DENMARK.

The information respecting Denmark is more complete and derived from more sources than any other return contained in this volume.

The Danish poor law is recent. It appears (p. 278) to have originated in 1798, and to have assumed its present form in 1803. The following statement of its principal provisions is principally extracted from Mr. Macgregor’s report (pp. 280, 283, 284-7, 288, 273-285, 289, 290).

Poor districts.

Each market town, or kiöbstœd, (of which there are 65 in Denmark,) constitutes a separate poor district, in which are also included those inhabitants of the adjacent country who belong to the parish of that town. In the country, each parish forms a poor district.

The poor laws are administered in the market towns by a board of commissioners, consisting of the curate, of one of the magistrates (if any), of the provost (byefoged) in his quality of policemaster, and of two or more of the most respectable inhabitants of the place.

In the country this is done in each district by a similar board, of which the curate, the policemaster, besides one of the principal landholders, and three to four respectable inhabitants, are members, which latter are nominated for a term of three years.

All persons are to be considered as destitute and entitled to relief, who are unable, with their own labour, to earn the means of subsistence, and thus, without the help of others, would be deprived of the absolute necessaries of life.

Classification of paupers.

The poor to whom parochial relief may be awarded, are divided into three classes. To the first class belong the aged and the sick, and all those who from bodily or mental infirmity are wholly or partially debarred from earning the means of subsistence. In the second class are included orphans, foundlings, and deserted children, as well as those, the health, resources, or morals of whose parents are of a description which would render it improper to confide the education of children to their care. The third class comprises families or single persons, who from constitutional weakness, a numerous offspring, the approach of old age or similar causes, are unable to earn a sufficiency for the support of themselves or children.

Relief to first class.

Paupers of the first class who are destitute of other support, are to be supplied by the proper parish officers:

(a) With food (or in market towns where the necessary establishments for that purpose are wanting, with money in lieu thereof); to which, in the agricultural districts, the inhabitants have to contribute, according to the orders issued by the commissioners, either in bread, flour, pease, groats, malt, bacon, butter or cheese, or in corn, or in money, or by rations, or in any other manner, which, from local circumstances, may be deemed most expedient:

(b) With the necessary articles of clothing:

(d) With medical attendance, either at their own dwellings, or in places owned or rented by the parish.

To second.

The children belonging to the second class are to be placed with a private family, to be there brought up and educated at the expense of the parish, until they can be apprenticed or provided for in any other manner.

The commissioners are carefully to watch over the treatment and education of the children by their foster-parents, and that such of them as have been put out to service are properly brought up and instructed until they are confirmed.

To third.

The paupers of the third class are to be so relieved that they may not want the absolute necessaries of life; but avoiding mendicity on the one hand, they must at the same time be compelled to work to the best of their abilities for their maintenance. To render the relief of paupers of this description more effectual, care must be taken that, if possible, work be procured for them at the usual rate of wages; and where the amount does not prove sufficient for their support they may be otherwise assisted, but in general not with money, but with articles of food and clothing, to be supplied them at the expense of the parish.

In cases where families are left houseless, the commissioners are authorized to procure them a habitation, by becoming security for the rent; and where such habitation is not to be obtained for them, they may be quartered upon the householders in rotation, until a dwelling can be found in some other place.

Should the rent not be paid by the parties when due, such persons must be considered as paupers, and be removed to that district where they may be found to have a settlement. The house-rent thus disbursed must in this case be looked upon as temporary relief, and be borne by the parish that advanced it. Where parish-officers refuse to obey these injunctions, they may be compelled by a fine, to be levied daily until they comply.

Liabilities of pauper.

The Danish law has established the principle, that every individual receiving relief of any kind under the poor-laws, is bound, either with his property or his labour, to refund the amount so disbursed for him, or any part thereof; and authority has therefore been given to the poor-law commissioners, “to require all those whom it may concern, to work to the best of their ability, until all they owe has been paid off.”

On relief being awarded to a pauper, the commissioners of the district have forthwith to take an inventory of, and to appraise, his effects, which are only to be delivered over to him for his use, after having been marked with the stamp of the board.

Any person receiving goods or effects so marked, either by way of purchase or in pledge, shall be liable to the restitution of the property, to the payment of its value, and besides to a fine.

The same right is retained by the parish upon the pauper, if he should happen to acquire property at a later period, as well as it extends to his effects at his demise, though he should not have received relief at the time of his death.

An ordinance of the 13th of August, 1814, expressly enacts, that wherever a person absolutely refuses either to refund or to pay by instalments the debt he has so contracted with the parish, he shall be forced to pay it off by working for the benefit of the same, and not be allowed to leave the parish; but that if he do so notwithstanding, he is to be punished by imprisonment in the house of correction. The commissioners are further authorized to stipulate the amount such individual is to pay off per week, in proportion to his capability to work, to the actual rate of wages and other concurring circumstances, and that where such person either refuses to work, or is idle or negligent during the working hours, he is to be imprisoned on bread and water until he reform his conduct.

Begging.

The poor having thus been provided for, begging is prohibited, and declared to be liable to punishment.

In adjudging punishment for begging, it is to be taken into consideration whether the mendicant was in need of support or not. In the first case he shall, the first time, be imprisoned fourteen days; the second time, four weeks; and the third time, work for a year in the house of correction. For every time the offence is committed, the punishment to be doubled. But if the mendicant is able to work, and thus not entitled to support from the parish, he shall, the first time, be imprisoned four weeks; the second time, eight weeks; and the third time, work for two years in the house of correction, which last punishment is to be doubled for every time the offence is committed. When the term of punishment is expired, the beggar is to be sent to his home under inspection, and his travelling expenses by land in every parish through which he passes to be paid by the poor-chest of the bailiwick in which the parish lies; but his conveyance by water to be paid by the parish bound to receive him.

Duty of the poor to seek service.

In the market-towns, all persons belonging to the working classes are obliged to enter into fixed service, unless they have some ostensible means of subsistence, which must be proved to the satisfaction of the magistrates, if required.

In the agricultural districts, every person belonging to the class of peasants, who is not a proprietor or occupier of land, a tacksman (boelsmand), or cottager (huusmand), or subsists upon some trade or profession, is to seek fixed service, unless he be married and permanently employed as a day-labourer.

Where a single person of either sex belonging to the labouring class is not able to obtain a place, he (or she) shall within two months before the regular term when regular servants are changed (Skiftetid) apply to the parish-beadle, who, on the Sunday following at church-meeting, is publicly to offer the services of his client, and inquire amongst the community if any person is in want of a servant, and will receive him (or her) as such. Should the said person not get a place within a fortnight, a similar inquiry is to be made in the neighbouring parish.

All those that have not followed the line of conduct pointed out in the preceding regulation, and are without steady employment, shall be considered as vagrants, and punished accordingly.

It is also provided, that where parents, without sufficient reason, keep more grown up children at home than they absolutely require for their service, it shall be considered indicative, either of their being in comparatively good circumstances, or that their income has been improved by the additional labour of their children, and their poor and school-rates are to be raised in proportion.

Mode of raising fund.

It is not only made obligatory upon the house and landowners to contribute to the parochial fund, but also upon servants and labouring mechanics; in short, upon all persons, without distinction of religion, who are not on the parish themselves, and whose circumstances are such that they can afford to pay the contribution in proportion to their incomes, without thereby depriving themselves of the necessaries of life.

The only exception are the military, and persons receiving pay from the military fund, who are only liable to contribute in so far as they have private means.

The receipts of the parochial fund are derived from various sources, which may be classed under the following heads, viz.—

1. Parochial fund.

1ᵒ. An annual contribution in money, either voluntary or levied upon the inhabitants, according to the assessment of the board of commissioners in each parish, and in proportion to the amount annually required for the relief of the poor.

This contribution is recovered in four quarterly instalments, each of which is payable in advance. The commissioners have to transmit a list of those persons that are in arrears to the bailiff of the division, who may levy the amount by distress.

2ᵒ. A contribution assessed upon the produce of the ground-tax in the townships.

3ᵒ. One-quarter per cent. of the proceeds of goods and effects sold by public auction in the townships.

4ᵒ. Fines and penalties adjudged to the parochial fund by the courts of justice, and the commissioners of arbitration in the townships.

5ᵒ. Produce of collections in churches and hospitals on certain occasions; of the sale of the effects of paupers deceased; of the sale of stray cattle having no owner; voluntary donations on the purchase or sale of houses and lands; contingencies.

6ᵒ. Interest on capital, and rent of lands or houses bequeathed to, or otherwise acquired by, the poor administration.

2. Bailiwick fund.

The receipts of the separate poor fund of the bailiwick consist chiefly,—1ᵒ. In a proportion of certain dues levied in each of its jurisdictions; 2ᵒ. In fines and penalties adjudged to the fund by the tribunals and the commissions of arbitration in the agricultural districts; 3ᵒ. In ¼% of all goods and effects sold by public auction in the country; 4ᵒ. In the interest on capital belonging to the fund.

This fund has been established for the following purposes:—1ᵒ. Of contributing to the support of paupers who, although not properly belonging to the poor of the district in which they have become distressed, must still be relieved; 2ᵒ. Of assisting the parochial fund in extraordinary cases; 3ᵒ. Of defraying all expenses of a general nature that ought to be assessed upon the several parish funds within the jurisdiction of the bailiwick.

Effects of these institutions.

With respect to the effects of these institutions the evidence is not consistent. Mr. Macgregor’s opinion is, on the whole, favourable.

Be the management (he says) of the poor-laws good or bad, yet the system itself seems to have answered an important object, that of checking the rapid growth of pauperism. I admit that paupers have increased in Denmark these last thirty years, in the same proportion with the increase of population (pari passu); but I am far from believing that the proportion which they bear to the whole population is much greater now than it was in 1803, namely, 1:32, although some of the townships, from particular circumstances, may form an exception. I have diligently perused all the different reports that have been published for the last five years upon the present state of the rural economy of the country, and they all concur in stating that there is a slight improvement in the value of land; that idle people are seldom found; and that there is sufficient work in which to employ the labouring population.—(p. 291.)

Pauperism is chiefly confined (especially in the country) to the class of day-labourers, both mechanic and agricultural, who, when aged and decrepit, or burdened with large families, throw themselves upon parish relief whenever they are distressed from sickness or from some other casualty. But happily the allowance-system, which is productive of so much mischief, is not acted upon here to the same enormous extent as in England, and as the able-bodied can expect nothing beyond the absolute necessaries of life, they have no inducement for remaining idle, and they return to work the moment they are able, and have the chance of obtaining any. Relief, therefore, or the expectation of it, has hitherto not been found to produce any sensible effect upon the industry of labourers generally, nor upon their frugality, although it is more than probable that any relaxation in the management of the system would stimulate them to spend all their earnings in present enjoyment, and render them still more improvident than they already are. Nor are the poor-laws instrumental in promoting early marriages among the peasants; but it being their custom to form engagements at a very early period of life, this, in the absence of all moral restraint in the intercourse between the two sexes, leads to another serious evil, bastardy, which has so much increased of late years, that out of ten children, one is illegitimate.

A pauper in this kingdom lives in a state of degradation and dependence; he only receives what is absolutely necessary for his subsistence, and must often have recourse to fraud and imposition to obtain that, what is reluctantly given.

The working labourer, on the other hand, enjoys a certain degree of freedom and independence, although his means may be small, and that sometimes he may even be subject to great privations.

Should it ever so happen that the labouring population readily submit to all the restrictions imposed upon them by the parish officers, and that this is found not to be owing to any transitory causes, such as a single year of distress or sickness, then, in my humble opinion, the time is arrived and no other remedy left to correct the evil than for the government to promote emigration. (p. 292.)

Mr. Thaloman states that,

Hitherto these institutions have had a salutary and beneficial effect on the nation, inasmuch as many thousand individuals have been prevented from strolling about as beggars, and many thousand children have received a good education, and have grown up to be useful and orderly citizens. Neither as yet have any remarkable symptoms of dissatisfaction appeared among the wealthier classes. But we cannot be without some apprehension for the future, since the poor-rates have been augmented to such a degree that it would be very difficult to collect larger contributions than those now paid. And as sufficient attention has not been paid to this circumstance, that the farmers are continually building small cottages, in which poor people establish themselves, since the government have been unwilling to throw any restraint on marriages between poor persons; there seems reason to fear, that in the lapse of another period of twenty years, the poor in many districts will to such a degree have multiplied their numbers, that the present system will yield no adequate means for their support.

In the towns much embarrassment is already felt, the poor having increased in them to a much greater extent than in the country.

All the taxes of a considerable merchant of Dram in Norway, who owns eight trading vessels actually employed, amounted during last year to not more than the school and poor-rates of one large farm in the heath district which you visited last year. (p. 279.)

M. N. N., a correspondent of Mr. Browne’s, and the author of a very detailed account of the existing law, after stating that,

Benevolent as the Danish poor system will appear, it is generally objected to it that the too great facility of gaining admittance, particularly to the third class, encourages sloth and indolence, especially in the country, where the means are wanted to establish workhouses, the only sure way of controlling those supported:

And that,

It is further objected to the present system, that it already begins to fall too heavy on the contributors, and that in course of time, with the constant increase of population, it will go on to press still more severely on them, inasmuch as their number and means do not by any means increase in a ratio equal to the augmentation of the number wanting support: (p. 274.)

Adds, in answer to more specific inquiries,

Before the introduction of the present poor law system, the distress was much greater, and begging of the most rapacious and importunate kind was quite common in the country. This was not only a heavy burthen on the peasantry, but was in other respects the cause of intolerable annoyance to them; for the beggars, when their demands were not satisfied, had recourse to insolence and threats, nay, even to acts of criminal vengeance. This is no longer the case, and in so far, therefore, the present system has been beneficial.

It is a fact that poverty now appears in less striking features than it did before the introduction of the poor law system. This may, however, proceed from causes with which that system has no connexion; for example, from the increased wealth of the country in general, from improvements in agriculture, from the large additions made to the quantity of arable land, which have been in a ratio greatly exceeding that of the increased population. If the clergyman, who is, and will always be the leading member of the poor committee, was able to combine with his other heavy duties, a faithful observance of the rules prescribed for him in the management of the poor, I am of opinion that the system would neither be a tax on industry nor a premium on indolence. But it rarely happens that the clergyman can bestow the requisite attention on the discharge of this part of his duty; and therefore it is not to be denied that the present poor law (not from any defect inherent in the system, but merely from faulty management) does occasionally act as a tax on industry and a premium on idleness. (p. 275.)

On the other hand, Mr. Browne thus replies to the questions as to the effects of the poor laws on the, 1. industry, 2. frugality, 3. period of marriage, and 4. social affections of the labouring classes, and on the comparative condition of the pauper and the independent labourer. (pp. 266, 267.)

1. On the industry of the labourers?—On their industry, most injurious, involving the levelling principle to a very great degree, lowering the middleman to the poor man, and the poor man who labours to the pauper supported by the parish. It tends to harden the heart of the poor man, who demands with all that authority with which the legal right to provision invests him. There is no thankfulness for what is gotten, and what is given is afforded with dislike and reluctance.

2. On their frugality?—The poor laws greatly weaken the frugal principle.

3. On the age at which they marry?—Encourage early and thoughtless marriages. The children are brought up with the example of indolence and inactivity before their eyes, which must be most prejudicial in after-life. I have often remarked amongst the people, who are naturally soft, susceptible and sympathizing, an extraordinary insensibility towards those who voluntarily relieve them, even at the moment of relief, and no gratitude whatever afterwards. I can attribute this most undesirable state of feeling, so contrary to what might be expected from the natural character of the people, solely to the perpetual association of right to relief. Thus does the system always disturb and often destroy the moral and kindly relation which should subsist and which is natural, between the higher and lower orders. The poor man becomes stiff and sturdy; the rich man indifferent to the wants and sufferings of the poor one. He feels him a continual pressure, at moments inconvenient to relieve, and under circumstances where he would often withhold if he could, partly from dislike to the compulsory principle, and often not regarding the case as one of real charity, and disapproving, as he naturally may, of the whole system of poor laws’ administration. From all I have observed, I feel persuaded (and I have lived a good deal in the country, having had much connexion with the lower orders, and not having been indifferent to their condition either moral or physical) that a more mischievous system could not have been devised—that poverty has been greatly increased by weakening the springs of individual effort, and destroying independence of character—that the lower orders have become tricky, sturdy and unobliging, the higher orders cold and uncharitable; and in short, that ere long, unless some strenuous steps are taken, Denmark will drink deep of the bitter cup of which England, by a similar system, has been so long drinking to her grievous cost. Were there no other objection, the machinery is wanting to conduct so delicate and complicated a system. And were it the best possible, and had the managers no other occupation but the one, the ingenuity of idleness to escape from action is so great, that it would often, very often, defeat eyes less actively open to detect it. I have spoken with few who do not object to the system from first to last, or who do not press an opinion that the state of the population before the existence of the poor laws was more desirable by far than at present.

4. On the mutual dependence and affection of parent, children, and other relatives?—No doubt it materially disturbs the natural dependence and affection of parent and child. The latter feels his parent comparatively needless to him; he obtains support elsewhere; and the former feels the obligation to support the latter greatly diminished. In short, being comparatively independent of each other, the affections must inevitably become blunted.

5. What, on the whole, is the condition of the able-bodied and self-supporting labourer of the lowest class, as compared with the condition of the person subsisting on alms or public charity; is the condition of the latter, as to food and freedom from labour, more or less eligible?—Were I a Danish labourer, I would endeavour to live partly on my own labour, and partly on the parish, and I feel persuaded that a labourer so living in Denmark will be better off than one who gets no help from the parish; that is, the former, from a knowledge that he may fall back on the parish, will spend all he earns at the time on coffee, spirits, tobacco, snuff, &c., whereas the latter, who certainly can live on his industry (except under extraordinary and occasional emergencies, sickness, &c.) is debarred from such gratifications. Under such circumstances, the poorer labourer is better off than the poor one.

And his views are supported by the following observations of Count Holstein:

1st. The dread of poverty is diminished, and he who is half-poor works less instead of more, so that he speedily becomes a complete pauper. Those who are young and capable of labour are less economical, always having the poor rate in view, as a resource against want; likewise marriages are contracted with much less forethought, or consideration as to consequences.

2d. The morality of the poor man suffers, for he looks upon his provision as a right, for which he, therefore, need not be thankful; and, 3d, the morality of the rich man suffers, for the natural moral relation between him and the poor man has become completely severed; there is no place left for the exercise of his benevolence; being obliged to give, he does it with reluctance, and thus is the highest principle of charitable action, Christian love, exposed to great danger of destruction.

4th. As the clergyman of the parish is the president of the poor committee, he becomes involved in transactions peculiarly unsuited to his sacred calling, sometimes even compelled to resort to the extremity of distraint to compel his own parishioners to pay the allotted proportions; and thus does the moral influence of him, who should be a picture of the God of love, become every day less and less powerful. (p. 276.)

We have entered into this full statement of the Danish poor laws, and of their administration, because they exhibit the most extensive experiment that has as yet been made in any considerable portion of the Continent of a system in many respects resembling our own.