General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New York

by Morton Pennypacker

EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE

Perhaps as they parted no two men held more opposite ideas of danger than Smith and Major André. The very name “Cow Boy” struck terror in the heart of Smith, for they would have robbed him of all he possessed and then discovering that he was a nephew of William Livingston would probably have held him for ransom; but for André the Cow Boys had no terror. They were under control of James DeLancey and it would only be necessary to convince them that he was a British officer and offer to reward them for their assistance and they would conduct him with speed and in safety to headquarters. It was not surprising therefore that as soon as Smith was out of sight he turned from the White Plains road and started down the other road towards Tarrytown and the Cow Boys that Smith and Captain Boyd had impressed him made that road impassable as it was almost certain they would be encountered there.

THE CAPTURE OF MAJOR ANDRÉ

Few persons realize how closely identified this event is with the history of our country. Col. Trumbull is recorded as saying: “But for that event the Declaration of Independence might have proved abortive, and the blood of so many of our countrymen shed in vain.”

* * * * *

John Paulding will now take up the narrative, in the words he used the day after the execution of Major André in explaining the matter to a board of officers at the request of General Washington. Paulding says:

“Myself, Isaac Van Weart and David Williams, were lying by the side of the road, about a half a mile above Tarry Town, and about fifteen miles from King’s-bridge, on Saturday morning, between nine and ten o’clock, the twenty third of September last (1780). We had lain there about an hour and a half, as near as I can recollect, and saw several persons we were acquainted with, whom we let pass. Presently, one of the young men who was with me said, ‘There comes a gentleman-like looking man, who appears to be well dressed, and has boots on, who you had better step out and stop if you don’t know him.’ On that I got up and presented my firelock at the breast of the person, and I told him to stand; and then I asked him which way he was going. Says he, ‘Gentlemen, I hope you belong to our party.’ I asked him ‘What Party?’ He said, ‘The lower party.’ Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, ‘I am a British officer out of the country, on particular business, and I hope you won’t detain me a minute!’ and to show that he was a British officer, he pulled out his watch; upon which I told him to dismount. Upon that, he said, ‘My God, I must do anything to get “along”;’ seemed to make a kind of a laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold’s pass, which was to John Anderson, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and further. Upon that he dismounted, and says he, ‘Gentlemen you had best let me go, or you will bring yourselves in trouble, for, by your stopping of me you will detain the General’s business;’ and he said he was to go to Dobb’s Ferry, to meet a person there, on the General’s business. Upon that I told him I hoped he would not be offended, and I told him we did not mean to take anything from him; and told him there were many bad people going along the road, and I did not know but perhaps he might be one; and I asked him if he had any letters about him. He made answer, ‘No.’ Upon that, myself, or one of my comrades, though I think myself, told him to pull off his clothes, which he did. We searched his clothes, but could find nothing; and I told him to pull off his boots; he rather seemed backward of pulling them off; however, he pulled off one of them, and I felt at his foot, where I felt the papers in his stocking under his foot; then I told him to pull off the other boot, and when the other boot was off, I found other papers in his stocking, under his foot. Then I looked on the back of the papers, and I said to the young fellows who were with me, ‘This is a spy.’ One of the young fellows who were with me asked him if he would give up his horse, saddle, and bridle, and watch, and a hundred guineas, if he would let him go. He made answer, ‘Yes, and whatever sum of money you will mention, or quantity of dry goods.’ And then I made answer, ‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas, you should not stir a step.’ One of the young fellows winked at me, who had a mind to find out a little more, and I made answer to the lads who were with me to come along, for I would have nothing more to say to him, and we asked him some questions as we were going along the road, and he begged we would ask him none till he came to some officers, and then he would reveal the whole. We carried him to Colonel Jameson and there he took him into his custody,[48] and I have not seen him from that time until I saw him the other day.” Paulding added that had he pulled out General Arnold’s pass before he said he was a British officer he would have let him go.

David Williams’ story, as recorded on October 4th, 1780, confirmed Paulding’s, and it would be a repetition to print it; but one statement in it needs emphasizing. Williams said: “Mr. Paulding looked at the contents and said he was a spy; upon which we made him pull off his other boot, and there we found three more papers at the bottom of his foot, within his stocking; upon which we made him dress himself, and I asked him what he would give us to let him go; he said he would give us any sum of money. I asked him whether he would give us his horse, saddle, bridle, watch, and one hundred guineas, upon which he said, ‘Yes;’ and he told us he would direct it to any place even if it was to that very spot, so that we could get it. I asked him whether he would not give us more; he said he would give us any quantity of dry goods or any sum of money, and bring it to any place that we might pitch upon, so that we might get it; upon which Mr. Paulding answered ‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas you shall not stir one step.’”[49]

There was a sequel to the capture of Major André by Paulding and his friends that prejudiced Major Tallmadge to such an extent that when a petition was presented to Congress in 1817 to increase their reward he created a sensation by opposing it. It appears either the taste of the world’s applause or the earnest entreaties of the much abused inhabitants of the neutral ground induced Paulding and others to undertake another expedition against the “Cow Boys,” this time aimed at their chief. Without consulting Major Tallmadge these young men took it upon themselves to attempt the capture of James DeLancey, whose home was in Westchester County. Here lived his mother and her family. In an earlier raid they had met with such cruel treatment at the hands of a band of outlaws that both sides had been appealed to and in all probability the property was under the protection of Major Tallmadge as well as Oliver DeLancey at the time. Nevertheless Paulding and his friends were so anxious to punish James DeLancey, who had command of the “Cow Boys,” that with all the force they could get together they secretly marched to his home on January 25th, 1783, hoping to capture him there. Being disappointed in this they ransacked the house and took therefrom all they could carry away that was of any value. The alarm was given and the next day they were overtaken and seven of them captured. One was killed and John Paulding was among the prisoners taken to the provost in New York and consigned to the care of the notorious William Cunningham. A sister of James DeLancey was Nancy, who with her mother Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, a daughter of Cadwalader Colden, occupied the Westchester County estate at that time. Among the friends and frequent visitors were the Floyds, in particular Elizabeth Floyd who married John Peter DeLancey and became the mother of Mrs. James Fenimore Cooper, and her cousin Mary Floyd, daughter of William Floyd, signer of the Declaration of Independence, who a few months later became the wife of Major Tallmadge.

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Rivington’s paper, the Royal Gazette, No. 662, published on January 29th, 1783, the following account:

“On Saturday last (Jan. 25,) a party of militia, thirty-three in number, commanded by a Captain Williams, generally known by the name of Skinner’s Party, made an attempt to carry off, from his house at West-chester, Colonel DeLancey, of the Royal Refugees, but missing their aim, they plundered the house of wearing apparel. &c. and retreated with precipitation to Croton Hill, near Croton Bridge, where, thinking themselves safe, they exposed their plunder for sale; but a party of Loyal Refugees soon surprized them, killed one man on the spot, wounded several, and took seven prisoners. The prisoners were brought to town on Sunday; one badly wounded was sent to the General Hospital to be taken care of, and the rest safely lodged in the provost. John Paulding, one of the persons who took Major André prisoner, is among the number, and slightly wounded. This design on the person of Colonel DeLancey is said to have been planned by Colonel Drake and Mr. Vantassel, who were sure of success, as they kept it a secret from all but Captain Williams, and he only informed the party of it when they came near to the Colonel’s house.”

A few days later from headquarters of General Washington came instructions to Colonel W. S. Smith to secure their exchange. In full this document reads:

Head Quarters 6th Feby, 1783.

Sir. In a late excursion of the militia on the other side under a captain Williams, John Paulding, one of the persons who took Major André, was made prisoner with some others. His friends, apprehensive for his safety have made intercession with the Commander in Chief on his behalf, and, tho His Excellency does not approve the excursions of these people, yet, in consideration of the former services of Mr. Paulding and as we have in the Provost Guard four Prisoners taken by them some time since, he has been pleased to consent that those four Prisoners be sent in on Parol with a request to send out Paulding and the others mentioned hereon. The prisoners to be sent in will go from hence tomorrow morning.

I have the honor to be Sir, Your very obedt. Servant, Ben Walker, Aid DeCamp.

Addressed to Lieut. Coll. W. S. Smith,
commanding at Dobbs Ferry.

John Paulding
Pero Faller
Richd. Dusenberry
James Mandeville

On the 24th of the same month Colonel Smith advised Headquarters saying: “I have brought with me the paroles of Paulding, and those taken with him at Croton.”

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Under ordinary circumstances Colonel Jameson would have held Mr. Anderson when John Paulding and his companions pronounced him a spy, but General Arnold had anticipated this possibility and thus saved his own life. He had written to several, Jameson being one, saying: “If Mr. John Anderson, a person I expect from New York should come to your quarters, I have to request that you will give him an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to this place, and send an express to me that I may meet him.” Here was the very man that Arnold was expecting being detained as a spy! Were the letters decoys? It was beyond him to know; but the instructions of his General were plain, and off to Headquarters he promptly sent him.

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Major Benjamin Tallmadge, in two letters addressed to Jared Sparks, carries the narrative through the 23d of September and into the 24th. He says: “No circumstances during that eventful period made a deeper impression on my mind than those which related to Arnold, the Traitor, and Major André, the sufferer. I proceed then to remark that the 2d Regt. of Light Dragoons, Commanded by Col. Sheldon, was stationed in advance of the Army, near North Castle, and Col. Sheldon being absent, I think at Salem, Lt. Col. Jameson was the commanding officer, and I was the Major. Early in the morning of the 23d of September, 1780, I marched with a large Detachment of Dragoons to reconnoitre the Country below the white plains, down to East Chester, which was a sort of neutral ground, from which Tour I did not return until late in the evening of the same day. Soon after I halted and had disposed of my Detachment, I was informed that a prisoner had been bro’t in that day, who called himself John Anderson. On enquiry, I found that three men, by the names of John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Van Wart, who had passed below our ordinary military Patrols on the road from Tarry Town to Kingsbridge, had fallen in with this John Anderson on his way to New York. They took him aside for examination, and discovering sundry papers upon him, which he had concealed in his boots, they determined to detain him a prisoner. Notwithstanding Anderson’s offers to pecuniary satisfaction if they would permit him to proceed on his course, they determined to bring him up to the headquarters of our Regiment, then on the advance Post of our Army, and near to North Castle. This they effected in the afternoon of the 23d of September, 1780, by delivering said Anderson to Lt. Col Jameson of the 2nd Regt Lt Dragoons, who was then the Commanding Officer at said Post, Col Sheldon being then at old Salem, I believe under Arrest.

“His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an appointment to meet the Count Rochambeau (who commanded the French Army then at Newport, R. I.) at Hartford, in Conn. about the 18th or 20th of September, and was on his return to the Army at the time of Anderson’s capture. When I reached Lt. Col. Jameson’s Quarters late in the evening of the 23d of Sept., and had learned the circumstances relating to the capture of the said Anderson, I was much surprised to learn that he was sent on by Lt. Col. Jameson to Arnold’s Head Quarters at West Point, accompanied by a letter of information respecting his capture. At the same time he despatched an Express with the papers found on John Anderson to meet General Washington, then on his return to West Point.

“I felt very much surprised at the course which had been taken in this business, and did not fail to state the glaring inconsistency of their conduct to Lt. Col. Jameson in a private and most friendly manner. He appeared greatly agitated, more especially when I suggested to him a plan which I wished to pursue, offering to take the entire responsibility on myself, and which, as he deemed it too perilous to permit, I will not further disclose. Failing in this purpose, I instantly set about a plan to remand the Prisoner to our Quarters again, which I finally effected, although with reluctance on the part of Lt. Col. Jameson. When the order was about to be despatched to the Officer to bring back the Prisoner, strange as it may seem, Lt. Col. J. would persist in his purpose of sending his letter to Gen. Arnold—The letter did go on, and was the first information that Arch Traitor received that his plot was blown up. The Officer returned with his prisoner early the next morning.... We soon concluded that the safest course was to take the prisoner to Salem to Col. Sheldon’s Quarters, and I was appointed to take charge of him. After we reached Salem, it was manifest that his agitation and anxiety increased, and in the afternoon he asked to be furnished with pen, ink and paper, which were readily furnished, when he penned the letter to Gen’l. Washington, dated ‘Salem, 24th September, 1780.’ In this letter he disclosed his Character to be Major John André, Adjutant Genl. to the British Army. When I had perused the letter, which he handed to me to read, my agitation was extreme, and my emotions wholly indescribable....”

In another letter Major Tallmadge, although in a measure repeating himself, throws more light upon the subject. In this he says: “I have already informed you, that on the day when the Captors of Major André bro’t him up to our Regt. at North Castle (Sept. 23d, 1780) I was out on duty in advance of the Regt. below the white plains and did not return with my detachment until the evening of that day. After I had disposed of my Troops and had spoken with Lt. Col. Jameson, he informed me of the capture of John Anderson and that he had been brought up and delivered over to him by his captors. When I enquired where the prisoner was, he informed me that he had sent him on, under Guard to Gen’l Arnold at West Point. I expressed my astonishment at such a course and immediately entered on a course of measures to frustrate what I considered so unjudicious a procedure. My first proposal was to give me leave of absence for official object which I fully explained to Col. Jameson, and which for special reasons I have not disclosed, as no public benefit could result from it. Failing in this request my next plan was to remand the prisoner, then probably 8 or 10 miles on his way to West Point, which I did not accomplish until late in the evening. After the order was despatched for the officers and Guard to return with the prisoner, I waited impatiently for the coming morning, when for the first time I saw the face of John Anderson.

“What influenced Col. Jameson[50] to send on Major André to Arnold, I cannot tell, not being present with him when he sent him off; but I well remember that he expressed great confidence in him as I believe was the case thro’ the army. Until the papers were found on Anderson, I had no suspicion of his lack of patriotism or political integrity....

“With Arnold’s character I became acquainted while I was a member of Yale College and he residing at New Haven, and I well remember that I was impressed with the belief that he was not a man of integrity. The revolutionary war was coming on soon after I left college, and Arnold engaged in it with so much zeal, and behaving so gallantly in the capture of Burgoyne, we all seemed, as if by common consent, to forget his knavish tricks. When he was put in command of West Point, I had official communications with him, particularly as it related to my private Correspondence with persons in New York, of which you must have seen much in my Letters to Genl. Washington. When he turned traitor and went off, I felt for a time extremely anxious for some trusty friends in New York, but as I never gave their names to him, he was not able to discover them, although I believe he tried hard to find them out.”

* * * * *

What follows discloses the life of Benedict Arnold as observed by members of his military family during the months of July, August and September, 1780, when he was in command of the fortifications at West Point. Upon assuming command he invited Colonel Richard Varick[51] to join his military family as aid and secretary, naming, among other inducements for his acceptance, the fact that Mrs. Arnold was about to join him at his headquarters. Varick had acted as private secretary to General Schuyler, and then mustering officer in the Northern Department, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In this way they had become acquainted and he readily accepted the invitation, reporting for duty on August 13th.

As his private headquarters Arnold had selected the Robinson House, on the opposite side of the river a little below West Point. Upon the arrival of Mrs. Arnold on September 15th, his military family or the party which messed at his own table, consisted of himself, Mrs. Arnold, Colonel Varick, and Major David S. Franks, who had been an aid to the general for some time, having left Canada to join the American Army. As might be expected with an excellent cook and charming hostess dinner guests were frequent. Officers vied with each other in their attentions and witty entertainment. But one visitor particularly ruffled the temper of the “Family” at the Robinson House. This was Joshua Hett Smith, for whom Colonel Varick could not conceal his dislike. Opposition began upon receipt of a letter from him dated August 13. Varick told Arnold in the presence of Franks that he considered him a liar and a rascal, and Franks thereafter entertained that opinion of him.

On the 14th of September Arnold went down the river in his barge, to meet Mrs. Arnold, who was being escorted by Franks from Philadelphia. They returned on the 15th. Meanwhile Varick discovered that Arnold had sent for Capt. Robinson, a skipper, and asked him to sell some rum for him. Finding that he was a Tory his employ was prevented.

Smith brought his wife with him to call upon Mrs. Arnold the day after her arrival, and remained two days. At table he asserted that America might have made an honorable peace with Great Britain when the commissioners came out in 1778. Varick’s answer occasioned Mrs. Arnold to tell Franks that Colonel Varick was in her opinion a very warm and staunch whig.

It was whilst Smith was dining at Arnold’s Quarters on the 23d of September that Varick’s indignation reached a crisis. “My unfavorable opinion of his moral and political character, and his unusual and unparalleled impertinence and forwardness, and General Arnold’s countenancing him (notwithstanding my advice and frequent solicitations to the contrary) fixed a resolution in me to affront him before Arnold the first opportunity. A trifling one offered at table. I embraced it with warmth,” says Varick.

As much as has been preserved of it follows:

Mrs. Arnold (to servant). A little more butter please.

Servant. There is no more, Madam.

Arnold. Bless me, I had forgotten the oil I bought in Philadelphia; it will do very well with this salt fish.

Servant produces the oil.

Arnold. That oil cost eighty dollars.

Smith. Eighty pence, a dollar is no more than a penny.

Varick (in a voice meant as an affront). That is not true, Mr. Smith.

Franks, Arnold, Smith, Varick, all join in a hot dispute, until Mrs. Arnold, observing her husband in a passion, begged them to drop the matter. Varick soon quitted the table and went to his room which was then in the office. Smith went off soon after dinner and Arnold went to the office and took Franks to task in very illiberal language for affronting him.

Arnold. If I asked the Devil to dine with me the gentlemen of my family should be civil to him.

Franks. Let me tell you that if Smith had not been at your table I would have sent the bottle at his head. Hereafter I will treat him as a rascal.

Varick. It was I who affronted Smith, not Franks.

Franks (to Arnold). I have of late observed that you view every part of my conduct with an eye of prejudice. I beg you to discharge me from your family. [Leaves room in passion and goes to Newburgh, where he remains over night.]

The dispute continues between Arnold and Varick.

Varick (to Arnold). Smith is a —— —— rascal, a scoundrel and a Spy. My reason for affronting him is that I think him so. My advice to you has proceeded from a regard to your reputation which you wished should stand well in this State and which I have very often told you will suffer by an improper intimacy with Smith. Smith’s insolence to Franks and his ungentlemanlike conduct to Mrs. Arnold, in speaking impertinently to Franks before her in a language she did not understand, justifies Franks’ treating him as he did and worse, and also merited your resentment instead of countenance.

Arnold. I am always willing to be advised by the gentlemen of my family, but by —— I will not be dictated to by them. I think I possess as much prudence as the gentlemen of my family.

That evening Varick received a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Benson, of Governor Clinton’s family, in answer to one of his of the 24th of August inquiring of Smith’s real political character and the truth of some information he had given Arnold. The answer contained an opinion by no means favorable. Varick showed it to Arnold and then told him that he considered his past conduct and language to him as unwarrantable and that he thought he did not place the confidence in his repeated friendly assurance and advice which he had a right to expect and which was necessary to be put in a person acting in his capacity, and that he could not act longer with propriety. Arnold gave him assurances of his full confidence in him, of a conviction of the rectitude of his conduct, of Smith’s being a rascal, and of his error in treating him with such cavalier language, and that he would never go to Smith’s house again, or be seen with him but in company.

We now come to the day of Arnold’s flight [Sept. 25, 1780]. Varick is not well, he remained in bed most of the morning. Before breakfast Arnold entered his room and inquired:

Arnold. Have you answered the letters received from Lt. Colonel Jameson? Has Major Tallmadge’s letter been answered? Have you written to Gov. Clinton inclosing copies of the letters of Colonel Beverly Robinson?

Varick. No sir, I am sick and am not able to.

Arnold. [Taking Colonel Tallmadge’s letter out of the office with him.] I will write to Tallmadge myself.

Some minutes later the messenger from Lieutenant Colonel Jameson hands Arnold two letters. After reading them he ascends the stairs to Mrs. Arnold’s room.

Two minutes later His Excellency General Washington’s servant comes to the door and informs Major Franks that His Excellency is nigh at hand. Franks goes immediately up stairs and informs Arnold of it. Arnold comes down in great confusion, orders a horse to be saddled, mounts him, and tells Franks to inform His Excellency that he is going to West Point and will return in about an hour.

Half an hour later General Washington arrives and after taking a hasty breakfast starts for West Point. Franks in the interval had stopped at Varick’s room and told him that Arnold had gone to West Point. Lieutenant Hubbell also entered Varick’s room and incidentally told him he saw Arnold’s barge going down the river. It should have been going up to reach West Point, but at the moment this made no impression.

Colonel Varick’s room was on the ground floor. There was a window near the bed that could be opened from the outside. Presently this was raised by Franks and with suppressed emotion he informed Varick that he believed Arnold was a villain: that he had heard a report that one Anderson was taken as a spy on the lines and that a Militia officer had brought a letter to Arnold and that he was enjoined secrecy by Arnold. Varick concurred and with indescribable agitation they discussed the subject, but finally concluded that it was uncharitable and unwarrantable even to suppose it.

Franks had only time to lower the window when Mrs. Arnold called for Varick. As soon as he conveniently could he waited on her. She was in great distress and had apparently lost her reason. Dr. Eustice was summoned. After an examination he addressed Varick: “Where has General Arnold gone? I beg you for God’s sake to send for him, or the woman will die.” Franks was with them by this time and taking Dr. Eustice into an adjoining room, after enjoining the most sacred secrecy, they informed him of their suspicions that Arnold had gone to the enemy. They made him understand that it was a bare suspicion, and that they were afraid to lisp it to any creature living, lest proving untrue it should ruin their reputations. Their suspicions were soon confirmed and communicated to Dr. Eustice, when upon Varick’s remarking to Mrs. Arnold that she would soon have the General with her again, she exclaimed, “Oh no, no! he is gone, gone forever!”[52]

General Washington has arrived at the Robinson House, the Headquarters of Arnold. And now in his own words will be told what next happened. One day in 1796 he related this at the close of an enjoyable meal at his own table. His secretary, Tobias Lear, carefully recorded it and begged permission to preserve it for permanent record. General Washington says:

“On my return from Hartford I met Chevalier Luzerne towards evening within about 15 miles of West Point, which I intended to reach that night, but he insisted upon turning back with me to the next public house; where, in politeness to him, I could not but stay all night, determining, however, to get to West Point to breakfast very early. I sent off my baggage and desired Colonel Hamilton to go forward and inform General Arnold that I would breakfast with him. Soon after he arrived at Arnold’s quarters, a letter was delivered to Arnold which threw him into the greatest confusion. He told Colonel Hamilton that something required his immediate attendance at the garrison which was on the opposite side of the river to his quarters; and immediately ordered a horse, to take him to the river; and the barge which he kept to cross, to be ready; and desired Major Franks, his Aid, to inform me when I should arrive that he was gone over the river and would return immediately. When I got to his quarters and did not find him there, I desired Major Franks to order me some breakfast; and as I intended to visit the fortifications I would see General Arnold there. After I had breakfasted I went over the river, and inquiring for Arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had not been there. I likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no one could give me any information where he was. The impropriety of his conduct when he knew I was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind misgave me; but I had not the least idea of the real cause. When I returned to Arnold’s quarters about two hours after, and told Colonel Hamilton that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just arrived for me from Colonel Jameson, which immediately brought the matter to light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his horse and proceed with the greatest dispatch to a post on the river about eight miles below, in order to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was too late. It seems that the letter which Arnold received which threw him in such confusion was from Colonel Jameson, informing him that André was taken and that the papers found upon him were in his possession. Colonel Jameson when André was taken with the papers, could not believe that Arnold was a traitor, but rather that it was an imposition of the British in order to destroy our confidence in Arnold. He, however, immediately on their being taken, dispatched an express after me, ordering him to ride night and day till he came up with me. The express went the lower road, which was the road by which I had gone to Connecticut, expecting that I would return by the same route, and that he would meet me; but before he had proceeded far, he was informed that I was returning by the upper road. He then cut across the country and followed my track till I arrived at West Point. He arrived about two hours after and brought the above packet. When Arnold got down to the barge he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows and some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board the Vulture sloop of war, as a flag, which was lying down the river; saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would exert themselves. They did, accordingly; but when they got on board the Vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the cockswain to be called down into the cabin and informed him that he and the men must consider themselves as prisoners.

“The cockswain was very much astonished, and told him that they came on board under the sanction of a flag. He answered that that was nothing to the purpose; they were prisoners. But the Captain of the Vulture had more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and told the cockswain that he would take his parole for going on shore and getting his clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and his companions. He accordingly came, got his clothes and returned on board. When they got to New York General Clinton, ashamed of such low and mean action, set them at liberty.”

“WE ARE TOO LATE.” HAMILTON’S NOTE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. Reproduced directly from the original.

See [page 178].

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On p. 100 in the Diary of Hugh Gaine is this entry: “Sept. 26. This day Gen. Arnold came in from West Point, to the great surprise of every person who was not in the secret.”

* * * * *

It is not proposed to even mention here the prompt measures that were taken to protect West Point. General Washington’s letter to General Heath follows as a continuation of the narrative of Arnold’s escape and extracts from a letter of General Green to show in what contempt he was held.

* * * * *

The letter to William Heath is dated

Robinson House, Sept. 26, 1780.

Dear Sir: In the present situation of things, I think it necessary that you should join the army; and request that you will do it. You will come to headquarters yourself. The route through Litchfield will be the most eligible for you, on account of security, and you may direct your baggage to halt at Fishkill, for your further orders. I write to the Count de Rochambeau by this conveyance; and I trust that your coming away now will not be attended with any material inconvenience to him.

I cannot conclude without informing you of an event which has happened here, which will strike you with astonishment and indignation:—Major General Arnold has gone to the enemy. He had had an interview with Major André, Adjutant General of the British Army, and had put into his possession a state of the army of the garrison at this post, of the number of men considered as necessary for the defense of it, a return of the ordinance, and the disposition of the artillery corps, in case of an alarm. By a most providential interposition, Major André was taken in returning to New York, with all the papers in General Arnold’s hand writing; who, hearing of the matter, kept it to himself, left his quarters immediately, under pretext of going over to West Point, on Monday forenoon, about an hour before my arrival; then pushed down the river in the barge, which was not discovered until I had returned from West Point in the afternoon, and when I received the first information of Mr. André’s capture. Measures were instantly taken to apprehend him, but, before the officer sent for the purpose could reach Verplanck’s Point he had passed it with a flag, and got on board the Vulture ship of war, which lay a few miles below. He knew of my approach, and that I was visiting, with the Marquis, the north and middle redoubts; and from the circumstances was so straightened in point of time, that I believe he carried with him but very few, if any, material papers; tho he has very precise knowledge of the affairs of the post. The gentlemen of General Arnold’s family I have the greatest reason to believe, were not privy in the least degree to the measures he was carrying on, or to his excape.

Go. Washington.

Nathaniel Green’s letter is addressed to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth at Hartford, and reads: “I think I have not written you since the late desertion of Arnold. Was you ever more astonished in your life? A man high in reputation, and with the fairest prospects of domestic happiness. The love of parade and the thirst for gold has proved his ruin. How black, how despised, loved by none, and hated by all. Once his Country’s Idol now her horror. Curse on his folly nay his villainy and most of all his meanness. The latter has been displayed in such dirty colours in his transactions at this post, as has not been equaled in the history of man. All kind of private and public robery has he pursued, and accompanied it, with such circumstances of littleness as shows him to be the basest of mortals. I freely confess I had no conception notwithstanding the converse I have had with mankind, that it was possible for human nature to arrive at such a degree of corruption. The discovery has been very providential. Had these Posts fallen into the Enemies’ hand God knows what might have been the consequence. But I think little short of the entire subjection of America. What a triumph to British pride; and what a downfall to American glory. Poor Congress what would have become of you?”

Benedict Arnold

We know that his mother’s maiden name was Hannah Waterman, and that she married first Absalom King, of Long Island, and then, after his death, on November 8th, 1733, she married Benedict Arnold and that Benedict, the traitor, was born on January 3d, 1740, new style Jan. 14, 1741; and that he had a sister Hannah, born Dec. 9th, 1742. We also know that while yet a lad he was apprenticed to a druggist in Norwich and that another lad likewise apprenticed was Hopkins. Arnold when only sixteen enlisted in a regiment and went off to Hartford but at his mother’s earnest solicitation he was sent back; only to run away again and enlist in a regiment stationed in the vicinity of Ticonderoga. He soon deserted and returned to his home and business and after serving his apprenticeship started in the drug business for himself in New Haven. This for awhile prospered and later failed. We know that before the war, in 1767, he was married at New Haven to a lady by the name of Margaret Mansfield. They had three sons, Benedict, Richard and Henry. This lady probably died in 1775. We know that during the war, in April, 1779, he was married to the youngest daughter of Edward Shippen of Philadelphia, Pa. Margaret, or as she was more frequently called, Peggy Shippen, a girl under nineteen in 1779. We know they went to England before the close of the war and Benedict Arnold was in England in 1786 and part of 1787. We do not know if he was married again after the war, but we know that a lady calling herself Mrs. Arnold arrived in Massachusetts on January 3, 1796. She came in the ship Outram from London 56 days out. With her was her daughter Elizabeth Arnold, then nine years old. A man showed them marked attention during the voyage and after they had been some time settled in Boston Mrs. Arnold announced that she had married this individual, who was Charles Tubbs, before leaving England. Mrs. Tubbs and her daughter Betty or Elizabeth Arnold became stage favorites and in 1802 the daughter Elizabeth Arnold, then fifteen years old, married C. D. Hopkins, and they continued to take prominent parts on the stage until his death, which occurred on October 26th, 1805. Meanwhile David Poe, the son of David Poe of Baltimore, Maryland, had fallen desperately in love with Betty Arnold Hopkins. Her husband’s sudden death enabled them to marry and in July 1806 Mr. and Mrs. Poe appeared together at the Vauxhall Garden Theatre in New York. In January, 1809, they were together, filling an engagement on the Boston stage, assisted by John Howard Payne, the immortal author of Home, Sweet Home, when on the 19th of the month Edgar Poe was born. What became of his Arnold grandmother may always remain a mystery. She may have died in Philadelphia in 1798 after which date she was never heard of, but wherever she reposes, with her is probably buried for all time that question one might like to solve. Was her child, as some affirm, the daughter of Benedict Arnold? If this Betty Arnold was his daughter then our immortal poet Edgar Allan Poe was a grandson of the arch traitor, Benedict Arnold.