EVENTS of the Year 1017, H.
The commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, pursues Kalander Oghlí.
On the return of spring, about the commencement of Moharrem, the commander-in-chief caused his tent to be erected outside of Aleppo, between the two gates called Bankúsa and Kizil, where it remained until towards the end of the month Sefer, and at which place the various corps assembled.
In relating the events of the last year we referred particularly to the turbulent state of Anatolia and Caramania, and we mentioned the names of the principal insurgent-chiefs who had every where committed deeds of violence and of oppression in those districts. Some of these chiefs, we saw, were reduced by the skilful management of Murád, and by promises of lucrative and honourable situations; some were slain, and some turned their arms against one another. The most formidable of these rebel-chiefs was Jánbulát Oghlí, whose history we have already related. There remained still, however, one or two others who had escaped the vengeance due to their misdeeds; these were Kalander Oghlí and Karah Seyed, his associate. Around the standards of these two rebels the followers of the other chiefs had rallied, and during the winter season ravaged the neighbourhood of Brúsa and Magnesia, perpetrating acts of cruelty and oppression wherever they went. We have before related the burning of Brúsa by Kalander Oghlí, and how he thought of intercepting Etmekjí Zádeh, who, he supposed, was carrying funds to the grand army under Murád. The number of infidels that had collected round him and Karah Seyed amounted to 30,000.
An account of their number and plans having been transmitted to the commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, he, without waiting until the whole of his troops had joined his camp at Aleppo, removed from that place on the 1st of Rabia I. with the janissary and household troops, and marched towards Merœsh, where he was joined by the army of Egypt under the command of Kansú Beg. On arriving at the river Jeihún (Oxus or Bactrus) he threw some bridges across it, by means of which he passed over with his army, and afterwards pitched his camp in the plains of Koksú, where he was again joined by Emír Hasan, son of Yúsuf, son of Seif, who, besides his own soldiers, brought along with him the Syrian troops from Tripoli.
When Kalander Oghlí saw that Etmekjí Zádeh had escaped the snares he had laid for him, and that all hope of capturing the money, the great object of his heart, had failed, he and thirteen others of his associate rebel-chiefs, besides Karah Seyed, held a council in order to consider how they should act. “Without further delay,” said the principal rebel-chiefs, “let us at once march against Murád Páshá, and should we happen to be successful in our attack upon him, and defeat the old man, all the country on this side of Scutari will be ours.” This proposal, however, did not meet the approbation of Seyed Arab, one of their number, who said in reply, “The province of Anatolia is very extensive. If the Osmánlí serdár should come and attack us, it will be our wisdom to avoid coming in contact with him; for it would be most hazardous to venture a battle with him.” This counsel of Seyed Arab was far from meeting with the concurrence of his associates, who were all bent on encountering the Osmánlí hero, for their cup of pride and arrogance was now full.
Mesli Chávush, who had been sent with a body of men from Larenda to oppose the rebels as formerly mentioned, but who had been unsuccessful, received a letter from Kalander Oghlí, proposing to Mesli Chávush that he should join him, and that they should unite their respective forces, and attack the Ottoman general. This letter was couched in the most friendly terms; but as a specimen of the vanity which the author of it possessed, we shall transcribe it verbatim. He begins: “The commencement of my transactions is known to the world. The Ottomans, by exciting rebellion and breaking treaties, have acquired a superiority, and therefore their arrogance has attained the very highest pitch. Inured, as they are, to the practice of open daylight tyranny and oppression, I have relinquished all connection with them. I despise their friendship, and have turned away my face from them. Having taken my measures, I entered into Mekhalij, Aydin, and Sarúkhán; I have ravaged and laid waste all these places, and am returned with immense spoil. Our numbers increased daily. When we went to Iconium, the beglerbeg of Caramania, Zulfekár Páshá, the governor, shut himself up in the fortress, and permitted the whole country-round to be plundered and ravaged, without once endeavouring to do any thing to save the property of the inhabitants. From Iconium we proceeded to Caramania, where we took up our residence. Had not the Osmánlís cut off all hope, these excesses had not taken place. After what has happened to Jánbulát Oghlí there is no submitting to them. By the help of God, I, and the numerous active and heroic veterans that accompany me, shall soon finish that old dotard (Murád Páshá). Should fortune declare against us, however, and he become victorious, why, even then, the fame of our deeds will sufficiently immortalize our names.” Mesli, by this letter, was induced to associate his fortunes with this notorious rebel, and secretly entered into compact with him.
These secret transactions, however, being made known to the commander-in-chief Murád Páshá, he, in order to prevent the junction of these two robbers, gave Mesli the government of a sanják on the condition of his not accompanying him in the war. The emperor also, in a short time afterwards, sent him a promise of the government of the province of Caramania.
When Kalander Oghlí had learned that the Osmánlí general had come half-way from Aleppo on his march against him, he harangued his rebel-troops thus: “The Osmánlí general has no troops, except the Pretorian bands. They, too, in consequence of the hardships they have suffered from hunger and cold at Aleppo, are very much weakened. Moreover,” continued he, “the whole of his treasures and the archives are in his train. Be courageous, therefore, and acquit yourselves like good soldiers, my brave companions. Fall on his camp with heroic ardour, and your fame will be remembered till the resurrection. By taking this step of intrepidity and boldness, which I recommend to you, you will put yourselves in possession of both arms and treasures.” This speech had the effect intended. The spirit of his rebel army—amounting to twenty thousand foot and horse—was roused to thirst for the achievements held out to their view. They accordingly commenced their movements, traversed the country of Caramania, passed through gardens and corn-fields, robbed and plundered the Turkmans, and at length approached the plains of Koksú, where the Osmánlí general was encamped. Murád Páshá, who had been watching the movements of the rebels, was informed, by means of his spies, that Kalander Oghlí, with twenty thousand rebels, had made a considerable advance upon him with the intention of disputing with him the pass of Koksú, and of checking his progress. Murád made instant preparation for battle; but as the mouth of the pass of Koksú, to which the rebels, he was informed, were fast approaching, was still four stages distant from him; and as it was of the utmost importance to prevent the enemy from taking possession of it, he sent a few companies of musketeer janissaries and about thirty Chorbájís under the command of Delí Pírí Aghá, to take possession of it before the arrival of the rebels. They accomplished the journey in three days, and took up their position within the mouth of the pass. Murád erected his pavilion on a rising ground, whilst his pretorian bands extended their camp along its declivity: the troops of Egypt encamped in the plains to the left of the serdár, contiguous to the hill on which his tent was erected. On this hill also the whole of the baggage was properly disposed of: ditches, at proper distances, were cut, and filled with janissary troops; in short, all necessary means and precautions were taken.
In the meantime, the rebels advanced with the view of securing the pass of Koksú, but found they were too late, it being in possession of the janissaries under Delí Pírí, and, therefore, without attempting to dislodge them, they retired. Perceiving, however, the defensive aspect of the royalists, and their determination to fight, Kalander Oglí put his troops in order of battle, and prepared for the contest. Murád’s van-guard acted rather precipitately on this occasion; for, before he had issued any order for commencing an attack, they, without waiting for advice, advanced and offered battle to the van-guard of the enemy, which immediately advanced in their turn to the bank of the river separating the two armies, where a very warm skirmish took place. The main body of the royalists remained on the hill or rising-ground on which they had encamped; and the enemy thinking that the Egyptian army, with which they were now contending, was the Osmánlí force that had accompanied the serdár, rushed forth in terrific numbers, and the assault became general. Murád putting his right and left wings into motion, gave the word of command, and, like the rushing of a mighty torrent, descended from the hill into the field of battle. The right wing entered into close combat with the division under Karah Seyed, and the left with that under Kalander Oghlí himself. The battle now became general; they fought fiercely. The serdár’s right wing, composed of the valiant spáhís, and headed by the chief of Malatieh, Karah Kásh Ahmed Páshá, and the serdár’s own deputy, Omar Ketkhodá, suceeded in completely routing the accursed wretches under Karah Seyed. The left wing composed of salihdárs and the troops from Tripoli, commanded by Mír Hasan, son of Seif, and the Egyptian troops, commanded by Kansú Beg, fought the rebels under Kalander Oghlí with such unparalleled bravery as made the very heavens reverberate with approbation and applause.
The ever-watchful commander-in-chief, perceiving that a detachment of the enemy had formed the design of seizing on his baggage, very opportunely sent a party of janissaries to the brow of the hill where it was stationed, who successfully repelled every attempt on that quarter. The enemy’s squadrons, becoming desperate and furious with rage, exerted their utmost skill and force to cut down the Moslems who opposed them, but without much success. The commanding general now advanced a few paces, riding on his swift chestnut, and brought the whole of his disposable force to bear on these hateful devils; and calling to his assistance those troops he had sent to guard the baggage, in a short time the whole of the rebels were put to flight. Their defeat was most decisive. It has been said that a voice was heard in the rebel army which said, “for whom are you fighting? Murád Páshá has laid a stratagem for you. Zulfekár Páshá, with the army of Caramania has come by the way of the hills, and has seized on your camp.” This report had the effect of hastening the flight, and served to give the Moslem army the superiority.
On the second day after the battle, the commanding general took up his position in that part of the field which had been the enemy’s camp. Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo, was appointed to pursue the fugitive rebels with a detachment of troops. Mír Hasan Ebn Seif, with his Malatian soldiers, Karah Kásh Ahmed Páshá, with the troops of Tripoli, and several other principal officers; besides ten thousand horse, composed chiefly of Turcomans and Syrian troops, made up the detachment which was sent in pursuit of the rebels. The scattered and dispersed infidels, however, were now roaming about in the fields in the wildest disorder and distress of soul, terrifying and murdering the peasants wherever they met any. The pursuing Osmánlís followed hard after them, cutting and slashing all they overtook, and at last, closed up in a corner, as it were, such of the rebels as had had the good fortune to escape the general slaughter, were necessitated to make one last effort of resistance in self-defence. This effort was not only feeble but vain; and they were again forced to flee. Throwing away the provisions they had with them, they struggled hard to escape with their lives. Many of them having been on foot, were obliged to throw away their arms and accoutrements; and those of them who actually did escape the sword of vengeance, made their way through the province of Erzerúm to Ardehán, experiencing the most dreadful privations. Notwithstanding the hot pursuit after these wretched fugitives, in which so very many of them perished, some few of them, besides those who had made their way to Ardehán, escaped to Emír Gunah Khán. Their arrival, and their requesting the sháh’s protection, were no sooner made known than they were cordially received; but when they were afterwards questioned as to the motive they had in rebelling against their lawful sovereign, and when, at the same time, they were told that their unfortunate coming into the sháh’s dominions might, eventually, be the means of bringing foreign troops into his country, they seemed quite at a loss, and said some few incoherent things in justification of their conduct. A representation of their circumstances, and of their wicked rebellion against the Ottoman government was laid before the sháh, but they, after having their clothes altered after the Persian fashion, and agreeing to become kizil báshes (red heads), were promised the protection they sought for. The apostates cheerfully embraced the alternative offered them, looking upon it as a real favour, and instantly became incorporated with the kizil báshes. They were, in all, two thousand in number, and were sent off by one hundred and two hundreds to a country of misfortune, where they were dispersed, and left to experience the evil effects of their own misconduct.
His excellency the commander-in-chief, after having defeated and routed the rebel-army, as before described, marched towards the country of Cæsarea and Sivás, and encamped at a place called Chubuk Awásí, where he waited ten days for the return of the detachment which had gone in pursuit of the rebels. Whilst remaining at Chubuk Awásí messengers from Baghdád brought him letters which informed him that Jeghala Zádeh Mohammed Páshá had fully succeeded in vanquishing the rebel called Mustafa Ben Túyel. This account has been recorded by one of the poets of that time, who enumerated the achievements of Murád Páshá both in the east and west.
His Excellency Murád Páshá hastens after the brother of Túyel Mahmúd.
His excellency, the commander-in-chief, removed his camp from Chubuk Awásí and went to Sivás, where, after a halt of ten days, he learned that the infamous Meymún, brother to Túyel Mahmúd, who had conquered Baghdád and vanquished his ketkhodá, Hasan, had, with six thousand rebels, desolated the country round Kúr Sheher; but that after having heard of the defeat of Kalander Oghlí they hastily decamped, robbing and plundering what they could find in the vicinity of that city. They committed all the mischief they were able in every village and hamlet through which they passed, pillaging such of the Turcomans as fell in their way, and prepared to follow Kalander into Persia. Murád Páshá no sooner received this intelligence than he made all haste to intercept them if possible. Following this impulse, he left his heavy baggage and camp in the plains of Sivás, under the charge of the defterdár, Bákí Páshá, and marched off with about two thousand or more spáhís, under the command of the ághá of the janissaries, besides some few others, making all the haste he was able. Each person carried with him seven days’ provision, a small coverlet in the form of a canopy, or at least to be used as such, and a carpet to sleep on when necessary. This precipitate movement took place on the evening of the 17th of Jemadi II., and was continued, without the least intermission, for the space of six days and seven nights. His excellency, Murád Páshá, in his ninetieth year, fell sick on this hurried march, and was sometimes obliged to descend from his horse, when he lay on the ground, having the appearance of a corpse. These fits of sickness, however, were not of any continuance: in a short time he was again enabled to mount and continue his journey. On the seventh day, the expedition reached Karah Hisár, where they made enquiry respecting the rebels they were in search of, and were informed that the rebel force had lodged in that place on the preceding night; but that they had set out by daybreak for the narrow pass called the valley or hollow of Karah Hasan, where they, it would appear, had halted. Two thousand men, under the command of Píáleh Páshá, formerly of Bassora, were instantly dispatched to the hiding-place of the rebels. Murád, with the remainder of his veterans, followed close upon them, and arrived, though not first, at the valley or hollow where the rebels were hid. On the morning of the 23d of Jemadi, as these rebels, no way anticipating a visit from Murád Páshá, were saddling and loading their beasts of burden, they were suddenly, as if by a thunderbolt from heaven, put into the utmost consternation by perceiving Píáleh and his men come within their hiding-place; and who, like a flash of lightning, and before giving them time to enquire what had come over them, fell upon them at once. The resistance of the rebels was not of long continuance. Those of their foot-soldiers that were fortunate enough to escape the sword, fled out of the hollow, and made to the mountains: and their horsemen, though they, at one time, made an attempt to maintain their ground, fled also in the utmost confusion. Orders had been previously given (i.e. before the engagement), that none of the Moslems should lose any time in gathering up the spoil until the rebels had been completely vanquished. These orders, however, were neglected by some. The soldiers who were in front, seeing the property of the rebels lying scattered around them, were overcome by the temptation: they forgot their duty by beginning to appropriate to themselves the spoils which the rebels in their panic had abandoned. The result was, that the rebels found time to rally again; and, perceiving how their pursuers were employed, returned to a renewal of the combat with a spirit and vigour far superior to that which they had shown at the commencement. The struggle now became hot and doubtful. The governor of Adnah, Mustafa Páshá, and one or two Chorbájís fell in the contest: the advanced troops gave way, and began to retreat, but were stopped by Khalíl Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, who had hurriedly stepped forward with the men under him, and prevented their flight. At this instant, and not before, did the commander-in-chief make his appearance; who, with the reinforcement which he brought with him, completely turned the fate of the day. The rebels finding themselves utterly unable to resist the force which was now brought to bear upon them, fell into confusion, and again retreated. The Moslems followed hard upon them, and drove them entirely out of the valley or hollow where the engagement had hitherto been carried on. The rebels, however, on getting into the plains called Kilwerat, again contrived to rally, and returned to the charge; but were soon totally broken, and forced to betake themselves to their usual expedient—flight. All those who had escaped the vengeance of the sword of the orthodox Muselmans followed the example of Kalander Oghlí. The whole of their baggage, of whatever kind it was, fell into the hands of the victors: very many of their men on foot were seized and brought back into the presence of Murád, who had, on account of the ill state of his health, remained on the field of battle, and who ordered them all to be executed without commiseration as they were brought before him. The dead bodies of the rebels were put into heaps in the field, and towers were made of their heads.
After these things, information was sent to Sivás of this new victory which the orthodox Moslems had gained in the valley of Karah Hasan; and orders, at the same time, were sent to the royal camp to advance to the place where the commanding general then was. These orders having been duly obeyed, the victorious and gallant serdár was again, on the 25th of Jemadi I., in motion, and on the 3d of Jemadi II. encamped at a place called Sadáklú, within a stage of Beybúrd; where, after a day or two’s rest, he was joined by Bákí Páshá and the troops under his command. At the expiration of these days he removed his camp to the valley of Sinvar, in the vicinity of Beybúrd, where he was joined by such of his troops as had not before returned from the pursuit of the rebels. The heads of the prisoners they had brought along with them were severed from their bodies, and made into heaps like mountains. Robes of honour were conferred on the gallant chiefs who had been active on this occasion, and presents were made to the heroic troops.
About the middle of the month last mentioned, the válí of Diárbeker, Nesúh Páshá, with vezír-like pomp, sound of music, and martial display joined the royal camp. One thousand musketeers wearing fine scarlet robes; five hundred foot-guards wearing yellow regimentals; and five hundred more wearing black caps; and five thousand cavalry, was the display which Nesúh made on this occasion. But of what use was all this display? He and they ought to have come earlier, and to have been on the field of battle, to share in the dangers and the glory of the combat. After making the splendid display above alluded to, he advanced towards the commanding general, and, when within bow-shot of him, descended from his horse, proceeded on foot till he approached the general, who, by this time, had come four paces to meet him, when he fell on his knees and kissed the general’s foot. The general, in return, showed him the respect due to his station, kissed his hand, and conducted him into his pavilion, telling him in a friendly manner that he was welcome, and calling him son. Nesúh Páshá bowed his head to the ground, and made this reply: “My noble lord will pardon me. My fault in not having arrived at an earlier period, and taking a share in the late important events, is great.” “What,” said the general, “was the reason that you have been so tardy? You have a most splendid army, thank God. You heard that the troops under my command amount to no more than the number that wintered with me at Aleppo. The distance between Diárbeker and Aleppo is not very great: but in reality you were near. If your not coming to my assistance was intended as a mark of disrespect to me, it was not disrespect to me, let me tell you, but disrespect for the emperor. If it had so happened that we had been discomfited, were you in circumstances to have advanced and met Kalander Oghlí? What do you think would be the judicial sentence of a judge on hearing of a Moslem army being too weak to act against a foe, whilst a powerful Moslem army was at no great distance from it and did not come to its aid?” Nesúh was absolutely unable to make any reply to these pointed interrogatories, and held down his head. “Son,” said the general again, “son, what means this multitude of men? They are now unnecessary. Sixteen thousand men have been found sufficient to overcome Jánbulát Oghlí, and his followers have been all dispersed, or have been made to flee. You are already acquainted with the history of Kalander Oghlí. It was by no means the wish of the emperor that even one of these segbáns (foot-guards or soldiers), now with you, should ever have been in Anatolia; so that when you return to your government or province you must certainly disband them. If you be obstinate and disobey, remember the emperor has long hands (meaning great power). If one of those instruments of power, such as you have seen, be sent to execute you, you need not be much surprised?” In this way Murád Páshá conversed with Nesúh, and exhorted him; and afterwards made him a present of two robes of honour. In the afternoon of the same day, Nesúh Páshá returned to Murád’s pavilion, bringing along with him some very splendid and valuable presents for him, dined with him, and continued in his company till the night was so far advanced that he required torches when he returned to his own tent. On the 27th of Jemadi II., Zulfekár Páshá, governor of Caramania, returned to the royal camp with his troops: so also did Etmekjí Zádeh, válí of Romeili, with his provincial troops, and brought along with him the money destined for the army; having marched by the way of Ancora. Though both of these officers had incurred the displeasure of the commanding general for the tardiness they had discovered, yet when he reflected on his own splendid achievements, he forgave them most freely. It is impossible to relate all the great and important services rendered by this celebrated, heroic, prudent, and skilful, though aged commander. Suffice it to say, that he took ample vengeance on the rebels, and cleared, in a great measure, the countries they infested of their presence and influence. When an account of the success he had obtained over Kalander Oghlí was sent to his majesty, his majesty, with feelings of the purest kindness, called the messenger into his presence, asked him most particularly as to the state of the war and the success of his general, showed peculiar marks of respect to the messenger himself ordered two suits of garments and a richly ornamented sword to be sent to Murád Páshá, and at the same time a robe of honour for each of the grandees in Murád’s army, besides some letters expressive of his best wishes for them all. Murád Páshá, not long afterwards, had it in his power to announce to the government of Constantinople his success against the brother of Túyel, whom he completely defeated.
The commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, is recalled to court.
Notwithstanding the grace and favour which his excellency, Murád Páshá, had shown to Etmekjí Zádeh, who had failed to arrive with his Romeilian troops in sufficient time to assist against the two rebel chiefs so frequently mentioned, viz. Kalander Oghlí and Túyel; and notwithstanding that, instead of meeting with merited reproach for his tardiness, he was honoured with special marks of kindness, yet Etmekjí Zádeh, from an idea that he was not altogether safe from the influence of any evil designs which Murád Páshá might harbour against him, wrote to his friends at Constantinople in the most pressing manner to use their influence to have him recalled. Accordingly, on the 7th of Rajab, the commander-in-chief received a royal mandate, desiring him to confer the government of Romeili on whom he would, but by all means to send back the emperor’s defterdár, Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá, to Constantinople. The royal firmán commanded farther, that Murád Páshá should march his army to Erzerúm, there winter, and in the spring march against the Persians. Such was the import of the royal firmán.
The enlightened and skilful general answered as follows: “Sire, you have been pleased to recall Ahmed Páshá, the válí of Romeili. His coming or not coming to the assistance of the orthodox army was of no importance; nor can his staying here yield them any advantage. As to your slave (Murád himself), you have ordered him to go into winter-quarters at Erzerúm. Is the province of Anatolia become so completely defended and guarded as to render it safe for me to winter in Erzerúm, and in the spring to open a campaign against Persia? Should the rebels who may still exist assemble themselves together, are the vezírs of your august court competent to quell or disperse them? In this affair let the gracious will of the emperor be done. The time for distributing the troops into winter-quarters is at hand. A kíleh (a certain measure) of barley sells at five ducats, and the wakáyet (about 2-1/4 lbs.) of bread has risen to a ghorúsh (a dollar).” So much for the sentiments of Murád to his sovereign. Immediately on sending the above he commenced making arrangements for obeying the imperial firmán; but when his multitudinous troops assembled together, they declared it impracticable to do so, because of the dearth which prevailed in Erzerúm. “The emperor,” said they, “is not acquainted with the state and circumstances of that province: he listens only to the voice of those flatterers who surround him: they, as well as the káímakám, have no wish to see the noble general-in-chief return to Constantinople. They have the whole management of affairs in their own hands, and they see well, that should the grand vezír (Murád Páshá) return, the impracticability of the plans they have recommended would be made to appear. We have been now (continued the military) two years in the war, and have achieved several important victories. We shall now return home.” The general, after having given utterance to these unceremonious sentiments, called the cazí of the camp, and caused him to write out a statement of the prices of provisions, and gave a copy of it, as well as a statement of their own sentiments, to the kapújís who had conveyed the imperial firmán, and forthwith sent them back to the grand sultán. On the following day his excellency, the commander-in-chief, appointed Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Erzerúm, and a number of begs, with Chukál Oghlí Hasan Aghá, and about thirty chorbájís, to accompany the imperial messengers. Karah Hisár, in the east, he conferred on Turkijeh Bilmaz, and the province of Wán on Tekelí Mohammed Páshá: Zulfekár Páshá was sent back to his own government in Caramania, and Etmekjí Zádeh and the Romeilian troops he dismissed to European Turkey. He also allowed Nesúh Páshá to return to his own government at Diárbeker, and he himself, about the 15th of Rajab, went to Tokat. He had been scarcely two days at Tokat, when just as he was in the act of paying his troops, he received another imperial firmán which was expressed in these terms: “At whatever station our imperial firmán reaches you, there winter.” This was brief enough; but the commanding general, by private letters which he had received by the same conveyance which brought him the above short firmán, was let into the secret. These letters assured him that several of the influential and ruling party at court were altogether averse to his returning to Constantinople; that one of these, Kapúdán Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, was the emperor’s favourite; that he, as also the káímakám, Mustafa Páshá, the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, his old enemy, and Mustafa, ághá of the palace, had, by leaguing together, represented to his majesty that the rebellion in Anatolia had been altogether crushed, and that instead of recalling Murád Páshá, he ought to be sent against the sháh of Persia.
When his excellency, Murád Páshá, was thus informed how matters stood, he answered the royal firmán in the following terms: “Sire, you have been pleased to order me to winter at Erzerúm and in the spring to march against the Persians. What is to be done? It is the will of my sovereign. Your slave is now a weak old man of ninety years of age; but I trust I shall fall a martyr in the field of battle. When I march against the sháh of Persia, the armed rebels, who now lurk in their hiding-places, will then find an opportunity of again becoming troublesome. They are waiting for a chance of this kind, especially Meseli Chávush, Aydin, and Yúsuf of Sarúkhán, besides several others of the same description. Should what I have now hinted be realized, and they again commence the work of violence and mischief, will you not, in that case, have to send hither from Romeili another commander-in-chief? Leave us, if you please, where we are. The master of the work knows his own duty best. Do not you follow the counsels of those sycophants who surround you. Permit us to eradicate the enemies amongst ourselves first, and then we shall direct our movements against the kingdom of Persia.” This answer was sent back to the emperor by means of the persons who had brought him the royal firmán, whilst he himself made preparations for returning to Constantinople.
On the 9th of Ramazán he arrived at Scutari, and on the following day, with a splendid retinue and four hundred standards taken from the rebels, each of which bore, in bright letters, the names of the rebel-chiefs under whom it had been carried, he passed over to the metropolis, dressed himself in a double suit of fine robes, put a turban ornamented with feathers on his head, and went into the emperor’s presence to do obeisance before him. The emperor was in a short time convinced of the worth and dignity of his general’s talents and general conduct, and immediately ordered splendid robes, such as were suitable to the imperial grandeur to confer, to be given to Murád Páshá. The public in general, poets and historians, spoke of him in the most laudatory manner.
It is not to be concealed that, from the day the celebrated Murád Páshá passed over to Scutari, as commander-in-chief of the eastern forces, the services which he had rendered to his sovereign and country were immense. Thirty thousand, at least, of those rebels who had served under Jánbulát Oghlí, Kalander Oghlí, and Túyel, including those who had been murdered by the peasantry, perished by his means. What may have been the number of those who perished otherwise, is not known. In villages, and in small towns, sometimes from a hundred to a thousand, and even as many as three thousand of the rebels who had fortified themselves within them, were all slain with the sword. Forty-eight principal rebel chiefs and twenty-five thousand rebels are said to have perished in flight. In the Register of Tokat it is inserted, that by far the greater part of these numbers, whose heads had been made to roll on the ground in front of the serdár’s pavilion, had been rooted out by Murád Páshá’s troops. To these now mentioned may be added about thirty thousand more who had been seized alive and executed, and the number of rebels who perished in this war could not have been less than 100,000 souls.
The enemies of the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, when they saw the honours which had been heaped upon him, were not only exceedingly grieved, but their hatred and malignity increased and led them, moreover, to employ villainous means to ruin him. They insinuated, for instance, that Murád had seized on all Jánbulát Oghlí’s treasures and effects which had remained with his wife and children at Aleppo; and for the truth of this charge they appealed to some of Jánbulát Oghlí’s sons, whom Murád Páshá had sent to the royal haram. They, of course, were his enemies, and had the hardihood to assert that the treasurer, Bákí Páshá, had spent six whole months in selling and disposing of their father’s property. This was a vile exaggeration. It happened, however, that one day, when Bákí Páshá was sitting in the diván, the ághá of the janissaries received a royal firmán ordering him to convey Bákí Páshá to the Seven Towers. The ághá, without Murád Páshá’s knowing any thing of the matter, proceeded to the diván, seized on Bákí Páshá, and conveyed him in a boat to the prison above-mentioned. This took place on a Tuesday; and after the vezírs had entered into the royal audience he addressed them thus: “I have ordered Bákí Páshá to the Seven Towers; let Ahmed Páshá (i. e. Etmekjí Zádeh) be reinstated into the office of lord high treasurer, and let Bákí Páshá be examined with respect to Jánbúlát Oghlí’s property, that we may know what he has done with it: also let the strictest enquiry be made of Murád Páshá.” “Why,” replied Murád Páshá, “having been anxious to preserve the most valuable and most precious of Jánbúlát Oghlí’s effects for your royal majesty, I prevented them from being sold; and brought them along with me, to be delivered over to your royal majesty. Let Bákí Páshá answer for the rest.” The new lord high-treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, on examining his predecessor in office with regard to this matter, was undauntedly informed that he (i. e. Bákí Páshá), with the exception of the articles which Murád Páshá had claimed for his royal majesty, had disposed of the rest for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the war. No more was said about it; and Bákí Páshá, after having lain forty days in the Seven Towers, was set at liberty. He passed the winter at Constantinople, and was employed in making arrangements for commencing a new campaign in the spring.
The lord high-admiral, Háfiz Páshá, after having cruized along the shores of Romeili, sailed to the port of Alexandria, took in the taxes which had been gathered in Egypt, and returned to Istámbol. The government of Syria was conferred on him, and the admiralship on Khalíl Aghá, ághá of the janissaries. The ágháship of the janissaries was conferred on Mohammed Aghá, Spáhí Zádeh, of the artillery department.
Concerning Mohammed Páshá in Egypt.
After the murder of Ibrahím Páshá in Egypt, in the year 1012, the disturbance in that country became every day more and more serious and alarming; but by the prudent and efficient measures employed by Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who, in 1016, was sent thither to quell the tumults which had been raised there, they were to a considerable extent allayed. He slew a vast number of the insurgents; whilst, at the same time, he brought the others for the most part, under subjection, at least to all appearance. But Mohammed Páshá having been succeeded in office by Hasan Páshá, from Yemen, a man of extraordinary mildness, the insurgents, subdued though not crushed, were again emboldened to rise in rebellion, and to commit outrages more terrible than they had formerly been guilty of.
The origin of the evil just now alluded to seems to have been this. The válís or governors who had been sent to Egypt, made it a first principle to press heavy upon the inspectors of taxes, by forcing them to advance large sums of money, taking from some ten thousand, from others twenty thousand, and from others forty thousand ducats, according to circumstances, and only on payment of these enormous sums were they confirmed in their office. These inspectors and those others employed in raising the taxes or revenue were, from this circumstance, necessarily constrained to lay such heavy duties upon the inhabitants, to enable them to meet the demands of the válí, as were far beyond what was necessary, or they were well able to pay. The inspectors and revenue officers too, in order to meet their own extravagance and dissipation, made the burdens of the people still more intolerable and grievous. In short, to so high a pitch did they carry this system of taxation, that the wretched inhabitants, not any longer able to endure it, rose in rebellion, and determined, at all hazards, to resist an oppression which they evidently foresaw would utterly ruin them.
This was the state in which the country was involved when Mohammed Páshá entered upon the government of Egypt. He, very properly, set himself, at once, to correct abuses and to punish offenders. The money which came into the hands of the collectors, and which usually amounted to more than one hundred thousand ducats per annum, he, by a wise regulation, prevented from being subject to any deductions whatever. He also made a new regulation, by which the tax-gatherers were, in future, to be guided. Without the consent and approbation of the diván of Mesir, they were to impose no tax whatever, nor to advance, unnecessarily, money to the inspectors. In the third place, he confirmed in their situations those inspectors and tax-gatherers who had acted with moderation; but such of these classes as had been convicted of extortions and injustice, he caused to be seized: some of them he dismissed with contempt and ignominy, and others he sent out of the world altogether.
By these methods he soon established confidence in his administration, and all classes of the people seemed satisfied with the arrangements which he adopted. The want of confidence, and unhappy tumults, which the injustice and oppression to which we have adverted had occasioned in Egypt, were happily, by his means, removed. In short, to so great a degree were peace and security every where established, that the weakest and most timorous could travel to and from Grand Cairo with the greatest safety. By his wisdom and prudence he gained the concurrence and good will of the chief men among the people, as well as of the officers belonging to the Chávushes, cavalry and janissaries, as well as of the city-guards or militia. And, in order to do away with all grounds of discontent and opposition, he called a general meeting, at which the whole of the nobles, princes, inspectors, revenue-officers, and six companies of feudatory troops were present; to whom, in the most earnest manner, he expressed himself thus: “His majesty is by no means disposed to permit tyranny and oppression to exist anywhere within his dominions. Ever since the moment that I, his servant, came into possession of this government, to which I was preferred, it has been my study, in obedience to his will, to remove oppression, tyranny, and injustice; and to afford peace, safety, and happiness to the people in the different departments in Egypt. This is in accordance with the express wish of his majesty, who is every way opposed to injustice and oppression, as well as to every kind of invasion of the rights and privileges of the people. In confirmation of this, I need only repeat to you his own words.” Here he produced the emperor’s commission, which he caused to be read aloud, and which ran thus: “Behold, we have relieved you from those burdens which the governors, revenue-officers, and other functionaries, have been in the habit of imposing on you; it is, therefore, the duty of the people to break off all friendly intercourse with those persons who have been convicted of such base practices.” The whole of the assembled multitude, on hearing the emperor’s sentiments read to them, expressed, in return, their best wishes for his well-being. Those in this assembly who had been in the habit of acting corruptly were, for their own sakes, silent and assumed the appearance of being content; but it was only because they were unable to effect any opposition. Such, however, was the general impression made on this occasion on the mind of the people, particularly by the mildness and meekness manifested by the vezír, that they remained, for a time, afterwards quiet; but the peace was not of long duration. The mercenary tribe who had been deprived of the power of exercising tyranny and injustice on the people, collected together, and falling on those persons who had succeeded them in the revenue department, slew them without mercy. Determined on further resistance to the new arrangements, they entered into a sort of confederacy, whereby they bound themselves not to desist from their demands until they had obtained acquiescence in them.
Information of these things having been communicated to the vezír, he instantly called together his great men, and represented to them the state of matters with respect to those desperadoes who had just been guilty of shedding innocent blood, and now had formed themselves into a confederacy in opposition to the will of the emperor. Therefore, said he, let the whole of them be collected into the maidán or square, in order that the thing may be properly investigated. This was accordingly done. On the same occasion, also, the various troops were brought into the maidán and formed into companies in front of the fortress immediately opposite to the refractory multitude. The Páshá intimated to the latter that whosoever among them wished to be obedient to the emperor, should pass over to the side where his military stood, and join himself to one or other of his divisions or companies. The confederates cried out, that they were not rebels: that they deprecated the idea of being unfaithful to the emperor. “Our wages,” continued they, “not having been sufficient to maintain our existence, we could not have lived, unless we had imposed extra contributions on the people: our actual poverty was the cause.” The Páshá, not satisfied with these declarations (altogether foreign to the purpose for which they had been assembled), and wishing to find out the secret of their confederacy, as well as a confession of their guilt, thought that if he permitted them, now that they were fully in his power, to retire to their own homes, he could not so easily, afterwards, effect his purpose, nor secure the ringleaders amongst them; he therefore told them, that though he should keep them all night standing on their feet where they were, he would not let them move a step till they delivered up to him their ringleaders. He then ordered the guns on the batteries to be directed against them, and assured them that their destruction was inevitable if they did not instantly comply with his wishes. This method of dealing had the desired effect. After hearing the Páshá’s speech, wherein he pointedly informed them that unless they gave up the principal ringleaders, and especially those amongst them who had been guilty of the late murders, the cannon and musketry would open a fire upon them without delay; and seeing preparations for carrying his threat into effect, and that it only awaited the páshá’s command, their danger became too apparent to admit of disguise. They were astonished by the situation in which they were placed, and delivered over a certain number from amongst them to the páshá, and afterwards retired, but full of rage and fury.
After these different commotions and disturbances, and during this present year, a certain number of Egyptian troops were ordered to be sent to the aid of his excellency, the commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, in Anatolia. Mohammed Páshá, on receiving the above firmán, selected the number required from among the most turbulent and disorderly of the tribe of tax-gatherers[20] we have been speaking of, and sent them off under the command of Kansú Beg. During the whole of the struggle carried on with Kalandar Oghlí they manifested the utmost bravery, and were present in almost every engagement till the end of the war, or at least till the rebels were all dispersed. At this period they presented themselves before the commanding-general, and demanded, as the reward of their services, the office of collecting the revenues of Egypt. Murád, anxious to satisfy them, gave them a document by which he put them in possession of the places they wanted, but with no enlargement of powers or authority beyond what were customary from ancient times. On the return of these military tax-gatherers to Egypt they presented the document which Murád Páshá had given to them to Mohammed Páshá, who told them they should be rewarded for their services according to circumstances. “Such of them,” he said, “as had no experience or skill, could not expect the favour they wished. Besides,” continued he, “your wishes are directly opposed to the declared will of the emperor, who, by his firmán, has abolished the practice altogether.” When these ignorant and insolent fellows found themselves thus thwarted in their views and purposes they became exceedingly enraged, began to form plots amongst themselves, and communicated their wicked designs to all the discontented paupers and robbers throughout the country. They craftily enticed the discontented about Aradel, always famous for disloyalty, to join them; they likewise gained over some Kurds and some wretched labourers by promises of money. All these malcontents found means, some way or other, to assemble together at a place called Khánegáh, within two stages of Cairo.
The páshá, hearing of their movements, and being fully aware of the object they had in view, ordered Khoaja Mustafa Beg to advance with a number of troops of various kinds to oppose them. Yúsuf Beg commanded his advance-guard, and Kansú Beg, collector of the revenue, with all those under him, joined the expedition. Mustafa Beg pitched his camp in the plains of Adeleya, not far from Cairo.
The malcontents by this time had themselves properly and regularly organized, and had appointed themselves leaders. No sooner did they hear of an army being sent against them, and of the place where it was encamped, than they, towards evening, sent two hundred horsemen to reconnoiter the camp of Mustafa. Mustafa conjectured this party had the intention of attacking him by night, and not having sufficient force to sustain an attack, he sent word immediately to Egypt, which however did not reach that city till about the fifth hour of the night, when the several public criers announced the danger which threatened Mustafa, calling, at the same time, on every one, on pain of punishment, to rally round their commanders. So promptly was this announcement attended to, that before daylight every military man in Egypt was on his way to Adeleya. On reaching Adeleya they perceived the danger which had been announced in Egypt was by no means an imaginary one. The royalists, in the circumstances in which they found themselves at this juncture of events, thought it would be most advisable to send the six-fingered sheikh, Mohammed Effendí, to speak to the insurgents about the unreasonableness of their conduct; but the rebels turned a deaf ear to all his exhortations and expostulations. They were too sensible of their advantages, and too ardent in pursuit of them, to attend to the worthy priest. He tendered them many good advices, and made them many fine promises, provided they would follow his counsels; but they still remained obstinate, and prepared for battle. The commander, after this fruitless negotiation, removed with his troops to Berkat a l’haj, where he remained till the following day, when he marched against the insurgents. They, in their turn, advanced towards him, and soon both armies stood facing each other. By this time, however, the royalists were greatly increased in numbers by detachments which had joined them from other places; and when the insurgents found themselves opposed by an army far superior to every thing they had anticipated, their courage failed them. They now began mutually to accuse each other for the steps they had taken, each one blaming his neighbour; and at length several of them came to the commander, craving forgiveness. In the most abject manner, they dismounted from their horses, and threw themselves on the ground, supplicating for mercy at his hands. The commander, Mustafa Beg, said he had it not in his power to grant it them, as he should be obliged to carry them all, bound in chains, to Mohammed Páshá, whose province it was both to forgive and set them at liberty, as he pleased. Those who thus submitted, however, met with clemency, and were incorporated with one or other of the military bodies brought against them; but such as remained obstinate, and chose rather to try their strength than submit, met with the fate they deserved: their dead bodies were made into heaps on the field of battle. About forty of them escaped into the desert, but of their life or death nothing more was ever heard. Mustafa Beg now returned to Cairo, bringing with him about forty or fifty of the principal leaders in chains, and presented them before the válí, Mohammed Páshá, as trophies of his victory. Mustafa was highly honoured on account of his success against the insurgents, and the heads of those whom he brought bound in chains were ordered to be cut off on the spot. About as many as were thus put to death were killed by Mustafa himself before he left the scene of action. About three hundred of the insurgents were shipped off at Suez, and sent into Arabia, and the rest of them were, through the intervention of the great men of Egypt, pardoned, and set at liberty, after having promised in the presence of their intercessors every thing that was required of them.
After succeeding in crushing the insurgents, as above described, and establishing good order everywhere, Mohammed Páshá extended his prudent and capacious mind to every department of government, as well as to other objects of utility. One of his measures was, regulating the coin of Egypt, which had been very much worn and obliterated, and which of course had caused much confusion, and even deception in buying and selling. Another was, rectifying the abuses and unlawful practices carried on between the farmers and the tax-gatherers, which had occasioned, not unfrequently, a deficiency in the public granaries and magazines. A third was—The janissaries and other troops in Egypt having no barracks, and being besides unmarried, he erected, within the fortress, suitable odás for them to live in. By this means the garrison or fortress was always furnished with troops, whilst the inhabitants, at the same time, were screened from the violence of the soldiery. A fourth was—He took charge of the golden and silver girdles or hoops which had been made for defending the pillars of Mecca, and the cistern of pure gold, all which had been sent to Egypt from Constantinople, and forwarded them with proper artists to the place of their destination. These artists not only performed that work without either fee or reward, but rendered several other important services to that holy place. For instance, they enlarged and renewed the pulpit, which was formerly too narrow; they renewed the portico which runs along the cistern; they beautified and adorned the pillars in the centre of that noble edifice, and also its walls; the metaf (or the place round which pilgrims walked in procession) was rendered smooth and equal; they repaired or built anew the court, and carried away the whole of the rubbish and dirt which had for years been accumulating in the vicinity of the sacred temple; they also caused the beds or canals of the waters of Mecca and Arfat to be repaired. A fifth was—The repairs of the wells of Azlam, a place which was about half-way between Mecca and Cairo, where the pilgrims and the well-furnished caravans of Egypt used to meet, which were in a great measure rendered useless by the rebellious Arabs. It would appear that the válí of Egypt, Sheríf Páshá, had, in 1004, opened these wells, commonly called the wells of Ibrahím Páshá, and to prevent their being rendered useless by the Arabs, he built a fortress in their neighbourhood, and placed some few troops in it. This, of course, proved a source of great comfort to pilgrims and other travellers, inasmuch as it served as a place of refreshment and repose. A very heavy rain afterwards demolished this fortress, and the Arabs, to the annoyance of pilgrims, rendered the wells useless. The vezír, whose good deeds we are here recording, rebuilt the demolished fortress, put a garrison in it, and repaired the wells. The sixth was—A work similar to the one we have last mentioned, which he caused to be constructed at Adjerú, between Cairo and Akba. A seventh was—The erection of shops in the vicinity of the great temple in Cairo. The eighth was—The erection of a khánegáh (an edifice for religious purposes), and also of eleemosinary places for sheíkhs, dervishes, and others. On the annual commemoration of Mohammed’s nativity he distributed numerous presents amongst those who read on that occasion. A ninth was—The erection of new houses near the odás which had been built for the janissaries; a huge wall or mass of rock, forty cubits broad and sixty long, having fallen down by accident, the space which these ruins had occupied he caused to be cleared away, erected new houses on it, and filled them with families. A tenth was—The rebuilding of the redoubt or fortress between Cairo and Shám. This building having been demolished by heavy rains, and having also become the haunt of worthless Arabs, he ordered it to be rebuilt, and supplied it with water. An eleventh was—The rebuilding of the fortress or redoubt of Yúnus, which was in a similar condition to the one last mentioned. He also placed a number of paid soldiers in it, and ordered a mosque and a bath to be erected in it. A twelfth was—The rebuilding of the fortress of Beít Khaberín, between Gaza and Balad al Khalíl-rahman; on which also he ordered a mosque and a bath to be erected, and an aqueduct to be constructed. The painted tiles in the dome erected by Sultán Soleímán Khán having become mutilated and loose, he replaced them with new tiles.
This wonderful man, after having governed Egypt for four years and five months, was recalled to Constantinople. Whether at Cairo or journeying, he was in the habit of visiting holy and consecrated places, and of offering up prayers for the emperor; thus gaining to himself advantages in both worlds. After his return to Constantinople, Jouher Khán Sultána, daughter of the grand sultán, thought him worthy of her affections, and the result was that he became the emperor’s son-in-law.
The articles of the treaty of peace between Turkey and Austria, which may be called the treaty of Sidova, was finally ratified and signed by the Ottoman emperor on the 1st of Rajab in this year.
A great earthquake.
The fortress or city of Nova, situate on the sea-coast, belonging to the dominions of the archduke (of Austria), was visited by a tremendous earthquake, which almost entirely overthrew it. Forty-four yúks,[21] the average of the receipt of its custom-house, were expended in erecting a new one. A magazine of salt, which stood on the shore, and near the custom-house, and which brought a revenue of four or five yúks per annum, sustained considerable injury by the shock, inasmuch as it caused the sea to retire to the distance of about a bow-shot.
A Spanish fleet of about thirty ships approached within three miles of this city, either about the time of the earthquake, or some time either after or before it, with hostile intentions. The governor of that sanják happened to be at that very time engaged in the war in Transylvania; but the defterdár of Bosnia hastened to the aid of Nova, and commenced firing its cannon, when the Spaniards disgracefully retired.