised. We tarried there until about 7 o’clock, when we began the march back and on the return burned about 300 tons of forage at Coram, collected for the British Army. We arrived at our boats about 6 o’clock, and at eleven landed safe at this place, more fatigued and more pleased than I ever was in my life. In little more than twenty-four hours we marched 40 miles and crossed the sound 20 miles wide.

“The Fort is built right west from Mr. Smith’s new house, about the same distance that the old house is from the new. It is four square, about ninety feet square. The parapet from the bottom of the ditch is about 10 feet high, the ditch about 4 feet wide and 3 deep. Besides this is a strong row of Abbatis entirely around the Fort. From the N. E. corner of the Fort to ye N. W. corner of the old house to ye N. E. of the new house and from the S. W. ( ) the new house to the S. E. corner of the Fort ( ) of the fort is on the east side, and opens under cover of this strong stockade. Having fully described to you this post will just mention the mode of attack.

“When we arrived within about three quarters of a mile of the place, I was ordered to the command of 15 men to gain the front of the Fort and there lay concealed until the alarm was given from the other way, by the main body under Major Tallmadge, Captain Edgar, and Lieut. Brewster. I came very close to the Abbatis undiscovered and as soon as the alarm was given, pushed over the Abbatis ditch and parapet, with little opposition, without the loss of one man and without discharging one musket on my part, and met Lieut. Brewster just entering the gates. He came through the entry of the house, followed by the main body, except a small party which filed off and attacked at the same time the old house. The poor dogs had not time to rub their eyes, or gasp before they were obliged to cry Quarters. A musical sound. Here was a scene my friend, of war my eyes never beheld nor description cannot equal. The cries of the wounded in the agonies of death. The screeching of the women and children while the parent and friend were entreating pity and compassion, called forth every tender feeling, yet add to these the shouts of the veterans it gives a pleasing lustre to the triumphs of a soldier.

“We had one man wounded. The enemy about 7 killed and wounded. Prisoners: 1 Lt. Coln. and 1 Capt. half pay. One lieutenant and 50 rank and file. Some were paroled and we have about forty, which I move off to West Point with tomorrow. This tour will take me 7 or 8 days, soon after which I hope to see you, as it grows time for winter quarters and very probably we shall come some where in Connecticut.... You must excuse inaccuracies as I write in haste. Adieu.

“Thos. Tredwell Jackson.”

There was too much transpiring in the fall of 1780 to permit using all the intelligence in its chronological order. It is therefore necessary to return to the closing days of September to examine the rest of the correspondence. On September 27th Woodhull wrote, saying:

“Inclosed you have C. Junr’s Blank, which I trust contains all that may be known in and about 727. And have only to mention the departure of the en Dragoons from Smith Town and are now at Jericho. None but Coll. Ludloe’s Regt, is at Lloyd’s Neck, nor none except the en Dragoons eastward of Jamaica. A number of Refugees have built a Block House on Jesse Arthur’s Farm for the purpose of cutting wood on the lands of Mr. Treddle and Platt. Queens Rangers is at Jamaica. Let 725 come again 462 the 5. In the interim am yours,

“Saml. Culper.”

Again on the 8th of October he wrote:

729—462—0th, 1780.

Sir. 708—356 of the fi of 616 came to hand, together with the enclosed blank, the lines of which were easily discovered and some sentences could be read. The paper being so bad I judge is the reason. To prevent the like for the future have forwarded you some good paper which please make use of for that purpose alone. The 174 return’d last night from 727 but without a blank from C. Jur. The present commotion that hath risen on account of that infamous Arnold, together with little or no intelligence at this time was the reason that he did not write. That have only to say the Enemies embarcation goes on but slow. They don’t seem to act with spirit about it. Culper Junr. is to be with me on the ef instant, if no unforeseen accident doth prevent. If possible, and think proper, come and see him. It may be of mutual advantage. There appears nothing in the way but the dangers of the Seas, and hope this invitation will come to hand timely for the purpose. Have just heard that Capt. Cornelius Conklin with a boat’s Crew hath fell into the hands of the refugees near Treadells Banks with the loss of Lieut. Ketchak Killd Dead. Their misfortune is owing to Abijah Tooker of Seatauket. Have nothing further to ad, and am yours Sincerely,

Saml. Culper.

Comparatively few letters from this period to the end of the war have survived. The next is Woodhull’s, as follows:

“New York, December 24, 1780.

“Sir. I yesterday returned from New York and shall now communicate all that have been able to collect. General Arnold saild on the 20th instant, from Sandy Hook, with a detachment not exceeding sixteen hundred men, consisting of British, Germans and volunteers. Arnold is intrusted with the command of a Military Chest where he may give and take thousands. Coll. Simcoe with part of his regiment is gone with him. Various are the conjectures concerning their destination. Some say to the West Indies, some to the Carolinas, some to the Floridas, others to Virginia. The latter the most probable, as a very noted Refugee, (I think by the name of Charles Williams) formerly an inhabitant of the beforementioned place, is gone with a large quantity of goods suitable for cloathing negroes. I am told Arnold’s having the command is displeased many of the independent gentlemen of the Army, and is called by some the Rebel Fleet. The enemy have certain accounts of a large fleet sailing from France, and in consequence thereof, four thousand Troops may be expected to arrive shortly at New York or to the Southward.... Admiral Rodney hath sent a considerable number of prisoners, both masters and seamen, to England, a step unheard of heretofore, which drew tears from our unfortunate countrymen. I hope you’ll endeavour to exchange as many as possible, for the prisoners will suffer more this winter than ever, as the tender and well disposed inhabitants are debarred from sending them any assistance without endangering themselves....

“Samuel Culper.”

A mystery concerning the next letter remains unsolved. It appears to have taken three months to get to Tallmadge. It is an invitation from Arnold, inviting him to become a traitor, like himself. In forwarding a copy of it to General Washington Major Tallmadge says:

Wethersfield, Jan. 28th, 1781.

Dr. Genl. Enclosed your Excellency will receive a copy of a letter from B. Arnold[56] which has this day come to hand. I am equally a stranger to the channel through which it was conveyed, the reason why it was so long on its way, or the motives which induced the Traitor to address himself thus particularly to me. I have determined to treat the Author with the contempt his conduct merits, by not answering his letter, unless Your Excellency should advise a different Measure....

Benj. Tallmadge.

Woodhull’s letter of February 8th, 1781[(132)], predicts success. He thinks it is not far distant, but nevertheless he urges vigilance and activity. He pleads in behalf of Samuel Townsend[57] who as a British prisoner is suffering severely. He calls to mind that all the money General Washington has been able to send him in the last twelve months is 29 Guineas.

Brewster had a letter to accompany this on its way to General Washington.[(133)] He captured a boat and with it eight persons, whose names he forwarded. They reached Fishkill and from there General Parsons also reported to Headquarters, but mentions only six men instead of eight. He suggests the exchange of two of the leaders of the British crew for Major Brush and Captain Conklin. General Washington from New Windsor, on Feb. 23d, questions Brewster as follows:

“Sir. I have recd. yours of the 14th. Your return mentions the names of eight persons sent to the provost Guard—General Parsons says[(134)] only six were committed. You should enquire of the corporal who had them in charge, how this happened. You will dispose of the Boat and what you took in her for the benefit of the captors.”

Culper Senior’s next letter, dated March 18th, 1781,[(135)] mentions that “C. Junr. is again in New York and entering into business again as heretofore, and you may soon I hope receive his dispatches,” but his letter following[(136)] on April 23d, states that they have found it necessary to employ another man to collect information. He says that Culper Junior has recently visited him, but that he will not send a letter out of New York on any account. It might have discovered them to put in a letter the reason for this. In fact Robert Townsend preferred the risk of the long trip to putting on paper the information for Woodhull. At that moment the British had information that might lead to their identity. William Heron, otherwise known as “Hiram, the Spy,” clever agent for Sir Henry Clinton, and good friend of our General Parsons, had reported to British Headquarters in a communication dated February 4th, 1781, that “Private dispatches are frequently sent from New York to the Chieftain here (George Washington) by some traitors. They come by the way of Setalket, where a certain Brewster receives them at, or near, a certain womans.” Townsend must have trembled when he discovered that Clinton had this information and perhaps his trip to caution Woodhull was made none too soon.

If the secret service was to be continued money was now badly needed. In another chapter will be explained the efforts General Washington was making to procure it. Doubtless Major Tallmadge explained this to Culper Senior, who thereupon agreed to finance the work. From Newport, Rhode Island, on April 25th, 1781, Major Tallmadge sent this information to General Washington in the following note:

Sir. In my late interview with Cr. the matter of a future Correspondence, to be rendered more regular and advantageous, was fully discussed. The plan which he has consented to adopt, on certain conditions, is for him to remain for the most part on Long Island and C. Junr. whom he thinks might be engaged again, to reside constantly at New York. That some confidential person must of course be employed to carry dispatches as it would cause suspicions which might lead to detection if either of the Culpers should be frequently passing from New York to Setauket, &c. they being men of some considerable note. What he will of course want will be a sufficient sum of money to defray the contingent expenses which as living at New York and traveling an Long Island is very dear, the expenses accruing must be considerable. C. Senior observes that he is already considerably in advance for the business, which from its situation and other circumstances he is sorry to believe has been of but little service to your Excellency the last campaign. He further observes that if in the present state of our public affairs it should be found difficult to furnish money for the purpose, he will advance 100 guineas or more if needed, receiving your excellency’s assurance that it shall be refunded by the Public, with reasonable interest, after the War. This money to be expended and properly accounted for whenever demanded. These are the outlines of the plan which Culper proposed, and which I promised him to communicate to your Excellency. If the whole or any part of it should be satisfactory, I shall immediately communicate the necessary instructions....

Benj. Tallmadge.

Promptly before the end of the month came orders to Major Tallmadge to re-engage the Culpers. From Headquarters at New Windsor General Washington wrote:

Your two favors of the 24th and 25th have been duly received. Fully impressed with the idea of the utility of early, regular and accurate communications of the kind in contemplation, I shall make no difficulty in acceding to the proposal contained in your private letter from New Port of the 25th. But at the same time I am engaging in behalf of the United States a liberal reward for the services of the C——s, (of whose fidelity and ability I entertain a high opinion) it is certainly but reasonable, from patriotism and every other principle, that their exertions should be proportionately great, to subserve essentially the interest of the Public. All the interior and minute arrangements of the Correspondence, I request you will settle with them as expeditiously and as advantageously as may be: and especially that you will urge, in very forcible terms, the necessity of having the communications as circumstantial, frequent and expeditious, as possible. The great object of information you are very well acquainted with—such as, Arrivals, Embarkations, Preparations for Movements, alterations of Positions, situation of Posts, Fortifications, Garrisons, strength or weakness of each, distribution and strength of Corps, and in general every thing which can be interesting and important for us to know. Besides these, you are also sensible there are many things, upon a smaller scale, which are necessary to be reported: and that whatever intelligence is communicated ought to be not in general terms, but in detail, and with the greatest precision.

At present I am anxious to know (for the reports have been very numerous vague and uncertain) whether another embarkation is preparing, and if so to what amount, and where destined. What the present force of the Enemy is; particularly on Long Island, in New York and at King’s Bridge. What Corps are at the latter place, how strong, and where posted exactly—and indeed what the situation, prospect, and designs of the enemy are, so far as they can be penetrated into.

The need of this information was anticipated both by Major Tallmadge and by the Culpers. Therefore much of it was in the intelligence forwarded by Culper Senior on May 8th.[(137)] That trip was quickly followed by another, from which he returned on May 19th, and wrote:

Sir. Your very pressing letter of the 3d inst. came to hand. And it is a matter of grief to me that I cannot completely execute your request. When at New York myself, together with Culper Junior almost racked our invention to point out a proper person and made several attempts but failed—no person will write. The enemy have got some hint of me for when passing at Brooklyn Ferry was strictly examined and told some vilian supported a correspondence from this place. I do assure you am greatly alarmed—and wished to be relieved from my present anxiety. I shall not think it safe for me to go to New York very soon—and can only supply you with verbal accounts as hath been the case for some time. If that will answer let me know as shall continue as heretofore until I hear from you. Austin Roe came from New York yesterday, who saith, Culper Junior informed as is the following.—Admiral Arbuthnot together with the troops mentioned in my last, sailed on Sunday last supposed to stop up the Delaware. And is something expected that Admiral Arbuthnot will soon appear at Block Island. The enemy have impressed 300 of your prisoners and put them on board of the ships of war—this is fact—Nothing material from any other quarter except a late arrival from Europe, and brings a prospect of peace. See the paper, and private accounts declare that the Russian Ambassador hath left the Court of Britain. I believe this is fact. I intended to have wrote you a very long letter but have not time now, but have neglected nothing that is of importance. Capt. Hazard with a party of refugees are about to take up their quarters again at Fort St. George. In haste am Yours Sincerely,

Saml. Culper.

The above was followed by his letters of May 27th[(138)] and June 4th[(139)] and then on the 27th of June he wrote, saying:

Your letter of the 23d instant was handed me yesterday by Mr. S. and observe the contents. Sorry it had not arrived one day earlier, that might have directed Austin Roe, agreeable thereto. I cannot think I would be safe in going to New York for reasons mentioned heretofore and the most can do in complyance with your very urgent request, is, have engaged a faithful and capable friend to report to me agreeable to your queries, on the 4th of July. Sooner could not obtain it.

Below is the report of Austin Roe this moment returned from New York and communicated to him by our late correspondents. A Cork Fleet just arrived at the Hook, numbers and particulars unknown—Arbuthnot’s Fleet cruising off the Hook. Accounts from the South favorable. Coll. Ludlow’s and the Jersey volunteers have left Lloyd’s Neck and are now at Jamaica. The Yeagers and Anspach Regiment amounting to about 800 men crossed Hell Gate yesterday on to York Island. The 17th Dragoons and mounted Yeagers are about Islip South. The enemy expect an attack and are contracting their lines, and collecting in force at the Bridge. There appears a greater number of Transports in full view about New York now than some time past but no Ships of force. Inclosed you have the papers, and believe me to be yours Sincerely,

Saml. Culper.

N.B. The Enemy have no more than six sail of the line.

It would be possible to name several who were at this time trying to commit to paper the intelligence the Culpers found it too dangerous to attempt. Probably not more than three or four letters from any one of these individuals was written, and that mostly from information furnished verbally by the Culpers. Little appears to have survived of that which must have reached Headquarters during the Yorktown Campaign. Among the shortest and most welcome intelligence was a note inspired by verbal information furnished by Robert Townsend with the preliminary announcement of peace. This reads:

May 5th, 1782.

Sir. Your correspondent being absent which occasions my writing you the news here, which is as follows, just come to hand through the first channel. A cessation of arms is ordered, to take place within these lines both by Land and Sea—and terms of peace are given to Congress, but the conditions is here unknown, but generally supposed Independence is offered. The Enemy still continue to fortify, nevertheless, both on York and on Long Island. I have nothing further to inform you of but hope soon to have peace in our land—And am yours, &c.

Samuel Culper.

Written on the same day of the month two months later a long letter of Abraham Woodhull’s clears what has been a mystery to some members of the Townsend family.[(140)] With all his ingenuity Dr. Peter Townsend, the nephew of Robert, never succeeded in getting from him a syllable as to the part he played in the struggle for American Independence. It was common for him to relate experiences of others but his own were never mentioned. One day during his lifetime the young folks discovered among his effects a uniform looking suspiciously British. They knew him to be in sentiment a Whig and an uncompromising Federalist, and in amazement they questioned him as to the uniform. He admitted that at one period during the war he was obliged to stand on duty in the front doorway of British officers headquarters. Frequently thereafter the family would tease him by referring to this but although it appeared to greatly embarrass him he never gave them further enlightenment on the subject. Woodhull in this letter says: “Carlton’s called a Tyrant at New York by the inhabitants in general and makes them do Soldiers duty in the city without distinction. The first Gentlemen in the City stand at Officer’s doors Soldier like.”

* * * * *

From Newburgh on August 10, 1782, General Washington addressed Major Tallmadge as follows:

“I wish you without delay to open again, or at least to renew effectually, the channel of intelligence through the C..s. I know your correspondents have heretofore, in general, been well informed and that the only great difficulty has been in the circuitous route of communication.”

The answer to this is dated Newtown, August 18, 1782.

“Sir: I have had the honor to receive your Excellency’s letter of the 10th inst. in consequence of which I immediately repaired to Fairfield, and effected an interview with S. G. to whom I communicated the purport of Your Excellency’s letter. At the same time I forwarded, by him, similar instructions to S. C. Senior and Junr. The absence of Capt. Brewster on a short cruise to the eastward, may perhaps occasion some delay, but I cannot but believe my correspondents will exert themselves on this occasion, as I have wrote pressingly on the subject.

“From some intimations I have reason to believe that a certain Character, in great repute among the Refugees and very particularly intimate with Col. Upham A.D.C. to Genl. Clinton, would be happy in an opportunity to render important services to the State and army. His character is by no means notorious, but very sagatious. I have ventured to write him on the subject of intelligence, and have great hopes from his services.

“I must again repeat to Your Excellency the necessity of having a sum of money, as well as a little stain, forwarded for the use of this Communication—to the want of both these articles I presume may be attributed in some measure, the declination of this correspondence.

“I have the Honor to be, With the highest esteem and regard, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient servant,

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

Repeated requests that his letters be destroyed was now probably complied with, for with one exception only stain letters can be found and they cannot now be deciphered.

This last of the Culper Junior letters to survive contained welcome news for weary soldiers: It was carried by Robert Townsend into Westchester County, where he met Major Tallmadge, who forwarded it to Washington. Dated September 19, 1782, it reads as follows:

“The last packet, so far from bringing better news to the loyalists, has indeed brought the clearest and unequivocal Proofs that the independence of America is unconditionally to be acknowledged, nor will there be any conditions insisted on for those who have joined the King’s Standard.

“It is said that an Expedition is now forming at N.Y. and by many conjectured to be against the French Fleet &c. at Boston; a number of British Troops were embarking when I left the city on the 14th and 15th inst. But I conversed fully with one of Carleton’s Aides on this subject, who told me that I might depend they were bound to the W. Indies or Halifax. For my own part I have no expectation that they think of any offensive movements. The above gentleman, with whom I am most intimately connected, informed me that it is now under consideration to send all the B. Troops to the West Indies and to garrison the City with the jagers and new raised corps for the present.

“A fleet is now taking in water at Staten Island and another at White Stone—various conjectures about their destination. It is a fact that a fleet is going to Charlestown to bring off that Garrison.

“A packet is just about sailing for England and another will follow very shortly, and Sir Guy himself says that he thinks it not improbable that the next Packet may bring orders for an evacuation of N. York.

“A fleet is getting ready to sail for the Bay of Fundy about the first of October to transport a large number of Refugees to that Quarter. The Aide above referred to informs us that he thinks it probable he shall go there himself. Indeed, I never saw such general distress and dissatisfaction in my life as is painted in the countenance of every Tory at N.Y.

“The Beef Contractors had orders a few days past to cease purchasing any more for the Navy and from the appearance of things the whole fleet are getting ready for a movement.

“I am myself uncertain when the Troops will leave N.Y. but I must confess I rather believe if the King’s Magazines can be removed, that they will leave us this fall.

“The King’s wood yards are tolerably supply’d but they have no Magazines of forage.”

ENTRANCE OF GENERAL WASHINGTON INTO NEW YORK, NOV. 25TH, 1783

Major Tallmadge confirmed Townsend’s statement in his letter of March 31, 1783, and asked to be permitted to be one of the first to enter New York.[(141)]

At the request of the General, he sent from Litchfield on August 16, 1783, an account of the incidental expenses that had been incurred in the Secret Service work, which account is missing. One that Culper Senior submitted on July 5th, and which formed a part of it, is still preserved.

* * * * *

Accompanying this was the following letter, dated:

Brookhaven, July 5th, 1783.

Dr. Sir. Your favour of the 14th June was handed me this day—and agreeable to your request have enclosed my account for your inspection. I am unable to particularize dates for I only kept the most simple account that I possibly could,[58] for fear it should betray me, but I trust it is a just one—and I do assure you I have been as frugal as possibly could. I desire you would explain to the Genl. the circumstances that attended this lengthy correspondence that he may be satisfied that we have not been extravagant....

Saml. Culper.

It is worthy of note that both the Culpers lived for over fifty years after the war began. Some day someone may wish to put in type the story of those interesting years.

(Original in the William L. Clements Library, by whose permission it is used.)

Masked letter sent by Sir Henry Clinton inform Burgoyne that there would be no British army to meet him at Albany.

See [page 215].