LETTER III.
Sharp fighting is going on. The Prince of Parma, after an unsuccessful assault on Oudenarde, kept up a roar of cannon throughout the following night, and battered the walls without cessation, in order to prevent the townsmen repairing the breaches. This is the last news we have had, but people do not think the town will be easy to storm, now that Alençon’s reinforcements are coming up; they are scarcely two miles from Arras, and if they do no more than burn the ripe crops, it will be a crushing blow to that town, and also to others whose harvests will be destroyed.
April 26, 1582.
[LETTER IV.]
News has come that Oudenarde, after having been thrice unsuccessfully assaulted, has surrendered to the Prince of Parma on honourable terms. On the other hand, they say that Bouchain, a small but strongly fortified town in Hainault, near Cambrai, has fallen into Alençon’s hands through the treachery of the commandant appointed by the Prince of Parma.
Alençon proclaims himself a great champion of the Catholics, and in many places has restored their churches to them. Hence some surmise that his reign in those parts will not be a long one, as no dependence can be placed in an alliance between parties of different religious opinions; they think that the enemies of the Catholics wink at these acts of his, on account of the destruction which now threatens, but that, as soon as the danger shall have passed by, changes will immediately follow. It will end, they say, in the Prince of Orange carrying off the lion’s share of the spoil by securing to himself the undisturbed possession of Holland and Zealand.
June 12, 1582.
LETTER V.
The King has set out for Lyons. The reason of his journey is not certainly known. His anxiety to be blessed with a son and heir, and his devotion to shrines of high repute, render it probable that he has gone to Lyons with the object of visiting on his way the shrine of some saint famous for his miracles, and offering up his vows for the birth of a son. He will be absent on this tour for more than two months. The supreme power has in the meantime been vested in his mother (Catherine de Medici); this will afford her a good opportunity of favouring Alençon, and assisting him with the ample succours placed at her disposal.
July 4, 1582.
[LETTER VI.]
There is at last no doubt as to the disastrous defeat of the French at the Azores,[119] letters having come from [146]Spain confirming the previous account, though differing slightly in some particulars.
Among other details, we learn that Strozzi, and the man they call Don Antonio’s Constable, were taken prisoners, but were so severely wounded that they died soon afterwards. The French declare that poison was poured into their wounds to hasten their death. Forty nobles were beheaded as pirates, because they were unable to show any commission from the King authorising the expedition; for the same reason three hundred common soldiers were hanged. We hear also that the victory was won by the Lisbon fleet alone, the cooperating squadron[120] not having come up in time to take part in the action. Report says that they owe this great success to the size of their vessels and the calibre of their guns.[121] The French, burning for revenge, are so exasperated that I think it will be a long time before it will be safe for a Spaniard to show himself in France; they will hurry with redoubled zeal into the Netherlands—whether to avenge their countrymen’s fall or share it, God only knows.
At any rate it is quite certain that large numbers of soldiers are everywhere pouring into the Netherlands, and that Alençon will shortly have a very large army. The chiefs are the Prince Dauphin,[122] Rochefoucauld, and Laval, the son of d’Andelot.[123] What they lack is an old and experienced leader, and people think that this deficiency will be supplied at the right moment. Biron is no doubt the man they mean. I mentioned in a former letter that Alençon had asked for him, and been refused by the King. People think, that when affairs are ripe, he will avail himself of the King’s absence to leave France secretly and join Alençon, by order of the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici), and moreover that his example will be followed by several regiments of royal cavalry which are quartered on the Netherland frontier; just as lately happened when Alençon was escorted to Cambrai.
The Prince of Parma having drawn up his whole army before the gates of Ghent, there was some desultory fighting between light-armed troops on either side, who skirmished in front of their respective armies, while Alençon looked on from the walls. On both sides men were slain, and the engagement ended without advantage[124] to either party. Alençon retired with his people to Antwerp.
The garrison of Lier have commenced a kind of fortification at the monastery of St. Bernard, which will be a thorn in the side of the citizens of Antwerp if they succeed in finishing it. Probably Alençon will employ all his strength to prevent its completion.
From Scotland also we have news of disturbances, that the Regent[125] has been put to death, d’Aubigny is besieged, and the young King himself deprived of his liberty, and that all this has been done in the name of the Estates. This news is accompanied by sundry canards, viz. that the King of Spain has promised his second daughter to the young King on condition of his raising war against the Queen of England, and that this has given such deep offence to the Duke of Savoy that he is completely estranged from Philip, and altogether in the French interest, intending to marry the sister of Henry of Navarre.
Your Imperial Majesty will see in the document I enclose evidence touching some plot against Alençon and Orange. I can add nothing to the contents of the document, except that the Salceda[126] who is mentioned in it is a prisoner here. How it will end I cannot guess, but I suspect he is kept till the King returns.
The King has left Lyons to join his wife at Bourbon-les-Bains.
August 15, 1582.
LETTER VII.
The Prince of Parma has checked the progress of Alençon’s reinforcements by encamping at Arras. They are obliged, therefore, to make a détour to Calais, so as to reach their destination by sea. Alençon has divided the army which he already had in the Netherlands into garrisons for different places. Thus he has quartered some in Brussels, some in Mechlin, some in Vilvorde, and some also in Gelderland and Friesland.
The Spanish Ambassador having sent one of his people with despatches to the Prince of Parma, the man had but just left the first stage, when he fell in with some horsemen, whose names I do not know, and was compelled to surrender his papers. As the man was a Netherlander, he was allowed to escape unharmed. The horsemen told him, with many a threat, that if he had been a Spaniard he would not have got off so easily, but would have paid with his life for the butchery of their kinsmen in the Azores.
September 12, 1582.
LETTER VIII.
The event has justified the conjecture of those who suspected that, when the time was ripe, Marshal Biron[150] would find his way to Alençon’s camp. The King made him Governor of the French Netherlands, which they call Picardy, to protect his interests in that quarter, and take such precautions as occasion might require. He also issued instructions to the authorities on that part of the coast to place themselves under Biron’s orders.
Great things were expected of him when he set out, for he is considered the most experienced general in France, having, during his long career, passed through every grade and rank in the French army.
One of Alençon’s corps has joined him in Brabant, the other and stronger corps is with Biron. To these must be added the whole of the royal cavalry, which, as I mentioned in a former letter, has been quartered on the frontiers under pretence of guarding them. He has, nevertheless, asked for more horse, for, while he thinks himself quite a match for the Prince of Parma in infantry, he considers himself very inferior in cavalry. Accordingly, seven or eight squadrons of horse are under orders to join him. Meanwhile, he has garrisoned Peronne and St. Quentin so strongly as to render them safe against any hostile attack. For the Prince of Parma has been threatening in plain terms that, if the French invade any part of his territories, he will immediately march against St. Quentin. This move of his, therefore, is now forestalled. Famine is what the Prince of Parma has most to dread, especially now that he has been cut off from the sea, and supplies are not allowed to cross the French frontier.
There are many symptoms of the King’s becoming more favourable to his brother’s enterprise. Without any notice beforehand, certain commissioners were lately appointed to inspect the ledgers of business men generally, and specially those of the Italians, in order to see whether any moneys could be seized on their way to the Prince of Parma. The investigation over, two men were ordered to quit France, Capello of Milan, and Calvi of Genoa, who were both suspected, on very strong evidence, of having helped the King of Spain by forwarding money to the Netherlands. At one man’s house were seized 18,000 Italian gold pieces, which had been deposited with him by a Spaniard. These were confiscated to the crown, as there is an Edict here forbidding people to have money of any coinage save that of France; the only exception being in favour of Spanish money. The coinage of every other country must be brought to the royal Bank, and changed at a heavy discount. The King melts down the gold, and issues new coins bearing his own stamp. Thus, not only have precautions been taken, by the issue of a stringent proclamation, that Alençon’s opponents should get no supplies from France to relieve their famished troops, but it is evident that measures are being set on foot to prevent their henceforth having the means of purchasing provisions. The roads are everywhere blocked to all who still acknowledge the authority of the King of Spain, and so closely are they watched that no one can pass through France without being plundered or taken prisoner; nor can any remonstrance be made on this score, since it is easy to pretend that they are the acts of common highwaymen.
Up to the present date the posts have been permitted to run openly and without interference into Spain; but now a letter-carrier on his way to Spain has not been allowed to have relays of horses, except on condition of his giving security that he carries no despatches but those of merchants. This order has prevented his going forward, and so the man is detained in France.
The disaster which befell their countrymen in the Azores has had so little effect on the spirit of the French, that it is intended to fit out a new fleet much bigger than the last, and to place some Prince in command of it. Ships accordingly have been selected, which they are beginning to equip, so as to have them ready against next spring. After all, the future is uncertain; who can tell what may happen in the meantime?
Montpensier,[127] father of the Prince Dauphin, has departed this life, at a good old age. I shall, therefore, for the future call his son Montpensier, when I have occasion to mention him; for, in spite of his father’s death, he is carrying out his intention of proceeding to the Netherlands.
The man Salceda,[128] whom I mentioned in former despatches, has paid a heavy penalty for his crime; what that crime was I do not know, but it must needs have been monstrous to deserve so dreadful a doom. Only one instance of such a punishment is found in the whole history of Rome, viz. when Hostilius inflicted it on Fuffetius. Whether he conspired against the life of Alençon or the King, or both, I am not certain. He was condemned to be torn asunder by four horses. As soon as the horses began to pull, he said he had something more to confess. When his confession had been taken down by a notary, he asked to have his right hand released,[129] and when this was done, he wrote something more, or at any rate signed his name.
When his hand had again been fastened to the traces, and the horses, being started in different directions, had made two distinct pulls, and yet failed to pull him in two, he called out to the King, who with his mother and wife was looking on from a window, imploring mercy. Then his neck was broken, his head severed from his shoulders, and his heart torn out. The rest of his body was pulled asunder by the horses. His head was sent to Antwerp, with orders to have it stuck on the highest pinnacle in the city. Such was the end of a wretch monstrous alike in his wickedness, and in his audacity.
Here is a specimen. He purchased an estate, and paid for it in bad money which he himself had coined. The vendor discovered the fraud, brought an action for treason against Salceda, and so recovered his house and land. Salceda saved himself by flight from the customary punishment, otherwise he would have been put to death with boiling oil, but nevertheless he took means to have fire set to the aforesaid house at night, and the owner was within an ace of perishing with the building. When the King, who sometimes visited his place of confinement, upbraided him for his cruelty in trying to destroy by such a fearful death the man whom he had already cheated. ‘Well,’ quoth Salceda, ‘when he wanted to have me boiled, was it unreasonable that I should try to have him roasted?’ What a fund of wit the scoundrel must have had, when even at such a time he must crack his jokes!
I am afraid that Count Egmont’s brother is seriously compromised by Salceda’s evidence.[130]
October 1, 1582.
[LETTER IX.]
Biron has halted on the banks of the Somme, and intrenched himself. Some think that he will remain there for a time to observe the development of the Prince of Parma’s plans, and watch the result; for [155]they say that the daily losses of the Spanish army from famine and pestilence are very heavy.
The Netherland letter carrier, who, as I mentioned, was detained here, having given security through responsible people, that he was conveying no letters save those of merchants, was allowed to proceed on his way to Spain.
The Spanish Ambassador was deeply annoyed at Salceda’s head being sent to Antwerp with orders from the King that it should be exposed to public gaze on the highest pinnacle in the city, and reminded the King in a solemn protest that he (the French King) had no jurisdiction in Antwerp. The King was taken aback, and had no answer to make except that he had sent the head to his brother to do with it in Antwerp as he would; or, to use the French phrase, ‘Qu’il en fist des petits pastez s’il vouloit.’
They say that Schomberg[131] is going to Germany, whether to hire soldiers I cannot say.
A messenger has just come from Languedoc with the news that some Italian nobles, on their way back from Spain, have been captured at sea by Huguenots, and taken to the town of Aigues-Mortes. A brother of the Marquis of Pescara is thought to be among the captives, but nothing is known for certain, as they refuse to give their names. Whoever they may prove to be, if they are men of rank they are not likely to get their liberty until La Noue[132] is restored to freedom.
The King is again on a tour, having undertaken a pilgrimage[133] to the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Joy (they call her Nostre Dame de Liesse), in the part of Champagne adjoining Picardy, in the hope, we may suppose, of gaining joy by the birth of a child.
They say the King has commissioned the Bretons to build fifty galleys. There are also other signs of a fleet being in prospect.
November 25, 1582.
[LETTER X.]
They say that the King has ordered 50,000 gold pieces to be paid monthly towards Alençon’s expenses, and that over and above this regular payment extra money is to be sent from time to time.
No one now has the slightest doubt as to the fact that Montpensier and Biron have joined Alençon, making their way along the sea coast north of Bruges. People think that Alençon will take them both into his service, the former as chief Minister, and the latter as Commander-in-chief, and that the Prince himself will cross over into England, and, after having concerted his plans with the Queen, will return to France for an interview with his brother.
To the great content of his people the King is said to be calling to account more vigorously than ever those who are suspected of making away with Church property.
The force Biron has taken with him is not numerous, but it consists of picked troops, the royal cavalry being left to guard the frontiers, and every one having been sent back whose circumstances or disposition appeared unsuited to the strain of a long campaign, or whose licentious habits would render him intolerable to the Netherlanders. He is supposed to have taken with him 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry.
Whatever others may think, I am confident that this French invasion is a very serious matter; the movement will grow and send forth roots which presently it will be very difficult to get rid of. Whether I look at its immediate results or more remote consequences, the prospect is alarming.
Some assert that the troops of the Prince of Parma are suffering from disease and famine, more especially the new Italian levies, who are not yet hardened to the cold of the Netherlands.
Before commencing his march towards Brabant, the Prince of Parma retook Cateau Cambrésis; he is said to be at present closely blockading Diest, which belongs to the Prince of Orange, and unless it is speedily relieved, its fall is certain. People think his next enterprise will be an attack on Brussels.
There are crowds of Swiss ambassadors here, representing nearly all the Cantons; they have come to renew and ratify their treaty with the King of France; there are great rejoicings at their arrival, and every day they are magnificently entertained at State banquets, given sometimes by the King, sometimes by the city of Paris, or by the Guises and other Princes of the Court. When these are terminated, and each of the ambassadors has been presented with a weighty chain of gold, they will be allowed to depart.
There is a report that the King and the Duke of Lorraine will arrive here at the same time.
Some Frenchmen have lately returned from the Azores, and report their position there to be perfectly safe; they say there is no want of anything except clothing, supplies of which are now being forwarded as fast as possible. It appears, after Strozzi’s defeat, a large proportion of the French ships and men retreated to the islands. Meanwhile rumours as to the new expedition are as rife as ever.
I must now say a word of what is going on in France; the King has despatched distinguished men[134] of high position into all the provinces of the realm, under pretence of correcting any errors and abuses in the administration, and of hearing all complaints; but the real object he has in view is to lay on the people a new and heavy tax. The experiment does not appear to be over successful; as to what will be the issue I could not venture to speak positively, for what the King has so often wished for he has not obtained![135]
December 15, 1582.
LETTER XI.
It is hardly worth telling, but still your Majesty may like to hear of a scene which took place at Antwerp. [159]St. Luc was in Alençon’s chamber.[136] (If I remember rightly I told your Majesty in a previous letter that, when he fell under the King’s displeasure, he joined Alençon’s party.) Some noble or other said something in his presence that annoyed him, and which he considered to be a personal insult.
Thereon he gave him a blow in the face[137] before Alençon’s very eyes. The Prince of Orange, who was present, was indignant at his behaviour, and, giving vent to his wrath, plainly told Alençon that such outrageous conduct ought not to go unpunished, and that the Emperor, Charles the Fifth, had he been alive, would not have put up with it, but would have punished the offender most severely, whatever his rank or position might be. He told him that the chambers of Princes ought to be inviolable and sacred ground, in which brawling was not permissible.
On this St. Luc rejoined—I give you almost his very words—‘Marry, is it Charles that you quote to me? Why, if he were still alive, you would ere this have lost your estates and your head.’ With these words he flung out of the chamber, leaving all the company dumbfounded at his outrageous conduct.
December 18, 1582.
LETTER XII.
The Swiss Ambassadors have left Paris, after receiving each a chain worth 500 gold pieces.[138] There were twenty-six to whom this honour was paid. Moreover, the chiefs of the embassy were loaded with special presents of plate, furniture, &c. I append to my letter a copy of the speech in which the King bade them farewell. I was unable to learn the terms on which the treaty was renewed, although I tried my best. It would seem that our friends do not wish them to be published. By these arrangements with the Swiss the King has secured a supply of infantry. Of cavalry he thinks he has abundance in his own realm. The financial question has yet to be solved; his scheme for coining[139] money I described in one of my last letters; and, though the plan has not hitherto met with much [161]success, the provinces turning a deaf ear to requests of this kind, nevertheless, such efforts are still being made, that I should not like to pledge myself positively as to what will be the result.
Don Antonio has come back to France with a few ships; the reason of his return I have not discovered; possibly he did not think himself safe in the Azores; or it may have been that he considered his presence and influence would be of service in promoting the new expedition. At any rate, he is here, and has been already on several occasions admitted to a private interview with the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici). A lodging has been given him close to the palace, built by the young Queen, whither she is often wont to retire.
A few days ago this same Don Antonio set out for Dieppe, in order personally to hasten the equipment of the fleet, which in his absence was going on more slackly than he liked. I cannot describe how exasperated all our friends are against the Spaniards, and how eagerly they desire war. A book is said to be in the press, in which the claims of the elder Queen[140] (Catherine de Medici) to the kingdom of Portugal are set forth at great length.
When the Prince of Orange was dangerously ill of the fever, from which, by the way, he is now reported to be convalescent, prayers for his recovery were offered up, not only throughout the Netherlands, but also in France, by the churches of the Reformed religion, as they call themselves. The Prince of Parma has received the surrender of Diest and several other obscure places. These successes will seriously endanger Brussels, unless the state of affairs should be changed by the arrival of the troops under Biron, who is a redoubtable antagonist; it is said that he is going into the Campine[141] to attack certain places, the loss of which will derange Parma’s plans. Alençon has prevailed upon the citizens of Antwerp[142] to have lodgings in the city assigned to three hundred French noblemen.
They say that news has come of the death of the Duke of Alva in Spain. The garrison at Cateau Cambrésis, being strong in cavalry, causes great annoyance to the French at Cambrai, and is for ever scouring the surrounding district. The insolence of the French soldiers at Dunkirk provoked the citizens to rise against the garrison; the attempt was put down with great slaughter. Everyone here is talking of the troubles at Cologne;[143] after all this smoke, as I may call it, we must expect a fire.
The Duke of Lorraine has arrived here with his two sons; why he came I cannot tell, but it is commonly supposed that his object is to betroth his daughter to the Duke of Savoy, and to demand the hand of the King of Navarre’s sister for his eldest son.
May God Almighty bless and keep your Majesty through the year we have now begun, and for many more. At the same time I venture most humbly to ask for a settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, which has been standing over for so many years.
January 16, 1583.
LETTER XIII.
The weather here is dreadful; for many months southerly winds have prevailed, accompanied by incessant rain and storm; so unseasonable and unhealthy a winter renders it probable that we shall have a sickly summer.
The rivers, overflowing their banks, have spread far and wide over the fields. By reason of the constant floods the arable lands are so wet and spongy that the seed is rotting in the ground, and farmers cherish but little hope of a good harvest. This state of things not only excites apprehensions of a great future rise in the corn markets, but its effects are already felt, the price of wheat having risen fifty per cent. In addition to these misfortunes, ships are constantly being wrecked, almost in sight, on the voyage to England or Zealand; in fact, the whole coast line of Aquitaine is said to be piled up with planks, masts, spars, rudders, and other fragments of wreck, which the tempest has washed ashore; so that, if nothing else should betide, the astrologers had good reason for prophesying a powerful combination of the starry influences and a year of terror to mankind.
January 19, 1583.
LETTER XIV.
News has arrived from Brabant by way of England, which has thrown the Queen (Catherine de Medici) and the whole nation into the greatest alarm. The account is vague, but the purport of the tidings is to the effect that a quarrel arose at Antwerp,[144] between the French and the citizens, and that the French force was annihilated.
The anxiety was greatly increased by the silence of Alençon; and, when no despatches arrived from him, serious doubts were entertained as to his safety. In this uncertainty several days passed by; at length messengers came pouring in, who told us the particulars of the affair, but still their accounts were defective in several important points, and differed in details.
I will relate what I made out as the nearest approximation to the truth: the points which I do not yet know about, I will fill in afterwards, and also correct any mistakes I may have made. I think I wrote to your Imperial Majesty that Alençon intended to travel to France, by way of England, for the purpose of visiting the King, and, as we may well suppose, of discussing with him the affairs and general condition of the Netherlands, and that his intention was to leave Montpensier and Biron as his lieutenants during his absence. But when Alençon applied to Biron to undertake this duty, the marshal was unwilling to accept the command, on the ground that he would have a restless and turbulent race to deal with, and no place to retreat to in case of misfortune. He reminded the Prince that such a large assemblage of French noblemen could not be withheld from committing occasional excesses and provoking the citizens, who would then immediately rise and threaten death to every Frenchman; and he thought the best means of meeting this danger would be for the French to hold some place to which they could retreat for refuge against the violence of the mob. For this purpose the citadel (of Antwerp) was admirably adapted; it needed but a few repairs and a strong garrison; there were now in the city a great many Frenchmen, both gentle and simple, who could easily seize the citadel, nor again would it be difficult to gain possession of one of the city gates, and, his army being so near, to throw into the town as many men as he chose. Further, the inspection of the forces which he (Biron) had brought with him, furnished Alençon with an excellent pretext for going out of the city and not mixing himself up with these irregular proceedings; all that was needed was the approval of Alençon and the nobles of his court.
On hearing Biron’s views, which were so well calculated to please Alençon’s licentious and lawless nobles, the greater part gave their adherence to his plan, whilst a sense of shame induced the more honourable men to agree to it, lest they should be thought cowards for shrinking from so important an enterprise. Alençon was the last to yield to the united wishes of his followers.
On the next day he went out to the camp, but as he passed the gate several of his body-guard, desperate fellows who had been selected for this service, halted on the bridge leading across the moat into the open country, instead of following the Prince. The citizens, who were guarding the bridge and the gate, warned the Frenchmen to clear the bridge, either by following their lord, or by returning into the city. The men listened with apparent deference to what was said, but none the less remained on the bridge; then the language of the men of Antwerp grew rougher, and the French retorted in words every whit as bold; so from words they came to blows; the French, who were all musketeers and came prepared for action, easily wounded, killed, or drove away the townsmen, and so took possession of the bridge and gate. They were joined by others, both horse and foot, who had left Alençon’s escort and had halted in the neighbourhood for that purpose; they formed a column, and in one compact mass burst into the town. The uproar alarmed the citizens stationed on the walls; from both sides of the gate they hurried to the fray, and climbing down into the road began to fight with the party who had been left to guard the entrance; the contest ended in the victory of the townsmen, who succeeded in beating their opponents and shutting the gate. They say that presently Alençon rode back and demanded admission, but the cannon’s mouth was the only mouth that answered!
Meantime, the French spread themselves through the city; on every side they could see the townsmen flocking to the fray, but there was no quailing or fear, for they felt certain that their superior skill would ensure their victory over a set of untrained civilians. Some made for the citadel, others, without any thought for that which was the real object of the enterprise, began plundering private houses; but it was not long before their ranks were broken by the charge of the men of Antwerp, and, with a few exceptions, they paid with their lives the penalty of their rash attempt.
They say that the Queen Mother, on hearing the news, burst into tears, and cried ‘Alençon, Alençon, would you had died long years ago, rather than so many of our nobles should have perished through you, and such great trouble and distress have been brought upon France! Moreover, you are also endangering the safety of the realm, for you have brought yourself, the heir of the throne, into the most imminent peril, and every effort will be needed if you are to be extricated from your unfortunate position.’
They say that the Duke of Guise has tendered his services to the Queen, promising, if 3,000 French horse are given him, to find Alençon, wherever he may be, and bring him home. Round him accordingly the nobles are gathering, and the clatter of the armourer’s hammer is to be heard in every street. But I do not myself believe that anything will come of it.
This scheme of Biron[145] (assuming that it is his scheme) will go far to confirm the judgment of those who maintain that, though an active and experienced commander, he is in all other respects a person of little discernment. Alençon, being shut out of Antwerp, spent the night with his army at the monastery of St. Bernard. There he was joined by the officers of his household. They had remained in their quarters during the disturbance, and, being held guiltless of any part in the conspiracy, were sent back to their master by the men of Antwerp. However, Alençon’s first object was to cross the Scheldt before any attempt should be made to obstruct the passage; so all night the Swiss were hard at work building a bridge. As soon as it was finished, he crossed from Brabant into Flanders, and came to Dendermonde, where he is supposed to be still lying. The question now is, what is he to do? Ought he to lead his forces back to France, and abandon all interest in the Netherlands? Or again, ought he to make up his quarrel with the people of Antwerp? Now that there is an end of all confidence between them, I fail to see how this latter alternative is possible; but the French are wonderful fellows when they set their minds on a thing!
These details, which I have picked out of several different versions, I have thought it my duty to place before your Majesty. Time will give us further particulars, and accounts on which we can better rely.
Your Majesty and the Archduke[146] Ernest are supposed to have played a part in this drama. This notion was very rife when the news first came, and no particulars had as yet transpired. Some people about the Court, who fancied themselves to be wondrous wise, would have it that the eldest daughter of the King of Spain was betrothed to your Majesty, and the younger to the Archduke Ernest, with all the provinces of the Netherlands as her dowry, and that it was, therefore, of prime importance to your Majesty and the Archduke that the French in Antwerp should be cut to pieces, and Alençon driven from the city; that on this account there had been secret negotiations with the townsmen, who had been promised an amnesty for all past offences, on condition of their exterminating the French; and further, that your Majesty and the Archduke had secured the concurrence and assistance of the Prince of Orange; for they argue, the townsmen of Antwerp would never have ventured to go so far had they not been thus aided and abetted.
The Prince of Orange, it appears, had a presentiment of what was coming, and when Alençon desired to have his company to the camp, he steadily refused to go, giving as an excuse the state of his health and the badness of the weather. His presence saved the lives of several Frenchmen, among whom was Fervaques, one of Alençon’s favourite officers. But here in France this gentleman’s life is in danger in quite another way. They declare that the scheme of seizing the citadel was his suggestion, and wish him to be tried and executed. It is thought that a reconciliation between Alençon and the citizens of Antwerp will be brought about by the intervention of the King, who will send men of note to conduct the negotiations; the names of Bellièvre and Pibrac are mentioned as members of the commission. The latter is also marked out as Alençon’s chancellor.
So far from blaming the men of Antwerp, the French are actually beginning to praise them for their kind feeling and politic behaviour, for it appears that, after the excitement had abated, they showed every possible attention to their prisoners, and to those of the Frenchmen who had remained in their quarters.
February 5, 1583.
LETTER XV.
I felt confident, when I despatched my last letter to your Majesty, that it would not be long before I should have further news of a more trustworthy description from Antwerp. After all, I am disappointed; though several days have elapsed, there has been no fresh arrival from the Netherlands of anyone able, or at any rate willing, to tell us the truth of what happened. The few who have come were all sent by Alençon to the King, to repeat a set story which was put into their mouths, and hide the blackness of Alençon’s case under a cloud of specious words. There is no letter-carrier or merchant from Antwerp; indeed, the wardens of the marches put a complete stop to the travelling of Frenchmen to Antwerp, and of Antwerp people to France. Of late, however, the restrictions have been removed, and the merchandise, on which an embargo had been laid, having been released by both sides, the old rules, regulating the commercial intercourse between the two countries, are once more in force. But, in spite of this change, scarce anyone will run the risk of so hazardous a journey. One letter-carrier, it is true, has come by way of England, but he has brought no fresh tidings, except that the number of slain and captured is greater than was at first reported; in other respects his news differs little from the account given in my last letter.
Alençon’s friends, and those who are anxious to save his reputation, say that, though he is a mild and gracious Prince, yet, being no longer able to stomach the pretensions of the Prince of Orange and the independent ways of the men of Antwerp, so distasteful to a Frenchman, he endeavoured to take possession of the city, as the best means of freeing himself from his intolerable position, not having any idea that the enterprise would be either difficult or attended with much loss of life; but expecting that, after a few citizens had been killed at the first entry of the troops, the remainder would be so terrified as to abandon all thought of defence, and, laying down their arms, would submit to any conditions he might think fit to impose, provided that their lives were spared, so that he would have an excellent opportunity of binding down the city of Antwerp to his own terms. But he was utterly mistaken in his calculations, for he did not find the hearts of the citizens so tame, or their arms so weak, as Frenchmen would have them to be.
Some people put a totally different construction on the whole affair; but this is Alençon’s explanation. As to what really took place, it seems needless to write more, for your Majesty is no doubt in possession of all the facts, since there has been far freer communication with Germany than with France. In case, however, anything should be lacking, I enclose three documents. (1) The statement of the citizens of Antwerp, published in their own language. (2) A paper which is attributed to Bodin,[147] author of the treatise De la République, published a few years ago. The letter is written in French. (3) A paper which is the production of some unknown person, but it is plain that he is a Frenchman, and his account is evidently untrustworthy.
Mirambeau, the brother of Lausac, was first despatched to Alençon by the King, and later on Bellièvre. The issue is still uncertain. Some think Alençon and the States will come to terms, while others are positive they will not. As to my own opinion, I have determined to reserve my judgment till time shall bring more certain news.
In the meanwhile several of the King’s commissioners, who were sent round to collect money, have returned. They report that nothing is to be obtained without the risk of an insurrection, and that all reply that if the King is straitened in any way, they know their duty: but in their opinion, his only object in asking for money is to lavish it on his young favourites; they consider such grants unreasonable, and will have nothing to say to them.
I am not surprised, for a gentleman in the royal treasury, on whose word I can rely, told me that since his return from Poland the King has squandered six million crowns in presents and other useless expenses. The King having been disappointed of these supplies, people think he will deprive the Queens Dowager of a large part of their property, to satisfy the claims of his young favourites. Your Imperial Majesty’s sister will be one of the sufferers, as, in violation of the marriage treaty, she has long ago been placed on the same footing as the other Queens Dowager.[148]
We have in France, as Governor of Brittany, a brother of the Queen Consort, son of Vaudemont; his title is the Duke of Mercœur.[149] News was brought during his absence from home that he had died of the plague. Two men immediately asked for his post, Nevers[150] and the Duke of Epernon, who stands well nigh first among the King’s favourites. Nevers’ application was refused, and the other appointed Governor of Brittany, conditionally on the office being vacant.
Though the appointment came to nothing, since news shortly arrived of the Duke of Mercœur’s recovery, yet Nevers was so indignant that he then and there gave orders to his retainers to prepare to leave the Court, and two days later retired home, after first upbraiding the King for his ingratitude.
The King’s conduct in this matter is being unfavourably criticised by many, and especially by the aristocracy.
March 20, 1583.
LETTER XVI.
We have still no news from Antwerp of Alençon. Most people agree with Mirambeau in thinking that there is little hope of a friendly arrangement, the demands of the States being exorbitant; they ask for the restoration of Dunkirk and Cambrai, and henceforth refuse to permit any one, who is not a Netherlander born, to hold place in the suite or service of Alençon.
The King is moving infantry and cavalry to the frontier, so as to have them ready should need arise. I doubt whether even with this help Alençon’s journey is likely to be very rapid, as the district through which his road lies is deep in mud at this season.
Meantime the men of Antwerp are said to be exacting money from their prisoners, and demanding ransom for having spared their lives. Whether it be so or not, the breach between them and Alençon seems to be complete, so that they will hardly readmit him into the town.
Bellièvre stops behind with the hopeless task of trying to arrange matters; there is an idea that, by his oratorical powers and diplomatic skill, the wrath of the Netherlanders may be appeased, and the way paved to an agreement. But it is with the men of Antwerp as it was with Alençon; success was too much for his ill-regulated mind, and has proved his ruin; even so some great disaster will overtake the citizens, if they wax thus presumptuous on the strength of this unexpected victory.
April 12, 1583.
LETTER XVII.
This very day it is still uncertain as to what will be the issue of the affair at Antwerp. Though there are the plainest signs of the deepest exasperation on both sides, there are some who think an arrangement possible; they admit that no real peace or friendship can hereafter exist, now that confidence has received so rude a shock, with the Netherlanders estranged from Alençon by the recollection of his dishonourable conduct, and Alençon burning to avenge the heavy punishment he has received; but still hold that it is to the interest of both parties that some sort of reconciliation should be patched up, and the former alliance be preserved, or at least the appearance of it. To what other quarter, they ask, can the Netherlanders look for assistance against the powerful foes who surround them, or what other help have they than their French allies? Or again, what could be more disastrous to Alençon’s reputation, than thus to withdraw from Brabant with the disgrace of having lost by his folly the provinces which had so unexpectedly fallen into his[175] hands, and to have his shame blazed abroad throughout the world, which is watching the result of his enterprise? When a man has damaged his reputation, oftentimes, if he is only patient, an opportunity will come, which will enable him to restore it. But if, in spite of these considerations, Alençon must leave the Netherlands at an early date, still, if an interval is allowed to elapse, he will be able to avail himself of those numerous excuses for departure which may arise,—or, at the worst, can be invented,—and thus diminish materially the disgrace of his failure. Accordingly they hold an arrangement to be possible on the basis of a general amnesty. But this appears to me to be easier said than done! Brussels, according to their programme, is to be assigned to Alençon as a residence, and there also the Estates of the Netherlands are to meet; a few towns in the neighbourhood are likewise to be given him, that he may feel more secure. Brussels to be guarded by 1,500 Swiss and 500 French troops. Orange to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, or Imperial Vicar. The prisoners at Antwerp to be discharged conditionally on remuneration being given to their hosts who rescued them from the violence of the people. In all other matters the late treaty to stand good.
In this arrangement the case of Fervaques is the chief difficulty. The citizens of Antwerp hold him to be the instigator and ringleader of this atrocious plot, and demand his execution.
Biron, by the way, has written a letter to the Queen Mother, in which he completely clears himself of all blame. He says he came too late to take any part in the discussion, the matter was already decided, and his share in the business consisted simply in yielding to Alençon’s wishes and executing his pleasure.
Some talk of a reconciliation on the terms which I have given; but what will happen it is impossible to say. It is well known that the other day, when Orange went into the town hall of Antwerp to make a speech in favour of reconciliation, a mob assembled in the market place, shouting and threatening to throw anyone out of the window who ventured to propose the readmission of the French. Orange, they say, was so alarmed by this demonstration that he spent the night in the town hall. Though a considerable space of time has elapsed, scarce a single Antwerp man has crossed the French frontier, although the road is open, and this, to my mind, is the surest proof that the prospects of a reconciliation are dubious; so long as there is a doubt as to the renewal of the alliance and arrangement of terms, none of them care to risk their lives by entering France.
So much for this subject.
Men, on whose authority I can rely, tell me that the King is pressing the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter, who is now grown up and a great heiress, to the Duke of Epernon, but that Lorraine, who loathes the idea of such a mésalliance, is doing his utmost to avoid giving his consent to so unsuitable a match, taking refuge in a proposition that, if the King will bring about a marriage between his son, the Prince of Lorraine, and the sister of the King of Navarre, he in return will gladly comply with his request. This last is a young lady who, if her brother, as is not unlikely, should die childless, has very great prospects indeed. For the King of Navarre’s wife has not yet presented him with a child, and she is young enough to make it probable that she will be the survivor. The family feuds, however, which have been handed down from father to son, between the Bourbons and the Guises and House of Lorraine, render Navarre’s consent to the match highly improbable. The Duke of Lorraine sees clearly that Navarre inherited these feuds when he inherited the Crown, so he protects himself behind this entrenchment; whether it will be strong enough for his purposes time will show.
I must now give a description of Epernon. By the King’s favour he has been created duke; five years ago, before he became intimate with the King, he was a poor unknown man, who passed by the name of La Valette; at the outside his income did not exceed 400 crowns; his father was a gallant soldier, but his grandfather was a scrivener or notary. Now this upstart is a duke, and, what is more, a wealthy duke, for he can always dip his fingers into the royal treasury. But his present position is nothing to what he has in prospect; he aspires to one of the great dignities of the realm, and a governorship of the first rank, such as that of Brittany, touching which I wrote the other day. If, in addition to this promotion, he should obtain a wife so nearly connected with the King that no other Frenchman, however high his rank, would venture to aspire to her hand, he will be one of the most marvellously successful men that ever lived; and yet neither in birth nor deserts has he aught to boast of; in the King’s opinion no doubt he is a man of great promise, but no one else thinks so; whether it be envy, or his own fault, that causes him to be thus esteemed, I cannot say, but almost every one detests him on account of his exclusive and supercilious manners, and there is no one so hated by the Princes of France.
His colleague, if I may so term him, who, however, takes precedence of him, is the Duke (formerly Count) of Joyeuse, husband of the Queen’s sister; this last, however, has the advantages given by ancient and illustrious descent, amiable disposition, and natural talent; the other day he was made Admiral of France, now he has been appointed Governor of the whole of Normandy; in order to give him this command, three noblemen of the highest rank, who shared the province amongst them, had to be turned out. These two young fellows are the men in whose friendship the King considers himself blessed, and envies not the success of Alexander the Great! This infatuation of the King’s awakes the indignation and despair of France. The men who formerly held the highest positions next to the throne fly from the Court to avoid the painful sight; the rest are dumbfoundered at the King’s caprices.
This is the reason the King is always in difficulties, always poor, never able to reward or honour a good servant; his wealth is being piled on these young fellows, and they are being fashioned out of nothing into pillars of the State, so that they may occupy the greatest places in France. Amongst those who are greatly offended is Alençon; he is intensely indignant at being assisted with so niggardly a hand in an enterprise which he considers of the first importance, and complains that the King thinks more of his favourites than of his brother.[151]
As I shall often have occasion to allude to these gentlemen, I have described them at some length, so that, when they are referred to, your Majesty may have some idea of them.
Don Antonio is still at Rouen and Dieppe, busily engaged in the equipment of his fleet, or fleetlet, if I may so term it, for it falls far short of what was talked of, and will carry scarce 500 soldiers to reinforce his troops in the Azores.
Great supplies will be collected of such things as are needed in those localities.
May 2, 1583.
[LETTER XVIII.]
Messengers have lately come from Alençon with the news that the negotiations for a reconciliation promise well; in confirmation of this, they produced the terms of an arrangement, which I now enclose. Alençon refuses Brussels and prefers Dunkirk[152] as his permanent residence. When he gets there, people think he will cross over to France, press his grievances upon the King, and ask him why he is more anxious for the aggrandisement of certain young fellows than for the prosecution of a most important enterprise.
Orange has invited from France Teligny’s widow, daughter of Coligny, some time Admiral of France, with the view of making her his wife; he is also giving the hand of his daughter, the Comte de Buren’s grandchild,[153] to Laval, son of d’Andelot, brother of the aforesaid Coligny; they say that Laval will be Governor of Antwerp.
The King is instituting a new order of Flagellants, or Penitents.[154] It is talked of everywhere in Paris, and all the more because lately when a celebrated preacher,[155] though a most orthodox Catholic, attacked the order from the pulpit in a sermon full of sarcasm, the King ordered him to leave the city.
Touching the Flagellants there is a merry story to be told. The footmen of the nobles, of whom we have crowds at Paris, out of sheer wantonness, were mimicking in the palace itself certain rites of the brotherhood;[156] the King ordered some eighty of them to be carried off into the kitchen, and there flogged to their hearts’ content, so their representation of the Flagellants and Penitents was turned from a sham into a reality!
May 20, 1583.
[LETTER XIX.]
The reports of fresh disturbances, which I mentioned lately, are gaining ground, and worst of all, there is no certainty as to whether Alençon is concerned in them or not.
In consequence of these rumours his mother (Catherine de Medici) has been for some time intending to visit him at Calais, but he has been detained at Dunkirk by sickness; he is supposed to be suffering from the French disease, and has placed himself in the hands of his physicians and surgeons. As soon as he recovers, people think he will cross over to Calais; but there is no telling, for some maintain that he will go to Normandy, and others that he will take ship for Brittany. If war ensues the King will be in great straits, since neither financially, nor in any other way, is he prepared to meet it.
Bellièvre has returned from Antwerp; he tells us that concessions have been made on both sides, and all obstacles to a satisfactory understanding removed.
One of the points arranged was the release of the prisoners, amongst whom was Fervaques; on this gentleman’s rejoining Alençon the latter presented him with an abbacy[157] worth 6,000 crowns per annum, in acknowledgment no doubt of his brilliant conception and its admirable execution! When this was told to the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici) she lost all patience, and called Alençon a fool and madman, repeating her words again and again.
A letter of Biron’s has been discovered in Alençon’s cabinet at Antwerp, written the day before the disastrous attempt of the French, in which he does his utmost to induce Alençon to abandon his foolish scheme. This discovery has made Biron extremely popular at Antwerp; in fact he stands first in favour of the citizens, and this is the man on whose head not long ago rested most of the odium!
Pibrac, who lately joined Alençon, has been despatched by him to Antwerp as his representative with the States; he is an ambassador who will, I fancy, cause more mischief than several thousand soldiers. Endhoven, a little town of Brabant, has capitulated to the King (of Spain) in spite of de Bonnivet’s defence. On the other hand, Biron has retaken some small forts. They say that the Prince of Parma is making preparations for the siege of Alost, thus threatening Brussels.
June 1, 1583.
LETTER XX.
The King’s inordinate devotion to religious observances is the subject of general remark; some declare that he will end by changing his crown for a cowl. The Queen Mother, they say, disgusted with the way he neglects his duties as Sovereign, roundly rebuked one Edmund,[158] a Jesuit, who is the King’s chief adviser, for having well nigh turned her son from a king into a monk, to the great detriment of the realm.
Meanwhile serious disturbances are taking place in Aquitaine and Languedoc. In consequence of these movements the King has despatched Monsieur du Ferrier, whom he employed for a long time as his ambassador at Venice, to the King of Navarre. He is an old man and reputed wise.
The Queen Mother would have rushed to meet Alençon at Calais, if he had not written to stop her, warning her that a visit from her would wake the suspicions of the States of the Netherlands, and so damage his prospects. This is the excuse he gives, but most people think his letter was written to suit the views of the gentlemen responsible for the catastrophe at Antwerp, who are afraid of meeting with hard language and reproaches from the Queen, and haply also of being dismissed from their places.
Don Antonio was here the other day with the Queen, having run away from Dieppe and Rouen on account of the plague. He has now left for a village in the neighbourhood called Ruel, where he is living in a pleasant house lent him by Alençon. His household consists of some sixty people, who consume daily a quarter of an ox, two sheep, one calf, and 150 loaves.
It is now quite certain that Orange openly assumes the position of Count of Holland. Flushing,[159] a city of Zealand, he bought with his own money; so that he commands the communications of those provinces with the sea. Thus amid the downfall and ruin of others Orange has secured a success.
The King is preparing for a journey to Mézières, with the intention of going on to a château called Foullenbraye, where he will stay to drink the Spa waters for the benefit of his health. During his absence the government is placed in the hands of the Queen Mother and the Privy Council. It is thought he will be away the whole summer. His days, I fear, are numbered.
After several feints, by which he kept every one in suspense as to where he would next strike, Parma has settled down to the siege of Cambrai. It will be a tedious affair, and success is by no means certain, still the capture of the town would go far towards deciding the struggle. He is said, moreover, to have recovered the town of Diest. Brussels, too, seems inclined to go over.
People are again beginning to be afraid of the plague. There are serious signs of its presence in Paris, and also in several other French towns.
June 25, 1583.
[LETTER XXI.]
The Queen Mother has been with the King. After her interview she flew off to Boulogne-sur-Mer to meet Alençon, with Marshal de Retz in attendance on her. Alençon himself is levying fresh soldiers with the purpose, I suppose, of sending them to the relief of Cambrai.
The States and Biron have received a severe check at Steenbergen,[160] losing a great many men. Biron was wounded, and had difficulty in protecting himself behind the walls of Steenbergen.
The Governor of Namur has been sent by Parma to the King. A messenger also came from Casimir to ask a free passage through France; he is sending him to the Queen of England about the Cologne business. The Pope, through his nuncio, is urging the King to accept the decrees of the Council of Trent, and to publish them throughout the kingdom. I do not think his representations will have much effect, not because the King is a supporter of the privileges of the Gallican Church, but because there is a suspicion that the real object is the introduction of the Inquisition into France. Fresh disturbances would be the certain consequence of so unpopular a measure.
For these reasons people say the King, though personally disposed to accede to the demands of the Pope, will not grant them, being determined, as far as in him lies, to avoid all risk of rebellion and civil war.
The King was desirous of placing the Duke of Epernon in command of Metz, but the present governor is an obstacle. He refuses to transfer his command to any one until he shall have received the reward due to him for long service in the army and years of honest work. In my opinion the King has another reason for prolonging his stay in those parts. Cologne is not far distant, and he may be thinking of making his own advantage out of the disturbances.
Then, after conducting his wife to Bourbon-les-Bains, he will make a détour to Lyons, not returning to Paris till the end of the summer.
The Duke of Joyeuse is expected back. He crossed the mountains into Italy with a brilliant train on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Holy Virgin of Loreto, in fulfilment of a vow he had undertaken when his wife was ill.
On his way he visited Rome to do reverence to the Pope, and possibly also to give him a private message[161] from the King.
The men of Antwerp have lost a great deal of their old confidence and love for Orange, who seems only to care for making his kingdom of Holland secure, and does not pay sufficient attention to the safety of the other provinces. From Brussels also there is news of some disturbance, touching which I am expecting a report from a trusty correspondent.
Meanwhile I pray God to grant good health to your Imperial Majesty, whose most humble servant I remain.
July 3, 1583.
[LETTER XXII.]
As the Queen Mother was hastening through Picardy to Boulogne, Alençon met her at La Fère. He did [186]not leave Dunkirk an hour too soon. No sooner had he gone than Parma’s army sat down before it, and the siege was so skilfully conducted that the garrison were compelled to surrender;[162] they were, however, able to obtain honourable terms. With Dunkirk Alençon has lost all footing in the Netherlands except Cambrai, and even that is hard pressed and in great want of provisions, by reason of the garrisons and outposts which encompass it on every side. However, Alençon, with a relieving army, is not far off, and stores of wine and corn, collected in Picardy, have been laid up at St. Quentin to supply the famished town. As to what the end of it will be, no one knows.
The ambassadors, who were expected from Antwerp for the ratification of the terms of reconciliation, did not arrive, in consequence of which Alençon returned to France in high dudgeon with the States of the Netherlands. Biron is said to be at Antwerp, with one word and one word only in his mouth, which he is ever repeating, and that word is ‘money;’ no one listens to him, for there seems no possibility of extracting a penny from the townspeople without running the risk of an outbreak; in good sooth, the funds which the citizens supplied have so often been wasted that they are sick of the business.
On the other hand, Orange does what he can to awake the zeal of Antwerp, but, since Alençon’s disastrous attempt, his influence has fallen low, and there is a suspicion abroad that he is more anxious for his own personal advantage than for the welfare of his country. Some say he has crossed over to Zealand, to make all safe in that quarter, and transact some pressing business.
The fall of Dunkirk has been followed by the surrender of Nieuport, St. Winoc, and other neighbouring towns, so that they are in hopes of taking Bruges and Ypres. Thus affairs in the Netherlands are mending;[163] and possibly a little skilful management would induce the people to come to terms. I was expecting a man from Brabant, who would have given me accurate information on all these points, but I am afraid his return will be delayed by the capture of Dunkirk, which has greatly added to the difficulties of a sea passage.
There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for his skill in conveying to their destination the orders and despatches of his master; nor was there any one in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed greater confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to cross the Alps with an autograph letter, filling two sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had not gone far before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging his path; they stabbed him in several places, and carried off the King’s letter; by this means, it is supposed, several important secrets have been discovered by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for this reason or not I cannot say, but the King immediately hurried back to Paris, instead of accompanying his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had intended. However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, going on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he gets there is a secret to most people.
For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes to see whether his presence on the spot will enable him to turn Montmorency[164] out of the government of Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of his other minions, in possession.
I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the Duke of Joyeuse, since a most handsome provision has been made for him in the governorship of Normandy, which was refused to Alençon himself. But perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth.
Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don Antonio’s new fleet has reached the Azores in safety. The commander is Monsieur de Chattes, a knight of Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, Admiral of France.
Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your Majesty’s service as a gentleman cadet. I understand he is now serving in Hungary. This young gentleman’s eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake not, he stands next in succession to the estate; there are several brothers, and, if he is not present when the property is divided, there is danger of his not getting his proper share; as the loss to him might be considerable, his friends have come to the conclusion that he ought to be summoned home, and have requested me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an honourable discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It will be a good occasion for your Imperial Majesty to exercise your kindness by graciously giving him leave of absence for the transaction of private business.
The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, the wind being unusually steady, and never shifting, unless it be from south to west.
As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my request that your Majesty would keep the matter in mind.
There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good family, who was a notorious duellist. His name was the Baron de Viteaux,[165] and he had attained some celebrity by the bold and successful way in which he had killed sundry gentlemen with whom he had differences. The son of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his father’s death; he had also another motive, for having lately been discovered in a plot against the Baron’s life,[166] he knew that unless he killed him his doom was sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided course; so last Sunday he invited the Baron to measure swords with him in a field near Paris; the arrangement was that they should have in attendance only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the common friend of both parties, to act as umpire and marshal of the lists; the duel to be with sword and dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only to be terminated when one of the combatants should have fallen. The Baron accepted the challenge; as soon as they met he ran his opponent through the arm and stretched him on the ground; not liking to strike him when he was down, he told him to get up. This act of kindness cost him dear, for his opponent, in no way daunted by his wound, but burning to avenge his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the Baron through the heart; then, as he lay dying on the ground, he stabbed him again and again, and thus rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist whose arm still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the young man had for years been devoting himself to the art of fencing, with a view to this meeting. Thus died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as a second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the King[167] more than once. His end was like that of Montal[168] and Bussy,[169] both of whom died as they deserved to die. ‘Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia justis.’ The victor is not yet out of danger. He received two wounds, one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the other in his thigh. Even if he recovers, another duel awaits him, as he will be challenged by a relation of the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his death.
I thought there was no harm in giving your Majesty a full account of this affair, though it has but little connection with my business.
Paris, August 10, 1583.
LETTER XXIII.
However famous Africa may have been of old for tales and wonders, it must yield the palm to modern France.
Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of gossip aroused by the death of the Baron, which I have already described, when there crops up another scandal, calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and conversation. The King, publicly before a large audience, gave a severe lecture[170] to his sister the Queen of Navarre, reproving her for her disreputable and immoral courses; he gave her the exact dates at which she had taken on each new lover; he reproached her with having had a son of whom her husband was not the father; in each instance his dates and particulars were so accurate, that one would have thought he had been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) was overwhelmed, being ashamed to confess, and at the same time unable to refute, the charges brought against her. The King concluded his lecture by ordering her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute the city with her presence.
In obedience to this command, the Queen of Navarre packed in haste, and left Paris on the following day; no one paid her the attention of escorting her from the city, and she had not even a complete train of servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vendôme, one of her husband’s towns. Two ladies of rank,[171] who are at the head of her household, were arrested on the road, brought back to Paris, and placed under guard.
Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he had inflicted, but must needs write a letter to the King of Navarre with a full account of his wife’s delinquencies. People say that, if her husband accepts this statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the intention of the King to immure his sister in some lonely fortress, where she can injure no one by her immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite surprise, for there is some fear that, if she should return to her husband, and make herself out innocent to him, she will be the source of much disturbance and disquiet to the realm; of will and malice for such work she has good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare.
Immediately after the interview between the King and his sister, a gentleman, named de Chanvallon,[172] fled to Germany; for a long time he had stood high in Alençon’s favour; but when it was discovered that he had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, touching matters which Alençon wished to be suppressed, he fell out of favour with the Prince, and was ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the great annoyance of Alençon, who is now completely estranged from him, if one may believe what one hears.
De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to noble birth are doubtful; he has, however, the advantage of pleasing manners, and is a handsome young fellow; he holds a high place among the admirers of the Queen of Navarre. They say the Queen Mother also is greatly incensed with her daughter for her indiscretions. How that may be I cannot tell; but at any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your Majesty, left Paris, declaring again and again that ‘she and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings in the world; a little drop of poison would give her relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has neither friend nor foe to do her this service.’
This story, which is now current in France, is perhaps hardly deserving of your Majesty’s attention, or a fit subject for a confidential despatch; but I was induced to give these details by the circumstance that I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the business of the Queen made it necessary that I should write to her. So, having little else in the way of news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with this gossip.
The Queen Mother has returned to Alençon at La Fère. The King himself has set out for Lyons, his chief object being, as he professes, to meet his dear Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy.
There is a report that Alençon will marry his niece, the daughter of his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, and that the sister of the King of Navarre is intended for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks, and not worthy of much credit as yet.
The Prince of Parma’s victorious career in Flanders has been stopped at Ostend; the town was reinforced by the Prince of Orange, and refused to surrender. Ypres is lost; Dixmude is said to be hard pressed, for the people of Bruges were obliged to call in the garrison of Menin for the further protection of the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be plundered and sacked.
August 27, 1583.
LETTER XXIV.
At last the gentleman whom I expected from the Netherlands, as I have already told your Majesty, has returned. The only news he brings is that the Netherlanders are acting in the maddest way, the citizens quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady policy, and a reckless spirit prevails. However, in one point they all agree, to wit, their detestation of the French; who since the outrage at Antwerp have become positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment which they on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on account of this feeling, he says, that Biron has returned with his forces to France. When he was embarking, there were not enough transports for the conveyance of the troop horses, so the men piled straw round a number of them, and burnt them; others they stabbed or hamstrung, so as to render them useless. Everywhere Netherlanders are being stopped on the road and plundered by the French, who tell them that they are returning the favours they have received in the Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrustworthy is a league between ill-assorted allies, however much it be varnished over with a pretence of friendship, and how quickly ancient national feuds break out afresh.
They say that Puygalliard, commander of the royal cavalry in Picardy, is acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, Alençon having handed over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to join him.
Apparently Alençon’s plan is to throw a strong garrison into Cambrai, and retake some places in the neighbourhood, while harassing the cities of Hainault and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, hate him cordially, how much protection he could have afforded, and how much he would have done if they had continued to cultivate his friendship.
This is supposed to be his only chance of reinstating himself in their good graces. Towards carrying out this scheme he has received material assistance, it is said, from the King, who has appointed him his Lieutenant; but his powers are so far limited, that he cannot levy money or draw on the royal treasury at his own discretion. Still his success is in no way assured, for the French are so unpopular in the Netherlands, that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly abused for supporting their interests; he does not carry anything like the weight he once possessed; his influence has declined even among the Hollanders and Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of making him their Count and Sovereign; now, however, he is compelled to listen to language from them which is not merely blunt, but actually rude and insulting. Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy to Alençon’s schemes, when he made his disastrous attempt on Antwerp.
He is consequently living in retirement at Flushing, in a position hardly above that of a private gentleman. Occupied solely with sundry family affairs, he is quietly waiting till the storm of unpopularity shall have spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the masses are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour is likely to last long.
The following piece of news I give, but do not vouch for, though the report is generally current. Those who do not like it explain it away. All France rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores;[173] the fleet, they say, is lost; the French cut to pieces; the Portuguese condemned to the galley and the oar; the commander of the expedition a prisoner. If this be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese.
Among other instructions given by the King to the Duke of Joyeuse, when setting out for Italy, was one of special importance; he was to obtain the Pope’s permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of some hundred thousands of crowns; it is now reported that the Duke’s attempt to obtain the Papal sanction was a complete failure. So the King’s hopes in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not been more successful than the great men whom the King lately sent round France to obtain supplies. The first debates on the King’s return will be, I imagine, on the best method of scraping up money! With the lower orders in this country distress has gone so far that they are like to hang themselves from sheer despair, consequently they take these frequent and heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part.
September 15, 1583.
The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, has died here of fever. He was a man of kindly feeling and high character.
September 20, 1583.
LETTER XXV.
I have not much to report. Alençon is at Cambrai, in great want of many things, especially money, which in his case is all important. His captains attempted to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter.
St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, who acted as secretary to the late Count Palatine,[174] are said to have come to Cambrai as ambassadors from the States, to treat with Alençon for a reconciliation; but treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they will not be supported by public sentiment, for the Netherlanders loathe the very name of Frenchman.
Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy’s works, though there is a story that the besiegers have suffered some loss at the hands of the garrison of Bruges.
The plague, which is now raging at Paris with extraordinary violence, will, I think, cause the King to defer his return. People expect that Alençon will meet him here.
A new religious fashion[175] is in vogue among the French. The townsmen and peasants of some place, of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes in a body, and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some famous shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in white linen robes, and carry crosses in their hands. Some people think that this movement had its origin in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people, and led them to take this means of appeasing the Deity, and saving themselves; others think that it is to gratify the King that these pilgrimages are undertaken, and that their object is to ask God to grant him children.
October 6, 1585.
LETTER XXVI.
I have received a letter from the Counsellors of your Imperial Majesty’s chamber, in which they state that the books which I presented to the library some seven years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor Maximilian, of blessed memory, have been valued at one thousand florins; if your Imperial Majesty regards this sum in the light of a present in return for my present of books, I shall consider it most handsome, and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for the same; but if it is a matter of business and strict account—if this sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the ascertained value of all those precious volumes, the antiquity of which renders them so important an acquisition to the Imperial Library—I must confess that such a price in no way represents their value. The precious character of the books and the high regard I have ever felt for them[176] render it incumbent on me to make this protest. As far as I am personally concerned, I am ready to acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be.
October 9, 1583.
[LETTER XXVII.]
The King has at last returned. On account of the plague it was determined that he should not enter Paris. It was arranged, as the most convenient plan, that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen who, as I told your Majesty in a former letter, were sent round the provinces and cities of France to collect money. They are all men of high standing.[177] The King will now receive an account of the steps they took and the reply they got. Their report must needs be that all made answer with one accord, their burden was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it any longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by the addition of a fresh tax.
This will compel the King to consult these gentlemen as to the best means of raising funds, for, one way or another, money must be had. As to what course they will recommend there is no certainty; but some people are disposed to think that the honour of replenishing the treasury will be assigned to the Church. The King, it seems, desired the Duke of Joyeuse to open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining his sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of several hundred thousand crowns; but for some reason or other nothing came of it.
These conferences at Saint-Germain would have been brought to a conclusion had not Alençon made a détour to Château Thierry, some 26 miles[178] from Paris, on his way from Cambrai to his own town of Angers, where he intends spending the winter; his mother has gone to visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in order that he may be present at the above-mentioned conferences; but whether he will be persuaded is still uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he has not been properly supported in the great work he has undertaken, and that the King has had more regard for the interests of utter strangers than for those of his own brother.
As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against attack nor adequately provisioned. Biron tried to storm Cateau Cambrésis, but, unluckily for him, the Prince of Parma came to the rescue; the French army was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat; Biron, however, managed to save his cannon.
The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at Middelburg[179] to transact federal business, the party of the Prince of Orange urged strongly the advisability of a reconciliation with Alençon; they were, however, repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that the late disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them how impossible it was to trust the word of Frenchmen. There were some who wished for the King of Denmark, while several mentioned Casimir, who had the support of the Queen of England; but the assembly broke up without arriving at any decision.
October 29, 1583.
LETTER XXVIII.
Alençon has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the Queen Mother has gone to visit him. Of the reason [203]of this step I am not sure, but probably his object is to be near Cambrai. It is well known that great disturbances lately took place there; certain of the citizens conspired with officers commanding posts in the neighbourhood, and either took the town or were within an ace of taking it. The French, however, still hold the citadel.
November 2, 1583.
[LETTER XXIX.]
The Queen Mother has returned from her visit to Alençon. All her trouble has been to no purpose, for he could not be induced to accompany her to Court.[180] The King’s distress at his absence is not overwhelming!
The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband; he received her courteously, but she will live apart from him until the truth be ascertained concerning the immoralities of which she is charged. It is on this business that Bellièvre has been sent to the King of Navarre. He is to make a recantation on the King’s behalf, and reconcile husband and wife.
They say the King has been brought to task for allowing himself, in a fit of passion, to blast the reputation of a member of his own family, and is now sorry for what he has done.[181] He tries to clear himself by saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain people told him. The King of Navarre demands that, if his wife be guilty, she should receive the punishment she deserves; but that, if she has been falsely accused, and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the penalty. It is well known that the King was provoked into this by the murder of the messenger[182] he sent to the Duke of Joyeuse, of which I informed your Majesty in a former letter, for he suspected that his sister had been privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted with the character of the lady say that, unless they are greatly mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the insult she has received.
The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I mentioned at the end of my last letter, arose from the Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a neighbouring place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. It was assumed that he could not be staying in Cambrai without the consent of the townsmen. The assumption was ill-grounded, as the event proved, for he had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alençon, whom he has followed to France; for aught I know, he is still at his quarters.
The reason of his visit was the hope that had been thrown out of some arrangement for recovering Cambrai, a large sum of money having been promised to Alençon on behalf of the King of Spain.
The ruined and impoverished condition of the nobles in Alençon’s train renders it by no means improbable that this scheme may come to something, as it would provide the means to save them from starvation and destitution; but in the Royal Court, and throughout France, the negotiation is held to be most discreditable, and is regarded as a striking proof of the fickleness of the French.
A report is current that the King has written a letter to his brother cautioning him. An arrangement for the exchange of prisoners furnishes the pretext under which this negotiation is being conducted.
In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that the States of Brabant are getting ready a fresh embassy, which will shortly be sent to arrange the terms of a reconciliation with Alençon. It would appear that they have been driven to this course by the successes of the Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly all the country save Ghent and Antwerp. The Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with the double object of protecting themselves, and making Parma’s conquests of no avail to him. It is supposed that their next step will be to send a fresh embassy, since they are determined to suffer the worst that may befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of Spain. However this may be, there is news that the Zealanders and Hollanders will shortly appoint Orange as their Count.
De Puygaillard has left Cambrai; de Balagny[183] is in command of the citadel and garrison, and he is not the sort of man to surrender the town to anyone, even though Alençon himself should give the order. The latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will not go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, but will stop in his present quarters at Château Thierry. He has returned from the Netherlands with such discredit that he is only thinking of where he may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the King is holding his assemblies, which will continue sitting for at least two months; not only will the financial question be considered, but also a general reform of all abuses; it is the purpose of the King, in conformity with his present strict religious views, to correct all vices and faults in the administration of his realm and thus promote the welfare of his people; it is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes will be to make the King’s interest the paramount consideration. For instance, the Crown claims the right of conferring Church patronage, and in consequence you may see children, military men,[184] and women holding bishopricks and abbacies; well, first there was a debate as to the advisability of replacing matters on their old footing, and making these appointments elective, but a resolution was passed that, inasmuch as the old purity in voting had passed away, and all principle had been lost, there appeared no reason for depriving the Crown of the valuable right it had acquired, and that the matter had better be left on its present footing, with the understanding that the King, when exercising his patronage, should have regard to the character and qualifications of the candidates. In many other cases there will be a similar result—that is, projects will be ushered in with fine phrases as to the interests of the people and the mitigation of their burdens, and then in the end the interests of the Crown will carry the day. The King indeed takes care that the law he enacted with regard to dress should be strictly observed; it had not been in force many days when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty sent the Provost of the Court into the city with orders to throw into jail all persons whom he might find transgressing the law. There were several arrests both of men and women, and a great commotion was the consequence, amounting almost to an insurrection. ‘Were they to be arrested by the Provost as if they were highwaymen or burglars? They had their own judges and magistrates to punish offending citizens. If the Provost[185] continued to interfere it should cost him his life.’ It seemed likely that the people would be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the city came to the King and informed him of what was going on; at first he took them roundly to task for their laches in allowing these salutary laws to fall into abeyance, telling them that it was through their negligence he had been driven to other means of enforcing them; he then hurried to Paris, went straight to the prison and set free all who had been arrested on this charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor’s dues for each prisoner. Since then the law has been more strictly enforced.
Cardinal de Birague[186] is dead, at the age, if I mistake not, of more than eighty years; the Court followed its usual fashion, and gave a magnificent funeral at death to one whom it loved not during his life. He held the title of Chancellor of France, but the duties of his office were discharged by a deputy; he was a man who loved fair dealing, and consequently a good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of France, your Imperial Majesty’s sister; his successor[187] is his exact opposite in character, disposition, and intentions.
Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of Gueldres, which has been taken by the Spaniards. The Count of Gueldres is suspected of having a secret understanding with Parma; there is a report that he has been sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At Ghent also a conspiracy[188] of some nobles against the city authorities has been detected through Imbize, who for a long time was an exile in the Palatinate; this discovery has placed them all in imminent danger; among the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Constantinople.
However the others may fare, Champagny, who was the prime mover and soul of the plot, can hardly hope to save his head.
December 4, 1583.
LETTER XXX.
Nothing of importance, as far as I know, has happened since I last wrote, unless it be that some men were caught at Alençon’s quarters, with arms in their hands, under suspicious circumstances; it was thought that they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alençon was strongly impressed with the idea that they were cut-throats hired to murder him. At last, after a careful investigation, it was discovered that it was not his life they designed to take, but Fervaques’; moreover, it was ascertained that the man who set them on was at open feud with the latter, on account of some injury he had received at his hands.
The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to Alençon. She has several objects in going, but the chief one is to remove whatever suspicions he may still entertain. People say Alençon is also about to receive ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which has not yet been induced to sanction his recall. For the aforesaid ambassadors, whose arrival is expected, eighteen gold chains are being worked up at Alençon’s quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to have already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on the point of so doing, with the reservation that the supreme sovereignty be vested in Alençon. Whatever else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power of perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His chief assistant and adviser, St. Aldegonde, has been made burgomaster of Antwerp. For many years past I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, done much, but I doubt whether there is not quite as much more to be done.
We have news of disturbances in Gascony and Aquitaine; in both of these provinces places have been seized, and attempts are being made to recover them by force of arms.
That the year on which we have just entered and many, many coming years may bring prosperity to your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of your most humble servant.
January 9, 1584.
LETTER XXXI.
The King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and devoting himself more exclusively to religion. It was supposed that he would spend the Carnival at Paris;[211] he used to say that not to be at Paris at that season was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not least, the society of certain ladies whom he had been accustomed to meet on that occasion.[189]
In his present humour he does not care to leave Saint-Germain, where he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile the assembly, which was convened for the purpose of reforming the people and remedying abuses in the government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a number of wholesome measures, of which I shall now proceed to give your Majesty an example. There is no greater burden laid on the realm of France than the multiplication of official posts, which the King creates to the benefit of his own pocket and the impoverishment of his people; these are now, to a great extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as many as 150 chamberlains, all of whom are now dismissed, with the exception of sixteen, or, according to another version, twenty-four. The same course, it is supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose shoulders the entire burden of supporting these sinecures used to rest.
This reform, however, will draw complaints from individuals who have purchased such offices with hard cash out of their own pockets. Their claims, it is true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great inconvenience and loss by the change.
Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on the eve of a fresh civil war, and there are people who assert that Navarre has sent to Germany to hire reiters. Whether that be so or not, at any rate the King is raising troops.
It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will shortly be reconciled to her husband, if indeed the reconciliation has not already taken place, through the mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable champion of Protestantism. The Netherland ambassadors are now with Alençon, waiting for fuller instructions from the States. Alençon is urging his claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, with the same powers as the present Sovereign held during the reign of his brother Charles, which were very extensive; but the King objects, and it seems hardly likely that they will come to terms. This difference, it is feared, will, in the event of war, be the source of yet more serious quarrels.
Every day men[190] are coming over from England to France who have been concerned in the great conspiracy against the life of the Queen (Elizabeth). The Earl of Norfolk[191] has been arrested in England for his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will lose his head, but the Earl of Arundel’s case is not regarded as equally desperate, as the Queen seems more inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their designs, is considered to be in great danger. The Ambassador[192] of the King of Spain, they say, was the prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this account has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea that he will pass through France on his way to Spain.
February 12, 1584.
The King has returned from Saint-Germain to Paris, on account of the illness of the Queen Mother. She had an attack of fever, which lasted longer than was expected.
February 15, 1584.
[LETTER XXXII.]
Alençon has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying with her some days before he showed himself to the King. At last, by her advice, as I suppose, he approached[193] the King in a most respectful and submissive manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his knee well nigh touching the ground. When raised by the King, he commenced his address by imploring forgiveness for any offences he might have committed against him.
The King replied there was no need of pardon; he was quite aware that in certain points he did not agree with his brother, but for his own part he was prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of their mother, and would abide by her decision.
People say that Alençon was advised to make sure of Joyeuse and Epernon, through whose eyes the King sees everything, if he wanted his brother to help his party, and interfere in the affairs of the Netherlands. The King could be led to anything, if they chose to exert their influence. This advice he seems inclined to adopt.
The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have now arrived; people say that they have offered Alençon the right of placing garrisons in any of their cities with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. They have also been to Paris to plead their cause before the King.
Alençon, after spending a few days with the King, returned to his old quarters at Château Thierry, with the intention of coming again to Paris before Easter.
When he left the whole court escorted him out; there was a great fuss, and none so forward as Joyeuse and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every mark of favour at parting.
The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under his protection, and will send some troops thither, which, however, are nominally to be Alençon’s.
Everyone is talking of the campaign against Damville, whose present title is the Duke of Montmorency.[194] He is Governor of Languedoc, and appointments of this kind are held for life, and not for a term of years, the holder not being superseded unless he has become a rebel or been convicted of high treason. The King is determined to bestow the governorship of the province on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency, it seems, does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to be tried before his Parliament, and pronounced contumacious and rebellious. This campaign, people say, will be taken in hand after Easter. Alençon is to act as the King’s Lieutenant in proof of his submission to the royal authority. The result is anxiously expected.
Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, and is supported by a united and numerous party. Many will suspect that his downfall will pave the way to their destruction.
A few days ago the King was within an ace of committing an act in his own council-chamber hardly consistent with the gracious character which befits a Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of Malta, the Prior of Champagne,[195] a violent and reckless man. The King was speaking earnestly on some important point, and the Prior, who took an opposite view, went so far as to say, ‘If you wished,[196] Sire, to speak the truth, you must remember, &c.’ The King took his words as a personal insult, and was furious. ‘What?’ cried he; ‘do you think I am telling a lie? Down on your knees at once, and beg my pardon.’ When he had done so, the King forgave him, but at the same time ordered him out of his sight. When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it may be, said something in reply, the King again lost his temper, and, drawing his sword, was on the point of running him through, when he was held back by the gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris[197] is still suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received in grasping the naked blade. Thus the King in his council-chamber all but perpetrated a crime little becoming his character as a ‘penitent.’ Several people interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly pardoned him, but at the same time required him to leave the Court and enter his presence no more—a severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and knows no pleasure elsewhere.
The Ambassador, who is said to have been an accomplice in the English tragedy, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is waiting for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what business I cannot say. Some think he is seeking the post of ambassador at the French court.
March 20, 1584.
LETTER XXXIII.
Alençon,[198] after his return to Château Thierry, fell seriously ill, and his life was in great danger. This gave rise to a story that he had been poisoned. How[217]ever, he is now said to be better. From his bringing up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs are affected. The Queen Mother, who went to see him, has not yet returned.
March 29, 1584.
LETTER XXXIV.
When the people from Flanders saw that they made no way with Alençon, and all hope of help from France was at an end, they returned home, reversed their policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.[199] Their ambassadors were entertained courteously by the Prince, and received presents from him on leaving, while the envoys whom Parma sent with his reply had like treatment from the town of Ghent.
Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the citizens will endure the worst sooner than submit to the old yoke, and have therefore determined to cast in their lot with Zealand and Holland for weal or woe. This new combination will prolong the war, as they are the wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifications, and have the keys of the sea in their possession.
The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to be on the eve of returning to their allegiance to the King of Spain, in company with Flanders; the men of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have taken under their protection, is the only exception. Alençon indeed has something else to think of just now besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and something that touches him more closely, for there is a report that he is in a decline, which has reached the consumptive stage. If this be true—and it is generally believed—he cannot be long for this world, and then, however little the House of Valois may like it, the Bourbons will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown—first the Cardinal, and then Navarre. The Queen Mother is staying in the country at some distance from Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The King, it seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign against Damville,[200] of which every one was talking, and has issued a proclamation to the effect that there is nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to rise in arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. This Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean exactly the reverse, and to be proof positive that war is intended; they say this is his usual trick when he means to attack them.
Whether they are right or wrong time will show.
April 10, 1584.
LETTER XXXV.
Alençon’s[201] life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two ago he was reported as dead, and not only was the date of his decease given, viz., the 25th of this month, but also the hour, viz., 10 P.M. For several hours, it seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought to be dead; afterwards he became conscious, and is still alive, if a man can be called alive, whose case is hopeless and whose death is hourly expected. The King’s chief physician has visited him; on his return [219]he made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his report, but privately he told his friends that he did not expect him to last a month. Well, the matter is in God’s hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, is the prayer of your humble servant.
April 29, 1584.
LETTER XXXVI.
That Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms with Parma is considered certain; they say indeed that service in the cathedral of Ghent is already celebrated after the Roman rite; and this is also the case in three churches in Bruges. In that district Sluys alone stands out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms of the arrangement will, people think, shortly be made public.
May 3, 1584.
[LETTER XXXVII.]
Alençon is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak more correctly, to his bed; no one is allowed to see him save one or two of his adherents, who encourage him to hope that he will recover, but impartial people consider his case desperate; while some think he is already dead, but that his death is kept secret.
The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and it is indeed a critical time, for Alençon’s death will be a most serious matter to the kingdom. For some time past the King has been estranged from his wife; people trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke of Mercœur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of Joyeuse, husband to the Queen’s sister. The latter has been appointed by the King Admiral of France with very extensive powers; while the Duke of Mercœur has been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke of Mercœur maintains that all appointments within the limits of his province belong to him, and Joyeuse disputes his claim. The King on being informed of this difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercœur, and from that time forth his manner to his wife has been less kind, from an idea that the Duke of Mercœur would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for his sister’s countenance and support. This has given rise to a notion on the part of some people, that the King is thinking of divorcing his wife, on the plea that she is barren, it being most important, under present circumstances, that children should be born to the King of France.
The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aquitaine with a numerous and splendid retinue; his mission is a mystery and has furnished much material for conversation and conjecture; only one or two, besides the King, being acquainted with the secret.[202] The King also himself, they say, is intending to visit Lyons shortly; no doubt there is some important reason for this visit, but what it may be, there is no one who can explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time!
June 5, 1584.
LETTER XXXVIII.
That Alençon’s case was desperate has been proved by his death. He breathed his last on the tenth of this month, almost at the same hour and minute as his brother Charles some years ago; it is certain that he died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as your Imperial Majesty will have already learnt from the King’s own letter.
Some people declare[203] his death is a far greater benefit to the world than his birth; they say he had fallen under the influence of worthless satellites, and was incapable of distinguishing between friends and flatterers; he made notoriety his object, but the notoriety he sought might more correctly be described as infamy; he lightly undertook, and yet more lightly abandoned that which he had undertaken. His life was in accordance with his character; fickle, unstable, restless, his one great object was to destroy concord and promote disorder. His mother’s grief for him is genuine, the tears of the rest are constrained tears, I fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent funeral, people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will not last beyond St. John’s Day, which is now near at hand. The corpse is to come to Paris. The King has put on black; this is unusual, for on former occasions it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that Alençon’s death will give rise to great changes in France, and I think they are not far wrong, for the chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs from theirs, neither will they lack leaders when they rise, for the governors of the provinces will come forward, and others to boot.
Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the future, that they are already thinking of emigrating. The King indeed is heaping honours on Navarre;[204] he has presented him with the duchy of Alençon, and in his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by custom assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne;[205] moreover, a way has been discovered of perpetuating the miseries of the Netherlands in spite of Alençon’s removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai[206] to his mother; this legacy will probably carry with it all his other acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his interests in that quarter; it is thought that the Queen Mother will make all this bequest over to Navarre. In this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes in the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain ground for complaint against the King of France. Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of Artois and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far and wide, burning and harrying the country.
The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the troops of the King of Spain; Ghent has admitted Orange’s forces, but there was such want of forage that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to leave. People have a notion that the departure of the cavalry may lead the men of Ghent to resume their negotiations with Parma; another reason assigned is the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish reinforcements.
June 18, 1584.
LETTER XXXIX.
On the festival of St. John and the two following days the last rites were paid to Alençon; there was nothing in the ceremonies to call for remark, except that in the funeral speech no mention was made of his connection with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into the procession. I have appended to my letter a copy of what is commonly supposed to be Alençon’s will.
To his Majesty’s great delight, the King of Navarre treated the Duke of Epernon, on his arrival, with every mark of consideration and honour; but Navarre’s wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit him to her presence. Epernon is supposed to be going through the province of Narbonne, and so to Lyons, where the King will meet him.
Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening the garrisons of forts and towns, where needful, so that they may be ready in case of attack or sudden emergency. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are being stationed in different parts of the country, with the object, as I suppose, of having a relieving army at hand in case Cambrai shall be hard pressed. The Hollanders and Zealanders have raised a fleet to prevent any supplies being introduced into those ports of the Netherlands which are in the occupation of their adversaries, and this will probably cause a rise in the price of corn.
July 10, 1584.
LETTER XL.
The news has come of Orange’s death; there is no doubt as to the accuracy of the report. He was shot with a pistol.[207] The assassin has been taken and tortured, but refused to confess at whose instigation he committed the murder. His only statement consisted of a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he was prompted to the deed by the desire of delivering the Provinces from so despotic a master.
The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come to Paris, in the hope, I suppose, of inducing the King to give them his support, but his answer was not favourable. They are now importuning the Queen Mother, and if she refuses they will probably apply to the King of Navarre and the Bourbons for assistance.
Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, is closely besieged by Parma; three attempts have been made to take it, but in each case the assailants were repulsed with great slaughter.[208]
The King has set out for Lyons; his chief object, people think, is to supersede the present governor and appoint Epernon, or the Duke of Joyeuse’s father, in his place.[209] The King has asked Navarre to come to him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom.
The party of the Guises are striving to make themselves masters of the State. There is an anxious feeling abroad, but why or wherefore no one exactly knows. Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal de Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen Mother.
July 23, 1584.
[LETTER XLI.]
The Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to induce the King to give them his support. This is the only fact worth recording in my present letter. Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen Mother, and her influence is said to have had some weight with the King. One of the ambassadors has been sent back to the Netherlands in company with the gentleman[210] who was formerly Alençon’s representative at Antwerp.
They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable answer to the States from the King, promising to give them advice, countenance, and reinforcements with a liberal hand. The terms which the States offer in return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The result of the negotiations is awaited with the deepest interest. Some people are sounding the war-note right lustily. What, say they, would the King wait for, or what better opportunity could he find for commencing a struggle which must inevitably come before many years are out? Why does not he take the initiative, when such an opportunity and such advantages are placed within his reach? It is folly to keep longing for that which it is in one’s power to possess. Granted, that the Netherlanders at the bottom of their hearts distrust the French, and will not submit to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw them from their allegiance to their ancient lord? Let them live in a state of semi-independence, and not as subjects of France, so long as they remain the bitterest foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of so many provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, even if the King of France should not succeed in subjecting them to himself. No sensible man can fail to see that the Spaniards, who are naturally greedy of empire, when they have consolidated their position, will not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but will endeavour to make themselves masters of the whole of Christendom. But how little remains for them to win, compared with what they have already secured! Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, and all other princes and states will be placed in a humiliating position. Everything will depend on the pleasure of the Spaniard—a most miserable and degrading prospect! No time, therefore, must be lost in encountering this attack on the liberties of Europe, before the Spanish power is consolidated. There is no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have any regard for their own safety and reputation would gladly join their forces and unite in extinguishing a conflagration which is dangerous to everyone.[211]
My own opinion is that these views are popular, and that they are only waiting for the death of the King of Spain, as the most favourable opportunity for a general movement.
Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Dendermonde, after great losses, if we may believe the report. He retains, however, the fort of Calloo, which enables him to cause much trouble to the ships as they sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde[212] without much difficulty, as the larger part of the garrison has been cut off from the town.
Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard to induce Balagny,[213] the governor of Cambrai, to surrender the town to the King and the King’s nominee. Balagny’s tyrannical conduct has rendered him most unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has proved himself a skilful and sagacious diplomatist in affairs of this kind.
Paris, August 18, 1584.
LETTER XLII.
I have hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to allow a longer time to elapse before writing.
The King has returned from Lyons without achieving anything worth notice, as far as I know. He stayed for some time at the castle of le Bois de Vincennes, in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building a church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the benefit of himself and his society of Penitents.[214] At the same time he is carrying on his campaign against vice by punishing heinous offences, especially those which are connected with malversation of public moneys, whether they belong to the privy purse or the exchequer, France being full of offenders of this kind.
In dealing with these matters he does not spare even men of high rank; consequently there is a panic, and people are leaving the country. He will next attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require them to give an account of the way they have administered justice, and the sentences they have pronounced, for these courts of justice are, it is considered, full of corruption and in great need of reform. In France the Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King’s; in them justice is sold, or given as a matter of favour.
Though well stricken in years,[215] the Cardinal de Bourbon is apparently unwilling to surrender the right of succession to the throne to his nephew Navarre, and therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a numerous party regard as their leaders; nay, a little while ago it was stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender his Cardinal’s hat, and marry the widow of Montpensier, sister to the Duke of Guise. The report is still current.
Marshal de Retz is still in Picardy, strengthening fortifications and garrisoning posts, for the Queen Mother has, it appears, set her mind on keeping Cambrai, and some of the household troops have been despatched thither with that object. The Queen herself has left Paris for the banks of the Loire, and is going from place to place in the hope of arranging an interview with Navarre, but the probability of his meeting her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will not trust either her or the King. That his wife may meet her mother is not impossible. The King too has set out for the Loire, and will stop some time, should the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow him to remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the King’s destination really is.
Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very favourable to the King of Spain. Ghent[216] has made its peace with him. If report says true, the terms are as follows: they are to pay him 200,000 crowns, restore the churches, allow two citadels to be built, and give up any six men who may be demanded.
Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of surrender. In spite of this Antwerp does not lose heart, nor are the Hollanders and Zealanders abandoning any part of their programme. The Queen Mother’s Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and talks much of the highly favourable terms on which they are willing to conclude a bargain with the King of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that God Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty is the prayer of your humble servant.
October 4, 1584.
[LETTER XLIII.]
I have allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, partly because I was every day expecting Sancerre to leave, and partly because I had no news worth sending.
The King, who had been dodging the plague from place to place, at last stopped at Blois; the plague,[217] however, gave him notice to quit by carrying off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bedchamber, so after all he has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he intends prosecuting his social and legal reforms. I saw him at Blois, whither I went to express to him and the two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief and sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty’s sister, at the death of Alençon.
There was some talk of disturbances in the south of France, but they seem to have subsided.
Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as travelling from England to Spain by way of Paris, has returned to these parts. He comes to express his master’s grief at the death of Alençon, and also to supersede Tassis[218] as ambassador to France. Tassis has gone to the Netherlands en route for Spain. If laying out large sums be the proof of a good ambassador, Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, for they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 crowns a year. I hope the rest may be in keeping, and that he may prove in every way as good as Tassis.
The Duke of Epernon, who is the King’s second self, is ill with a severe attack of scrofula, a disease which the Kings of France profess to heal by a touch of the hand,[219] so the King has an admirable opportunity of putting his power to the test! I write this because I have nothing else to say. Everything is at a standstill from the frost, but this pause will probably lead to greater movements in the spring.
December 10, 1584.
LETTER XLIV.
Ambassadors have again come from the rebel States of the Netherlands, with very extensive powers, they say, to induce the King to take them under his protection. The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful. There are men about the King who would fain lead him into war.
Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly blockaded, the navigation of the Scheldt being almost entirely stopped.
December 15, 1584.
[LETTER XLV.]
A numerous deputation has again come here from the insurgent States of the Netherlands with very full powers and large offers. On condition of the King’s [232]receiving them into his protection, they undertake to hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority shall be supreme; they promise to contribute 100,000 crowns a month towards the expenses of the war, one-half to be paid by themselves, and the other by the Queen of England. An English ambassador is expected here, with a large and numerous train, to take part in these negotiations; the ostensible object of the embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter to the King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambassadors have been ordered to stop short at a neighbouring town,[220] but for all that they are treating with the King by means of letters and memorials; their expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They assure the King of an easy success, if he will only cut off the enemy’s supplies by stopping all exports from France. If this is done, they declare that in a year’s time there will not be a single foreign soldier in the Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved out, their supplies by sea being already cut off; even now, they say, though there is nothing to interrupt their communications with France, provisions in the enemy’s camp are scarce and dear. What the King’s decision will be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse their cause, he will thereby involve himself in a serious war; if he helps rebels against their Sovereign, he supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awkward precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for heretics, when he hates and loathes the heretics in his own realm, and endures them only because he cannot help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent; but, however that may be, he will not, people think, openly espouse the cause of the Netherlanders, the ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to the [233]Queen Mother, while the King is to support her with his forces, and countenance the undertaking; but as to who is to have the conduct of the campaign is more than I can make out. The King of Navarre or Condé would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but neither of them will place himself in the King’s power, as they have not forgotten the wedding and massacre of Saint Bartholomew; notwithstanding, some say that Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the sole heir of his kingdom, to Condé, with the view to securing his own safety, as well as the Prince’s, since in that case, if either of them be murdered, there will be a survivor to avenge his death.[221] The decision arrived at must be known before long.
The Monsieur de Selles,[222] whom your Majesty knew in Spain, has died in his prison in Zealand.
The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, which has been so long under consideration, has at length been published, but save in a few particulars it is not of the description generally expected; I enclose a copy for your Imperial Majesty.
That God may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your most humble servant.
January 25, 1585.
LETTER XLVI.
The King has granted a private audience to the Netherland ambassadors; I cannot give the terms of their address, but it is easy to guess what they were. As to the King, they say, he replied that he would not fail in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors are fifteen in number, and their retinue comprises some sixty gentlemen; they have been joined by the Prince of Espinoy,[223] who, with his brother, the Marquis of Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court of the late Emperor Maximilian.
It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at any rate despatches, are also coming from the King of Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of Savoy, to remind the King of his engagements and to call on him to fulfil them; but, for my own part, I incline to think that neither letters nor ambassadors from the King of Spain or Duke of Savoy will have much influence; as to how much weight will be attached to the Pope’s remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the Netherland ambassadors are being defrayed by the French treasury. Lastly, the English Ambassador, who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby[224]; he is of royal blood the French say, and the English confirm the statement. He was met and escorted into Paris with the utmost pomp; a house next the Palace was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day assigned for his expenses. He is the bearer of the Order of the Garter from the Queen to the King of France. This is the ostensible object of his mission, but the real and more important reason is supposed to be connected with the affairs of the Netherlands. On the last day of last month the King was invested with the insignia of the Order in the Church of St. Augustine during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter of the Knights of the Holy Ghost; all the ambassadors attended the ceremony by invitation; amongst them were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but their coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador.
To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience to the aforesaid ambassadors, in company with the English Ambassador, but, as to what the issue is likely to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the King is entering into the business without much heart, and is even dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed arrangements, which do not go so far as he would like; but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to anything Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the matter. People think that the King will give way to his mother, and take up the cause of the Netherlands, giving them secret support, even if he does not openly adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the consequence. The most important part in this adventure, people say, will be assigned to Don Antonio[225]; by their account, he is to be given the command of the French forces. In a business of this kind we can be certain of the past, but of nothing else!
These are our troubles here; still, mischief is not confined to Paris. A man tried to poison the King of Navarre, but failed in the attempt, either by reason of the strength of the King’s constitution, or the weakness of the poison; the assassin then had recourse to open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. He failed again, was arrested, and is being tried in chains.[226] The King is greatly distressed at the affair, as indeed he has good reason to be, for his own reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore sent a distinguished judge to be present at the trial and examination of the assassin under torture; he is to bring back a true and accurate report as to whether the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from motives of personal malice.
March 6, 1585.
LETTER XLVII.
Positive news has come from Brabant that Brussels[227] has been compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, and Antwerp is hard pressed, being debarred from all use of the Scheldt by the completion of the bridge. These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French Court, and compel them to come to some decision with regard to the Netherlanders, for, unless these last receive some support, their defence must collapse. Indeed, the ambassadors of the rebel States assume an air of despondency, being disappointed at the King’s handing over the responsibility to his mother, instead of declaring war on his own account.
March 7, 1585.
LETTER XLVIII.
The English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this month, after a visit of twenty days, during which he was treated with high honours, and received every mark of respect. On leaving he was presented with plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gentlemen in his train had also the honour of receiving presents. A little later the Netherland ambassadors took their leave, when each of them was presented with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns; their visit has produced little or no result; at any rate, if any arrangement has been made, it is a complete secret. The King’s public answer was that he did not intend to break the peace which subsisted between himself and the King of Spain; the Queen Mother said, she was deeply concerned for their preservation, but was prevented by the King’s wishes from giving them assistance. Whether any secret understanding is implied in these ambiguous phrases, I cannot say. The ambassadors have done their utmost to draw the King into open war; this appears also to have been the object of the English Ambassador, but he does not seem to have had much success. Some people think the King has undertaken to give them considerable succours as soon as his present troubles shall have blown over, and meanwhile to furnish them with some little assistance. As regards the troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are without doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises are levying war; the popular account is that they are angry[228] with the King for not recognising their own [238]and their family’s services, while a couple of young fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and conceit, are loaded with high offices and honours. But this is not all; they wish to have a Catholic successor appointed in case of the King’s death, and they are again putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy against heretics, in which they claim the leadership. The meaning of all this is, that knowing there will be no room for them in France, should Navarre, on the death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish betimes to grapple with this danger, and thus consult their own interests, regardless of the great troubles they must bring on the country. And, to be fair, there is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety, as people cannot tell what the position of the Church will be after the King’s death. Many believe that their ancient ritual, services, and sacraments will be profaned and put down by Navarre, and that the Catholics will be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These fears give an excellent handle to those who are desirous of a revolution, and men who have been true to the old religion are in a peculiarly good position to take advantage of it. Among these stand the Guises, who are most popular in France, so much so that one may hear them spoken of with greater deference than the King himself. The family of Guise, they say, can trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charlemagne,[229] has ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever loyal to King and country, in spite of the neglect with which it has been treated, and the bestowal on others of the honours it has earned, and now is justified in [239]unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal prerogatives, and undertaking the defence of the Church.[230]
The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his family and takes part with the Guises. The King has warned them by letters and messengers to have a care of whither the road leads on which they are travelling; to which they replied, they had no designs against him, they had never swerved from the paths of loyalty and duty, so that he ought not to believe the calumnies of their enemies.
In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining ground of German reiters being brought to France; they say they are already on the borders of Lorraine, and Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under arms.
If one inquires whence the money will be forthcoming for the campaign, everybody has an answer ready to the effect that, with the Pope and the King of Spain[231] at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and that there is an understanding between them and the Guises is a matter beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one considers who is to profit by these disturbances, it is difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the King of Spain; for the pacification of the latter’s provinces in the Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment of his plans are impossible so long as France is quiet and united. The King of Navarre is quite alive to what is going on, and completely on his guard; indeed he also is making ready to defend himself against any murderous attack; he likewise offered the King his services against the enemy. The King tells him not to be uneasy; he is to make no movement, but simply to keep his towns in readiness to repel any sudden assault, and leave the rest to him.
I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, for some are disposed to suspect him of knowing and approving of all the plans of the Guises; others again hold that, while hitherto he has not been privy to their schemes, he will in no long time adopt their ideas and join their party; not that he loves them, but because he hates Navarre still more, on account of their old quarrels and the difference of their religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt that the King would sooner have anyone than Navarre as successor to his throne, since he can have no confidence that after his accession his policy will not be reversed, the position of his connections and relations be impaired, and his friends cast down from their high estate; lastly, it is most annoying to feel that after one’s death people will be exalted, whom during one’s life one has desired to keep down. However, it is not easy to trace the workings of the heart, and so it is better to suspend our judgment till time makes all things clear.
Not long ago the rumour was very general that a fresh attempt against the life of the Queen of England had been discovered.
The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy preparing a fleet, which is to break through the bridge and relieve Antwerp; should this attempt fail, they intend opening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and flooding the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring their fleet, in spite of the bridge, up to the walls of the town; this plan, however, must cause great suffering throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obstinate they are; their own account is that they have no other course.
March 26, 1585.
[LETTER XLIX.]
People are becoming seriously alarmed. Suddenly and unexpectedly France finds herself on the brink of a great war; the King himself hardly knew of its approach before it burst upon him. Two months ago the Duke of Bouillon[232] wrote cautioning him to be on his guard, as the Guises were preparing for a campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his imprudence in disregarding this warning.
Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is the Cardinal de Bourbon, but, if I am not very much mistaken, the real leaders are the three brothers—the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal de Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and the Marquis of Elbœuf; they have also on their side the Queen’s brother, the Duke of Mercœur, Governor of Brittany; there are besides in the ranks of the insurrection many gentlemen of less mark, with whose names I need not trouble your Majesty.
The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief one is jealousy. For a long time the Guises have felt bitterly their position at the Court, where they do not hold the influence and station to which they consider themselves entitled.[233] Others are loaded with wealth and honours, while they are held of no account, and are left crippled by the debts, which they and their ancestors have saddled themselves with in the service of the State. The King, they complain, has picked out a couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affection and caresses, treating them like sons, squandering on them the public revenues, living with them in the closest intimacy, while the Guises are not merely kept at a distance, but are actually insulted by having the doors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into the royal presence.
Besides these causes for complaint, there is a notion, I fancy, which is not altogether groundless, that the sister of Navarre, the heir of his kingdom and extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon, who is generally supposed to have been appointed by the King Constable of France, and that the King, who is not at present favourably disposed towards Navarre, will be reconciled by this alliance, and support his claims to the succession. In all probability the object of the Guises is to put a stop to this arrangement, which would be most disastrous to their interests, as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Condé on the throne, their influence in France would be obliterated.
The Cardinal de Bourbon[234] assumes the title of successor to the throne, and is indignant at the preference given to the claims of his nephew; he has thrown off his Cardinal’s robes and fancies himself so much in a soldier’s coat, that people think he must be childish. He is fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic See, to the faith he professes, to his family, and to himself, not to allow a Protestant to ascend the throne on the death of the King. He therefore considers himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first place in it. The Church, the Commonwealth, the convening[235] of the Estates, the security of the country, the safety of honest people, the common pleas of all revolutionists, are pressed into their service as a cloak for their designs.
Again, there was a report of a Bull[236] coming from the Pope, which might arrive at any moment, pronouncing Navarre and Condé incapable of ascending the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, I question the policy of such a step, showing as it does the disunion of Christendom at a time when the Turkish victories over the Persians render an invasion more probable than ever; for there is no doubt that the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their long struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way for the extinction of Christianity. As soon as they have secured their rear, by destroying or crippling their Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces for a struggle with us; they will fight with us for existence and empire, and the chances are greatly in their favour.[237]
But yet the movement I have described is so popular that I cannot tell what the result will be. To the King, indeed, this outbreak is a most untoward and unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a Catholic nobleman in France who is not suspected of being concerned in the designs of the Guises, and secretly favouring the movement; almost all the provinces are wavering in their allegiance; of the great cities some are disloyal, while others refuse to receive garrisons from the King. Thus he hardly knows which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open enemies, while his friends are few and weak. Whatever efforts he may make to muster his troops, it will be too late, for he has to deal with an enemy near at hand and well prepared.
The only man I am surprised at is the Duke of Mercœur;[238] I cannot understand his taking up arms against the King, when he is brother to the Queen, and has lately received great promotion from the King. He has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as he has been deprived of certain privileges which his predecessors in the government of Brittany enjoyed, these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse as Admiral of France.[239]
Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has declared for the Guises. Caen, on the coast of Normandy, which is commanded by the strong fortifications of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of Elbœuf; the citadel is held by d’O, who was formerly one of the King’s mignons, but has now attached himself to the party of the Guises. The Duke of Aumale has seized several other places, and the Duke of Joyeuse is on the march to recover them. The younger Lansac, who is also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, near Bordeaux, and will prove a thorn in the side of that town if it remains loyal to the King.[240] De Brissac[241] holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the length and breadth of the country, numbers are revolting and bidding defiance to the King. An attempt has also been made to seize Marseilles, but it proved unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affairs have made the Duke of Epernon a little more courteous; he used to be so supercilious that when members of the royal family spoke to him and removed their hats, he kept his on his head; but now he has the grace to put his hand to his hat. This has given rise to a popular joke, that Epernon has at last found out where his hat is!
The King has sent deputies all round the country to calm the storm, but they do not bring back any offers of a compromise.
The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and is oftentimes obliged to hear him speak of her son in terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal de Bourbon is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival the latter used to protest against any application being made to himself with reference to the rising, declaring that he was not in command, but simply a private gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Archbishop of Lyons is[242] also there, as the King’s representative, with very extensive powers. Unless they come to terms the prospect for France is desperate, and we are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen’s[243] return, which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace with the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the commencement of a disastrous war. According to some, one of the terms of peace will be the restoration of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how little the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up arms they are acting in concert with Spain.
The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect of this movement to herself, is, they say, offering the King 6,000 horse, to be hired at her expense, and to consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King shall decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong force of his partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he is the real object of attack.
Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have heard that the Marquis of Richebourg and sundry others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;[244] they say that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain.
I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as freely as before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy are occupied by the soldiers of the two contending parties, who examine and tear to pieces all communications; indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this very letter will be able to get through safely.
April 25, 1585.
LETTER L.
Guise has taken the town of Verdun,[245] slaying several of its defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes have also gone over to the Guises.
There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. The Earl of Arundel,[246] who was concerned in it, has been arrested.
April 28, 1585.
LETTER LI.
The war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened deserving special mention. The clergy are said to be furnishing the King with 100,000 crowns a month, on condition of his shortening the term within which, according to his previous decree, the Huguenots must leave the country. He has acceded to this demand, as your Majesty will see by reading the enclosed pro[248]clamation;[247] but even this has failed to convince the people that the King really and honestly shares the views of the League, and has joined the party; for, according to some, it is only a device to extract money, and when he has gained his object he will turn his coat! Time will show.
A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in number, created a panic by seizing the citadel of Angers;[248] the excitement was increased by the news that the Prince of Condé was coming; he had crossed the Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the suburbs. All the troops that could be got together were hurried off to Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, and thither went all the leaders, Joyeuse, Epernon, Mayenne, and Biron.
But Condé, finding himself surrounded by such powerful forces, and seeing that he would not be able to reach the citadel, abandoned his design and retired across the Loire; he then broke up his army, and sought safety in the country occupied by his own garrisons. Meanwhile it was the common talk, and generally believed, that he had been taken prisoner while crossing some river or other, but it soon became clear that the story had no foundation. Shortly after this affair the King recalled his forces, which have suffered severely from the incessant rains and the hardships of an autumn campaign; neither have they altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging.
The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, have accused their commander[249] of high treason, charging him with intending to admit a Spanish garrison into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications.
The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the ground some time ago, and people say the King has given orders that the citadel of Angers shall be treated in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones are being built.
I shall enclose the Papal Bull[250] declaring Navarre and Condé incapable of succeeding to the throne of France. What effect it will have God only knows; for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal for greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, has confiscated all the property of Navarre on which he could lay his hands, and placed it in the custody of the Cardinal de Vendôme,[251] the owner’s cousin.
The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the King’s Ambassador, to treat for the appropriation of ecclesiastical property to the service of the State, and, no doubt, concerning other matters as well.
Again, a new Ambassador[252] of high rank is on his way to Constantinople; his policy, I imagine, will be anything but favourable to the peace of Germany. There is nothing they are so much afraid of here as German reiters, and they have apparently come to the conclusion that the best way of keeping them employed elsewhere is to threaten their country with a Turkish war.
I understand that one packet of the despatches I wrote in May is missing. I cannot tell where it was stopped. I sent it by way of Brussels as the safest route. My present letter will also go by the same road, but I shall take further precautions to ensure its safety. I trust that the missing packet will also eventually reach your Majesty.
Paris: November 15, 1585.
LETTER LII.
Although nothing worth recording has happened since I last wrote, nevertheless I take up my pen because I have a chance of sending a letter, which does not often occur now-a-days.
The Duke of Mayenne’s forces are now in close contact with the enemy, and we shall soon see in what direction he is moving, and his prospects of success in the campaign.
The King has made up his mind not to allow a single Huguenot, or indeed anyone who is not a Catholic, to remain in France; consequently all who do not care to change their religion are leaving the country. A few days ago a petition was presented to the King on behalf of certain women and girls, imploring leave to remain in France under his protection, and promising that they would live in retirement and give offence to no one. The King would not grant their request, but took care that they should not be injured, and sent them to England under his safe conduct.
As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new religious services, and lives like a hermit. People are afraid his health will be affected by the austerities he practises, or that he will become the victim of some superstitious craze.
The Queen of England is openly taking Holland and Zealand, with certain towns besides, under her protection, and has issued a proclamation to that effect. I cannot say whether she will give much help to places at a distance from the sea, but the maritime position of England renders it probable that the towns on the coast will derive great assistance from her powerful navy.
So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all its sufferings and all its uncertainties, while the blockade by sea will bring the other provinces of the Netherlands into danger of starvation.
December 6, 1585.
LETTER LIII.
There is a report that German cavalry is already on the march for France. The King has despatched the Duke of Epernon to his command at Metz, where there have been great Protestant disturbances.
December 8, 1585.
[LETTER LIV.]
Navarre, having shaken off the enemy, determined to assault the faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the probability of such a movement. Marching with all his forces on the capital, he stormed and sacked the four faubourgs of the Université,[253] each of which is as [252]big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which consisted of citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre’s men contrived to slip in between them and the city walls, and thus cut off their retreat. Many of them were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no quarter being given except to those who could convince their captors that they had the amount of their ransom in hard cash in their houses. The number slain and captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Navarre, after halting for a time and offering battle, retreated a few miles from Paris with his booty and prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy had occupied; although it is an open town, the position is important from its commanding the road to Paris from the principal corn-growing districts. Mayenne, they say, can still muster a considerable force, but, as he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence is more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. Whatever the enemy has either not found out or not thought worth taking, becomes their booty. Thus the Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel the effects of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps winter and the difficulty of finding money will bring the first act of this tragedy to a close, and then each party will endeavour to support their cause by convening the Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the [253]towns, and the Order of the Clergy will meet at Paris; Navarre and the leading nobles at Tours. He will there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of Coronation service performed, in order to increase his authority, and justify his assumption of the title of ‘Royal Majesty.’ He will not however remain quite idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations in Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as opportunities may occur. At Tours he will be able, should it prove desirable, to treat with the young Duke of Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other prisoners,[254] with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have already been taken in this direction with some prospects of success. I remain your Imperial Majesty’s most humble servant.
November 13, 1589.[255]
LETTER LV.
Navarre has retaken Vendôme by storm. This strong town, which forms part of his hereditary possessions, had been lost by the governor’s treason. The governor, who was a man of noble birth, was captured. In order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat was cut, while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who had been sent from Paris to preach there, was hanged.[256] He next received the surrender of Le Mans, a rich and famous town; such at any rate is the report, but it is not positively confirmed. It is certain that money is being secretly sent to Paris by the King of Spain, but I am afraid not as much as they require. When people have to supply their allies with money they soon get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from Antwerp for Paris; large supplies of gunpowder are also said to be coming by the same channel.
November 29, 1589.
LETTER LVI.
There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at Tours by Cardinal de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of Rheims,[257] four other bishops being present or assisting at the ceremony. Some people add that he attended [255]divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others deny this; but admit that, in the speech which he made on the occasion, he declared that as regarded religion he would soon give them such satisfaction that no one would have any just ground for complaint left. They say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of France; he is expected to come to Tours and do homage to the King on his Coronation. There is no longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le Mans, nor does the mischief stop there, for some assert, that Chartres, a wealthy and fortified city, has gone over to Navarre. He has for some time been master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the town itself. There is the same news about Melun, which lies on the Seine above Paris; the position is important for preventing the introduction of provisions into the capital. Further, some would have it believed that the governor of the port of Havre de Grâce in Normandy is ready to come to terms with Navarre. If even a part, and much more if all, of these rumours be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They are now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they say, amounts to 300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see that they have any trustworthy resources to support their resistance, and I am consequently afraid that, when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to some he is to be expected shortly, others say not till spring. I have great fears for the town where I am now staying, and am therefore obliged to look out for a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors which occur when a city is taken by storm. The Marquis of Pont-à-Musson[258] has crossed into Flanders, [256]intending to return from there either through Brabant or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at Paris, which was called the Council of the Union,[259] is said to have been dissolved, and the supreme authority again restored to the Parliament, which issues decrees in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de Bourbon. It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which was removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the stronger of the two. The Duke of Parma is said to be suffering from illness. I do not know the exact nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the Queen of France (Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles IX.) from receiving and enjoying her property and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary expenses of the maintenance of herself and her household. I have already ventured, I think, to call your Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s position in this respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is at hand I have judged it to be my duty to repeat the warning. I trust your Majesty will consider how the Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has passed by.
December 14, 1589.
LETTER LVII.
A meeting of the States-General of the kingdom has been summoned at Tours by Navarre to consider the state of the country, and to take measures for punishing the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is the day appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,[260] who has been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on the way. Thither he summoned the people of Langres, and invited them to abandon Navarre and acknowledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. On their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and transferred their bishopric to Dijon.[261] People think he entered Paris three days ago. There is a report going about here of the arrival of a Turkish fleet, but it is doubtful, and does not rest on any good authority. The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking to supply him with whatever he may want against Spain.[262] People are anxiously waiting to see at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He has taken several important cities in Normandy. Some think he intends to besiege Rouen,[263] which is already exhausted by the calamities of war. Things, how[258]ever, are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are being raised, and will soon be ready. The result of Mayenne’s enterprises remains to be seen. His plan seems to have been to demolish all the forts of the enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the river from Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find an easy task, especially with Navarre so near at hand. In proof of this the fort of Meulan,[264] before which, as I mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. The reputation of both generals is at stake; the question being, whether Mayenne shall abandon his enterprise, or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage when offered battle by the other.
I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of Scotland has married the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, as I thought Navarre’s sister was intended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of Parma, they say, has taken offence at something or other, and has therefore withdrawn himself from almost all the duties of his position, and avoiding the crowded Court has for some time past allowed himself to nurse his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on that account been sent to the King of Spain.
To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a short time, they think Evreux will soon be added. Though it is not a strongly fortified town, it is the seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles from here. He has already occupied the suburbs. Both this town and the whole neighbourhood were greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar fate, but he seems to intend to direct his march against Rouen, for he sent a trumpeter thither to summon them to surrender, and to threaten them with destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many towns falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror-struck, and therefore to desire peace at any price. On this Navarre builds his hopes. Meanwhile the siege of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on very languidly.[265]
LETTER LVIII.
Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He is, however, too weak to raise the siege of Paris, or to engage the King with a fair prospect of success. When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a safe position. The King thought this an additional reason for pressing the siege. Though he had effected a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts of them which were nearest the city were more in the citizens’ power than his own. He therefore resolved to push forward his entrenchments to the walls of the city. This operation was executed in a single night, the breastwork of the besiegers being carried up to the very gates. Thenceforth no one was able to enter or leave Paris without his permission. Meanwhile the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed impossible for them to hold out much longer, and more than 12,000 perished of hunger. The inhabitants, [260]however, bore their sufferings patiently, and preferred to hold out to the bitter end rather than abandon the cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained in this resolve by the promises of the Spanish Ambassador and the Papal Legate, who declared that the Duke of Parma himself was on the point of coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion which was soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived at last, after negotiations for peace had actually been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate of Gaul,[266] went under a safe-conduct to the King. They failed to come to terms, but the negotiations were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed that three commissioners on each side should meet at the fortress of Nanteuil[267] and the mansion of Schom[261]berg, nine French miles from Paris.[268] The prospects of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters of Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, in which he exhorted them to hold out a little longer, and told them that he was actually on the march to their relief; there was no fear, he added, that he would demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his King, or by coming to terms with him. The King showed these letters to the Cardinal and Archbishop, and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but at their entreaty he finally consented to await the day which had been fixed for the termination of the armistice, namely, the 26th of this month. He did not sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, under Nevers and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he expected in a few days. He only withdrew his cannon from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St. Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might have his hands free, if he were obliged to fight or should be summoned elsewhere, it being his usual practice to leave his baggage behind, when he undertakes any operation. Apart from this he made no change, and did not move a single soldier from his position under the ramparts of Paris.
In case of an engagement taking place, the news will in all probability reach your Majesty before my account of it arrives. Therefore, in order that your Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the value of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for your consideration a sketch of both generals, the King and Mayenne, and their several forces. The contest will be one between two famous leaders, in the prime of life and at the height of their renown, one of whom, Mayenne, will give up the command to Parma, and will fight as his subordinate. The King is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he will have, it is thought, some 20,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry. The latter for the most part is composed of gentlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted. Of French infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, with whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The élite of his foot consists of a body of four or five thousand Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse and foot alike, are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed to be led, and whose presence inspires them with confidence. Moreover, the King has with him veteran generals of great experience, whose advice and assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, La Noue, and many others. Round him too have gathered the Princes of the Bourbon blood, with the leading gentlemen from every part of France.
With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of generalship there is not much to choose between them, but it must be admitted that the latter is a most unlucky commander, while the former is a favourite of fortune, as is proved by his long list of successes in the Netherlands, and in this respect he may fairly be considered a match for the King. Their united infantry, as report goes, amounts to 17,000, while their cavalry is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their foot the Spaniards and Walloons are considered the best, and these, with the addition of some Italian companies, are not much over 4,000 strong. Next to these come the Germans; the French and Lorrainers are the worst.
The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in concocting devices against each other, the object being to inflict the maximum of damage with the minimum of loss to their own troops. To enable his men to resist the charge of the French cavalry, Parma encloses his infantry with a fence formed of ropes of the strongest and thickest description, which are supported by stout stakes at regular intervals. Immediately behind the ropes he posts his musketeers, who can thus fire on the French horse in perfect security. All the musketeers have a store of double bullets fastened together with copper wire, which will be very effective against horses. The cannon also are loaded with chain-shot, and masked batteries are planted in good positions, with troops drawn up in front so as to conceal them from the enemy; at the critical moment they will open fire, and pour a withering volley among the horses of their assailants.
Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he takes counsel with his craftiest and wisest captains, to see if they cannot devise a new mode of attack. Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful manœuvre to be executed, which is to discomfit the enemy.
On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general and a powerful army. The King’s forces are supposed to be somewhat larger than Parma’s, and he has also a decided superiority in the composition of his troops, for, with a few exceptions, they are all men of the same nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma’s forces have been recruited from various nations, and are to a large extent made up of raw levies, on whom not much reliance can be placed. Again, the King has the great advantage of fighting on his own ground, that is to say, on ground which he has previously chosen and fortified, while Parma, by the circumstances of his position, is compelled to attack at a disadvantage.
Such are the premises; whether they are sufficient for forming an opinion as to what the result of a battle would be, is more than I can say. They are valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a sunset are valuable in enabling us to guess what weather we shall have to-morrow. Besides, it is mere guessing, and no more; victory does not depend on scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of soldiers, or the abundance of munitions, but solely on the will of God.
If I have lingered longer over this subject than has been agreeable, I trust I may be pardoned. That God may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your most humble servant.
Mantes, August 27, 1590.[269]
APPENDIX.
CONTENTS OF APPENDIX.
| PAGE | |||
| I. | Sketch of Hungarian History | [267] | |
| II. | Itineraries | [284] | |
| III. | Editions | [288] | |
| IV. | Original Documents:— | ||
| i. | Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin | [292] | |
| ii. | Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq | [295] | |
| iii. | Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque | [300] | |
| iv. | Copy of the Sauve-garde | [303] | |
| v. | Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide ofCharlot Desrumaulx | [305] | |
| vi. | Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibertdu Mortier | [309] | |
I.
SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN.
In order that the reader may be able to appreciate the circumstances under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters were written, and to understand many of the allusions they contain, it is necessary that he should have the power of referring easily to the leading events of Hungarian and Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman. For Busbecq’s French letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch Republic’ and ‘United Netherlands’ may be consulted, but no such works in English upon Hungarian history exist. The narratives of Robertson and Creasy are meagre in this respect, and contain only scattered and incidental notices of Hungarian events; while Von Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in Heeren’s Series, valuable as they are, have not been translated into English, and besides are not easily accessible. None of these works give a connected narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which are mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian history, and have to be picked out from it with much time and trouble. It is hoped that this sketch will to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a clue to the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some curious facts have been gleaned from Katona’s ‘Critical History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which is mostly composed of original documents, including numerous letters written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after[268] he had returned from his embassy, and long extracts from Busbecq’s own letters.
During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the Debatable Land between Christendom and Islam. The picture which the ‘Lay of the Last Minstrel’ and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the English and Scottish border, will suggest a faint notion of the state of things all along the frontier between the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon both sides continual forays were made, villages were plundered and burnt, castles surprised, cattle driven off, and, worst of all, prisoners were carried away into hopeless slavery.[270] Every few years these desultory hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwithstanding occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the tide of Turkish invasion rose steadily higher and higher. In addition, the unfortunate country was distracted by civil war, waged with varying success between Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the rivals for the throne, while the magnates of the kingdom went over from one side to the other, according as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage for themselves.
Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of Othman, was born in 1494, and succeeded his father, Selim I., in September 1520. The first year of his reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, and the fall of Belgrade,[271] the bulwark of that kingdom. Louis, the King of Hungary and Bohemia, was then a minor, and, in the party strife of the different factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention was diverted to other enterprises, of which the most famous was the siege and capture of Rhodes in 1522, but in 1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29, the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated King Louis with great slaughter at Mohacz,[272] the King himself perishing in the flight, and then advanced on Buda, which surrendered on September 10. Thence he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian nobles, and, after promising them to make John Zapolya, Count of Zips and Voivode or Viceroy of Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden with booty to Constantinople.
Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor as Emperor, and Zapolya were rivals for the crown of St. Stephen. The first relied upon family compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with King Louis.[273] Zapolya, on the other hand, was supported by a strong party among the nobles, who disliked Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s partisans took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at which he was elected King, and he was duly crowned at Stuhlweissenburg by the Archbishop of Gran. Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the Palatine Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which declared Zapolya’s election void on the ground that the diet of Tokay had not been summoned by the Palatine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after defeating his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the following year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya then threw himself on Solyman’s protection, offering to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his tributary, and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in February 1528. In the following year Solyman invaded Hungary for the third time, and took Buda on September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya was again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of the Aga of the Janissaries, and did homage for his kingdom. Leaving a Turkish governor in Buda, the Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it on the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on October 16, in consequence of the lateness of the season and the gallant resistance of the garrison and inhabitants.[274]
In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged Buda unsuccessfully. In the campaign of 1532 Charles V. came with the forces of the Empire to the assistance of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat of war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before the little town of Güns by the gallantry of the commander Jurischitz, who at last surrendered on honourable terms.[275] The delay, however, prevented the Sultan from accomplishing anything considerable, though his army ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as far as Gratz and Linz.
In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand and Solyman on the basis of Ferdinand’s retaining what he actually held in Hungary, the Sultan reserving to himself the ratification of any arrangements that Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between themselves.
For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was devoted to his wars with Persia, and no invasion of Hungary on a large scale occurred; but, notwithstanding the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoining districts continued their inroads. To check these incursions Ferdinand, in 1537, assembled at Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of Katzianer. He advanced on Essek, intending to besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to retreat. After losing his siege-guns at the passage of the Vouka, he encountered the enemy on December 1, and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the night with some of the other generals. The troops that were left were cut to pieces the next day with their gallant commander, Lodron.[276] Katzianer was accused of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and was thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing his gaolers, and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, where he entered into negotiations with the Turks, promising to betray the strong fortress of Kosthanitza. However, his treasonable designs were cut short; Count Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him at one of his castles, treacherously stabbed him, and despatched him with the assistance of his servants. His body was flung from a window into the castle ditch, and his head was sent to Vienna.
In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the treaty of Gross Wardein was concluded between Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain the title of King during his life with Transylvania and the part of Hungary which was then in his actual possession, on his death his male issue was to succeed to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both parties united in a league for mutual defence against the Turks.
Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he immediately afterwards married Isabella, the King of Poland’s daughter, and, dying in July 1540, left by her a son—John Sigismund—who was born a fortnight before his father’s death.
Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms of the treaty, he should be placed in possession of the whole of Hungary; but Isabella, as guardian of her infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand, under the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, refused to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be crowned, and appealed to the Sultan for protection. Ferdinand then entered the country, and besieged Buda, which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade.
Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On August 29 his troops occupied the gates of Buda, and he annexed that city to his dominions, making it the seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in it. He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust for John Sigismund during his minority, and in the meantime appointed the latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, under the regency of Martinuzzi and Petrovich. The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transylvania, most of the country to the north as far as the river Theiss.
In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took the cities of Gran and Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, the former being the primatial see of Hungary, and the latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end of 1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by Ferdinand as internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria Malvezzi, a member of a noble family of Bologna, as secretary; but he died shortly after his arrival at Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by Nicholas Sicco, who was sent by Ferdinand as a new ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador of Charles V., then undertook the management of the negotiations, and concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months between Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and Charles on the other.[277] This was followed, in June 1547, by a peace for five years, in which the Emperor, the Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the basis of uti possidetis, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 ducats a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for the territories of some of the nobles, who had formerly adhered to the Turkish side, and had afterwards gone over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a present, but was more justly considered by the Turks as tribute for the portion of Hungary which still remained in his possession.
The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was his desire to turn his arms against Persia. Elkass Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the reigning monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,[278] and in 1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained considerable successes. In the following year Elkass was captured by his brother in an expedition he had undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the rest of his life.
In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella ceded Transylvania and the part of Hungary that remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in exchange for the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard Castaldo, took possession of these territories.[279] When Solyman heard this news, he summoned Malvezzi before him, who pledged his life that there was no ground for this report; but, as he could not give satisfactory explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency of his instructions, he was thrown into prison in the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia on the Bosphorus,[280] the Sultan excusing this violation of international law by the argument that an ambassador was a hostage for the good faith of his master, and should suffer for any breach of it. From this incident it appears that the post of ambassador at the Porte was by no means unattended with danger.
Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for him a Cardinal’s hat, and appointing him Archbishop of Gran. Not content with these dignities, that wily politician made overtures to the Turks, with the object of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and Hungary for himself; but he was assassinated by Castaldo’s officers acting under Ferdinand’s orders, or, at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz, December 18, 1551.
In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on Hungary, which were attended with almost uniform success. In February they gained a victory at Szegedin; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha of Buda; and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture was followed by the loss of the rest of the Banat. On August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an army of Ferdinand’s at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop of Waitzen, whom Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, was killed.[281] Erlau, however, was besieged by Ali unsuccessfully.
In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the Grand Vizier, asking for Malvezzi’s release, and for a safe conduct for two more envoys. In consequence, Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his allowance was increased; but he was still kept in close confinement.
Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical juncture, a Persian invasion and the Sultan’s domestic troubles created a diversion in his favour. In 1553 the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia against the Persians, was obliged to take command of it in person. The most notable event of the campaign was the tragical end of Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest and most promising son. The story of his cruel murder is narrated in pathetic words by our author in his first letter,[282] though he is mistaken in placing the scene of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in Karamania, where it really happened, is about 250 miles from that city. To appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was deposed, and his office conferred on Achmet Pasha. Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in 1555, witnessed the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and the Shah.
The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure on Hungary. Solyman granted a six months’ armistice, and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy or Verantius, then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and afterwards Bishop of Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constantinople.[283] They arrived in August. They were instructed to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for Hungary Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and Transylvania. The Viziers, however, told them that the abandonment of all claims to Transylvania was an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations. Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna to receive further instructions from Ferdinand; and it was arranged that the peace should be prolonged for five years, and that on account of the loss of territory Ferdinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present or tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace was not to be ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce was prolonged in the meanwhile.
In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but he was prevented by illness, and Busbecq was sent in his stead.[284] He arrived at Constantinople on January 20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with Verantius and Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at Amasia. They brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 ducats as tribute for Transylvania. They complained of the numerous breaches of the armistice on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised 80,000 ducats to the Sultan and large sums to the chief viziers, they could only obtain an extension of the armistice for six months, and a letter from Solyman to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to Vienna.
On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, and Roostem reappointed Grand Vizier.[285]
Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids on both sides continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. To check the incursions of the Heydons, Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,[286] attacked and took Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, with the same object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, on May 24, 1556, and assaulted the place a month later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the meantime the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and Ali hastened with a detachment to relieve it, but was defeated with great loss on the river Rinya (July 25). Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, and blew up the citadel. Ali resumed the siege of Szigeth, but was so weakened by his defeat, that he was obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he died soon afterwards.[287] The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed for ten years, when it was destined to be associated with the termination of a more glorious career, and the extinction of a more famous name.[288]
Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into the possession of Isabella and her son. She had at first gone to the Silesian duchies, which Ferdinand had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she was dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s court in Poland, where she entered into correspondence with her partisans in Transylvania. The current of feeling there ran strongly in her favour. The Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant of the national laws and usages. His troops were left unpaid, and supported themselves by plundering the country. At last one corps after another mutinied for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania; and Castaldo himself, unable to check the dissolution of his army, withdrew to Vienna. For a time anarchy prevailed in Transylvania; but in June, 1556, the inhabitants resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to return. The Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia entered Hungary to protect her passage, and on October 22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in triumph.[289]
Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen Isabella, was using every means in his power to thwart the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues. The latter returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was rewarded with the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as June, 1555, allusions to the prospect of his appointment may be found, and the see had been kept vacant for him for more than a year before his actual translation in November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. He was perpetually occupied in providing for the defence of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of Buda to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the neighbouring Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the intrigues of Zapolya’s party. His remaining time and energies were devoted to attempts to check the spread of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked here that John Sigismund was much assisted by his patronage of Lutheranism. His court was the refuge of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. An anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will show what a hold Lutheranism had obtained in parts of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to be the work of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jaszbereny, most of the inhabitants of the town refused to help to extinguish it, declaring that they would rather the Turks had the monastery than the monks. Zay, the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of Kaschau.[290]
In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight miles from the right bank of the Danube, was surprised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg.
Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on the cession of Szigeth, but was induced in the winter of 1557 to grant a fresh armistice for seven months. In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de Wyss[291] four projects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the restoration of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these conditions. The last was presented by Busbecq in the camp at Scutari to Solyman, but was not accepted by him; and the Sultan, on his return to Constantinople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his house.
In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen Isabella began to fail, and Melchior Balassa, a great Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand proposing, on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. This letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, having such a proof of the treachery of one of her most trusted adherents, thought it advisable to open negotiations with Ferdinand herself, and, with the Sultan’s approval, did so through her brother the King of Poland. It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s daughters should marry John Sigismund, and that the latter should have Transylvania and Lower Hungary (the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland and Transylvania), but should abandon the title of King. These negotiations were broken off by her death, which took place at Karlsburg in September, and an attempt in the following year to renew them also came to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to renounce the title of King.
In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded his brother Nicholas and Melchior Balassa to go over to Ferdinand’s side.[292] As soon as Ferdinand had recovered the town of Munkats, Balassa was to receive it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain number of soldiers at Ferdinand’s expense, and, in return, to give up to Ferdinand various towns immediately to the north of Transylvania Proper, which were his possession.
Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by Ali, who proved much more pliant in his negotiations with Busbecq, and the latter at last succeeded in obtaining a peace for eight years. The principal stipulations of the treaty were as follows:[293]
1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 ducats, and also the arrears due in respect of the last two years.
2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand either directly, or by furnishing assistance to John Sigismund. He also undertook that John Sigismund should respect the territories of Ferdinand.
3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and others in a similar position, who had returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, to be included in the peace with their property and lordships, and to be the vassals of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly.
4. If any of Ferdinand’s subjects had been expelled from his property by the adherents of John Sigismund, or vice versâ, no suits or proceedings to recover such property to be taken during the peace.
5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences should arise between the contracting parties with regard to the limits of their jurisdiction, as a provisional arrangement the de facto subjects of each party at the commencement of the peace to remain so during its continuance, and, in particular, certain villages near the Danube and the fortress of Tata, some of which were in Ferdinand’s and some in the Sultan’s possession, to remain respectively as they were, and those in Ferdinand’s possession not to be molested by the garrison of Tata.
6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of any of Ferdinand’s officers, either as fugitives or otherwise, to be released without ransom.
7. Runaway slaves with any property they might have stolen to be mutually restored.
8. Ferdinand’s officers to be allowed to fortify and provision castles, towns, and villages on the borders of Hungary within their own territories.
9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between the subjects of the two parties to be settled by arbitration, and the persons at fault punished as truce-breakers.
10. The treaty to be in force for eight years, and to be binding upon all the officers and subjects on both sides, particularly the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and none of Ferdinand’s subjects or their property to be molested or injured in any way. Any property taken contrary to this stipulation to be restored to its owners, and any person taken prisoner to be released uninjured.
11. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full permission to travel in the Sultan’s dominions, with liberty of ingress and egress to and from his court, and to be supplied with interpreters.
On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with Ibrahim, the first dragoman of the Porte, important differences were found to exist between the Turkish and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only included the barons who had already returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, and not those who might afterwards do so; it stipulated for the extradition of refugees, as well as that of brigands and rebels, and included the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Emperor demanded that these points should be corrected; but his demands seem to have been ineffectual, and the Turkish incursions on the Hungarian frontier continued.
Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was succeeded as Emperor by his son Maximilian, who had been elected King of Hungary and Bohemia in his father’s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him and John Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. Szathmar was taken by the latter, and Tokay[294] and Serencs by the former. The Grand Vizier Ali, who was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and was succeeded by the more warlike Mehemet Sokolli. During 1565, the Sultan was fully occupied with the siege of Malta, but in the beginning of the following year war was declared against Hungary, Albert de Wyss, who had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, was thrown into prison, and on May 1 Solyman started from Constantinople on his last campaign. His age and infirmities obliged him to quit the saddle for a carriage.
On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, and intended to march on Erlau, but, hearing that Count Nicholas Zriny, the commander at Szigeth, had surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of Tirhala, he resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. The siege commenced on August 5. Two furious assaults on the 26th and 29th were repulsed with great slaughter. On September 8, Zriny, finding he could hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied forth, sword in hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a soldier’s death. The Turks poured into the citadel, intent on murder and plunder; but the fire reached the powder-magazine, which blew up, burying in the ruins more than three thousand men. Solyman did not live to witness his triumph. His health had long been failing, and he died on the night of the 5th or 6th of September. His death was concealed by the Grand Vizier for three weeks, to give his successor, Selim, time to reach Constantinople from Kutaiah.
The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting termination to this sketch. With the exception of his successor, Selim, he is the last survivor of the personages who figure prominently in Busbecq’s pages. The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, Roostem, and Ali, and the unfortunate Bajazet, have passed away. The greater part of Hungary and Transylvania continued subject to the successors of Solyman, either immediately or as a vassal State, till near the close of the following century. In 1683 Vienna was once more besieged by the Turks, under the Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha, but was relieved by John Sobieski. The reaction from this supreme effort was fatal to the Turkish dominion in Hungary. In 1686 Buda was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and by the Peace of Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole of Hungary and Transylvania was ceded to the Emperor Leopold.
II.
ITINERARIES.
In describing his first Turkish letter as an ‘iter,’ or itinerary, Busbecq places it under a class of composition of which there are several examples still extant. In Busbecq’s days it was a common practice for scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any journey they might happen to make. These itineraries are generally extremely amusing, the writers being men of keen observation, with a great sense of humour, and condescending to notice those trifles which are passed over by the historian.
As an example, Nathan Chytræus gives an account of his trip to England during the Long Vacation of the University of Paris. He lands at Rye, and, going to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he hugely enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces and dignified bearing of the waitresses. On his way to London he is struck with the comfortable appearance of the country seats, and specially with the belts of laurel with which they were surrounded. As he passes over London Bridge he is delighted with the handsome shops full of every kind of merchandise which lined its sides. He visits Westminster Abbey, and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr. Linacre, the celebrated physician, who, though a canon of St. Peter’s, Westminster, was buried at St. Paul’s. He goes eastward, and visits the Tower of London, noticing the menagerie, and specially two lions at the entrance of the Tower. Of the collection of arms he says that a visitor would imagine it to be the greatest in the world if he had not seen the Arsenal at Venice. He has a word for Southwark across the river, telling us that it was covered with small houses, and the home of numerous dogs and bears, which were kept for baiting. He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch Park,[295] and Windsor; at the last place Elizabeth was staying, with all her court. The Queen is duly complimented on her learning, but he can spare a couple of lines also for the rabbits which then, as now, were scampering fearlessly about the Park:
Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris
Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari.
It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan Chytræus is written very much in Busbecq’s style, while there are other itineraries which require notice as taking us over nearly the same ground as our author.
Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. i. page [79]), when he went as Ambassador to Constantinople, was Hugo Favolius, who has left us an account of the expedition in Latin hexameters. Having ingeniously introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us that was the year—
Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens,
Pertæsus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus
Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris,
Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat.
Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus
Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros,
Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum
Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas;
Atque illum ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem,
Præstanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni
In melius si forte queat convertere mentem.
After this humiliating confession of the power of the Turk, Favolius tells us how they sailed across the Gulf of Venice and landed at Ragusa. After a short rest the party travelled over the mountains to Sophia, and thence to Constantinople. In returning Veltwick made the journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the same route as was afterwards traversed by Busbecq, while Hugo Favolius and some of the younger members of the party obtained leave to go back to Venice by sea.
It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the writer should so frankly admit the superiority of the Turkish power; it would appear to be but an ill compliment to the sovereigns from whom Favolius must have looked for advancement. In order, however, to gauge the real amount of terror which the Turks inspired it is necessary to take the account of P. Rubigal, the Hungarian, who was attached to an embassy sent shortly after the death of John Zapolya[296] by the leading nobles of his party to convey their tribute to Solyman. Rubigal’s itinerary may be considered to furnish us with an idea of the position of a Hungarian in the middle of the sixteenth century. His description is ludicrous, no doubt, but it is no less horrible.
He begins thus:—
Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes
Liquerat Hungaricæ regia sceptra domus,
Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans
Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat,
Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet,
Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit,
Pannoniæque petens perfricta fronte tributum,
Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis.
Quid facerent? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat,
Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent.
Nec mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos
Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium;
Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa,
Flectere et immitis pectora dura Getæ.
The party started from Szegedin, on the river Theiss, going by boat to Belgrade, and thence by land to Constantinople.
They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, and were much disgusted at two things: first, he gave them sherbet instead of wine; and secondly, at the conclusion of the banquet he caused the ghastly heads of men who had been recently executed to be set before them. The grim pleasantry could not be misunderstood. The heads, no doubt, were those of Hungarians, whom Solyman was pleased to regard in the light of rebels. Whilst at Constantinople Rubigal had an opportunity of seeing the Turkish fleet, which was then commanded by the famous Barbarossa. The Hungarian was evidently horribly frightened at the formidable preparations of the Turks, for immediately afterwards he gives his readers plainly to understand that his tastes are of a domestic turn, and that he has no hankering after—
the perils which environ
The man who meddles with cold iron.
Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of two Germans he met with fetters on their legs, who beg him to tell their friends at home that it will be the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks into the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously refrains from either endorsing or contradicting their opinion.
III.
EDITIONS.
The following is a list of the various editions and translations of Busbecq’s works, with which we are acquainted.
In Latin.
DATE.
1581. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. Editio Princeps. It contains only the first Turkish Letter, under the title of Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum, and the De Acie contra Turcam Instruenda Consilium.
1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the contents of the first edition the second Turkish Letter is added, under the title of Ejusdem Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam Profectio.
1589. Paris. Contains all four Turkish Letters and the De Acie.
1595. Frankfort. The same as the previous one.
1605. Hanau. The same as the last, with the addition of the Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at Frankfort, and the text of the treaty of peace.
1620. Munich. Edited by Sadoler. The same as the last. It contains portraits of Busbecq and Solyman.
1629. Hanau. The same as the edition of 1605.
None of these editions contain any but the Turkish Letters.
1630. Louvain. Edited by Howaert. It contains the letters to Rodolph from France, 1-53 inclusive.
1632. Brussels. Also edited by Howaert. This edition contains the letters to Maximilian from France. Then follow the letters to Rodolph as in the last edition, and at the end come five more letters to Rodolph.
1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the last. There are, however, a few alterations, and there is no date on the title page.
1633. Leyden. The Elzevir edition. Two editions with slight variations appeared in the same year. They contain the four Turkish Letters, the De Acie, the Speech of Ibrahim, the Treaty, and the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. At the end of the third Turkish Letter there are variations from all the preceding editions. See vol. i. page [305], note.
1660. Amsterdam. Elzevir. A reprint of the last.
1660. Oxford. The same contents as the Elzevir.
1660. London. The same contents as the Elzevir. There is also an Epitome de Moribus Turcarum, not written by Busbecq, which follows the Treaty.
1689. Leipsic. The same contents as the Elzevir.
1740. Bâle. The same contents and characteristic readings as the Elzevir, except in one passage.
In German.
1596. Frankfort. It contains the four Turkish Letters and the De Acie. The translator was Michael Schweicker, Master of the School at Frankfort.
In English.
1694. London. ‘The Four Epistles of Augerius Gislenius Busbequius, concerning his Embassy into Turkey, with his Advice how to Manage War against the Turks. Done into English.’ It contains a dedication to the Earl of Bolingbroke by Nahum Tate, from which it appears that the translator died before the book was published. The English is racy, but the book is full of mistakes and misprints.
1761. Glasgow. It contains only the Turkish Letters, and is said to be the third edition. It is a reprint of the last with some of the mistakes corrected.
In Bohemian.
1594. Prague. Translated by Leunclavius. It contains the First and Second Letters and the De Acie.
In French.
1649. Paris. A translation by Gaudon.
1718. Amsterdam.
1748. Paris. A translation in three volumes of the Turkish Letters and the Letters to Rodolph, by the Abbé Louis Étienne de Foy, Canon of Meaux.
1836. Paris. A translation of the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53, is contained in ‘Archives Curieuses de l’Histoire de France, Première Série,’ tome 10, by MM. Cimber and Danjou.
In Flemish.
1632. Dordrecht.
In Spanish.
Before 1650. Pampeluna. A translation by Stephanus Lopez de Reta, published by Charles de Lobaien. Viaje de Constantinopla, and also the De Acie.
IV.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
A.
Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin.
Charles, etc., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et advenir nous avoir recue lhumble supplication de Ogier, filz illégitisme de George Ghiselin, escuier, seigneur de Bousbecque, et de Catherine Hespiel jeune fille, lors non mariez, contenant que ledit Ogier de son jeune eaige a esté entretenu aux estudes à Louvain et ailleurs, où il sest conduict et gouverné bien et honnestement comme celluy qui a désir de parvenir à estatz honnourables avec volunté et bonne affection de bien faire vivre et de mourir soubz nous et en nostre obéissance, se nostre plaisir estoit le légittimer et sur le deffaulte de sa nativité luy impartir nostre grace si commil dit, dont il nous a très humblement supplié. Pour ce est-il que ce considéré nous icelluy Ogier suppliant inclinans favorablement à sadite supplication et requeste, avons, de nostre certaine science auctorité et plaine puissance, légittimé et légittimons, et ledit deffault de sa nativité aboly et effacé abolissons et effacons de grâce speciale par ces présentes, luy octroiant et accordant par icelles et de nostre dite grâce quil puist et poira comme personne légittime et habile succéder en tous les biens meubles et immeubles et aultres quelzconques esquelz de droit et selon la coustume et usaige de noz pays et seignouries, il debveroit et pourroit succéder sil estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige et venir aux successions de sesdits père et mère et aultres que luy compétent et compéteront cy aprez, pourveu toutesvoyes que à ce se consentent ses plus prochains parens de lignaige et que aucun droict ne soit desja acquis à aultres et en ce cas qu’il puist avoir et tenir pour luy, ses hoirs et successeurs à tousiours tous les biens que[293] lui adviendront et escherront desdites successions et aultrement et qu’il a acquis et acquerra et diceulx biens ordonner et disposer et les laissier ou légater par testament ou aultrement ainsi que bon luy semblera; et qu’il soit doresnavant receu selon sa vocation à tous honneurs, estatz, offices, dignitez et aultres faiz légittimes quelzconques et tenu et réputé doresnavant pour personne légittime, tout ainsi que s’il estoit né en léal mariaige et aussi que après son trespas, ceux de son lignaige procréez ou à procréer en léal mariaige luy puissent succéder par droit d’hoirie en tous sesdits biens, meubles, héritaiges, possessions et aultres choses quelzconques acquises et à acquérir ou à luy venuz et escheuz, ou que luy viendront et escherront cy aprez, tout ainsi et par la forme et manière qu’il eusse fait et peut faire et pourroit se il estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige si aultre chose ne luy répugne que ladite deffaulte de procréation légittime, saulf que à cause de bastardise et illégittimation, nous ou noz successeurs y puissons ou doyons quereller ou demander aulcun droit ou temps advenir, nonobstant quelzconques constitutions, ordonnances, statuz, droiz, coustumes et usaiges à ce contraires, parmy et moyennant toutesvoys que à cause de ceste nostre présente légittimation, ledit suppliant sera tenu payer certaine finance et somme de deniers pour une fois à nostre prouffit, selon la faculté et qualité de ses biens à larbitrage et tauxation de nos amez et féaulx les président et gens de noz comptes à Lille, que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement auxdits de nos comptes que ladite finance et somme de deniers par eulx tauxée, arbitrée et par ledit suppliant payée à celluy de noz receveurs qu’il appartiend, lequel sera tenu en faire recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à nostre prouffit avec les aultres deniers de sa recepte. Ils, nostre gouverneur de Lille, les président et gens de nostre conseil en Flandres et tous noz aultres justiciers et officiers quelzconques, présens et advenir, cui ce peult et pourra touchier et regarder leurs lieutenans et chacun deulx en droit soy et si comme à luy appartiend, facent seuffrent et laissent ledit suppliant, ensamble sesdits hoirs, successeurs et ayans cause à tousiours procréer en léal mariaige de nostre présente grace et légittimation, et de tout le contenu en ces dites[294] présentes selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement, paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user, sans luy faire mectre ou donner, ne souffrir estre faict, mis ou donné ores ne ou tempes advenir, aucun destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en maniere quelconque. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit chose ferme et estable à tousiours, nous avons faict mectre nostre scel à ces présentes, saulf en aultres choses nostre droit et laultruy en toutes. Donné en nostre ville de Gand, ou mois d’Avril apres Pasques, de nostre empire le xxie, et de noz règnes de Castille et aultres le xxve.
Sur le ploy estoit escript par l’empereur et signé du secrétaire, Bourgois, et sur le ploy estoit encoires escript ce que sensuit. Cette chartre est enregistrée en la chambre des comptes de l’empereur, nostre sire a Lille, ou registre des chartres y tenu commenchant en avril xve quarante-neuf, folio iie xvi, et apres que Messrs. les president dicelle chambre ont esté bien et deuement informez des faculté et puissance des biens de l’impetrant, la finance dicelle a par eulx esté tauxée a la somme de neuf vings dix livres de xi gros monnoye de Flandres la livre: ordonnée estre payée es mains de Jehan Hovine, conseiller de l’empereur nostre dit Sire, me en la dite chambre et commis a la recepte de lespargne des pays ortissans en icelle chambre lequel sera tenu en baillier sa lettre et en faire recepte avec les aultres deniers de son entremise. Et au surplus ladite chartre a este expediée en ladite chambre selon sa forme et teneur, le xxiiie jour de novembre xve quarante. Ainsi signe moy present.
A. Gilleman.
B.
Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq.
Ferdinandus etc., etc., nobili fideli a nobis delecto Augerio a Busbeck, equiti aurato, Consiliario nostro gratiam nostram Cæsaream et omne bonum.
Cum nihil sit inter mortales sublimius Imperiali Majestate et celsitudine, quam Deus Optimus Maximus cæteris humanis dignitatibus eminere voluit, ut micantissimis radiis suis terrarum orbem et commissum Imperium illustret, par equidem est, ut, quem Deus ad fastigium hoc evexit, is etiam dignitatem et munus sibi demandatum ita administret, ut, quantum fieri potest, in hac vita quam proxime accedat ad exemplum divinæ ejus Majestatis a cujus nutu tota hujus mundi machina dependet, nullisque finibus clementiam et liberalitatem suam teneat circumscriptam, sed in omnes eam exerceat, præcipue, quos summa virtus, prudentia, doctrina, integritas ac rerum usus aliæque ingenii et animi dotes, nec non præclara in Rempublicam Christianam merita præ cæteris claros reddidere, omnem in eo operam et diligentiam adhibendo, necubi virtutem debitis premiis destituisse videatur. Etsi enim virtus se ipsa facile sit contenta neque magnopere indigeat alienæ laudis adminiculo, quam alioquin etiam honos, amplitudo et gloria ut certissima premia sponte plerumque sequuntur, fit tamen, ut si quando illa summorum Imperatorum ac Regum judicio atque decreto comprobetur, multo illustrior et clarior evadat et alios quoque non tam ad admirationem quam ad imitationem et studium accendat.
Qua in re sicuti olim divi prædecessores nostri Romanorum Imperatores ac Reges omnem adhibuere curam, sic nos quoque hunc eorum laudatissimum morem secuti in eandem semper curam et cogitationem incubuimus ut optimorum virorum de nobis atque Republica bene meritorum virtus a nobis condignis honoribus cohonestaretur. In quorum sane numero, cum te prefatum Augerium a Busbeck haud postremum locum obtinere compertum habeamus, æquum est profecto, ut in te ipso nostram erga tales homines clementissimam animi propensionem omnibus declaremus, et contestatam reddemus, idque ejuscemodi ornamenti genere, quod virtutibus ac meritis tuis quam maxime respondeat. Tu namque nobili et honesto loco in Belgio natus, ingenii acumen et vim, quod Deus tibi dedit præstantissimum vitæ morumque honestate, probitate ac bonarum literarum studiis, diversitate linguarum multarumque rerum cognitione et aliis plurimis excellentibusque animi dotibus ita excoluisti, ut ad gravissima et maxima quæque Reipublicæ negotia exequenda visus sis aptus esse. Quapropter quum existimaremus te aliquando nobis magno usui futurum haud gravatim te in aulam nostram recepimus, ubi quidem nostræ de te expectationi non modo cumulate satisfecisti, sed eam longe quoque superavisti. Cum enim superioribus annis nobis occurrissent ardua quædam negocia, de quibus a nobis mittendus erat ad Solymannum Turcharum Principem Orator, qui fide, prudentia, rerum usu atque industria præstaret, te ex Anglia revocatum, quo tunc temporis jussu nostro profectus fueras, ad id muneris suscepimus, quo magna tua cum laude et ingenti nostro ac Regnorum Dominiorumque nostrorum imo totius Reipublicæ Christianæ commodo octo annos functus es, confecta ad postremum inter nos et ipsum Turcharum principem octennali pace. In qua legatione quas sustinueris curas, incommoditates, molestias, quos tuleris labores, quæ vitæ pericula subieris, quam etiam ostenderis in rebus agendis ingenii vim, quam fidem, quam solicitudinem, quam solertiam, prudentiam et industriam, quam intrepidi animi constantiam, et qua denique usus sis pietate in redimendis, juvandis et fovendis miseris Christianis, qui Constantinopolim tuo tempore in fœdam captivitatem adducti fuerunt, magno etiam fortunarum tuarum dispendio, nimis longum foret sigillatim recensere. Illud profecto consecutus es, quod non omnibus qui talem provinciam suscipiunt, ne dicamus perpaucis, contingere solet, ut non modo a nobis ac Serenissimis filiis nostris et aliis sacri Romani Imperii Principibus, statibus et ordinibus summam gratiam iniveris, verum etiam ipsismet Turcis propter virtutes tuas, quas naturæ instinctu in te prospexere et admirati sunt, valde gratus exstiteris. Quare merito probandum est præclarum de te judicium Serenissimi Principis Domini Maximiliani secundi, Romanorum ac Hungariæ et Bohemiæ, etc., Regis, Archiducis Austriæ, etc., filii nostri charissimi, in eo, quod te dignum et idoneum reputaverit, quem Dapiferis Serenissimorum filiorum suorum Rudolfi et Ernesti, Archiducum Austriæ, charissimorum nepotum nostrorum cum profisciscerentur in Hispaniam præficeret. Quod si ergo olim apud veteres, qui luctu et saltu in Olympiaco stadio celebres athletæ virium suarum specimen aliquod egregium edidissent, divinis propemodum honoribus affici, qui vero in bello vel murum primi ascendissent vel civem morti seduxissent corona vel murali vel civica donari soliti fuerunt, et nostra quoque ætate, qui vel cum hoste singulari certamine congressus victor evasit vel in prelio strenuam præ ceteris operam navavit vel alias rem bellicam caute et recte administravit, auratæ militiæ titulis insignitur, quanto magis tu, Augeri, tali dignitate condecorandus fuisti, cui non cum uno homine nec uno prelio per unum aut alterum mensem res gerenda, sed totos octo annos cum gente Christiano nomini infensissima adeoque cum ejusdem gentis Principe potentissimo ac pluribus victoriis et successibus elato, cumque ipsius præcipuis consiliariis et ministris, callidissimis et versipellibus diesque noctesque acerrime dimicandum fuit, quorum potentiam et nefarios impetus tu, divino adjutus auxilio, tua prudentia, industria ac rerum agendarum dexteritate postpositis quibuslibet periculis infracto animo sustinuisti et a cervicibus Regnorum et Dominiorum nostrorum avertisti. Quæ cum ita se habeant optimo certe consilio factum est quod præfatus Serenissimus Romanorum Rex superiore mense Septembri, quando paterna voluntate nostra Rex Hungariæ renunciatus publicatus ac Regali corona insignitus fuit, te publice in spectantibus et grato applausu probantibus ac suffragantibus prælatis, proceribus, Ordinibus et Statibus ejus Regni nostri, quorum saluti et incolumitati potissimum studueras, ictu ter vibrati ensis benedicti Militem seu Equitem auratum fecerit atque creaverit, quia te et eo et alias longe clarioribus ornamentis dignum censemus. Et licet ad perpetuam gloriam tibi sufficere queat publicus ille Serenissimi filii nostri Romanorum Regis actus neque is ulla approbatione Cæsareæ et paternæ auctoritatis nostræ opus habeat, pro nostra tamen in te mirifica benignitate volumus te eam dignitatem ab Imperiali quoque culmine obtinere, quo luculentius sit in omnem posteritatem virtutis tuæ testimonium.
Itaque nos ipsi etiam te antedictum Augerium a Busbeck, Militem sive Equitem auratum fecimus, creavimus, ereximus, ac præsenti nostro Cæsareo edicto ex certa scientia et authoritati nostra Imperiali Militem et Equitem auratum facimus, creamus et erigimus et ad statum militarem assumimus militarisque cinguli et balthei decore, fascibus et titulis atque stemmate militiæ insignimus, accingentes te gladio fortitudinis et omnia ad hunc ordinem pertinentia ornamenta tibi conferentes hoc nostro Imperiali edicto statuentes, ut deinceps ubique locorum et terrarum pro vero Milite et Equite aurato habearis, honoreris et admittaris, possisque et debeas pro suscepto dignitatis equestris ornamento, torquibus, gladiis, calcaribus, vestibus, phaleris, seu equorum ornamentis aureis seu deauratis ac omnibus et singulis privilegiis, honoribus, dignitatibus, præeminentiis, franchisiis, juribus, insignibus, libertatibus, immunitatibus et exemptionibus, prærogativis et gratiis tam realibus quam personalibus sive mixtis et aliis quibuscunque militaribus actibus et officiis uti, frui et gaudere, quibus cæteri Milites et Equites a nobis stricto ense manu et verbo nostro creati ac ejusmodi ornamentis insigniti gaudent et fruuntur et ad ea admitti, ad quæ illi admittuntur, quomodolibet consuetudine vel de jure, absque alicujus contradictione vel impedimento.
Mandantes universis et singulis Principibus tam ecclesiasticis quam secularibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Prælatis, Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, Militibus, Clientibus, Capitaneis, Vicedominis, advocatis, præfectis, procuratoribus, quæstoribus, civium Magistris, Judicibus, Consulibus, armorum Regibus, Heroaldis, Civibus, Communitatibus, et cæteris quibuscunque nostris et Imperii sacri subditis et fidelibus cujuscunque præeminentiæ, dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis et conditionis fuerint, ut te præfatum Augerium a Busbeck pro vero milite et equite aurato habeant, teneant et reputent et in hoc militari et Equestri ordine et dignitate et notis ad eum spectantibus prærogativis et libertatibus conservent, quatenus gratiam nostram charam habuerint, ac pœnam quinquaginta Marcharum auri puri pro dimidia fisco seu ærario nostro Imperiali, reliqua vero parte tibi antedicto Augerio a Busbeck vel hæredibus tuis toties quoties contrafactum fuerit, irremissibiliter applicandam maluerint evitare.
Harum testimonio literarum manu nostra subscriptarum et sigilli nostri Cæsarei appensione munitarum.
Datum Viennæ die tertia mensis Aprilis anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo quarto.[297]
C.
Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque.
Comparut en sa persone messire Jehan de Thiennes, chevalier, seigneur de Willergy, etc., procureur espécial de Charles de Eydeghem, escuier, seigneur de Weze, &c., souffisament fondé par lettres procuratoires données des advoé, eschevins et conseil de la ville d’Ypre le xvie jour de décembre xveiiiixx sept, desquelles la teneur s’ensuyt.
A tous ceulx, etc., lequel comparant oudit nom et en vertu du pooyr a luy donné par lesdictes lettres recognut avoir vendu bien et léallement à messire Ogier Ghiselin, chevalier, conseillier de l’Empereur, et grand maistre d’hostel de la Royne Elisabet, douagière de Franche quy le cognut avoir acheté, toute la terre et seigneurie de Rume dit de Bousebecque, comprendant la seigneurie temporelle et paroissialle dudit Bousebecque, contenant quinze bonniers demy d’héritaige ou environ séans en la paroisse dudit Bousebecque, chastellenie de Lille, si comme six bonniers ixe ou environ tant pret que labeur, par une partye et par aultre huict bonniers xve de bois en ce comprins et que sont réunis audit fief ung bonnier de pret que feu Collart Lejosne tenoit en fief de ladicte seignourie; item, huict cens quy estoyent tenus de l’allengrie de Le Becque, avecq deux aultres bonniers xe et iie estants présentement à uzance de bois quy estoient tenus en commun contre le seigneur de Péruwez; item, sept quartrons de pret de l’allengrie de la Westlaye et iiiie de terre en la mesme allengrie, auquel fief et seignourie appartient des rentes seignouriales chacun an en l’allengrie de la Plache, en argent iiii l. iii s. et au Noël six chapons et le quart d’un; item en l’allengrie du commun, contre le seigneur de Péruwez, cent sept razières ung havot et ung quart de Karel d’avaine molle quy se prendent sur quarante cincq bonniers xvii verges ou environ chergiez du xe denier à la vente, don ou transport, moictié au prouffit dudict Seigneur de Bousebecque allencontre dudit Seigneur de Péruwez; item, en l’allengrie du commun de le Becque, quarante razières ung quareau et demye d’avaine brune, trois havots, trois kareaux de soille, trois chapons et le vie d’ung, et en argent i s. ix d., lesquelles rentes se lieuvent sur xi bonniers ixexi verges; item, en l’allengrie de Péruwez xii razières ii havots trois karelz et demy et xiie d’ung havot et le viie d’un francquart, tierch d’un quareau de bled fourment, trente neuf razières vie et viie d’un havot, les deux tiers et le quart d’un quarel d’avaine blanche, six chapons et en argent sept solz iii deniers, quy se prendent sur xix bonniers xiiiie demy d’héritaige ou environ. Item, en l’allengrie de la Westlaye cinq razierès trois havots ung quart et le quart d’un karel de bled, vingt razières deux havots trois quareaux d’avaine brune, ii kareaux et environ viiie d’un quarel de soille; item, deux chapons, xviiie et lxxiie d’un chapon et en argent cinq gros iii deniers i party quy se ceullent sur quattre bonniers xiiiie cinq verges d’héritaige ou environ, le tout déduction faicte desdictes partyes réunites et rentes qu’elles doibvent, lequel fief et seignourie est tenu du Roy nostre sire de sa salle de Lille en justice viscontière à dix livres de relief à la mort de l’héritier et le xe denier à la vente, don ou transport et sy appartient a icelle ung bailly, lieutenant et sept eschevins avecq plaids généraulx trois fois l’an, plusieurs arrentemens de maisons et héritaiges gisans allentour de la place dudit Bousebecque portant environ cent florins par an pardessus les rentes cy dessus déclarées, les fondz desquelles l’on croyt estre prins du gros dudit fief et seignourie cy-dessus déclaré avecq la place et chimentière. Sy appendent cincq fiefz et hommaiges en tenus, lesquelz sont chergiez de certains reliefz à la mort de l’héritier et du xe denier à la vente, don ou transport, et les aultres héritaiges tenu de ladicte seignourie chergiez de double rente de relief à la mort de l’héritier et du xe denier à la vente, don ou transport, lesquelles rentes dessus déclarées se payent à la priserie du Roy nostre sire de son Espier de Lille quy se faict au terme de sainct Remy, la razière de soille estimée aux deux tiers de celle de bled, fourment, l’avaine molle aux deux tiers de la blanche, et la brune au pris moyen d’entre la blanche et la molle. Ladicte vente faicte moïennant six florins de denier à Dieu, et pour le gros et principal dudit marchié la somme de six mil florins carolus de vingt patars pièche, francq argent, à payer cejourd’huy comptant que ledit vendeur a confessé avoir receu en deschargant la loy pour dudit fief, terre et seignourie de Bousebecque, ses appartenances et appendences telles que dessus sans aultrement riens livrer par mesure ainsy que de tout temps l’on en a joy et possessé, joyr et possesser par ledit messire Ogier Ghiselin depuis cedit jourd’huy en tous droix, prouffictz et émolumens le cours de sa vie durant et après son trespas retourner et appartenir audit seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause et leur demourer héritablement et à tousjours à la charge d’entretenir par ledit seigneur second comparant tels baulz, lesquelz les occuppeurs feront apparoir. Et pareillement debvra ledit Seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause entretenir les baulz que lors se trouveront faictz par ledit sr Ghiselin, comme à viagier et usufructuaire appartient de faire selon la coustume de la salle de Lille, promectant ledit sr de Willergy en ladicte qualité ladicte vente, entretenir, conduire et garandir envers et contre tous soubz l’obligation des biens du dit Seigneur de Wize et de sesdis hoirs vers tous seigneurs et justices.
Ce fut aussy fait et passé à loy les xviiie et pénultiesme de decembre xve iiiixx sept, pardevant Monsr le bailly de Lille, ès présences de maistres Jehan Denys, Philippes Carle, Noël Waignon, Pierre Hovine, Josse et Simon Vrediére.
Archives départementales du Nord,
ArchiChambre des comptes de Lille.
D.
Copy of the Sauve-garde.
Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit lieu, et jadis ambassadeur en Constantinople de très-hauts, très-puissants et très-excellents princes Ferdinand et Maximilien, empereurs des Romains de louable mémoire; aussi conseiller de l’empereur Rodolphe, second de son nom présentement régnant, conseiller et grand maître d’hostel de la royne Isabelle (Elisabeth), douairière de France, et surintendant les affaires de ladite royne chez le roi très chrestien.
Alexandre, duc de Parme, chevalier de l’ordre, lieutenant, gouverneur et capitaine général,
A tous lieutenants, gouverneurs, chiefs, colonnels, capitaines, conducteurs, fourriers et aultres officiers des gens de guerre du Roy monseigneur, tant du cheval que du pied, de quelque nation qu’ils soient, salut:
Sçavoir vous faisons que, en contemplation des bons et aggréables services que Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit lieu, conseiller de l’empereur et grand maistre d’hostel de la royne Isabelle (Elisabeth) douairière de France a faict à feus de louable mémoire les empereurs Ferdinand et Maximilien (que Dieu fasse paix) tant en qualité d’ambassadeur en Turquie que de gouverneur des archiducs d’Austrice, au temps dudit feu empereur Maximilien, et depuis aussi à l’empereur moderne en diverses charges et qualités, ainsi qu’il faict encore à présent aujourd’hui dame Royne.
Nous avons au nom de Sa Majesté pris et mis, nous par ces présentes prenons et mettons en notre protection et sauvegarde spéciale les maisons, terres et seigneurie dudit Bousbeque, vous mandant partant, et commandant au nom et de la part que dessus, à chacun des bons endroits, soy et comme eux appartiendra, bien expressément de ne loger ni permettre que soient logés au village de Bousbeque aucuns gens de guerre sans expresse ordonnance notre ou du mareschal et chef de camp de Sa Majesté.
Et au surplus affranchissons et dégrevons les manants et habitants dudit village avecq leurs familles, leurs meubles, fourrages, advestures et bestial, de toutes foulles, torts, invasions, mengeries et exactions, les laissant de ceste notre présente sauvegarde pleinement et paisiblement jouir et user, sans y aller au contraire ny autrement les molester ni endommager en corps ny en biens en quelque manière que ce fut, sous peine d’encourir l’indignation de Sa Majesté et la notre et être punis comme infracteurs de sauvegarde.
Et afin que personne n’en puisse prétendre cause d’ignorance, nous avons consenti et consentons audit seigneur de Bousbeque que puisse et pourra faire mettre et afficher aux advenues dudit village nos bastons, blasons et pannonceaulx armoyés de nos armes.
Donné au camp devant Berghes sur la Zoom, sous notre nom et cachet secret de Sa Majeste, le 15e jour d’octobre, 1588.
Soubs etait le cachet du Roy, etc.
Colleaction faicte à l’originale, etc.
Archives de Bousbecque E. E. I.
E.
Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot Desrumaulx.
Charles par la grâce de Dieu etc. Savoir faisons à tous présens et advenir, Nous avons receu l’umble supplication de Daniel de Croix Escuyer filz de Geraerd Seigneur de Wambrechies, jeusne homme à marier, contenant que ledit suppliant s’est, à certain jour passé, trouvé avecq George Giselin Seigneur de Bouzebecque Jacques de Sauch et autres en la ville de Comines vers le Seigneur de Halewyn. Lesquelz ilz ont servi en leur jonesse. Or est que à certain jour de feste du soir que lors on s’estoit esbatu au chasteau du dit lieu, entre huyt et neuf heures du soir, le dit Seigneur de Hallewyn avec le Seigneur de Croisille se retirèrent au dit chastel pour eulx coucher. Et quant au dit suppliant, George Giselin et Jacques de le Sauch, ilz se retirèrent vers le marchié avec Jehan Homme, Bailli du dit lieu, et les sievoit feu alors vivant Charlot Desrumaulx, joueur du luut, qui démonstroit avoir assez fort beu, et en allant leur chemin, l’un d’entre eulx mist en bouche aux autres d’aller bancquetter à la maison d’ung nommé maistre Franche Barbier demourant auprès dudit marchié, à quoy ilz saccordèrent et allèrent tous ensemble celle part, où ilz furent syevis par le dit Charlot sans y estre appellé. Que lors les dits suppliant et de le Sauch, qui alloient devant vers la dite maison, le dit Suppliant ayant son esprivier sur son poing, prièrent au dit Charlot, obstant qu’il estoit noyseulx après boire, qu’il se retirast et allast couchier, et qu’ilz ne le voloient point avoir, ce qu’il ne voloit faire, mais entra en la dicte maison, parquoy le dit Suppliant le print par le col et le poussa hors de la dite maison à l’ayde du dit Jacques, dont il se courroucha et se mist en tous debvoirs de tyrer son[306] baston pour les villonner, mais il fut empesché par le dit Jacques, et soubit survint le dit bailli qui le print au corps, mais finablement soubz promesse qu’il fist de soy partir et aller couchier, le dit bailli à la requeste des assistans le laissa aller, et lui estant hors des mains du dit bailli se tyra d’un lez oudit marchié contre une maison ou sur ung bancq, il mist son luut et desvesty sa robbe tira sa dagge et proféra plusieurs haultaines langaiges sentans menaces disant, ou parolles en substance, qu’il estoit homme pour respondre au plus hardy de eulx tous. Et craindant par le dit Daniel, suppliant le débat appant contre lui bailla son oiseau à son homme, et ainsi qu’il estoit sur le marchié, il veyt ledit deffunct qui continuoit du dit langaiges haultains au deshonneur de lui et des autres. Disant qu’il estoit homme pour le plus hardy, ayant sa dage nue marcha vers lui comme aussi fist le dit deffunct. Que lors le dit Suppliant ayant son sang meslé, et mémoratif que lui qui estoit josne noble homme sievant les armes, se il se retiroit pour ung menestrel de basse condition ce lui seroit à toujours reproché en villonnie entre tous nobles hommes. En ceste chaleur, non puissant de la refrener ayant aussi son baston nud, frappèrent l’un après l’autre aucuns cops et fut attaint par le dit deffunct sur l’espaule, et du cop que icellui suppliant rua, il attaindit ledit deffunct en la mesmelle, dont brief après il termina vie par mort. Pour lequel cas le dit suppliant a esté appellé à noz droiz au siège de notre gouvernance de Lille, en lui donnant tiltre tel qu’il s’enssuit. Daniel de Croix, escuyer, vous estez appellé aux droiz du Roy Catholicque, nostre Seigneur, Archiduc d’Austrice, Duc de Bourgogne, Conte de Flandres, pour et sur ce que en la ville de Comines, avez allé en la maison de maistre France Barbier avec Jaquet de le Sauch à l’intention de bancquetter, là ou vous auroit sievy, sans y estre appellé, feu lors vivant, Charlot Desrumaulx, lequel auroit par vous et le dit de le Sauch esté bouté dehors, pourquoy il s’estoit courrouchié, et de faict auroit en partie desgainié son espée, et ce voyant par Jehan Homme, bailli de la dite ville le auroit prins au corps, et finablement eslargi soubz promesse par lui faicte de aller couchier, et lui venu au bout du marchié, et laissant vous, Daniel, le dit de le[307] Sauch avec George Ghiselin, escuyer, Seigneur de Bousebecq et autres, auroit desgaignié sa dite dagge et proféré aucunes parolles deshonnestes, incitant le plus hardy à venir vers luy. Lesquelles parolles vous Daniel seriez marchié vers le dit feu ayant desgaigné vostre rapière, et à l’aborder entre vous et le feu y ont aucuns cops ruez, et entre autres de votre rapière donnast au dit feu ung cop d’estocq au dessus de la mammelle dextre, du quel cop brief aprez le dit feu termina vie par mort sans confession. Qui est cas de souveraineté et privéligié au Roy notre Seigneur, et querra la darraine tierchaine le iiie d’aoust xvexix. Sie est ainsi signé. A Cuvillon.
Obstant lequel cas le dit Suppliant, doubtant rigueur de justice, s’est absenté de notre chastellenie de Lille, et n’y oseroit retourner, hanter ne converser combien qu’il ayt fait pays et satisfaction à partie, se de notre grâce ne lui est, sur ce, impertie. Dont actendu ce que dit est, mesmement les services qu’il nous a faiz en estat d’homme d’armes, soubz la charge et compaignie de notre amé et féal cousin, le Seigneur de Fiennes, aussi que en autres choses, il est bien famé et renommé, il nous a très humblement supplié et requis. Pour ce est-il, que nous les choses dessus dites considérées audit Suppliant inclinans à sa dite requeste, et lui voulans en ceste partie préférer grâce à rigueur de justice, Avons au cas dessus quicté, remis et pardonné, quictons, remectons et pardonnons de grâce espécial par ces présentes, le cas de homicide dessus déclairé, ensemble toute paine et amende corporelle et criminelle en quoy pour raison et à l’occasion dudit cas et les circunstances et deppendances il peult avoir mesprins, offencé et est encouru envers nous et justice. En rappelant et mectant au néant tous appeaulx, deffaulx, contumaces et procédures pour ce contre lui faiz et ensuyz, et l’avons quant à ce remis et restitué, remectons et restituons à ses bonne fame et renommée à nostre dite chastellenie de Lille, et tous noz autres pays et seigneuries, ensemble à ses biens non confisquiez, saucuns en a, tout ainsi qu’il estoit avant l’advenue du cas dessus dit. En imposant sur ce scillence perpétuelle à nostre procureur général et tous noz autres officiers quelzconcques, satisfaction toutesvoyes faicte à partie interressée se faicte n’est et elle y chiet civilement, tant seullement et moyennant qu’il l’amendra aussi civillement envers nous selon l’exigence du cas et la faculté de ses biens. Et avec ce, aussi qu’il sera tenu payer et respondre les mises et despens de justice, Pour ce faiz et ensuyz à l’arbitraige et tauxation de nostre Gouverneur de Lille ou son lieutenant que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement à notre dit Gouverneur de Lille ou son dit lieutenant que appellez ceulx qui pour ce seront à appeller, il procède bien et deuement à la vérification de ces dites présentes et à l’arbitraige et taxation desdites amende civille et mises de justice, ainsi qu’il appartiendra. Et ce fait et les dites amende civille et mises de justice tauxées et payées ainsi qu’il appartiendra, de laquelle amende cellui de noz recepveurs ou autre notre officier cuy ce regarde sera tenu faire recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à notre prouffit avecq les autres deniers de sa recepte. Il et tous aultres noz officiers quelzconques présens et advenir facent seuffrent et laissent le dit suppliant de noz preséntes grâce, remission et pardon, selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user sans lui mectre, faire ou donner ne souffrir estre faict mis ou donné aucun arrest, destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en corps ne en biens en manière quelconque. Ains se son corps ou aucuns de ses biens non confisquiez sont ou estoient pour ce prins saisiz, arrestez ou empeschiez, les mectent ou facent mectre incontinent et sans delay à playne et entière délivrance. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit chose ferme et estable a tousjours nous avons fait mectre nostre scel à ces présentes, saulf en autres choses, notre droit et l’autruy en toutes.
Donné en nostre ville de Malines, ou mois de novembre l’an de grâce mil chincq cens et dix neuf, et de nostre règne le iiiie.
Ainsi signé par le Roy en son conseil.
Desbarres.
Chambre des comptes de Lille. Registre des chartes de l’audience B. 1730, fo. 104.
F.
Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du Mortier.
Phelippe, Roy de Castille, d’Arragon, &c., Comte de Flandre, &c., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et à venir. Nous avons receu l’humble supplication et requeste de Jehan Dael, contenant, que le 23e Septembre dernier, ayant esté convocqué au bancquet de nopces de l’enfant de Michel Dael, son frère, en la paroisse de Halluin, y seroit aussy esté appellé Guillibert du Mortier, lequel voiant la table couverte et la pluspart des convives y assisse, seroit ingéré de vouloir faire ung présent à la compaignie avec quelque peu de vau mis sur deux plats dans lesquels il avait enclos deux grenouilles, vulgairement appellées ronnes, lesquelles à l’ouverture d’iceulx plats, ont sauté sur la table et viandes, ce que auroit causé ung tumulte, et qui le tout auroit esté culbuté, ce qui auroit despleu fort audict remonstrant, tant à cause que les viandes estoient partie gastées et contaminées, comme aussy à raison de ce que la perte en resultant estoit assez de consideracion pour son dit frère qui est honneste homme, et bien qui le dit Guillebert debvoit endurer la reprinse de son faict, neanmoings au contre, il auroit injurié du mot ——[298] deux de la compagnie, et notamment le dit remontrant, ce quy l’occasionna de luy dire: Quy at il tant à (dire comme cela). A quoy il auroit respondu: Je te —— aussy, advienne. A quoi luy fut reparty par ledit remontrant en ces termes, ou en substance, Je pauleroy bien à toy, ce qu’entendu par le dit Guillebert auroit tiré son coustel et s’approché le remontrant, quy l’obleige de tirer pareillement le sien, et se mectre en deffence, du quel il en auroit donné un coup au dict Guillebert vers le dos, dont [310]environ xii jours aprez il seroit allé de vie à trespas, au grand regret dudit remonstrant. C’est à quoy il a prins son recours vers nous, suppliant humblement qu’il nous pleust luy pardonner le dit cas et homicide luy en accordant et faisant depescher nos lettres patentes de remission en forme.
Pour ce est-il que nous, les choses susdites considérées, et sur icelles eu l’advis de noz chers et féaux les lieutenant et autres officiers de nostre gouvernance de Lille, voulans en ceste partie préférer au dit Jehan Dael, suppliant, grâce et miséricorde, ut in forma.
Interrinement de la dite gouvernance de Lille, &c.
Donné en nostre ville de Bruxelles, le 27e de janvier l’an 1643, signé Robiano, de nos regnes xxiieme.
Au bas estoit, pour le Roy en son conseil et ceste visue.
Chambre des comptes de Lille, Registre des chartes de l’audience. B. 1817, fo. 11.