Discovery of Vinland.
“Now it is related that Bjarni Herjúlfsson came from Greenland to Eirek Jarl (son of the great Hákon, 1000–1015) who received him well. Bjarni described his voyage and the lands that he had seen. People thought he had shown a lack of interest as he had nothing to tell about them, and he was somewhat blamed for it. He became the Jarl’s hirdman, and went to Greenland the following summer. Now there was much talk about land discoveries. Leif, son of Eirek the Red, of Brattahlid, went to Bjarni Herjúlfsson and bought his ship, and gathered together thirty-five sailors. He asked his father Eirek to lead the expedition as before. Eirek declined it, saying he was too old, and was less able to bear hardship than formerly. Leif answered that even were this so he would still have with him more luck than the rest of his kinsmen. Eirek yielded, and when ready they rode from home. Not far from the ship Eirek’s horse stumbled,[[445]] and he fell and hurt his foot. Then he said: ‘It cannot be my fate to be the discoverer of any other lands than the one on which we now live. I will follow you no further.’ Eirek went home to Brattahlid and Leif with his thirty-five companions went on board. There was a man from the south with them called Tyrker. When they had made their ship ready they set out to sea. The first land they found was that which Bjarni had found last. They sailed towards it, cast anchor, put out a boat and went ashore, but saw no grass. The whole interior consisted of glaciers, and the land between them and the sea was like a plain of ice, and this seemed to them barren of good things. Leif said: ‘Now we have not acted with this land like Bjarni, who did not come ashore. I will give a name to the land and call it Helluland.[[446]] Then they went on board and sailed out to sea, and found another land. They approached it, cast anchor, pushed off a boat, and went ashore. This land was flat and forest-clad, and the beach was low, and covered with white sand in many places. Leif said: ‘This land shall be named after its properties, and be called Markland (Woodland). They then went on board again as quickly as they could. They sailed thence out to sea with a north-east wind for two days before they saw land. They sailed towards it, and came to an island lying north of it, and went ashore in fine weather and looked round. They found dew on the grass, and touched it with their hands, and put it into their mouths, and it seemed to them they had never tasted anything so sweet as this dew. Then they went on board and sailed into the channel, which was between the island and the cape, which ran north from the mainland. They passed the cape sailing in a westerly direction. There the water was very shallow, and their ship went aground, and at ebb-tide the sea was far out from the ship. But they were so anxious to get ashore that they could not wait till the high-water reached their ship, and ran out on the beach where a river flowed from a lake. When the high-water set their ship afloat they took their boat and rowed to the ship, and towed it up the river into the lake. There they cast anchor, and took their leather-bags (hudfat) ashore, and there built booths. They resolved to stay there over winter, and built large houses. There was no lack of salmon in the river and lake, and they were larger than any they had seen before. The land was so fertile that it seemed to them that no barns would be needed to keep fodder for the cattle during the winter. There was no frost there during the winter, and the grass lost little of its freshness. The length of night and day was more equal than in Greenland or Iceland. The sun set there at eykt[[447]] and rose at dagmál[[448]] on the shortest day. When they had finished building their houses, Leif said to his men: ‘I will divide you into two parties, as I wish to explore the land. One half shall stay in the skali (house), and the other explore the country, but not go so far that they cannot get home in the evenings, and not separate from each other. They did this for some time. Leif sometimes went with them, but at other times remained in the skali. He was a large and strong man, of imposing looks, and wise and moderate in everything.
“One evening it happened that they missed one of their men, Tyrker, the southerner. Leif was much grieved at this, for Tyrker had long been with him, and his foster father had been very fond of Leif in his childhood. He upbraided his men harshly, and made ready to go and search for him with twelve men. A short way from the house Tyrker met them, and was welcomed back. Leif soon saw that his foster father was in high spirits. He had a projecting forehead, unsteady eyes, a tiny face, and was little and wretched, but skilled in all kinds of handicraft. Leif said to him: ‘Why art thou so late, foster father, and why hast thou parted from thy followers?’ He then spoke for a long time in Thyrska, and rolled his eyes in many directions and made wry faces. They did not understand what he said. After a while he spoke in the northern tongue (Norrœna), and said: ‘I did not go much farther than you, but I can tell some news. I found a vine and grapes.’ ‘Is this true, foster-father?’ Leif asked. ‘Certainly it is,’ he answered, ‘for I was born where there was neither lack of vine nor grapes.’ They slept there that night, and in the morning Leif said to his sailors: ‘Now we will do two kinds of work, one day you shall gather grapes or cut vines, the other you shall fell trees so that I may load my ship.’ This they did, and their boat is said to have been filled with grapes, and a ship’s load of timber was cut. When spring came they made ready and left, and Leif named the land after its fruits, and called it Vinland. They sailed out to sea and got fair winds till they saw Greenland and its glaciers. Then a man said to Leif: ‘Why dost thou steer the ship so close to the wind?’ Leif answered: ‘I am attending to my steering, but I am also looking at something else; do you see anything remarkable?’ They answered they did not. Leif said: ‘I do not know whether it is a ship or a rock which I see.’ Then they saw it, and said it was a rock. His sight was so much better than theirs that he saw men on the rock. He said: ‘Now I want to keep closer to the wind, so that we may get to them, and we must give them help if they need it. If they are not peaceful they are in our power, but we are not in theirs.’ They approached the rock, cast anchor, lowered their sail, and set out a little boat which they had with them. Then Tyrker asked these men who their leader was. The leader answered that his name was Thórir, and he was a Norwegian, but what, he said, is thy name? Leif told his name. ‘Art thou the son of Eirek, the Red, of Brattahlid?’ Leif answered: ‘I am. Now I offer to you all to come on board my ship with as much cargo as it can hold.’ They accepted the offer, and sailed to Brattahlid, in Eiriksfjord, with the cargo, where they unloaded the ship. Leif invited Thórir to stay with him, and also his wife Gudrid and three other men, and for his own sailors and those of Thórir he got quarters. Leif took fifteen men from the rock, and was afterwards called Leif the Lucky. He was now rich and respected; that winter a disease came among the men of Thórir, and he and the greater part of his men, and also Eirek, the Red, died. There was much talk about Leif’s Vinland journey, and his brother Thorvald thought the land had been explored too little. Leif then said to him: ‘Thou shalt go with my ship, brother, if thou likest, to Vinland, but it shall first fetch the timber of Thórir from the rock. This was done” (Flateyjarbók, i. 538).
Third Voyage.
“Now Thorvald made ready (in Greenland, where his father Eirek lived), with the help of his brother Leif, for this voyage with thirty men. They prepared their ship and sailed to sea, and nothing is told of their journey till they came to Vinland, to the booths of Leif.... They sat quiet that winter and caught fish for food. In the spring Thorvald told them to make the ship ready, and sent the boat with some men to go west and explore the land during the summer. The country seemed to them fair and covered with forests; there was a short space between the forest and the sea, and the sands were white. There were shallows and many small islets. They found no abodes of men or animals, except in a westerly island, where they found a corn barn of wood. They found no other traces of men, and went back and came to the booths of Leif in the autumn. The next summer Thorvald went with his ship north-east along the coast. A strong gale burst on them off a cape, where they were driven ashore, and the keel of the ship was broken. They stayed there long and repaired it. Thorvald said to his followers: ‘I want you to raise the keel upright here on the ness, and call it Kjalarnes (Keel cape). This they did. Then they sailed thence in an easterly direction off the land, into the fjord mouths nearest the cape, which projected there, and which was covered with trees. They cast anchor and took their gangways ashore, and Thorvald walked up with all his followers. He said: ‘This is a fine country, and here I should like to raise my bœr.’ Then they walked down to the ship, and saw three marks on the sand inside the cape, where they found three skin-boats (canoes) with three men under each. They divided their men and took them all, except one who escaped with his boat. They killed the other eight, and then again went to the cape and looked round, and saw some eminences in the inner part of the fjord, which they thought were houses. Thereupon such drowsiness came over them that they could not keep awake, and all fell asleep. Then they heard a voice shouting which roused them all, saying: ‘Wake Thorvald and all thy men if thou wishest to save thy life. Go on board thy ship with all thy men, and leave the land as quickly as you can.’ Innumerable skin-boats came out along the fjord and attacked them. Thorvald said: ‘Let me put war hurdles on the sides, and defend ourselves as best we can, but kill few of them.’ This they did, and the Skrœlingjar[[449]] shot at them for a while, and then fled, each one as quickly as he could. Thorvald asked his men if they were wounded. They said they were not. ‘I have got a wound under my arm,’ he said, ‘an arrow flew between the gunwale and the shield under my arm, and here is the arrow; this will cause my death. I advise you to prepare to go back as soon as you can, but you shall take me to the cape, which appeared to me to be the most habitable. It may be that truth has come out of my mouth, and that I shall live there for a while. You shall bury me there, and put crosses at my head and feet, and henceforward call it Krossanes’ (Cross Cape). Greenland was then Christian, though Eirek, the Red, died before the introduction of Christianity. Thorvald died, and they carried out his wish, and then went to their other companions,[[450]] and told each other the tidings they knew. They lived there that winter, and took grapes and vines on board with them. In the spring they made ready for Greenland, and landed in Eireksfjord, and had great tidings to tell Leif” (Flateyjarbók, i. 541).
“Thorstein, son of Eirek, the Red, desired to go to Vinland to fetch the body of his brother Thorvald. He made the same ship ready, and took on board picked men as to strength and size, twenty-five men, and his wife, Gudrid. They sailed to sea when ready, and the land disappeared. They were thrown hither and thither all the summer, and knew not where they were. When a week had passed of the winter they landed in Lysufjord, in the western settlement of Greenland. Thorstein searched for houses, and got lodgings for all his men, while he and his wife had no lodgings. They two remained on board for some nights. Christianity was then still young in Greenland.”
Thorstein the Black, a heathen man, offered them lodgings.
“Early in the winter a disease came among the men of Thorstein, and many of them died. He had coffins made for the corpses, and had them brought on board and prepared, ‘for I want to take them all to Eireksfjord in the summer,’ said he. After a short time the disease came into the house of Thorstein the Black, and first his wife Grimhild fell sick. She was very large and strong, like men, but nevertheless the disease laid her up. Soon after Thorstein Eireksson fell sick, and they were in their beds, and Grimhild died. When she was dead, Thorstein the Black walked out of the room to fetch a board, and lay the body on it. Gudrid said: ‘Do not be long away, my good Thorstein.’ He answered he would not. Thorstein Eireksson said: ‘Strange does our housewife look now, for she rises on her elbow, draws up her feet, and searches for her shoes with her hand.’ Then Thorstein came in, Grimhild lay down, and every timber of the room creaked. Thorstein made a coffin for the body, took it away, and prepared it. He was large and strong, but needed it to take it away. Thorstein Eireksson’s illness grew worse, and he died. His wife, Gudrid, did not like it well. They were all in one room. Gudrid sat on a chair in front of the bench on which lay her husband, Thorstein. Thorstein the Black took her off the chair in his arms, and sat on another bench with her opposite Thorstein’s body. He talked much, and consoled her, and promised to go with her to Eireksfjord with the bodies of her husband and his men, and to have more people stay there for her entertainment and consolement. She thanked him. Then Thorstein Eireksson rose and said: ‘Where is Gudrid?’ Three times he said this, but she was silent, and said to Thorstein: ‘Shall I answer or not.’ He said, ‘Do not.’ He walked across the floor and sat on the chair with Gudrid on his knee. He said: ‘What dost thou want, namesake?’ Thorstein answered after a while: ‘I long to tell her fate.’”
The dead man proceeds to tell that he is in heaven himself, and that she will be married in Iceland. Thereupon these two who were alive, Thorstein the Black and Gudrid, went home to Eirek the Red.[[451]]
Fourth Voyage.
“This summer a ship came from Norway to Greenland. Thorfinn Karlsefni steered it. He was the son of Thórd Hesthöfdi (horse-head), son of Snorri, son of Thórd. Thorfinn was very wealthy, and during the winter stayed in Brattahlid (West Greenland) with Leif Eireksson. He soon fell in love with Gudrid (widow of Thorstein Eireksson), and asked her in marriage, but she referred the answer to Leif. Then she was betrothed to him, and their wedding took place that winter. The voyages to Vinland were talked over as they had been before, and both Gudrid and others strongly urged Karlsefni to go. He resolved to go, and manned the ship with sixty men and five women. Karlsefni and his men made an agreement that they would divide equally all goods which they might acquire. They took all kinds of cattle with them, for they intended, if possible, to settle in the land. Karlsefni asked Leif for his houses in Vinland, and Leif answered he would lend him the houses, but not give them. Thereupon they sailed out to sea, arrived safely at Leif’s booths, and carried their skin-bags ashore. They soon found good and plentiful provisions, for a large and fine whale had been driven ashore. They went there and cut up the whale, and there was no lack of food. The cattle walked up on land, and the male cattle soon became wild, and caused a deal of trouble. They had taken with them a bull. Karlsefni had trees felled and cut for his ship, and spread them on a rock to dry them. They used all the produce of the land, grapes, and all kinds of fish and good things. After this first winter the summer came, and they became aware of the presence of the Skrœlingjar. A large host of men came out of the forest, near the place where their cattle were. The bull began to bellow out ... very loudly, and the Skrœlingjar got scared and fled with their burdens, which consisted of grey fur and sable, and all kinds of skins. They went to Karlsefni’s house, and wanted to get in. Karlsefni had the door guarded. Neither understood the other’s speech. The Skrœlingjar took down their burdens and untied them, and offered to exchange them, chiefly for weapons. Karlsefni forbade his men to sell weapons; but tried a new way, and told the women to carry the produce of the cattle out to them. As soon as they saw it they wanted to buy it and nothing else. The end of the bargaining of the Skrœlingjar was that they carried the produce away in their stomachs, and Karlsefni and his companions kept their loads and skins. Then they went away. Karlsefni now had a strong palisade-wall made round his house, and they made themselves comfortable inside. About this time Gudrid, his wife, bore a boy, who was called Snorri. At the beginning of the second winter the Skrœlingjar came to them in much larger numbers than before, and with the same goods. Karlsefni said to the women: ‘Now you shall carry out the same food which was so abundant the last time, and nothing else.’ When the Skrœlingjar saw this, they threw their loads in over the wall. Gudrid sat in the door with the cradle of her son Snorri. A shadow appeared on the wall, and a woman entered in a black kirtle, rather short, with a lace round her head, with light brown hair, and a pale face. Gudrid had never seen such large eyes in a human head. She walked to her seat and said: ‘What is thy name?’ ‘I am called Gudrid, but what is thy name?’ said Gudrid. ‘I am called Gudrid,’ she answered. Gudrid, housewife, stretched out her hand to seat her at her side, but at the same moment she heard a loud crack, and the woman disappeared, and a Skrœlingi was slain by one of Karlsefni’s men, for he wanted to take their weapons. The Skrœlingjar hurried away, leaving their clothes and weapons there. No one except Gudrid had seen this woman. Karlsefni said: ‘Now we must make our plans, for I think they will visit us a third time with war and many men. Now let ten men go out on this ness and show themselves there, and the rest of our men shall go into the forest and make a clearing for our cattle, in order to attack the foe when they come out of the forest. We will also take our bull and let it walk in front of us.’ On one side of this place to which they were going was a lake, and on the other a forest. They followed Karlsefni’s advice. The Skrœlingjar came to the place which Karlsefni intended for battle. A fight ensued, and many of the Skrœlingjar fell. There was a large and fine man in the Skrœlingjar host, and Karlsefni thought him to be their chief. One of the Skrœlingjar took an axe, looked at it for awhile, aimed a blow at one of his own companions, and struck him so that he fell dead at once. The large man took the axe, looked at it for a while, and then threw it into the sea as far as he could. Then each fled into the forest as quickly as he could, and thus the fight ended. Karlsefni stayed there all that winter. In the spring he declared he would not stay there any longer, but wanted to go to Greenland. They made themselves ready, and took with them many good things, vines, grapes, and skins. They set sail, and landed with their ship safe in Eireksfjord, and stayed there during the winter” (Flateyjarbók, i.).
In another account we read:
“At Brattahlid in Greenland (about 1006–1007) there was great talk about going to look for Vinland the good, for it was said that good choice of land was to be had there. It went so far that two Icelanders, Karlsefni and Snorri prepared their vessel to seek for it in the spring. With them went two men before mentioned, Bjarni and Thorhall, in their own ship.... They had altogether one hundred and sixty men when they sailed from Greenland. They sailed southwards for two days and then saw land, put out their boat, and examined the country. They found there large slabs (hella), many of them twenty-four feet wide; there were also a great many foxes. They gave it the name of Helluland (Slab-land). Thence they sailed for two days, and turning from south to south-east, found a wooded country in which there were many animals. To the south-east of it there lay an island, where they killed a bear, and therefore called it Bjarney (Bear Island), and the land itself Markland (Forestland) (Nova Scotia?)” (Thorfinn Karlsefni’s Saga, c. vii.).
“One of the men who went with Thorfinn Karlsefni to Vinland was called Thorhall the Hunter. He had long been with Eirek (the Red, who discovered Greenland), and was his hunter in the summer and his bailiff (= bryti) in the winter” (See Volva. Thorfinn Karlsefni’s Saga, 408; Grönland’s Historiske Mindesmœrker, i.).
The fifth voyage to America, mentioned in the Sagas, is of least interest: Freydis, a sister of Leif, persuaded two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, to go over with her; when they reached America a quarrel broke out among them, and after the brothers had been killed by Freydis’ men, she returned to Greenland without having explored the country.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE ORKNEYS AND HEBRIDES.
Early expeditions—The Vikings and the Kings of Scotland—The Vikings in Wales.
We gather from the Sagas that, even for a long time before Harald Harfagr, the Orkneys and Hebrides were a great rendezvous for Vikings; and in the Orkneyinga Saga we read:
“Thus it is said that in the days of Harald Harfagr the Orkneys were settled; but ere that time there was a Viking rendezvous.”
Their geographical position, the prevailing winds during a great part of the year in the North Sea, favourable for vessels going westward from Norway or the Baltic, made these islands of special importance. There met many a Viking fleet, unknown to the enemy, previous to a concerted attack on Scotland, Northumberland, England, or Ireland.
“King Harald (Fairhair) heard that far and wide, in the middle of the land, ravaged the Vikings, who, during the winters, stayed west of the sea. He had a levy out every summer, and searched islands and outskerries; but as soon as the Vikings became aware of his host, they all fled, and mostly out to sea. The king got tired of this, and one summer (about 880) sailed with his host westward. He first came to Shetland (Hjaltland), and there slew all the Vikings who did not flee. Then he sailed southward to the Orkneys, and cleared them of Vikings. After this he went as far as the Hebrides (Sudreyjar) and ravaged there, killing many Vikings who before had ruled over warriors. He fought there many battles, and was always victorious. Then he ravaged in Scotland, and had a battle there. When he went westward to the Isle of Man, the people had heard what ravages he had before made there, and they fled into Scotland; the country was deserted, and all movable property had been removed, so that the king and his men got no booty there.
“In these battles fell Ivar, son of Rögnvald Jarl of Mœri; as indemnity, King Harald gave to Rögnvald Jarl, when he sailed home, the Orkneys and Shetlands; but Rögnvald gave his brother Sigurd both, and remained behind in the west. When the king sailed eastward he created Sigurd a Jarl. Then joined in companionship with him Thorstein the Red,[[452]] son of Olaf the White and Aud the Wise. They ravaged in Scotland, and took possession of Katanes (Caithness) and Sudrland (Sutherland) as far as Ekkjalsbakki. Sigurd slew the Scotch Jarl, Melbrigdi, and tied his head to his saddle-straps; the tooth which projected from the Jarl’s head wounded the calf of Sigurd’s leg, which swelled, and he died therefrom; he is mounded at Ekkjalsbakki. After this ruled his son, Guthorm, one winter; he died childless; and there settled in the country many Vikings, Danes, and Northmen” (Harald Fairhair’s Saga, c. 22).
In the following extract we find Irish and Norwegians fighting against Einar Jarl of the Orkneys:—
“The same summer (1018) Eyvind Urarborn went westward on a Viking expedition, and in the autumn came to Konofogor, a king in Ireland. In the autumn the Irish king and Einar Jarl of the Orkneys met in Ulfreksfjord, and there ensued a great battle. King Konofogor had many more warriors and obtained the victory. Einar Jarl fled with one ship, and in the autumn returned to the Orkneys, after having lost most of his men and all their booty. The Jarl liked this journey little, and laid the blame of his defeat on the Northmen, who were with the Irish king” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 87).
The following extract shows, among other things, the relations which existed between the Vikings and the old kings of Scotland:—
“Thorfinn now became a great chief, and got much land from his grandfather, King Malcolm of Scotland. The latter, however, died, and Karl Hundason became king. He thought himself entitled also to possession of Caithness, and demanded taxes from it as from other parts of his realm; but Thorfinn thought his was the least inheritance he ought to get after his grandfather, especially as it had been given to him, and therefore he refused to pay any tax. King Karl then made his nephew, Moddan, Jarl of Caithness; he gathered many men in Sutherland (Sudrland). When this news reached Thorfinn, he gathered warriors in Caithness, and Thorkel came to his assistance with a large force from the Orkneys. The Scots now found that Thorfinn had more men than they, and retreated; whereupon Thorfinn Jarl subjugated Sutherland and Ross, and ravaged widely in Scotland, and returned to Dungalsbæ (Duncansby) in Caithness. Moddan returned to King Karl in Berwick, who became very angry when informed of the treatment his nephew had received.
“He embarked with eleven fully-equipped longships, while Moddan was to march overland to Caithness, where the two forces should meet, thus getting Thorfinn between two fires. The king did not stop until he neared Caithness. When Thorfinn became aware of his presence, he with his five ships stood out into the Pentland Firth, intending to sail to the Orkneys. Thorfinn thereupon sailed along the islands, bound for Sandvik, and reached Dyrnes (Dearness), where he sent word to Thorkel to gather men. As he was lying in under Dyrnes, in the morning when it became light he beheld Karl not far off. He held a consultation with Thorkel about what had best be done, and he advised to abandon the ships and go ashore, and thus escape; but Thorfinn decided to fight with the force he had, and urged his men to behave manfully. They thereupon rowed against the king’s fleet, and attacked it fiercely. The battle was long and hard; and when Thorfinn saw the king’s own ship, he urged his men to board it; at which he ordered his whole fleet to be cut loose, and his men to take the oars and row away. Thorfinn himself reached the stem of the king’s ship, and ordered his standard to be carried upon it, and many brave men followed him up. The king jumped on another vessel with such of his men as were still standing—for most of them had fallen. He rode away, and all the Scots fled.
“King Karl sailed to Breidafjord (Broadfirth), where he went ashore and gathered a fresh host.
“After the battle Thorfinn also retired, and met Thorkel, who had gathered a strong force, with which they sailed southward to Breidafjord (Broadfirth), and began to plunder there. Then they heard that Moddan, with a large force, was at Thorsa (Thurso) in Caithness, and had besides sent to Ireland for warriors. Thorfinn and Thorkel consulted, and agreed that the latter should proceed to Caithness with some of the host, while the former should remain with the remainder, and ravage in Scotland. Thorkel thereupon marched secretly, for all the people of Caithness were true and devoted to them, and no news spread before he reached Thorsa at night and the house of Moddan Jarl, which he set on fire. As he ran out he was killed by Thorkel. Thereupon he rejoined the Jarl, who thanked him greatly for his work.
“King Karl gathered men all over Scotland, and also had the force which came from Ireland to help Moddan Jarl. At Torfnes, south of the Breidafjord, the two armies met; and, although the Scots were far more numerous, they were badly defeated, and the king fled, or, as some say, was slain.
“The Jarl then subjugated Scotland as far south as Fife (Fifi). He sent Thorkel away with some of his men. When the Scots found this out, they went to attack him, who, however, gathered the men he had, and defeated them; whereupon, to avenge their treachery, he ravaged the country, killing all men he could find.
“The Jarl then sailed northward to Caithness, and there passed the winter” (Orkneyinga Saga).
Hence we find the Northern chiefs ruling over Wales.
“It is said that Palnatoki one summer, as usual, was on Viking expeditions, and had twelve well-manned ships. At this time Jarl Stefnir ruled over Bretland (Wales); he had a daughter called Olöf, who was a wise and well-liked woman, and a very good match. It is said that Palnatoki landed his ships there, and wanted to make warfare in the land of Stefnir Jarl. When this was heard of, Olöf, with Bjorn Brezki (the Britisher), who was her foster-brother and often gave her advice, took the resolve to invite Palnatoki home to a feast, with great honours, and he should have there peaceland, and not ravage.
“Palnatoki and his men accepted this, and went to the feast; and at it Palnatoki asked in marriage the Jarl’s daughter; he got her easily, and the woman was promised to him, and then betrothed; the betrothal lasted no longer than that their wedding took place at this feast; and moreover, the name of Jarl was given to Palnatoki, and one half of the realm of Stefnir Jarl if he would settle there; and after his death he should have all, for Olöf was his only heir. Palnatoki stayed in Bretland the rest of the summer, and also during the winter. In the spring he announced that he wanted to go home to Denmark; but before he went, he said to Bjorn the British: ‘Now I want thee, Bjorn, to stay here with my father-in-law, Stefnir, and rule the land with him on my behalf; for he begins to grow very old, and it is not unlikely that I may not soon come back; and if I do not return, and the Jarl dies, I want thee to take care of the whole realm till I come back.’ After this Palnatoki went away with his wife Olöf; he had a good voyage, and came home to Fjon (Fyen) in Denmark, and stayed at home for a while, and was thought the next best man in Denmark, and the most powerful and wisest next to the king.
“It is now told that the next summer after the arvel-feast after King Harald, Olöf, the wife of Palnatoki, fell sick and died. After her death, Palnatoki did not like to live in Bretland, and placed Bjorn the British to take care of that realm. He then made thirty ships ready, and intended to go on Viking expeditions and warfare. He left the land as soon as he was ready to go, and that summer made warfare in Scotland and England, and won for himself much property and fame in his expeditions. He continued this for twelve summers, and got well off both in property and honour” (Jomsvikinga Saga).
APPENDIX. I.
The Testimony of the Frankish Annals.
From the Frankish annals of the time of Charlemagne and his sons, we know that before the period of Harold Fairhair (b. 850; d. 933), and consequently before the conquest by Gangu Hrolf of the country called Normandy, the Sueones (Swedes) and Danes, who were also called Northmen by the Chroniclers, attacked and overran the ancient Gaul in every direction. They captured Paris and many other important cities, and also devastated a great part of the present Germany, and extended their expeditions to the Alps. From a passage in Eginhard we find that the Norwegians are also mentioned; while the Frankish coins found in the present Norway show that its inhabitants had intercourse with the empire of Charlemagne, as they had previously had with Rome.
The Frankish, English, Irish, and Arabian records afford us even a fuller and clearer insight than do the Sagas into the maritime power and great activity of the seafaring tribes of the North, and of their migrations during the ninth and tenth centuries. This maritime power, as we have seen, was already very formidable during the Roman domination of Gaul and Britain. If we have a break in the continuity of these maritime expeditions between the fall of the Roman Empire and the time of Charlemagne, it is on account of the lack of records, owing to the chaos that followed the fall and disintegration of the Roman dominion.
The Sagas supply us to some extent with the needed information; they mention how chiefs like Ivar Vidfamme, Harald Hildetonn, Sigurd Hring, Ragnar Lodbrok, and others engaged extensively in Western and Eastern expeditions, and claimed part of England as belonging to them. From the foreign annals we realize more fully what was implied in the Sagas by the simple phrase that particular chiefs had been, or were, engaged in Eastern and Western expeditions: viz., armaments on the most formidable scale were organized for the subjection of different countries—armaments and expeditions which could only have been possible for a people in an advanced state of civilisation. Of these expeditions the Frankish annals give us the most graphic and detailed accounts.
The particulars concerning the sieges of towns given in the Sagas are very meagre and very rare. We only know that the catapult, called val-slöngva (war-sling), or manga (“mangonel”), seems to have been used for sieges, &c.
That these were well known to the Northmen at an early time, we have ample proofs.
Great strength of arm was requisite for their use, as several stones at a time were often shot from one catapult.
The Frankish annals, describing one of the sieges of Paris by the Northmen, show us how these machines were used by them. We have minute and graphic descriptions of their mode of warfare, and especially the methods they adopted in besieging towns—subjects that are very little noticed in the Sagas, which generally give only results, and consequently are not of much value to the student of history.
We will proceed to quote a few extracts from the writings of Eginhard, the historian of Charlemagne, which bear testimony to the formidable power of the Northmen in his time.
In 777 Charlemagne had summoned an assembly of chiefs at Paderborn.
“All came before him except Witekind, a Westphalian chief, who, feeling himself guilty of many crimes, and fearing in consequence to present himself, had fled to Siegfried, king of the Danes.”
788. “An arm of the sea of unknown length [the Baltic], but exceeding nowhere a hundred thousand paces in width, and in many places much narrower, extends from the western ocean towards the east. Many nations inhabit its shores; the Danes and the Sueones, whom we call Northmen, occupy the northern shore and all the islands; on the southern shore are Sclavonians, the Aistes and other people.”
800. “Spring having returned, the king (Charlemagne) quitted Aix-la-Chapelle, about the middle of March, traversed the shore of the Gallic ocean, constructed a fleet on the same ocean, then desolated by the piracies of the Northmen, and placed garrisons along the shores.”
804. “At this time Godfrey, king of the Danes, came with a fleet and all the horsemen of his kingdom, to a place called Schlesvig, on the borders of his realm and that of Saxony.”
808. “A last war was undertaken against the Northmen, whom we call Danes, and their king, Godfrey, was so inflated with proud hopes, that he promised himself the empire of all Germany. Frisia and Saxony he looked upon as provinces belonging to himself.
“Wishing to assemble a fleet to fight the Northmen, Charlemagne had ships built on all the rivers of Gaul and Germany which flow into the Northern ocean; and, as the Northmen devastated in their continual voyages the coasts of both these countries, he erected solid structures at the entrances of all the harbours and navigable mouths of rivers which could receive vessels, and thus blocked the route of the enemy.”
810. “The emperor, then at Aix-la-Chapelle, planned an expedition against King Godfrey. He suddenly received tidings that a fleet of two hundred ships, coming from the country of the Northmen, had landed in Frisia, and ravaged all the islands adjacent to this shore; that this army had gone inland, and that three battles had taken place between it and the Frisians; that the Danish conquerors had imposed a tribute on the conquered; that, under the name of a tax, a hundred pounds of silver had been paid by the Frisians; and that King Godfrey was on his return home. These reports proving true, the emperor was so vexed that he sent messengers in every direction to collect an army, left his palace at once, and joined his fleet. He passed the Rhine at Lippenheim, and resolved to await there the troops which had not yet arrived. His army assembled, the Emperor went as quickly as possible to the river Aller, pitched his tents near the confluence of this river with the Weser and awaited the result of the threats of Godfrey; for this king, puffed up with the vain hope of victory, boasted that he would try his strength with the army of the emperor.
“After he had remained here some time he heard, among other things, that the fleet which had devastated Frisia, had returned to Denmark; that King Godfrey had been slain by one of his servants; that a fort near the Elbe, named Hobbuck (supposed to be Hamburg), in which were Odo, the emperor’s envoy, and a garrison of eastern Saxons, had been taken by the Wiltzes.... Hemming, son of the brother of Godfrey, king of the Danes, succeeded him, and made peace with the emperor.”
From the following we find that the Norwegians and Danes are confounded with each other, as were at times all the tribes of the North. Danish princes are said to live on the shores opposite Britain (Norway).
813. “The emperor sent noble Franks and Saxons into the country of the Northmen, beyond the Elbe, to make peace with the Danes, according to the wish of their kings, and to give back their brother. The Danish nobles came to the place appointed, in number equal to that of the Franks (they were sixteen on each side); peace was confirmed by oaths, and the Franks gave up to the Danes the brother of their kings. These princes were not then in their own country, but had gone to Westerfulde with an army. This country, the most distant of their kingdom, is situated to the north-west, and looks to the north of Britain.”
Charlemagne died in 814 and was succeeded by his son Louis le Debonnaire. During the early years of his reign, he appears to have kept on friendly terms with the Northmen, who were suffering from internal dissensions, owing to the succession being disputed between Heriold, and the sons of King Godfrey. Louis espoused the cause of Heriold, and we read that in
828. “Lothaire returned to his father at Aix-la-Chapelle. As they proceeded to occupy the frontier of the Northmen, both in order to renew the alliance between these peoples and the Franks, and to protect the interests of Heriold, and when almost all the counts of Saxony had united for this purpose with the commanders of the marches, Heriold, too eager to hasten the conclusion of the matter, broke the peace pledged and guaranteed by hostages, and ravaged and burned some farms of the Northmen. Hearing this the sons of Godfrey quickly collected troops, marched to the frontier, crossed the Eider river, and falling upon our men, camped upon the bank, who were not expecting such an attack, took the entrenchments, put the defenders to flight, pillaged everything, and returned to camp with all their force.”
829. “He received the information that the Northmen contemplated the seizure of the part of Saxony beyond the Elbe, and that, with this design, their army had already approached our frontiers. Greatly troubled at this, he sent into all the countries of the Franks to order the people in mass, to march toward Saxony with all haste, and announced that he, in person, would cross the Rhine at Nuitz in the middle of July.”
From the annals of Bertin we take the following extract:—
841. “The Danish pirates, from the shores of the North, made an irruption into the territory of Rouen, and, carrying everywhere the fury of pillage, fire and sword, gave up the city, the monks, and the rest of the people to carnage and captivity, devastated all the monasteries and other places near the Seine, and left them filled with terror, after having received much silver.... To Harold who, for his cause and to the prejudice of his father, had brought with the other Danes much evil to the maritime districts, Lothair gave for his services Walcheren and the neighbouring region—a disgraceful forfeit.”
842. “At this time a fleet of Northmen came suddenly, at break of day, into the district of Amiens, plundering, capturing, and killing persons of both sexes, leaving nothing but buildings ransomed by silver.”
843. “The Northern pirates arrived in the city of Nantes, after having killed the bishop and many of the priests, and laymen, and others, without distinction of sex, and, having pillaged the city, ravaged the lower parts of Aquitaine; finally, reaching a certain island, causing earth to be brought thither, they built houses to pass the winter, and there established themselves as in a permanent abode....”
844. “The Northmen, having advanced by the Garonne as far as Toulouse, plundered with impunity the region on every side; a detachment proceeded thence into Galicia, and there perished—some from the bowmen (arbalêtriers) sent against them, and some in a storm at sea; but others, penetrating farther into Spain, had long and severe battles with the Saracens; but at length were vanquished, and retreated.”
845. “The Northmen, with a hundred vessels, on March 20th, entered the Seine, ravaging here and there, and arrived, without resistance, at Paris. Charles had intended to go against them; but foreseeing that there was no hope of his men gaining the advantage, he let them alone; and, by a gift of seven thousand livres, prevented their advance, and persuaded them to return....
“The Danes, who the year before had laid waste Aquitaine, quietly established themselves therein....”
846. “Eurich, king of the Northmen, advanced against Louis in Germany, with six hundred vessels, along the river Elbe. The Saxons went to meet them, engaged them in battle, and by the aid of our Lord Jesus Christ, gained the victory; in their retreat the Northmen attacked and captured a city of the Esclavons....
“The Northmen again descended the Seine, and, returning to the sea, pillaged, devastated, and burned all the districts of the shore.... When they had plundered and burned a monastery named St. Bertin, and were returning to their ships laden with spoils, they were so smitten by Divine justice, or blinded by darkness and madness, that only a small number escaped to announce to the others the ways of Almighty God.”
846. “The Danish pirates come into Frisia and levy at will contributions, and, victorious in battles, remain masters of almost all the province....”
847. “The Danes come into the lower parts of Gaul inhabited by the Bretons, and gain a victory over them in three battles. Noménoe, vanquished, flees with his men, and then, by presents sent, leads them to leave his country....”
859. “The Danish pirates having made a long circuit by sea, for they had sailed between Spain and Africa, enter the Rhone, plunder many cities and monasteries, and establish themselves in the island called Camargue.”
860. “Those of these Danes who had established themselves on the Rhone came, ravaging on their way to the city of Valentia; then, having plundered all the neighbouring regions, returned to the island where they had taken up their abode.”
“The Danes on the Rhone go towards Italy, take and plunder Pisa and other cities....”
We might give many more extracts from the Annals of St. Bertin and the Annals of Metz; but the above will suffice to show that in the latter part of the 9th century these Northmen were carrying their incursions, with hundreds of ships and thousands of men, all over Europe, ascending its great rivers, ravaging its coasts, marching through and then settling in its countries, and levying tribute from the people.
In the Narrative of Abbon, we have a striking and graphic description, by an eye-witness, of one of the Sieges of Paris by the Northmen, which lasted from November 885 to May 887. The special value of the narrative to us lies in the minute description which it contains of the methods adopted by the Vikings in attacking a town or fortress. Abbon begins by describing the arrival of the fleet of the Northmen in the river.
“Thy (Paris’s) blood was poured out by these barbarians, who came on board of seven hundred sailing vessels, and innumerable smaller ships commonly called barques. The deep-water bed of the Seine was so covered by them that its waters could not be seen for a space of more than six miles: one asked with astonishment in what cave the river had hidden itself; it could not be seen; the pine, the oak, and the alder entirely concealed its surface.”
“The Danes then make, astonishing to see, three huge machines, mounted on sixteen wheels—monsters made of immense oak trees bound together; upon each was placed a battering ram, covered with a high roof—in the interior and on the sides of which could be placed and concealed, they said, sixty men armed with their helmets. The besiegers had already finished one of these machines of suitable form and size; a second was soon made, and they were at work on a third; but from the tower they shot accurately, with the whole force of the bowstring and javelin against the workers on them. Thus they were the first to receive the death they were preparing for us; and when one of these cruel machines was destroyed, the other soon followed.
“From the hide torn from the neck and back of young bulls, the Danes then made a thousand large bucklers, which a Latin writer would call pluteos[[453]] or crates,[[454]] each one of which would cover four or six men even. During the night, the enemy gave themselves no rest, and not a moment of sleep; they sharpened, repaired, and forged swift missiles, strengthened their old shields, and made new ones.... (At sunrise) suddenly the Danes, the progeny of Satan, armed with their formidable missiles, rushed furiously from their camp, and like light bees, ran toward the tower. Born for our misfortune, they advanced with their backs bent under the bows; the missiles quiver on their shoulders, their swords cover the ground, their shields hide from sight the waters of the Seine; thousands of leaden balls, scattered like a thick hail in the air, fall upon the city, and powerful catapults thunder upon the forts which defend the bridge. Mars, reawaking his fury, extends in every direction his fierce empire. The citizens are terrified, the trumpets give forth violent bursts, and fear seizes on those who guard the towers. Still there were seen many great and bold men; above all, the prelate Gozlio shone conspicuous; then his nephew, the brave Abbé Ebble; admirable also were Robert, Eudes, Ragenaire, Ulton, Herilang; all these were counts; but the most noble of all was Eudes, who laid low as many Danes as he threw javelins....”
January 29, 886.—“The fierce Dane divided his army into three bodies, ranged in the form of a wedge. The largest he opposed to the tower, and the two others, borne on painted ships, he directed against the bridge; thinking that, if he could gain possession of the bridge, the tower would soon be in his power.... The tower, reddened with blood, groans under the blows which strike it.... At its base are seen at a distance only the painted shields which cover the ground and hide it from sight; in every direction can be seen only the fatal stones and cruel missiles which fly in the air like dense swarms of bees; the sky itself between the tower and the clouds is obscured by them. Loud cries are heard, and everywhere reigns the greatest fear, amid terrible noises. Some attack, others resist: and the Northmen, clashing their arms, add to the already cruel horrors of battle. No child of earth has ever laid eyes upon so many warriors on foot, armed with swords, moving in a single body, under a painted testudo[[455]] of such immense size. The Danes made of this testudo a roof which sheltered them but none dared to raise his head above its protection, though beneath it their weapons caused a frightful slaughter.... The fierce nation approached the desolated tower, under the cover of their large bucklers made of wood and the skins of freshly killed bulls; some pass the night under arms, others sleep, others scour the roads, shooting their feathered arrows, from which is dropped poison.”
[A two days’ attack followed, but without success; they tried in vain to fill up the moat around the walls, throwing into it earth, trees, leaves, grass, shrubs, slaughtered animals, and even human beings, their captives.]
“Their ill-omened ranks tried in vain to fill up even a single ditch, or to prostrate the tower by their battering rams. Furious at being unable to get at us in open field, the Northmen take three of their highest vessels, quickly fill them with whole trees with all their leaves on, and set fire to them.”
January 31, 886.—“The east wind gently moves these ships vomiting flame, and with ropes they drag them along the banks to destroy the bridge and burn the tower; from the wood which fills them burst out burning flames.”
[Then the whole populace call upon their patron saint, St. Germain, and implore him to save them. The enemy’s vessels get aground upon a large mass of stones heaped up to render the bridge firm; no harm is done to it, and the besieged rush out, and sink the vessels in the river Seine. Thus ended the combat for that day, and the night was quietly passed.]
February 1, 886.—“Next day the Danes secretly carry to their camp the large bucklers which formed their testudo; they abandon two of their rams, vulgarly called carcamuses, which they feared to carry away; and our men took possession of them, and joyfully broke them in pieces. Sigefroy, the king, by whom it was feared the gates of our tower would have been burst in, then led away all his Danes.
“The third day of this battle was that of the ‘Purification of the Virgin.’ Nevertheless, the fatal cohorts of the Northmen went on board their vessels, swifter than birds, and directed their course to the eastern lands, then subject to the rule of Sad Austrasia, and which had hitherto not suffered from the enemy’s ravages.”
[Destroying in their course the deserted cottages of the famous Robert, whom they slew, and in their turn defeated with great loss, they bravely escaped to their ships without booty; they met with no greater success at the church of St. Germain, miraculously defended by the Saint.]
February 6, 886.—“Alas! during the silence of night the middle of the bridge fell in, carried away by the force of the furious waters. It was not so with the tower, which, built on land belonging to the happy Saint, remained standing on its foundations. Both were on the right side of the city.
“At sunrise the cruel Danes awoke, boarded their vessels, filled them with arms and shields, crossed the Seine, surrounded the unfortunate tower, and assailed it repeatedly with showers of missiles. At last, after a desperate fight, in which the besieged behaved nobly, the infamous besiegers, seeing that nothing could bend these brave hearts, brought before the gates of the unhappy tower a car filled with grains, and set it on fire. Another fierce struggle takes place; the Danes allow the flames to do their work, and retire; from want of vessels for drawing water the tower was destroyed, and the besieged retired to the end of the bridge which was still standing, and maintained the fight till sundown.”
APPENDIX II
Facsimiles of Old Norse Manuscripts.
(Knytlinga Saga.)
(Landnama, part iv.)
(Viga-Styr’s Saga, ch. 35.)
(Hardar Saga Grimkelssonar, ch. 11.)
(Hardar Saga Grimkelssonar, ch. 3.)
(Chronological fragment, 12th century.)
(Earlier Edda, complete page.)
(Later Edda.)
(Egil’s Saga.)
(Heimskringla.—Two columns.)
(List of priests from the 12th century. Two columns.)
(Njal’s Saga.—Two columns.)
(Part of manuscript of Gragas.)
(Gunnlaug Ormstunga’s Saga, ch. 4.)
(Hænsa-Thóris Saga, ch. 5.)
(Saga of Víga-Styr and Heidarvíg.)
APPENDIX III.
ROMAN COINS FOUND IN SCANDINAVIA.
The following is a list of coins found at Hagestadborg, Scania (550); and at Sindarfe, Gotland (1500).
Roman coins from Augustus up to the death of Alexander Severus.
(29 B.C.-A.D. 235.)
Found up to 1869.
Gotland:
| Augustus (29 B.C.-A.D. 14) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Nero (54–68) | (Silver) | 2 |
| Galba (68–69) | (Silver) | 3 |
| Otho (69) | (Silver) | 2 |
| Vespasianus (69–79) | (Silver) | 23 |
| Titus (79–81) (1 gold, 4 silver) | 5 | |
| Domitianus (81–96) | 7 | |
| Nerva (96–98) | 5 | |
| Trajanus (98–117) | 157 | |
| Hadrianus (117–138) | 175 | |
| Sabina, wife of Hadrianus | 14 | |
| Ælius Cæsar (†138) | 1 | |
| Antoninus Pius (138–161) | 263 | |
| Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius | 96 | |
| Marcus Aurelius (161–180) | 251 | |
| Faustina, wife of Marcus Aurelius | 87 | |
| L. Verus (161–165) | 19 | |
| Lucilla, wife of L. Verus | 18 | |
| Commodus (180–192) | 86 | |
| Crispina, wife of Commodus | 11 | |
| Pertinax (193) | 1 | |
| Manlia Scantilla, wife of Didius Julianus | 1 | |
| Clodius Albinus (†197) | 1 | |
| Septimius Severus (193–211) | 4 | |
| Julia Soæmias, mother of Elagabalus | 1 | |
| Alexander Severus (222–235) | 1 | |
| Effaced and uncertain | 184 | |
| 1 of gold, 1,422 of silver, total | 1,423 | |
Öland:
| Vespasianus (69–79) | (Silver) | 2 |
| Trajanus (98–117) | (Silver) | 2 |
| Hadrianus (117–138) | (Silver) | 4 |
| Antoninus Pius (138–161) | (Silver) | 19 |
| Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius | (1 brass, 6 silver) | 7 |
| Marcus Aurelius (161–180) | (Silver) | 19 |
| Faustina, wife of Marcus Aurelius | (Silver) | 5 |
| L. Verus (161–169) | (Silver) | 3 |
| Lucilla, his wife | (Silver) | 4 |
| Commodus (180–192) | (Silver) | 9 |
| Julia Mæsa, grandmother of Elagabalus | 1 | |
| Alexander Severus(222–235) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Effaced or uncertain | (Silver) | 6 |
| 81 of silver, 1 of brass, total | 82 | |
Recapitulation.—Entire Sweden:
| Mainland | (Gold) | 1 |
| (Gold) | (Silver) | 15 |
| (Gold) | (brass) | 21 |
| Götland | (Gold) | 1 |
| (Gold) | (Silver) | 1,422 |
| Öland | (Silver) | 81 |
| (Gold) | (brass) | 1 |
| 2 gold, 1518 of silver, 22 of brass | 1,542 | |
Zealand:
| Vespasianus (69–79) | (Silver) | 3 |
| Trajanus (98–117) | (Brass) | 1 |
| Hadrianus (117–138) | (Silver) | 6 |
| Sabina, wife of Hadrianus | (Silver) | 1 |
| Antoninus Pius (138–161) | (Silver) | 16 |
| Faustina senior, wife of Antoninus Pius | (Silver) | 2 |
| M. Aurelius (161–180) | (Silver) | 5 |
| Faustina junior, wife of M. Aurelius | (Silver) | 4 |
| L. Verus (161–169) | (Silver) | 2 |
| Commodus (180–192) | (Silver) | 3 |
| Crispina, wife of Commodus | (Silver) | 3 |
| Septimius Severus (193–211) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Macrinus (217–218) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Effaced or uncertain | (Silver) | 728 |
| 475 silver and 1 brass, total | 476 | |
Fyen:
| Tiberius (14–37) | (Solidus, gold) | 1 |
| Nerva (96–98) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Trajanus (98–117). | (Silver) | 1 |
| Lucius Verus (161–169) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Geta (211–212) | (Gold) | 1 |
| 2 of gold, and 3 of silver, total | 5 | |
| The proportion of effaced or uncertain coins is enormous. | ||
Bornholm:
| Nero (54–68) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Domitianus (81–96) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Trajanus (98–117) | (Silver) | 13 |
| Hadrianus (117–138) | (Silver) | 20 |
| Sabina, wife of Hadrianus | (Silver) | 2 |
| Antoninus Pius (138–161) | (Silver) | 49 |
| Faustina senior, wife of Antoninus Pius | (Silver) | 8 |
| M. Aurelius (161–180) | (Silver) | 73 |
| Faustina junior, wife of Marcus Aurelius | (Silver) | 11 |
| L. Verus (161–169) | (Silver) | 10 |
| Lucilla, wife of L. Verus | (Silver) | 3 |
| Commodus (180–192) | (Silver) | 34 |
| Crispina, wife of Conmmodus | (Silver) | 3 |
| Septimius Severus (193–211) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Effaced or uncertain | (Silver) | 7 |
| Total | 236 | |
Jutland:
| Nero (54–68) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Vitellius (69) | (Silver) | 2 |
| Vespasianus (69–79) | (Silver) | 4 |
| Domitianus (81–96) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Trajanus (98–117) | (Silver) | 8 |
| Hadrianus (117–138) | (Silver) | 7 |
| Ælius Cæsar (†138) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Antoninus Pius (138–161) | (1 large brass, 16 silver) | 17 |
| Faustina senior, wife of Antoninus Pius | (Silver) | 5 |
| M. Aurelius (161–180) | (Silver) | 10 |
| Faustina junior, wife of M. Aurelius | (Silver) | 3 |
| L. Verus (161–169) | (Silver) | 2 |
| Lucilla, wife of L. Verus | (Silver) | 2 |
| Commodus (180–192) | (Silver) | 8 |
| Septimius Severus (193–211) | (Silver) | 1 |
| Macrinus (217–218) | (Silver) | 1 |
| 72 silver and 1 brass, total | 73 | |
Recapitulation.
| Bornholm | (Silver) | 236 |
| Zealand | (Silver) | 475 |
| Zealand | (brass) | 1 |
| Fyen | (Gold) | 2 |
| Fyen | (Silver) | 3 |
| Jutland | (Silver) | 72 |
| Jutland | (brass) | 1 |
| 2 gold, 786 silver, 2 of brass, total | 790 | |
Roman Coins from Claudius to the death of Alexander Severus.
(29 B.C.-A.D. 235.)
| Claudius (41–54), Scania | (1 gold, 1 brass) | 2 |
| Vespasianus (69–79), Scania and Smäland | (brass) | 2 |
| Trajanus (98–117), Halland | (Silver) | 1 |
| Hadrianus (117–138), Scania (brass), Upland (Silver), | (1 brass, 1 silver) | 2 |
| Antoninus Pius (138–161), Scania, near Lund | (2 brass, 1 silver) | 3 |
| Marcus Aurelius (161–180), Scania | (Silver) | 2 |
| Lucilla, wife of L. Verus, Halland | (Silver) | 1 |
| Commodus (180–192), 1 Westergotland, 1 Scania | (Silver) | 2 |
| Septimius Severus (193–211), Halland | (Silver) | 1 |
| Julia Domna, wife of Septimius Severus, Scania | (Silver) | 1 |
| Caracalla (211–217), Halland | (Silver) | 1 |
| Elagabalus (218–222), Halland | (Silver) | 1 |
| Alexander Severus (222–235), Scania | (large brass) | 1 |
| Effaced or uncertain, Scania | (14 brass, 3 silver) | 17 |
| 1 gold, 15 silver, 21 brass, total | 37 | |
Roman coins from the death of Alexander Severus to the death of Theodosius the Great. (A.D. 235–395.)
Found up to 1869.
Norway:
| Valens (364–378) | (Gold) | 1 |
| Valentinianus I. (364–375), Lister and Mandal, near Bergen | (Gold) | 1 |
| Gratianus (367–383) (in a grave) | (Gold) | 1 |
| Total | (Gold) | 3 |
Sweden:
| Gordianus (238–244), Gotland | (Silver) | 1 |
| Gallienus (253–268), Scania | (brass) | 1 |
| Probus (276–282), 1 Södermanland, 1 Scania | (Gold) | 2 |
| Licinius (307–323), Scania | (brass) | 1 |
| Constantinus Magnus (306–337), | ||
| 1 Södermanland, 3 Scania, 1 Öland | (2 gold, 3 brass) | 5 |
| Constantinus II. (337–340), Gotland | (brass) | 2 |
| Constantius II. (337–361), 3 Scania, 1 Gotland | (brass) | 4 |
| Constans (337–350), Scania | (brass) | 1 |
| Effaced or uncertain, 1 Upland, 4 Scania | (brass) | 5 |
| 4 gold, 1 silver, and 17 brass, | total | 22 |
Denmark:
| Decius (249–251), Fyen | (Gold) | 1 |
| Aurelianus (270–275), Fyen | (Gold) | 2 |
| Tacitus (275–276), Fyen | (Gold) | 1 |
| Probus (276–282), Fyen | (Gold) | 4 |
| Carus (282–283), Fyen | (Gold) | 1 |
| Numerianus (283–284), Fyen | (Gold) | 1 |
| Carinus (283–284), Fyen | (Gold) | 1 |
| Diocletianus (284–305), Fyen | (Gold) | 5 |
| Maximianus (286–305), Fyen | (Gold) | 5 |
| Constantius Chlorus (305–306), Fyen | (Gold) | 2 |
| Helena, wife of Constantius, Fyen | (Gold) | 1 |
| Licinius (307–323), Fyen | (Gold) | 2 |
| Constantinus Magnus (306–337), Jutland 2, Fyen 16 | (17 gold, 1 brass) | 18 |
| Constantinus II. (337–340), Fyen 2, Zealand 1 | (Gold) | 3 |
| Constantius II. (337–361), Denmark, locality unknown; 2 in Fyen, 1 Jutland | (3 gold, 1 brass) | 4 |
| Constans (337–350), Fyen | (Gold) | 2 |
| Valentinianus I. (364–375), Zealand 1, Jutland 1 | (Gold) | 2 |
| Other gold coins | 5 | |
| (58 gold, 2 brass) | 58 | |
Roman and Byzantine coins from the death of Theodosius the Great to the death of Anastasius. (395–518.)
Found up to 1869.
Swedish Mainland:
| Honorius (395–423), Småland | 1 |
| Valentinianus III. (425–455), Smäland, Kalmar län | 1 |
| Anthemius (467–472), Scania | 1 |
| Julius Nepos (474–475), 1 Kalmar län, 1 Blekinge | 2 |
| Romulus Augustulus (475–476), Småland | 1 |
| Theodosius II. (408–450), Medelpad 1, Upland 4, Småland 1, 2 in Kalmar län, 2 in Blekinge, 3 Scania | 13 |
| Marcianus (450–457), Upland | 1 |
| Leo I. (457–474), 3 in Upland, 1 on Hoen | 4 |
| Zeno (474–491), 1 in Medelpad, 11 in Upland, 1 in Södermanland, 2 in Scania | 15 |
| Anastasius (491–518), 2 in Upland, 1 in Kalmar län, 1 in Scania | 4 |
| Unknown, Upland | 1 |
| Total (all gold) | 45 |
Öland:
| Honorius (395–423) | 5 |
| Valentinianus III. (425–455) | 13 |
| Majorianus (457–461) | 1 |
| Libius Severus (461–465) | 9 |
| Anthemius (407–472) | 3 |
| Romulus Augustulus (475–476) | 1 |
| Arcadius (395–408) | 2 |
| Theodosius II. (408–450) | 20 |
| Ælia Eudoxia, wife of Theodosius II | 2 |
| Marcianus (450–457) | 4 |
| Ælia Pulcheria, wife of Marcianus | 2 |
| Leo I. (457–474) | 19 |
| Leo II. and Zeno (474) | 1 |
| Zeno (474–491) | 5 |
| Basiliscus (476–477) | 1 |
| Unknown | 11 |
| Total (all gold) | 99 |
Gotland:
| Honorius (395–423) | 4 |
| Majorianus (457–461) | 1 |
| Libius Severus (461–465) | 1 |
| Procopius Anthemius (467–472) | 2 |
| Theodosius II. (408–450) | 3 |
| Marcianus (450–457) | 1 |
| Leo I. (457–474) | 10 |
| Leo II. and Zeno (474) | 1 |
| Zeno (474–491) | 15 |
| Ælia Ariadne, wife of Zeno | 1 |
| Basiliscus (476–477) | 1 |
| Anastasius (491–518) | 17 |
| Total (all gold) | 57 |
Recapitulation.
| Sweden, Mainland | 45 |
| Sweden, Oland | 99 |
| Sweden, Gotland | 57 |
| All gold, total | 201 |
Bornholm:
| Honorius (395–423) | 3 |
| Placidius Valentinianus (425–455) | 8 |
| Honoria, sister of Valentinianus | 1 |
| Libius Severus (461–465) | 1 |
| Anthemius (467–472) | 2 |
| Julius Nepos (474–475) | 1 |
| Theodosius II. (408–450) | 16 |
| Marcianus (450–457) | 1 |
| Leo I. (457–474) | 12 |
| Leo II. and Zeno (474) | 3 |
| Zeno (474–491) | 13 |
| Basiliscus (476–477) | 1 |
| Basiliscus and Marcus | 1 |
| Anastasius (491–518) | 5 |
| 67 of gold, 1 of silver, total | 68 |
| Valentinianus (425–455), Fyen | 2 |
| Majorianus (457–461), Fyen | 1 |
| Theodosius II. (408–450), 1 Zealand, 1 Fyen | 2 |
| Marcianus (450–457), Fyen | 1 |
| Leo I. (457–474), 1 Jutland, 5 Fyen | 6 |
| Zeno (474–491), 1 Fyen | 1 |
| Anastasius (491–518), 2 Fyen | 2 |
| Unknown, 1 Jutland, 1 Fyen | 2 |
| All gold, total | 17 |
Recapitulation.
| Bornholm | (Gold) | 67 |
| Bornholm | (Silver) | 1 |
| Rest of Denmark | (Gold) | 17 |
| 84 gold, and 1 silver, total | 85 | |
Byzantine coins from the time between A.D. 518–850.
Norway:
| Tiberius Constantinus (578–582) | 1 | gold. |
| Mauricius Tiberius (582–602) | 1 | |
| Constantinus V. Copronymus(771–775) | 1 | |
| Michael III. (842–867) | 1 | |
| Total | 4 | gold. |
| Sweden (1 Södermanland, 1 Gotland): | ||
| Justinianus I. (527–565) | 2 | gold. |
| Denmark (Bornholm): | ||
| Justinus I. (518–527) | 1 | gold. |
In Sweden more than 250 Roman and Byzantine gold coins have been found, and year after year new ones are brought to light.
The whole number of Roman and Byzantine coins of the period before A.D. 850 found up to June, 1872, was—
| From the time before Augustus. | Augustus-Alexander Severus (29 B.C.-235 A.D.). | Alexander Severus-Theodosius (235–395). | Theodosius-Anastasius (395–518). | After Anastasius (518–850). | Total. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mainland | 3 | 12 | 4 | 37 | 1 | 57 |
| Scania | 584 | 14 | 19 | 617 | ||
| Öland | 88 | 2 | 106 | 196 | ||
| Gotland | 9 | 3,234 | 4 | 64 | 1 | 3,312 |
| 12 | 3,918 | 24 | 226 | 2 | 4,182 | |
| Among these coins are— | ||||||
| Of gold | 2 | 6 | 226 | 2 | 236 | |
| Of silver | 12 | 3,894 | 1 | 3,907 | ||
| Of copper | 22 | 17 | 39 |