Santo Domingo: A Country with a Future

by Otto Schoenrich

CHAPTER XXIII

THE FUTURE OF SANTO DOMINGO

Attraction by the United States.—Political future of Santo
Domingo.—Economic future of Santo Domingo.

The history of the Dominican Republic affords a striking illustration of the rule that large bodies attract nearby smaller or weaker bodies whether in the world of physics or in international politics. The United States of America had scarcely become a nation when it began to absorb contiguous territory and exert a strong attraction on Cuba. With respect to Santo Domingo also, there was such attraction, as became evident in proposals for annexation or the establishment of a naval station. At times it appeared that the process was definitely checked, as when Spain annexed Santo Domingo in 1861, and when the United States Senate refused to annex the country in 1871, and when the Dominican Government cancelled the Samana Bay Concession in 1874, but these acts merely set back the clock of time which they could not stop.

When Porto Rico and Cuba were occupied by the United States the attraction exerted on Santo Domingo was powerfully increased. From that time on the Dominican Republic was in fact a protectorate of the United States, though neither American nor Dominican statesmen would have admitted it. The modus vivendi of 1905 and the fiscal convention of 1907 gave expression, in part, to relations actually existing.

A peculiar feature of the matter is that, except for a few very brief intervals, neither the United States nor the Dominican Republic has desired closer political relations and each country has done everything in its power to avoid them. The 1907 convention was approved in the United States Senate with only one vote to spare, and many of its supporters favored it principally because it was expected to obviate the necessity of further American intervention in Dominican affairs. It was believed that with the custom-houses removed from the political game the receipts and prosperity of the country would grow, revolutionists would no longer be able to finance uprisings, and civil wars would cease. The convention did indeed augment the country's revenues and prosperity, but it could not prevent uprisings entirely nor remove their causes. On the other hand it strengthened the bonds between the United States and Santo Domingo and led to the military occupation of 1916.

What will the future bring? There is every reason to believe that the same attraction of Santo Domingo by the United States will continue with greater strength than ever, despite all that may be said or done, on either side, to oppose it. It is a force which cannot be overcome, and had best, be recognized and reckoned with. It is unnecessary to consider the sentimental objections to closer political relations between the two countries. Conditions in Santo Domingo, in the United States, and in the world at large are the causes of this force of attraction, for which the government of neither country is responsible.

What then will the future relations between Santo Domingo and the United States be? It appears that at the present moment a plan similar to that tried in Haiti is under advisement, namely, to restore the Dominican government, but to leave the custom-houses under American administration, place the finances under American control, appoint an American supervisor of public works, and secure the peace by a police force under American officers. The real relations between the two countries would thus find further expression in the creation of a disguised protectorate.

As a permanent solution it is not probable that this plan will prove satisfactory. It tends to create two independent governments in the same country; on the one side the Dominican government which will consider itself supreme and sooner or later resent dictation or lack of sympathy on the part of the American officials, and on the other hand the police heads and other American officers who will brook no interference with what they deem their duty. Friction is bound to develop; it is impossible for two independent governments to work side by side in the same territory; one authority must be paramount. At first the plan may appear to operate successfully because the desires of the American officials will be respected, but later when the new Dominican government has outgrown the novelty of the situation there are certain to be reciprocal demands which may lead to opposition. Another possible source of difficulty is that even among the proposed American officials there is no recognized superior and that here also differences may arise. Rather than go so far and no further, it were better to attempt less.

The ultimate expression, more or less deferred, of the relations between the two countries, will most probably be a clearly defined protectorate with an amply authorized resident, or outright annexation. Which of these two courses is preferable? From a standpoint of the interests of the Dominican people annexation would appear better. A protected state has many obligations and few rights. It must defer to the wishes of the protector, but the protector is under no absolute duty to further its development or the happiness of its inhabitants. On the other hand, when annexed to the stronger state, it may expect and demand that interest be shown in its progress and well-being. While annexation would probably entail a temporary government by officials foreign to the country, American traditions would not permit such a condition to continue for any length of time and autonomy would eventually come.

From an American standpoint a protectorate would seem preferable. It would carry the advantages of annexation without its responsibilities, without the undesirable feature of bringing into our body politic a people foreign in race, language and customs, and with less danger of stirring up South American susceptibilities. It would, however, permit of less latitude for the improvement of conditions in Santo Domingo.

For some time to come it is probable that some form of protectorate will be the choice of both parties. Many American statesmen are opposed to annexation, and the Dominicans as a rule would prefer the phantom of sovereignty in a mediatized republic to the real advantages of annexation.

It is only natural that Dominicans should feel sad at passing under the government of a foreign power. But those of clearer vision recognize that there is no alternative, that the independence of the Republic has long been a fiction, that real freedom is only now beginning to dawn, and that American assistance will give the greatest impetus to prosperity. For several years the number of persons taking such a broader view has been rapidly increasing. It was not long ago when friends of mine in Santo Domingo would lead me to the middle of the plazza, out of hearing of any eavesdropper, and then with bated breath confide their conviction that the only salvation of the country lay in the United States. Ruin and sorrow brought by the civil wars have caused such ideas to spread and be openly expressed. At present it may be said that many Dominicans welcome American assistance, that the great majority accept it, and that only a small minority are bitterly opposed to it, and these objectors are principally former politicians and revolutionists whose opinion counts for least. The number of those favoring American intervention is being increased by the splendid administrative work of the present American authorities and would doubtless be still further augmented by valuable constructive legislation and by a more uniform display of tact and kindliness on the part of all American officials.

These relations between the two countries impose at least a moral duty upon the United States. They make it incumbent upon the United States, as far as is in its power, to foster the development of Santo Domingo and promote the happiness of the Dominican people. One measure it should adopt is the granting of suitable tariff concessions. Another measure is the creation, for the administration of the countries dependent on the United States, of a corps of trained men, selected and retained without regard to political considerations, thoroughly qualified for the duties they are to assume, speaking the language of the country where they are sent, and capable of a sympathetic understanding with the inhabitants. By showing an interest of this kind the United States will properly fulfill its proud mission of spreading liberty and prosperity in the new world.

The closer relations between the United States and Santo Domingo will bring that country one boon of inestimable value, namely, peace. It is obvious that all the troubles which have befallen the Dominican Republic are due directly or indirectly to the state of civil disorder which has so long been the bane of the country. Another advantage which these relations will bring is a proper administration of the country's finances. Peace and efficient administration will mean the multiplication of roads, railroads and other public improvements, the extension of education and a rapid advance of the people and development of the country. When we think of the vast resources of Santo Domingo, the mineral treasures hidden within Its forest covered mountains, the unlimited agricultural wealth concealed beneath its fertile soil, the enchanting beauty of its scenery, the courtesy and hospitality of its people, its glorious early days and distressing later history, we must be glad that the clouds which have so long shrouded the land in darkness are definitely dissipated at last and that the sun of peace and prosperity has begun to shine.

With peace assured and with means of communication provided, it is easy to make predictions as to the economic future of Santo Domingo. There will probably never be much manufacturing but agriculture will increase with enormous strides assisted by streams of foreign capital which will not be slow to realize the exceptional opportunities offered. Sugar growing will probably be preferred and the southern plains as well as a great portion of the rich Cibao Valley will soon be covered with waving canefields. Tobacco will also receive attention and perhaps fruit growing. Cacao and coffee will spread more slowly. Prospecting for mineral wealth will be undertaken. The extension of agriculture will stimulate commerce and augment, the wealth of the people. Within a few years the country will become one of the richest gardens of the West Indies.

The curtain has gone down upon the epoch of revolutions, conspiracies, civil wars and destruction. That period belongs to the past as definitely as the era of freebooters and pirates. A new era has begun for beautiful Quisqueya, in which, under the protection of the Stars and Stripes, it is destined to enjoy a greater measure of freedom, progress and prosperity than its inhabitants have ever dreamed.

APPENDIX A

CHIEFS OF STATE OF SANTO DOMINGO

1492-1918

FIRST SPANISH COLONY

Governors

Admiral Cristopher Columbus, viceroy 1492-1500
Adelantado Bartholomew Columbus 1496-1498
Comendador Francisco de Bobadilla 1500-1502
Comendador Nicolás de Ovando 1502-1509
Diego Columbus, Second Admiral 1509-1515
Licentiate Cristábal Lebrán, in connection with Royal
Audiencia 1515-1516
Luis de Figueroa, Bernardino de Manzanedo, and
Ildefonso de Santo Domingo, friars of the order of
San Jeránimo 1516-1519
Licentiate Rodrigo de Figueroa 1519-1520
Diego Columbus, Second Admiral 1520-1524
Royal Audiencia, in connection with judges Caspar de
Espinosa and Alonso de Zuazo 1524-1528

Governors and Captains-General

(Note. Owing to the incompleteness of the records the following list probably contains inaccuracies.)

Sebastián Ramirez de Fuenleal, Bishop of Santo Domingo
and Concepcián de la Vega 1528-1531
Royal Audiencia 1531-1533
Licentiate Alonso de Fuenmayor, Bishop of Santo Domingo
and Concepcián de la Vega 1533-1540
Louis Columbus, Third Admiral 1540-1543
Licentiate Alonso Lápez de Cerrato 1543-1549
Licentiate Alonso de Fuenmayor, Archbishop of Santo
Domingo 1549-1556
Licentiate Alonso de Maldonado 1556-1560
Licentiate Cepeda 1560
Licentiate Veras 1560-1561
Licentiate Alonso Arias de Herrera 1561-1564
Antonio de Osorio 1564-1583
Licentiate Cristábal de Ovalles 1583-1590
Lope de Vega Portocarrero 1590-1597
Domingo de Osorio 1597-1608
Diego Gámez de Sandoval 1608-1624
Diego de Acuña 1624-1634
Maestre de Campo Juan Bitrián de Viamonte 1634-1646
Nicolás Velazco Altamirano 1646-1649
Maestre de Campo Gabriel de Chaves Osorio 1649-1652
Bernardino de Menesets y Bracamonte, Count of Peñalva 1652-1657
Felix de Zuñiga 1657-1658
Andrés Pérez Franco 1658-1660
Juan Francisco de Montemayor Cárdova y Cuenca 1660-1662
Juan de Balboa y Mogrovejo 1662-1670
Pedro de Carvajal y Lobos 1670-1671
Maestre de Campo Ignacio de Zayas Bazán 1671-1677
Dr. Juan de Padilla Guardiola y Guzmán 1677-1679
Maestre de Campo Francisco de Segura Sandoval y
Castilla 1679-1684
Maestre de Campo Andrés de Robles 1684-1689
Admiral Ignacio Pérez Caro 1689-1698
Maestre de Campo Gil Correoso Catalan 1698-1699
Severino de Manzaneda 1699-1702
Admiral Ignacio Pérez Caro 1702-1706
Licentiate Sebastián de Cerezada y Girán 1706-1707
Guillermo Morfi 1707-1713
Brigadier Pedro de Niela y Torres 1713-1714
Colonel Antonio Landeche 1714-1715
Brigadier Fernando Constanzo y Ramárez, Knight of
Santiago 1715-1723
Colonel Francisco de la Rocha y Ferrer 1723-1732
Brigadier Alfonso de Castro y Mazo 1732-1739
Brigadier Pedro Zorrilla y de San Martin, Marquis of la
Gándara Real 1739-1750
Brigadier Juan José Colomo 1750
Teniente rey José de Zunnier de Basteros 1750-1751
Brigadier Francisco Rubio y Peñaranda 1751-1759
Field-Marshal Manuel de Azlor y Urries 1759-1771
Brigadier José Solano y Bote 1771-1779
Brigadier Isidore de Peralta y Rojas 1779-1785
Colonel Joaquán García y Moreno 1785-1786
Brigadier Manuel González de Torres 1786-1788
Brigadier Joaquán García y Moreno 1788-1801