EVENTS of the Year 1023, H.
The Moslem Emperor returns to Constantinople.
In the commencement of the month of Moharrem the happy and fortunate monarch Sultán Ahmed Khán began to retrace his steps towards his royal residence at the Sublime Porte. The troops who had accompanied his majesty to Adrianople were, previous to his own departure, allowed to return home. His majesty himself accomplished the journey in fifteen days, seven of which he rested, having arrived at Constantinople about the middle of the month. The day on which he entered the city two of his sons, Sultán Osmán and Sultán Mohammed, mounted on swift chargers, went out to meet their royal father, and returned along with him, riding in front of the janissaries. Some few days after his arrival in the royal residence he retired into the Terskháneh, and resided for a while in the mansion which he had ordered to be erected in it, and was now completed. Being naturally fond of this garden, he caused it to be decorated with flowers and shrubs taken from the interior garden of his seraglio or harem.
The admiral, Khalíl Páshá, goes to sea.
The admiral Khalíl Páshá set sail with forty-five vessels for Beshektásh, whence, after a few days’ riding, he proceeded to the island of Scio, which he reached after a sail of twenty-two days. Here he learned that no less than twenty-seven hostile ships had entered a harbour belonging to the island of Skyro, but which, he afterwards heard, had gone to the island of Súsam. Thither he directed his course, having been previously joined by Mímí Beg, kapúdán of Rhodes, with twenty galleys: but before the Turkish fleet could make up to them they escaped through the straits of the islands of Andro and Istendil (Tino), and made their way to some of the sea-ports belonging to his holiness the pope. Khalíl Páshá on the 2d of Jemadi I. arrived before Corone, passed Modon, and on the 15th reached Avarín (Navarin): thence he sent out two vessels for the purpose of reconnoitring the coast. After having got all his ships properly pitched at this place, he again, on the 21st, set sail with fifty-nine ships of various size towards the shores of the infidels. After passing Messina, he reached the island of Malta on the 28th of the month; on the same day he effected a descent on that island.
Along the shore, at the distance of about a mile from each other, a set of towers had been erected, which, by means of igniting in succession a certain quantity of gunpowder in each, communicated a signal to the chief fortress of the island. This was done on this occasion; and in a very short time some thousands, foot and horse, came rushing forth to meet the invaders, when a most terrible battle ensued, and was maintained till after mid-day. Several hundreds of these infidels became food for the sword, and a good number of them were taken prisoners. The deputy grand master, the lords of Malta, with several other persons of distinction, fell in the struggle. The heroic and warlike Moslems followed up their advantages to the very walls of their chief city or fortress; burned the whole of their harvest of anise and cummin; cut down their olive and other fruit trees; carried off their flocks of sheeps and herds of cattle; and reached the fleet at the time of the evening prayers. The fleet now sailed past the city, when each galley, as it passed, fired a broadside against it, and directed its course towards Tripoli in Barbary; but not before they had committed some more mischief on another part of the island.[25]
The fleet, as we have already observed, sailed for Tripoli. The distance between Malta and Tripoli is two hundred and twenty miles, and the fleet did not reach the harbour of the latter place till the 2d of Jemadi II., having left Malta about the end of Jemadi I. The inhabitants of Tripoli were at this time in a most disorganized state. One Seferdeíá had usurped the government, had been guilty of murder, robbery, and every species of oppression, and even refused to permit the Turkish fleet to enter the harbour. By wise and prudent management, however, this Seferdeíá was induced to come on board the báshtirdeh (the admiral’s ship), when his person was instantly secured and placed in irons. His associates and followers, on learning the fate of their chief, shut themselves up in the city, determined on resisting and fighting to the last. But by the timely mediation of a number of reverend fathers their misconduct was overlooked, and the city was again restored to its former government. The whole of the property and wealth which the rebel Seferdeíá had accumulated was registered, and afterwards confiscated. After these proceedings had ended, the admiral ordered his pavilion to be erected on shore; held a council for examining into the nature and extent of the crimes which the rebel-prisoner had committed, and proofs of which the nobles, ulemá, and the people in general furnished in abundance. The admiral, after hearing all the evidence which was brought before him in regard to Seferdeíá’s crime, and finding that the general voice demanded his life, ordered him to be brought forward, caused his crimes to be recorded, and afterwards hanged him in front of the gate of the city.
The fleet left Tripoli on the 10th of the last-mentioned month, and arrived before Navarin on the 14th of the same. The ships which had been sent out to reconnoitre the enemy’s coasts joined the fleet at the last-mentioned station, bringing along with them a prize laden with wheat.
Punishment inflicted on the infidels of Maneíah.
The Turkish fleet reached Yaswah on the 24th of the last-mentioned month, where it was joined by three vessels belonging to Tunis, commanded by Murád Beg. The inhabitants of the mountain of Maneíah, in the Morea, had formerly been visited by an army, which had taken ample vengeance on them for their hostile and rebellious spirit. Such of them, at that time, as had not perished, or who had not been made captives, submitted themselves, and were pardoned: but ever since the year 1020, forgetting their former visitation, and the promises which they then made, they have manifested nothing but a spirit of rebellion. Arslán Páshá, with some Romeilian troops, was sent to chastise them and bring them again under subjection. The admiral, who had had orders to render him, towards the end of the voyage, every assistance, no sooner reached Yaswah than he landed a number of his troops for this express purpose. The páshá proceeded with this reinforcement to the mountains, and soon brought the rebels to their senses, having killed many of them and taken a number of others prisoners. They agreed to pay the ordinary taxes, and promised never to show insubordination in future.
Mímí Páshá falls a martyr.
About this time a sword and two robes of honour were transmitted to the kapúdán páshá, Khalíl Páshá, from the court of Constantinople. Ma’áraf Beg, called Sanjován Oghlí, and the beg of Damietta, Mímí Beg, were ordered, towards the end of Rajab, to go and guard the island of Borák. After having reached this island they ordered all their vessels to be properly pitched, and went to wait on the governor of the island. On their return, however, to their ships they were suddenly attacked by a party which had belonged to an enemy’s vessel, when, by the permission of God, Mímí Beg fell a martyr. The son of Sanjován made his escape in some way or other, but their two vessels were carried off by the enemy. The admiral, on the 10th of Ramazán, reached the island of Mewkina, where he captured a prize; on the 14th he arrived at Scio, and reached the port of Constantinople on the 25th of Shevál.
The cossacks become troublesome.
The tribe of cossacks had been in the habit of coming along the Black Sea in skiffs, and ravaging the villages on the banks of the Danube, near the mouth of that river. In the month of Rajab of this year a party of them, conducted by some apostate runaways, came and reduced the city of Sinope, called Medinet-alashuk, situate on the shores of the Black Sea, in the province of Anatolia. The inhabitants of this ancient city were no way apprehensive of danger from these cossacks, and before they had the least intimation of their approach were attacked by this horde, who slew every Muselman that fell in their way. They plundered and ransacked the city, made its families slaves, and then set fire to the buildings. In short, they not only desolated the whole place, but robbed and spoiled every house and family in the neighbourhood, and afterwards set off in their boats. Ibrahím Páshá, who had been sent to guard the mouth of the Danube, hearing of the fate of Sinope, immediately prepared his boats, sixty in number, and sailed down one of the outlets of that river with the view of intercepting them, but in vain. The accursed infidels heard of this fleet of boats that was waiting their arrival, and therefore, before coming up to the mouth of the river, they drew to shore, fixed their boats on a kind of drays, and proceeded overland towards a part of the river higher up. Though they found means of avoiding Ibrahím and his fleet of boats, they did not escape the Tátárs. A party of this hardy and fearless race of men fell upon them just as they were in the act of launching their boats, and recovered the whole of the property and families they had carried off with them. Numbers of these barbarians perished in the struggle, and others of them were made prisoners. Some few of their boats which had succeeded in getting off before the Tátárs came upon them, were pursued by Ibrahím, and were either sunk or taken. In the beginning of Ramazán twenty cossacks were sent as trophies, under the charge of some of Ibrahím Páshá’s men, to the Sublime Porte. It is said, that one messenger after another had arrived in Constantinople with information respecting the assault which Sinope had sustained from the cossacks; and that when the emperor asked the grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, concerning the truth of the matter, he declared, though falsely, that he knew nothing about it. The emperor, however, was not satisfied with this answer, and applied to the learned mufti for information, who unhesitatingly told him the truth. The emperor was exceedingly angry at the grand vezír for the falsehood he had told him.
Some fortresses built on the Ouzi (Borysthenes).
About this time Ahmed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, crossed the Danube with his provincial troops, and proceeded, in conformity to imperial orders, to the ford of Aksú, the place at which the mischievous cossacks in Moldavia were accustomed to cross, where he was ordered to erect two fortresses, one on each side of that ford. On arriving at the place of his destination he found that the persons who had been appointed to provide materials for the proposed buildings had, in fact, done nothing. The journey to Aksú was a pathless desert of twenty days’ march, and presented nothing but brackish water and barrenness the whole way. The páshá sent a report to the emperor of the state of things, and was recalled; but as the infidels had been threatening another irruption, the páshá repaired and strengthened all the other fortresses in that quarter. About this same time, also, Karah Kásh Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Kaniza, rebuilt or repaired about ten of the fortresses which had formerly been wrested from the infidels, and had lain waste or unoccupied ever since. Three new ones were added to these, and whilst employed in erecting them the infidels became alarmed, and sent friendly letters; because, in fact, they began to anticipate, when they perceived the activity of the Osmánlís, that the peace was at an end.
Concerning Maán Oghlí.
Maán Oghlí Fekhr-ud-dín governed the whole of the country along the shores of Syria as far as the confines of Sefd. He had stipulated, as before observed, to send annually a certain portion of the productions of that country to Constantinople, which stipulation he generally fulfilled. It happened, however, that in consequence of some misunderstanding which had taken place between him and the grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, at some former period, in order to vex and perplex the vezír, he absolutely declined granting the stipulated tribute. The vezír on this account, and with the view of utterly destroying him, ordered the válí of Syria, Vezír Háfiz Páshá, who had been six years governor in that province, to march against him with the troops of his own province, those of Anatolia, of Caramania, and of Diárbeker. This hostile movement against Maán Oghlí commenced in 1022, and was repeated this year also. But Maán Oghlí’s castles were all situate among rocks and mountains, and garrisoned by the heretics of the country; he had besides a great armed body of many thousands of the detestable Durzís,[26] whom he kept as his guards. His principal fortresses were Shátuf, Paneiyas, Dair al kamar, and some others of a similar description, all which were filled with armed men. Yet when any of these places were threatened by the Osmánlís, and any of Maán Oghlí’s segbáns showed themselves, their heads were made to roll on the ground. Owing, however, to the inaccessible position of his castles, and to their being well supplied with every warlike apparatus, the Osmánlí general, Háfiz Páshá, found it imperative to use every exertion to press Maán Oghlí, especially as the winter coming on, would make it necessary for him and his army to retire into winter-quarters. The result was, that these mountaineers began to feel the want of provisions, and Maán Oghlí, perceiving the determined vigour with which the Osmánlí general carried on his operations, to save his own life became a French proselyte, or at least ingratiated himself into the favour of the French, promising he would assist a French army in acquiring a conquest in the environs of Jerusalem. He accordingly set sail in a French vessel from the nearest port and arrived in Europe, whence he wrote to his followers an account of the esteem and favour he had met in Europe. Amongst other falsehoods, he told them, in order to encourage them to continue their resistance and keep possession of their strong-holds, that he was on the point of returning to them with a victorious army in French ships provided by European princes: he also promised his segbáns their wages.
Vezír Háfiz Páshá, in the meantime, continued to press the strong-holds of Maán Oghlí; and having been strengthened by an augmentation of new forces, he was enabled to lay siege to them. He was, moreover, supplied with artillery from Constantinople, which he applied so effectually against the strong-holds of the enemy, that he succeeded in reducing some of them, whilst others submitted of their own accord. He sent an encouraging message to Maán Oghlí’s segbáns, and two thousand of them joined the Osmánlí army. The castles which were in the most elevated and inaccessible situations stood out for a while, but they also offered to capitulate on terms which they deemed necessary for their own safety. At this moment, however, five light ships, conveying a number of troops and cannon for Maán Oghlí’s garrisons, arrived. The infamous wretch, Maán Oghlí’s deputy, came out to receive these cannon, and was in the act of having them conveyed into his strong-hold, when Háfiz Páshá, who had received a hint of what was going on, sent a pretty strong party with the view of seizing the cannon. The mountaineers no sooner saw the Osmánlís advancing upon them than they fled back into their fastnesses, and the French or Europeans ran to their ships, leaving every thing behind them a prey to the royalists, who were commanded by Hasan Páshá. These mountaineers still trusted, however, that Maán Oghlí himself would, some time during the winter, arrive to their aid with his auxiliary army from Europe. This story gained ground. The Durzís, to the amount of ten thousand, fortified the strong places in the mountains, and secured, moreover, some narrow passes belonging to Shuf (in Syria). The Moslems, however, never ceased to carry on their operations. These Durzís went in a body to a place called Aien-rahela; and whilst Háfiz Páshá was engaged in laying siege to some of their strong-holds, Hasan Páshá joined him with his body of troops. A most tremendous battle now ensued between a body of these Durzís and the Moslem or royal army, in which two hundred of the former lost their heads; the rest fled to the mountains, and their dwellings were all burned to the ground. Again, on the same day, those of the same race who had assembled in the neighbourhood of Kufra-nahm (Capernaum) were scattered, and at Ebn Maherin three hundred more of them were deprived of their heads: one of their chiefs, called Izz-ud-dín, was among the slain. A division of the Moslem troops was also sent to Dair al kamar, where about three hundred more of these Durzís perished. Násir-ud-dín, chief of this fortress, came to the pavilion of the commanding-general, and implored him to spare his life, which he granted him.
At the taking of Dair al kamar, the Osmánlís experienced great difficulties, before they gained the victory which crowned their arduous efforts; and which was chiefly owing to their having changed their mode of assault for that of the springing of mines. One thousand five hundred of the Segbáns that had joined the Moslems were sent to meet Hasan Páshá son of Seif, governor of Tripoli, in Syria, who was marching to reduce a place called Múrj Pásin, the chief of which, a relative of Maán Oghlí, called Násir-ud-dín, with more than a thousand of his followers advanced to meet the son of Seif, when a most desperate encounter ensued; in which the rebel-chief was not only made a prisoner, but several hundred of the Durzís lost their lives. Múrj Pásin itself escaped at this time, but it was afterwards visited when all the Durzís in it were scattered, and their chiefs obliged to flee. Four thousand of these mercenaries, under the command of one, Sheríf-ud-dín, were afterwards defeated in one of the defiles in the mountains called Rúm, where they lost five hundred men. In a short time, seven hundred more of these Durzís were numbered among their slain. In the above-mentioned defile, called Rúm, Sheríf-ud-dín himself, and above one thousand Durzís perished in a battle which was fought there. The Osmánlís were every where victorious against these detestable heretics, and burned their dwellings. Some short time afterwards they learned that Emír Yúnus, the brother of Maán Oghlí, had posted himself with four thousand armed men below the fortress of Banias. They were, however, soon dispersed, and the Osmánlí army now found time to carry on, with more leisure, the sieges of the various other strong-holds which had hitherto stood out. Fekhr-ud-dín Maán Oghlí’s first appearance of insubordination and rebellion took place in 1021, and he continued to manifest it more or less for a considerable time: sometimes he broke out in acts of hostile rebellion; sometimes again he sued for peace: and thus he continued till the reign of Sultán Ahmed Khán, when he was overcome by Kúchuk Ahmed Páshá, and was afterwards conducted to the At Maidán, in Constantinople, where he met with the punishment due to his crimes, as we shall afterwards see.
The grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, murdered.—The seals are conferred on Mohammed Páshá.
Nesúh Páshá was by birth a plebeian, and of one of the villages of Gomlajena. On his being brought into the imperial palace, he was attached to the hatchet-bearers in the old palace, and served under Mahmúd Aghá, the emperor’s favourite. He left this situation with the rank of chávush, and acted for some time as the voivoda of Zula. In 1007 he was advanced to the rank of ketkhodá of the household troops; was afterwards made under-master of the horse, and after enjoying this situation for some time, he was raised to the rank and dignity of governor of Aleppo, where he continued till Jeghala Zádeh gave the government of that city to Jánbúlát Oghlí. Once or twice he was employed against the rebels, but was defeated. Having been created válí of Baghdád, he waged war against the militia of that district. He was for a considerable time válí of Diárbeker, and formed a permanent friendship with the Kurds, by marrying the daughter of the mírsheríf of Kúrdistán. During the time he held these situations, particularly those of Aleppo and Diárbeker, he accumulated immense wealth. When the celebrated Murád Páshá fell sick at Diárbeker, Nesúh became his deputy, and after Murád’s death succeeded him in the premiership, as well as in the chief command of the army of the east. After negotiations had been entered into with the sháh of Persia, and when that prince had agreed to the articles proposed by the Ottoman government, Nesúh Páshá returned to Constantinople in 1021, and became son-in-law to the emperor; but the princess was only three years old when the marriage contract was made.
Although Nesúh was a man of unequalled strength and bravery, yet in battle he was seldom successful. After the death of Murád Páshá it was expected (especially when the splendid apparatus his predecessor had provided against the Persians was considered) that he would have employed his resources against that people and utterly ruin them; but instead of this, he heedlessly agreed to make peace with them. By his power of address, and the servility of manner which he was capable of showing, he acquired such an ascendency over the emperor that he acted with despotic sway. His pride and haughtiness knew no bounds; nor would he allow any one, if he could prevent it, to share his master’s favours. By his influence vezírs were turned out of their vezírships, and others of them were exposed to the greatest insults. Some of the most faithful servants around his majesty’s person he supplanted by creatures of his own stamp. His being at enmity with the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, led him to manifest contempt for the whole body of the ulemá, and caused him to make himself friends of worthless and ignorant men. In every assembly he and his vile associates showed the most marked disrespect for that august and venerable dignitary of the mosque; and every person, whoever he was, if he only suspected him of having any share in the emperor’s favour, was sure to meet with reproach and persecution. His conduct at last, however, was seen through by his majesty, and produced in the monarch’s mind a complete change towards his vezír.
Sím Zádeh, a native of Bosnia, states that Nesúh united great magnanimity of mind with a competent share of knowledge and science, and possessed many other excellent qualities; but that he wanted rectitude and was thoughtless. He says, moreover, that Nesúh Páshá maintained no intercourse with persons who were of a wrathful and furious disposition. His enmity against the reverend mufti wholly arose from his pride, ambition, and haughtiness. One day when the mufti was sitting in the Yalí gardens along with some of his friends, the conversation happened to turn upon the evil conduct and bad administration of the grand vezír. Suddenly, at this time, a six-oared boat approached the Yalí gardens, when it was announced that the grand vezír had arrived. The mufti hastened to meet him as he disembarked. The vezír had on his head a small turban, appeared very much perplexed, and his features became changed. On his meeting the reverend prelate, he saluted him, and hardly giving him time to return the salutation, he stepped into his boat again and sailed away. The reverend mufti, and those about him, were very much surprised at the strange conduct and appearance of the premier; but they did not know the mystery of the case. They took an opportunity, however, to ask him whether he had been at the emperor’s council, but he answered that he had not gone, though he had been invited to attend; and added some other things which seemed to intimate that matters were not right with him.
It would be endless to recount the evils which Nesúh was guilty of, both before and after he was made grand vezír. His cruelty and shedding of innocent blood, his avarice, his tyranny and oppression, were enormous. The emperor not unfrequently remonstrated with him, both in the language of kindness and of threatening, but it had no good effect upon him. Khezer Effendí, who had been raised to the chancellorship for having told him the truth, he contrived to have sent to Anatolia on business; and afterwards despatched a man after him to murder him, which deed he perpetrated. When speaking to his friends of the fate of the unfortunate Effendí, he used to say, he had helped him out of this vain world to a crown of martyrdom in the next. He was destitute of religion; and his exalted station was his ruin. Even his own domestics united at last against him, and deemed him worthy of death. It seemed as if every thing conspired to render it imperative that a judicial sentence should go forth against him. The mufti, Mohammed Effendí, the ághá of the palace, Mustafa Aghá, and those about the emperor’s person, apprehensive of their own safety from the snares and stratagems of the grand vezír, were incessant in preferring complaints against him for his villany and shocking perversities, which at last had the effect of rousing the emperor’s displeasure to such a degree, that he determined on cutting him off. Nesúh saw the storm that was now rising, and therefore fled from the emperor’s presence. This explains the mystery of his going to the Yalí garden, as before observed. His death was determined on: justice had lifted up her hand against him.
It was announced to the grandees of the state, that his majesty intended to be present, on Friday the 13th of Ramazán, at the public assembly in the mosque. The astrologers informed the grand vezír that his horoscope had run its course; that his felicity was at an end; that his stars had prognosticated evil and not good concerning him; and that if he would escape the impending danger, he must avoid seeing the face of the emperor. The grand vezír, fearing the danger to which he was exposed, feigned himself sick, and determined on throwing himself on the emperor’s compassion when he came forth to attend at the mosque. The emperor, however, did not come forth on the day he had announced; for he too was afraid of the grand vezír: but he issued orders to take away his life. This was communicated to the ághá of the janissaries, who was desired to proceed and do the work. This ághá and his janissaries soon surrounded the palace of the grand vezír, when the bostánjí báshí, Hasan Aghá, with a hundred bostánjís, rushed into the premier’s inner chamber, where he was sitting, and instantly strangled him. The seals of office they carried away with them, and delivered them to the emperor.
The end of Nesúh Páshá was no less humbling than his previous fortune had been auspicious. The whole object of his life was to amass wealth. From his first appearance in public he advanced through all the various gradations of military office, but never gained any victory worthy of notice. The desire of accumulating wealth and property was this man’s foible.
In the account of Nesúh Páshá which we have perused there are some other things recorded which we must here insert. After the death of the celebrated Murád Páshá, and when Nesúh was made premier in his stead, he seized on Murád’s lieutenant, and threw him, and one Hasan Aghá, who had offended him, into prison. The former he caused to be executed on the battlements of the prison, and rooted out every individual of his family: the latter met with the same fate shortly afterwards.
When Alí Páshá, the válí of Baghdád, and son-in-law of the lamented Murád Páshá, was on the eve of retiring to his government, his father-in-law strongly advised him against meeting Nesúh. Alí Páshá neglected this advice, had an interview with him, and received several tokens of apparent kindness from Nesúh. He not only conferred a variety of presents upon him, but even sent some of his own domestics along with him under the pretence of rendering him service, whilst, in fact, Nesúh meant them only as spies. When the latter returned to Constantinople he removed Alí Páshá from office, and three times sent him word not to show his face in the metropolis. Alí Páshá, as might have been expected, was very much astonished at this treatment, and wondered what the crime might be for which he was thus treated. Leaving, therefore, his heavy baggage at Eskí-sheher, he secretly returned to Constantinople. The grand vezír made three several attempts to get the emperor to agree to deprive Alí of his life, but without success. On a fourth attempt of the same kind, the emperor, instead of listening to the advice and importunity of his minister, created Alí Páshá a vezír, and secured him against the machinations of the vindictive premier. After the assassination of the latter Alí Páshá was raised to the government of Buda.
The writer, whose sentiments we have introduced into the preceding paragraph, says, moreover, that when Nesúh Páshá accompanied the emperor to Adrianople, he wrote to Mohammed Gheráí, who, along with Sháhín Gheráí, had been the cause of a tumult among the Tátárs, desiring him to come to Adrianople, where he would introduce him to the emperor, and get him made khán. Mohammed Gheráí took the hint, and immediately set out for Adrianople. The emperor having gone out one day to follow the chase, chanced to spy a troop of armed Circassian horsemen, and Mohammed Gheráí at their head. The emperor, who did not seem to know the reason of their appearance in such circumstances, enquired why they had come. The result was, even though the vezír fully explained to the emperor the reason of Mohammed Gheráí’s arrival, that he was instantly seized and carried off to the Seven Towers, and there incarcerated. Persons were also sent to Kili to seize Sháhín Gheráí, but he made his escape before they arrived there.
Chief reasons for accomplishing the death of Nesúh Páshá.
At the time Nesúh Páshá accompanied the emperor to the city of Adrianople, one of his friends, called Jebráil Aghá, happened to lodge at the house of a Seyed, where he made some attempt on the virtue of the wife of his landlord. The enraged Seyed appeared on Friday in the mosque, where the emperor and all the Muselmans were assembled for worship, and stepping into the middle of the court, took off his turban, and thus addressed his majesty: “Please your majesty, you are emperor of the Osmánlís. Who then is this wicked wretch (meaning Nesúh), who, with his Kurds, Turks, and similar tyrants, dares to offer violence in this city? They affix to their own names those of angels, who live near to God, and yet are not ashamed to commit crime and be guilty of corruption. By the great God,” said he, flinging away the muslin cloth that was round his turban, in a rage, “I do not know of whom I should first complain.” The emperor was very much grieved at hearing this story.
On the emperor’s return to Constantinople, the grand vezír formed the design of assassinating the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, and the ághá of the palace, but was afraid of the emperor. He employed, however, one Behrám Khetkhodá to go as far as the country of Albania, and secure for himself, at every stage, a certain number of horses to be in readiness. His object in this was, that as soon as Behrám had assassinated the two reverend prelates above-mentioned, he might make his escape. Behrám, however, was a man of prudence and good sense, and would not agree to perform the task which the grand vezír had imposed upon him. Information of this, and of other things which this wicked premier had been guilty of, coming to the emperor’s ears, he determined on cutting him off, and made arrangements for that purpose. The grand vezír having at last come to perceive that the emperor was for some reason or other displeased with him, came one day into his presence, in order to sound him. “How is it,” said the vezír, “that you pay no attention to any thing I say? If I am not worthy of holding the office of first minister, and you give the seals to another of your servants, I shall certainly destroy myself by taking poison.” The emperor, at hearing this mode of address from his minister, was roused into indignation, and said, “You treacherous villain, the report of your having caused poison to be administered to my faithful servant, Murád Páshá, is but too true.” Nesúh was forthwith despatched; and the offer of the premiership was made to the second vezír, Mohammed Páshá, and son-in-law to the emperor.
After the world was rid of Nesúh Páshá, things began to wear a new and more favourable aspect. The evils of which he had been guilty were incalculable, and most injurious; and never did any man depart more from the spirit of his office than did this man. His sons after him, though they had acquired some grandeur and dignity in the state, were, like himself, unfortunate. Two of them met with a fate similar to that of their father, and another of them was allowed to pine away in solitude and neglect.
After the death of Nesúh, several persons who had been deposed during his administration were restored to their offices or to others still more important. Among these was Alí Páshá formerly mentioned, whose services in the late war with Austria, and his wise administration at Baghdád, had become known to the emperor. Mahmúd Páshá, the son of Jeghala Zádeh, was another who was confirmed in his dignity of vezír. On the 21st of Ramazán, Hasan Páshá, who had been at one time beglerbeg of Diárbeker, was again appointed to that government; and, at the same time, protector of the frontiers. Some other appointments took place on this occasion.
Concerning Betlan Gabor.
Betlan, or Bethlem, Gabor was a descendant of the Baturi line of Transylvanian princes. Baturi Gabor, better known by the appellation of Delí Karal (the foolish king), was a madman and a tyrant. He seized on the property of the other chiefs and nobles of Transylvania, and slew such of them as had the courage to oppose his tyranny and oppression: some were proscribed by him, and others, to escape his fury, fled the country. Betlan Gabor was one of the latter, and came to Belgrade at the time when Yemishjí Hasan Páshá was commander-in-chief, who allowed Betlan Gabor a salary of one hundred and twenty pieces of money. Betlan remained the whole of that winter at Semendria, and afterwards returned to Transylvania: but in 1021, he was again, for fear of Baturi Gabor, obliged to take refuge in Turkey. Having been successively deputy to Iskander Páshá and to Hasan Páshá, and being well acquainted with both the Arabic and Persian languages, he accompanied Nikrúm, the Austrian ambassador, to the court of Constantinople. Nesúh Páshá, the grand vezír, conferred on Betlan Gabor the government of Kaniza. By the intervention of Iskander Páshá it was that he was first introduced to the premier, who made himself acquainted with the circumstances of his case. Betlan informed him of the conduct of his relative, Delí Karal; and this led to the measures which the government afterwards adopted for crushing Baturi Gabor.
Under the pretence of repairing the fortress of Buda, it was considered necessary to augment the troops in that quarter; but these, in fact, were to be employed against Baturi Gabor, Delí Karal. Orders for augmenting the troops were accordingly issued. Iskander Páshá assembled his troops in the plains of Serim, marched to Temisvar, passed through Timúr kapú, and entered Transylvania. Nesúh Páshá appointed Kelánjí Omar Páshá to take the command of the army, and ordered Sháhín Gheráí and the begs of Valachia and Moldavia to join the main body.
When Delí Karal heard of the formidable array which was gathering against him, he shut himself up in Waradin and fortified the place. In the meantime Iskander Páshá proceeded to Belgrade, in Transylvania, and there installed Betlan Gabor as king of that country. It was not to be imagined, however, that so long as the mad king was allowed to continue in existence, Betlan Gabor would find it an easy matter to reign undisturbed in the possession of Transylvania. By the advice of Betlan, Iskander Páshá showed various acts of kindness to such of the voivodas as could be depended upon, and thus secured their good-will and that of their subjects in behalf of the new-made king. Iskander Páshá, after having settled all these matters, thought proper to evacuate the country; but he had scarcely done so when Delí Karal ventured out of his strong-hold, and, with the view of attacking Betlan, began to muster what forces he could. One of the voivodas, however, placed himself in a certain pass through which the old king was to pass, and actually shot him on his first appearance. Betlan Gabor was no sooner rid of his antagonist than he began to reign without fear, and, of course, without a rival; sent a letter to his friend, Iskander Páshá, who was still at Timúr kapú, informing him of his good fortune, and thanking him for the services he had rendered to him. When Iskander Páshá received this letter he began to make arrangements with regard to the cities and provinces of Transylvania, and settled things on the same footing as they had been in former times.
The treaty of Transylvania.
Betlan Gabor having given the strongest assurances and the most faithful pledges of his attachment and subserviency to the Ottoman government, the latter entered into a perpetual league with him, both offensive and defensive, constructed in conformity to the league entered into in the days of Soleimán, which was signed on the 23d of Jemadi I. of this current year. The league or treaty was as follows:—
“In consequence of the demise of the ruler of Transylvania, and the entirely new state of things in that country, the Ottoman government, in compliance with the wish of the princes and three estates of the nobles of Transylvania, has appointed from amongst them a descendant of the kings of Transylvania, and one brought up amongst them, to be ruler of that country. It therefore decrees, that none of the nobles or plebeians shall, without their own consent, be obliged to leave the country; nor shall any who has been obliged to submit to the new order of things, suffer any molestation whatever. 2. So long as the ruler, nobles, and commons of Transylvania remain firm in their submission to the Sublime Porte, no neighbouring power shall be permitted to invade that country. 3. None of the captives which the Transylvanians may have taken shall be employed against the common enemy. 4. All the cities and villages in the confines of Solnak, Gullah, Lipah, and Temisvar shall continue to pay such taxes and imposts as they were accustomed to pay to the Ottoman government before the rebellion occasioned by Baturi Zigmund; the government of Transylvania shall not hinder or forbid the payment of these taxes and imposts on any account whatever. 5. The Transylvanian government shall on no pretence whatever molest the districts of Salmish, or those places belonging to Turkey in the districts of Shemadeyma and Yarfatnah. 6. Such of the Turkish peasantry as may have removed to Transylvania, and are still there, shall be sent back to the places whence they came. 7. The Transylvanian government shall in like manner, and in conformity to former agreement, from time to time send its accustomed tribute to the Ottoman government. 8. The Transylvanian government shall form a friendly union with the voivodas of Valachia and Moldavia, and shall render to them friendly aid when necessary. 9. In like manner, it shall afford to Turkey, on due notice being given, its aid and assistance with that fidelity which its relation to that country demands. 10. The boundaries of the country of Transylvania are to remain as they were fixed at the making of the treaty of Vienna, and are not to be altered. 11. None of the Transylvanian princes who may have attached themselves to the ruling prince shall be molested.”
Another treaty.
The princes of Upper-Hungary, during the reign of Soleimán, were all subject to the Ottoman government, but were afterwards obliged to submit to the emperor of Germany. Within these few years, however, king Botchkai and the princes of Upper-Hungary broke their allegiance to that power, and became again subjects of the Ottoman government. It was on this account that the Ottoman government conferred on Botchkai, by treaty, the sovereignty and other emblems of royal authority over those cities which had either revolted from the dominion of Austria, or had been rescued from it: these however, after the death of Botchkai, again fell under the dominion of Austria. The Germans, forgetting integrity and honour with the Transylvanian princes, sought to wrest from their hands every place of strength which had still remained to them; and, moreover, employed violent measures in endeavouring to bring the inhabitants to embrace their system of faith. In consequence of these outrages on the part of the Germans, the inhabitants began again to manifest their old hostility against their oppressors; and wishing to secure the favour and protection of the Turkish government, sent one of their most experienced leaders, Belzai Zigmund Betlan Gabor, the present ruler of Transylvania, to request from that government a renewal of former treaties. The following were therefore agreed to. 1. That so long as the Hungarian princes, kapúdáns, and other chiefs of that nation should maintain a faithful subjection to the Turkish government, the latter power agreed to enter into a treaty, both offensive and defensive; promising, also, to maintain a friendly compact with Betlan Gabor, and to assist him in the event of any hostile invasion. 2. As a proof of their sincerity and integrity, they were this year, according to their ability, to transmit to the court of Constantinople certain presents. 3. In the event of their being called upon to render aid or assistance, none of their castles or cities were to be invaded, but should remain undisturbed. 4. No greater taxes were to be demanded than what they had been accustomed to pay in former times. 5. In the event of the king of Poland, or the rulers of Valachia and Moldavia, wishing to purchase any of the fortresses of Transylvania, they were not to give their consent to such a transaction. 6. Should either of the voivodas of Valachia or Moldavia become disaffected to the Ottoman government, and take refuge in Transylvania, he was not to be allowed to remain there, but be sent to Constantinople, and all his slaves were to be set free without ransom.
This treaty, which was made with Betlan Gabor, who had been deputed by the Hungarian princes to negotiate in their behalf, concludes by assuring him that the Ottoman government would continue its ancient custom of sending to every new ruling prince its accustomed gifts of standards, ensigns, ermines, and robes of honour. Copies of this contract were secretly sent to the parties concerned.
This year Tahmuras Khán withdrew from Sháh Abbás, and entered into a special relation with the Turkish government.
The grand vezír and commander-in-chief marches against Persia.
In the treaty entered into by Kází Ján, the Persian ambassador who had accompanied Nesúh Páshá to Constantinople, as the reader may remember, it was stipulated on the part of the Persian sháh, to furnish the head of the Ottoman government with one hundred loads of silk and one hundred loads of precious wares. For the last two years, however, this tribute had been withheld, and the sháh, thus endeavouring to rid himself of his engagements, violated the treaty. The emperors patience forsook him; his rage kindled into a flame. He sent a royal letter to the grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, to assemble the whole of the household troops, those of Romeili and Anatolia, and march immediately against Persia. The grand vezír appointed Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá to be his deputy in Constantinople; Lunka Zádeh was made treasurer; and the government of Bosnia was conferred on Sulfi Bákí Páshá.
On the 23d of Rabia II. the grand vezír passed over with his splendid army to Scutari, remained there about three weeks, and reached Aleppo in the month of Shabán. Dervísh Tálib Effendí, the ordinary of the ancient mosque of Selím, and chief of the astrologers, accompanied Mohammed Páshá in the capacity of astrologer, and was never absent from him.
In consequence of the lateness of the season, however, the commander-in-chief was obliged to distribute his troops into winter-quarters, intending to commence hostilities as soon as the proper time arrived. He himself took up his quarters in the palace of Aleppo, the válí of which, Etmekjí Zádeh, having been recalled to court, he appointed his deputy in room of Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and sent him off.
A messenger arrives from the sháh.
After the departure of the great army mentioned in the preceding section, information reached the court of Constantinople from one Enjelí, who had been deputed to the court of Persia, that Kásim Beg, ambassador from the sháh of Persia, had arrived on the confines of Reván with the stipulated silk; but such was the displeasure which his majesty felt at the conduct of the sháh that he absolutely refused to recall his army; and when the ambassador actually arrived at Constantinople, which happened to be at the very time that the Osmánlí army entered Aleppo, he was refused the honour and respect usually shown to one of his character, though he was supplied with whatever he required. A whole year passed away, however, before his majesty deigned to read the sháh’s communication, or even to look at the presents sent to him.
The peace with Austria renewed.—New articles added.
The peace with Austria having been renewed this year, twelve new articles were added. The commissioners on both sides met at Vienna. The Ottoman commissioners were Ahmed Aghá, of the horse-guards, the deputy of Alí Páshá, the governor of Buda, and Gashir Ghurajeiyan. Those of the emperor Mathias were his first and second ministers, the treasurer or chancellor of the kingdom of Hungary, besides some other persons of note. The treaty of peace between Austria and Turkey was entered into, as will be remembered, at Sidova, with Murád Páshá, and was to be maintained for the space of twenty years. The revised or renewed treaty was dated, according to the Christian era, in the year 1615; but according to the Moslem era, the 1st of Jemadi II. 1024.
The First of the twelve new articles annexed to the treaty of Sidova, bound both parties to maintain the peace for the period stipulated upon in that treaty. Second. The various articles mentioned in the treaty of Sidova were to remain in full force. Third. The frontier lines, as well as the grounds of complaint between the villages situate on these frontiers, were to be examined and settled. Further: The discontent manifested by one hundred and fifty villages attached to Osterghún were also, according to this article, to be examined. It was agreed to by both sides, that sixty villages in the district of Osterghún should be subjected to the Ottoman government, and four months were allowed for the settling of this point. Fourth. The prisoners taken by either party during the negotiations which were carried on at Sidova were to be set at liberty. A list of all the fortresses which Ahmed Ketkhodá had erected since the commencement of the peace was ordered to be given in; and all the palankas erected by both parties, contrary to the articles of the peace, were to be examined within the first four months, and erased. Sixth. Neither of the contracting parties was to harbour or encourage false or hypocritical persons, but to inform against them. Seventh. The churches belonging to the Christians within the Turkish dominions were to be repaired; and the gospels were to be read according to custom. Eighth. The uninhabited portions of land on the frontiers were declared to be free for the use of the peasantry of the province to which such portions belonged, and by this article they were allowed to settle on them without hindrance. Ninth. Traders belonging to either country were to be allowed to pass and repass from the one to the other, provided such traders were furnished with proper passports from their respective authorities. Into whatever district or province they should enter or pass through, they were, by this article, obliged to show their passes; and the commander of that place or district, and the head of the excise, were either to affix their seals to them, or endorse them, but without any fee or reward. It was further provided by this article, that if the roads by which such traders travelled were unsafe, they were to be furnished with a proper escort; but they were to pay all dues and imposts punctually. Tenth. Merchant-vessels coming to Turkey from any of the dominions of the Roman emperor (i. e. the emperor of Austria) or from Austria with merchandize, were not to be allowed to do so unless they came under the imperial flag, and were furnished with sufficient documents besides. If, in opposition to the spirit of this article, any should venture to do so, the agents and consuls of its respective governments were to be authorized to seize him. Traders coming in ships to Turkey from any of the above-mentioned dominions, or from Spain, or from any other nation carrying the imperial flag, were in like manner to be allowed to do so on paying the Ottoman government three per cent., and two per cent. to their respective consuls, on all such wares and merchandize as they might buy or sell. The consuls or agents were not only to settle all matters for such traders, but were also to be at full liberty to arrest any one of them who might have neglected paying into the government treasury his lawful dues. If any dispute should happen to arise between merchants about money, it was provided by this article, that the cazí of the place or city where such dispute had taken place should have power to decide the question; but with this proviso, that the sum about which the dispute arose was not more than four thousand pieces of money: if above this sum, the litigants were to be obliged to refer the matter in dispute to the military judge of Constantinople. Eleventh. After this treaty was again settled and signed, all letters, messengers, or other persons coming or going from or to either country belonging to the contracting powers, were to be respected by the authorities on the frontiers; and if the roads were unsafe or dangerous, a sufficient escort was to be provided. Twelfth. It was decreed by this article, that from this time no voivodas or servants of governors were to enter any of the frontier villages; but the inhabitants themselves were, nevertheless, to pay or deliver, according to law, whatever amount of dues they might owe.
Death of the reverend Muftí.—His brother, Isaád Effendí, succeeds him.
The venerable and amiable Muftí Effendí, who was tutor to Sultán Murád Khán, was born on the 28th of Shabán 975, when his father was rector of the academy of Yelderím Khán, in Brúsa; and who, along with a private tutor, exercised the greatest assiduity in training and enriching the young mind of his son, who by their instructions acquired the most perfect education. In 994, he was honoured with the rectorship of the academy of Esmíkhán. In three years afterwards he was introduced at court, and in two years more he made a transition from the Selímiya to the Soleimáníyeh. In 1000, he was dignified with the cazíship of Mecca. Not being satisfied with this situation he returned to Constantinople, and was made cazí of that city in 1004. In the same year he was transferred to the jurisdiction of Anatolia. He was present at the taking of Agria, but was afterwards suspended from office for the space of two years. In 1007 he was raised to the jurisdiction of Romeili. In 1010 he succeeded to the muftiship in room of Siná Effendí. In the following year he was deposed, but in 1017 he again succeeded Siná Effendí in the same high office which he had held four times. Seven years afterwards he received a gratuity of six thousand pieces of silver, and was incorporated with the Historiographers. On the 5th of Jemadi II. of this year, he departed into the world of spirits, having died of the plague. He was buried in the tomb of his fathers. His brother, Isaád Effendí, succeeded him in the high priesthood.