FOOTNOTES:
[1] The port of Brundisium was known long before. See Herod. 4, 99. The Romans colonised the town in B.C. 244. See Livy, epit. 19.
[3] Dr. Arnold declares it “all but an impossibility that an army should have marched the distance (not less than 325 Roman miles) in a week.” Livy (26, 42) accepts the statement without question.
[4] Mr. Strachan-Davidson explains this to mean from the sea to the lake, as Scipio’s lines would not have extended right round the lake to the other sea.
[5] Escombrera (Σκομβραρία). I must refer my readers to Mr. Strachan-Davidson’s appendix on The Site of the Spanish Carthage for a discussion of these details. See above 2, [13;] Livy, 26, 42.
[6] This seems to be the distinction between the words γερουσία and σύγκλητος. Cp. 36, 4. The latter is the word used by Polybius for the Roman Senate: for the nature of the first see Bosworth Smith, Carthage and the Carthaginians, p. 27. It was usually called “The Hundred.” Mommsen (Hist. of Rome, vol. ii. p. 15) seems to doubt the existence of the larger council: its authority at any rate had been superseded by the oligarchical gerusia.
[7] This and the following chapter were formerly assigned to the description of Scipio’s proceedings in Spain and followed, ch. 20. Hultsch, however, seems right in placing them thus, and assigning them to the account of the tactics of Philopoemen.
[8] On the margin of one MS. the following is written, which may be a sentence from the same speech, or a comment of the Epitomator: “A confederacy with democratic institutions always stands in need of external support, owing to the fickleness of the multitude.”
[10] This goddess is variously called Anaitis (Plut. Artax. 27) and Nanea (2 Macc. 1, 13). And is identified by Plutarch with Artemis, and by others with Aphrodite.
[11] This proverb perhaps arose from the frequent employment of the non-Hellenic Carians as mercenaries. Cp. Plato, Laches, 187 B; Euthydemus, 285 B; Euripides, Cyclops, 654.
[13] This passage does not occur in the extant treatise of Aeneas; but is apparently referred to (ch. 7, § 4) as being contained in a preparatory treatise (παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος).
[14] The grouping of these letters will be as follows:—
| 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | |
| 1 | α | ζ | λ | π | φ |
| 2 | β | η | μ | ρ | χ |
| 3 | γ | θ | ν | σ | ψ |
| 4 | δ | ι | ξ | τ | ω |
| 5 | ε | κ | ο | υ |
[15] Polybius confuses the Tanais (Don) with another Tanais or Iaxartes flowing into the south-east part of the Caspian.
[16] King of Bactria, see 11, 34.
[17] See Livy, 27, 39.
[18] Livy, 27, 44.
[19] There is nothing to show positively that a Rhodian is the speaker: but Livy mentions envoys from Rhodes and Ptolemy this year. For the special attempts of the Rhodians to bring about a peace between Philip and the Aetolians, see 5, 24, 100.
[20] The “Tarentines” were horsemen armed with light skirmishing javelins. See 4, [77]; 16, [18]; and cp. Arrian, Tact. 4, § 5; 18, § 2. Livy, 35, 28; 37, 40.
[22] The text is certainly corrupt here, and it is not clear what the general sense of the passage is beyond this,—that Philopoemen calculated on defeating the enemy, as he did, while struggling through the dyke: or on their exposing themselves to attack if they retreated from the dyke without crossing it.
[23] Or, according to another reading “five stades.” Livy, 28, 14, says quingentos passus.
[24] The text is imperfect.
[25] Handing it over to L. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus, Livy, 28, 38.
[26] That is the Caucasus Indicus or Paropamisus: mod. Hindú Kúsh.
[27] Cp. a similar custom of the Lycians, Herod. 1, 173.
[28] He may have been referring to pre-homeric times, cp. Herod. 6, 137, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οὐδὲ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἕλλησι οἰκέτας.
[29] The text is very imperfect here.
[30] For this title see on 22, 19. It is found in inscriptions in Thasos, Crete, and Cibyra. C.I.G. 2163, c; 2583; 4380, b.
[31] Both Curtius and Arrian seem to have found in their authorities that Darius crossed the Pinarus. Curt. 3, 8; Arrian, 2, 8.
[32] Reckoning the stade at 600 feet (Greek).
[33] See note to previous chapter.
[34] The Cilician gates.
[35] That is, sixteen or thirty-two deep.
[36] The text here is in hopeless confusion.
[37] Homer, who is generally spoken of as “the poet.” We may remember Horace (Ep. 1, 19, 6) Laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus.
[38] See 3, [37]. The point seems to be that the remark was too commonplace to put into the mouth of a hero.
[39] The text is again hopeless.
[40] The text is uncertain, and I am not at all sure of the meaning of ἐπ’ ὀνόματος, cp. 25 k, 27. These public harangues of doctors to attract patients are noticed in Xenophon, Memorab. 4, 2, 5.
[41] Tyrant of Salamis in Cyprus, B.C. 404-374. See Isocrates, Orat. x.
[42] For this proverb see Plutarch, Nicias, ch. 9, ἡδέως μεμνημένοι τοῦ εἰπόντος ὅτι τοὺς ἐν εἰρήνῃ καθεύδοντας οὐ σάλπιγγες ἀλλ’ ἀλεκτρυόνες ἀφυπνίζουσι.
[43] Ib. ch. 25.
[44] Homer, Il. 5, 890.
[45] Homer, Il. 9, 63.
[46] Euripides, fr.
[47] Battle of the Crimesus. See Plutarch, Timol. ch. 27.
[48] He refers to the habit of Eastern nations thrusting their hands into long sleeves in the presence of their rulers. See Xenophon, Hellen. 2, 1, 8.
[49] Homer, Odyss. 1, 1-4; 8, 183.
[50] Republic, v. 473 C. vi. 499 B.
[51] The Rhodians had proclaimed war against the Cretan pirates. Philip had secretly commissioned one of his agents, the Aetolian Dicaearchus, to aid the Cretans. Diodor. fr. xxviii.
[52] Heracleides having gained credence at Rhodes by pretending to betray Philip’s intrigue with the Cretans, waited for an opportunity, and, setting fire to their arsenal, escaped in a boat. Polyaen. 5, 17, 2.
[53] The text of these last sentences is so corrupt that it is impossible to be sure of having rightly represented the meaning of Polybius.
[54] These raids on the territory of Megalopolis, however, did not lead to open war till B.C. 202. See 16, [16].
[55] Caepio was commanding in Bruttium, Servilius in Etruria and Liguria. Livy, 30, 1.
[56] Sophanisba, the daughter of Hasdrubal son of Gesco. Livy, 29, 23; 30, 12, 15.
[57] Some words are lost from the text.
[58] παρενέβαλλε, which Schweig. translates castra locavit: but though the word does sometimes bear that meaning, I cannot think that it does so here. Scipio seems to have retained his camp on the hill, only two and a half miles’ distant, and to have come down into the plain to offer battle each of the three days. Hence the imperfect.
[59] The war with Antiochus, B.C. 218-217. See 5, [40], [58]-71, [79]-87.
[60] A civil war, apparently in a rebellion caused by his own feeble and vicious character. It seems to be that referred to in 5, 107.
[61] Homer, Iliad, 4, 437.
[62] Homer, Iliad, 4, 300.
[63] A line of which the author is unknown; perhaps it was Theognis.
[64] See Livy, 31, 31; Strabo, 12, c. 4. Philip handed over Cius to Prusias.
[65] That is, from Rhodes and other states.
[66] That is the treaty between Philip and Antiochus.
[67] The word βίαχα in the text is unknown, and certainly corrupt. The most obvious remedy is ὑπόβρυχα or ὑποβρύχια. But we cannot be sure.
[68] Jam cum Rhodiis et Attalo navalibus certaminibus, neutro feliciter, vires expertus. Livy, 31, 14.
[69] An inscription found at Iassus [C.I.G. 2683] has confirmed this name which is found in one MS. instead of Hestias. Whether the meaning of the title is Artemis of the City, or some local designation, is uncertain.
[70] Called Panion or Paneion. See Josephus B. Jud. 3, 10, 7, Ἰορδάνου πήγη τὸ Πάνειον. The town near it was called Paneas, and afterwards Paneas Caesarea, and later still Caesarea Philippi. Scopas, the Aetolian, was now serving Ptolemy Epiphanes; see 13, 2; 18, 53.
[73] Ptolemy Philopator had made Gaza his chief depôt of war material; see 5, 68. Antiochus destroyed it in B.C. 198 for its loyalty to the King of Egypt.
[74] Syria was conquered by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pilezer about B.C. 747, and was afterwards a part of the Babylonian and Persian empires. It does not seem certain to what invasion Polybius is here referring.
[75] That is from the wars undertaken by them against Philip. Livy, 31, 14, 24.
[76] For the Phocians see Pausan. 10, 1, 6. For the Acarnanians see supra, 9, 40.
[77] According to Hultsch no fragments or extracts of book 17 are preserved. In it would have been contained the campaign of B.C. 199, in the war between Rome and Philip, for which see Livy, 31, 34-43. And the operations of Flamininus in the season of B.C. 198, Livy, 32, 9-18. The first seventeen chapters of this book are generally classed in book 17.
[78] The reading ἐναύσασθαι, which I attempt to represent, is doubtful. Schweig. suggests ἐγγεύσασθαι “to taste.”
[79] Demosthenes, de Corona, §§ 43, 48, 295.
[80] B.C. 338 after the battle of Chaeronea. See Thirlwall, 6, 77; Grote, 11, 315 (ch. 90); Kennedy’s translation of the de Corona, Appendix vi. The argument of Polybius is of course an ex post facto one. It is open still to maintain that, had the advice of Demosthenes been followed, these states might have been freed from the tyranny of Sparta without becoming subject to another master in the king of Macedonia.
[81] Attalus spent the winter of B.C. 198-197 at Aegina, in the course of which he seems to have visited Sicyon.
[82] That is of Cynoscephalae. Supergressi tumulos qui Cynoscephalae vocantur, relicta ibi statione firma peditum equitumque, posuerunt castra. Livy, 33, 7.
[83] I have given the meaning which I conceive this sentence to have; but the editors generally suspect the loss of a word like ἄπρακτα or ἀπραγοῦντα after τὰ μὲν συνεχῆ τοῖς διαγωνιζομένοις. This is unnecessary if we regard συνεχῆ as predicative, and I think this way of taking it gives sufficient sense. Polybius is thinking of the Macedonian army as being so dislocated by the nature of the ground, that, while some parts were in contact with the enemy, the rest had not arrived on the scene of the fighting.
[85] Iliad, 13, 131.
[86] See 4, [77]; 7, [12]; 10, [26].
[88] Livy (33, 13) has mistaken the meaning of Polybius in this passage, representing the quarrel of the Aetolians and Flamininus as being for the possession of Thebes,—the only town, in fact, on which there was no dispute.
[89] Referring apparently to the conduct of the Hellenic cities in Asia in presence of Antiochus, who, having wintered in Ephesus (B. C. 197-196), was endeavouring in 196 by force or stratagem to consolidate his power in Asia Minor. Livy, 33, 38.
[90] Justin. 17, 1-2; Appian Syr. 62. The battle was in the plain of Corus in Phrygia.
[91] The Apocleti, of the numbers of whom we have no information, acted as a consultative senate to prepare measures for the Aetolian Assembly. See Freeman, History of Federal Government, p. 335. Livy, 35, 34.
[92] προσένειμαν Αἰτώλοις τὸ ἔθνος, cp. 2, 43. Some have thought that a regular political union with the Aetolian League is meant. But the spirit of the narrative seems to point rather to an alliance.
[93] Brachylles, when a Boeotarch in B.C. 196, was assassinated by a band of six men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians, on his way home from a banquet. Livy, 33, 28.
[94] Livy, 33, 29.
[95] At Thermopylae, in which battle Livy (36, 19) states on the authority of Polybius that only 500 men out of 10,000 brought by Antiochus into Greece escaped, B.C. 191.
[96] Livy, 37, 9.
[97] Son of Antiochus the Great, afterwards King Seleucus IV.
[98] This extract, preserved by Suidas, s. v. προστηθιδίων has been restored by a brilliant emendation of Toupe, who reads ἐξελθόντες μὲν Γάλλοι for the meaningless ἐξελθόντες μεγάλοι. Livy calls them fanatici Galli.
[99] Dies forte, quibus Ancilia moventur, religiosi ad iter inciderant. Livy, 37. 33. The festival of Mars, during which the ancilia were carried about, was on the 1st of March and following days. If this incident, therefore, took place in the late spring or summer of B.C. 190, the Roman Calendar must have been very far out.
[100] The remaining chapters of this book are placed by Schweighaeuser and others in book 22, 1-27.
[101] The text of this fragment is much dislocated.
[102] Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular manœuvres. See Aen. Tact. 37. It was perhaps suggested by the illegal means taken by workmen in the silver mines to annoy a rival; for we find an Athenian law directed against it. See Demosth. in Pantaen. § 36.
[103] Nothing seems to be known of this exile of Fulvius, who had been granted an ovation in B.C. 191 for his victories in Spain. He was, however, in opposition to Cato, one of whose numerous prosecutions may have been against him.
[104] Or “a compliment.” The Greek word στέφανος seems to be used for any present made to a victor. So also in ch. 34, and elsewhere.
[105] Hultsch’s text, supported by the MSS., has Δάμις ὁ κιχησίων, from which no sense seems obtainable. According to Suidas, Damis was a philosopher from Nineveh who had settled in Athens. Livy (38, 10), has Leon Hicesiae filius. He must therefore have found the name Leon in his copy, which could hardly have been substituted for Δᾶμις by mistake, though ἹΚΕΣίου may have become κιχησίων.
[106] The Greek text is corrupt. The sense is given from Livy, 38, 14.
[107] The dynasty lasted until the time of the Mithridatic wars. The last Moagĕtes being deposed by Muraena, when Cibyra was joined to Lycia. Strabo, 13, 4, 71.
[108] That is probably “of the necessity of submitting to Rome;” but the passage referred to is lost.
[110] This is really Plutarch’s version of a story he found in Polybius, and, to judge from Livy, 38, 24, not a very complete one. It took place near Ancyra. Plutarch de mulierum virtutibus.
[111] See Livy, 38, 28, 29. The fragment here seems to be that translated by Livy in ch. 29, Romani nocte per arcem, quam Cyatidem vocant (nam urbs in mare devexa in Occidentem vergit) muro superato in forum pervenerunt. The people of Same suddenly threw off the terms under which the rest of Cephallenia had submitted and stood a four months’ siege.
[112] A fragment, arranged in Hultsch’s text as ch. 42, is too much mutilated to be translated with any approach to correctness.
[113] These words are wanting in the text. From Livy (38, 38) it appears that the territory was defined as between the Taurus and the R. Halys as far as the borders of Lycaonia.
[114] Livy (l.c.) has neve monerem ex belli causa quod ipse illaturus erit.
[115] See Livy, 38, 39. Some words are lost referring to grants to the people of Ilium.
[116] This summary is arranged by Hultsch as chs. 1 and 2 of book 22. It appears as book 23, chs. 4, 5 in Schweighaeuser’s text.
[117] In B.C. 191 Philopoemen secured the adhesion of Sparta to the Achaean league: but the Spartans were never united in their loyalty to it, and during his year as Strategus (B.C. 189) he punished a massacre of some Achaean sympathisers in Sparta by an execution of eighty Spartans at Compasium on the frontier of Laconia. This number Plutarch gives on the authority of Polybius, but another account stated it at three hundred and fifty. Plut. Phil. 16.
[118] Some words are lost from the text describing their method of procedure.
[119] Some words are lost in the text which would more fully explain the transaction.
[120] Something is lost in the text.
[121] Livy (39, 24) gives the names as Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Baebius Tamphilus, Ti. Sempronius.
[122] Livy (39, 34) more cautiously says: veneno creditur sublatus. Such accusations were easily made, and not easily proved or confuted.
[123] For the ten Cosmi of Crete, see Aristot. Pol. 2, 10; and Muller’s Dorians, vol. ii. p. 133 sq. Cydas gives his name to the year as πρωτόκοσμος, see C.I.G. 2583. The same inscription contains the title κοσμόπολις, apparently like πολιοῦχος, as a name for a guardian hero of the city. We have already had this latter title as that of a chief magistrate at Locri. See bk. 12, ch. [16].
[124] There is some loss in the text as to these names. The last is mentioned on a Greek embassy in 22, [16]. See also the index. Livy, 39, 41, says nothing of this committee of three.
[125] The ten federal magistrates of the league, who formed a council to act with the general. Their number probably arose from the number of the Achaean cantons or towns, after two of the twelve—Helice and Olenus—were destroyed. Polybius nowhere else gives them this title in any part of the history we possess, but its use by Livy, 32, 22, seems to point to his having used it in other places. It also occurs in a letter of Philip II. (perhaps genuine) quoted in Demosth. de Cor. 157. Polybius calls them also οἱ ἄρχοντες, ἀρχαί, προεστῶτες συνάρχοντες, συναρχίαι. See Freeman’s Federal Gov. p. 282.
[126] That is, apparently, by some fresh disturbance towards the end of B. C. 183. See Strachan-Davidson, p. 495.
[127] The Messenians revolted from the league B. C. 183, and in the course of the fighting which ensued Philopoemen fell into an ambush, was taken prisoner, and put to death by them. See ch. [12].
[128] Stasinus fr..
[129] He was ill with fever. Plutarch, Phil. 18.
[130] Livy (39, 50) speaks of Lycortas at the time of Philopoemen’s death as alter imperator Achaeorum. If he had been the ὑποστρατηγός we know that he would not by law have succeeded on the death of the Strategus. Plutarch, Phil. 21, seems to assert that an election was held at once, but not the ordinary popular election.
[131] That is the ten Demiurgi.
[132] The second congress of the year seems to mean not that held for election of the Strategus for the next year, which met about 12th May, but the second regular meeting in August.
[133] This looks like a local name, but no place is known corresponding to it. A Diactorides of Sparta is mentioned in Herodotus, 6, 127; and perhaps, as Hultsch suggests, we ought to read “Cletis and Diactorius.”
[134] The mission to Eumenes and Pharnaces has been already mentioned in bk. 23, ch. 9, but the name of the ambassador was not given; nor is it mentioned by Livy (40, 20), who records the mission. It is uncertain who is meant by Marcus, some editors have altered it to Marcius, i.e. Q. Marcius Philippus, who had been sent to Macedonia, imagining him to have fulfilled both missions.
[135] From Strabo (vii. 5, 13), who adds: “But this is not true, for the distance from the Adriatic is immense, and there are many obstacles in the way to obscure the view.”
[136] Perhaps thirty, which seems to have been the legal age for admission to political functions. See 29, [24].
[137] See Hicks’s Greek Inscriptions, p. 330.
[138] Something is lost from the text.
[139] From Strabo 3, ch. 4, who quotes Poseidonius as criticising this statement by remarking that Polybius must count every tower as a city.
[140] The notices are put up at the three places visited yearly by great numbers, and by many separate pilgrims. It is interesting to notice the persistence in a custom common from the earliest times, at any rate as far as Delos and Delphi are concerned. Iton was in Thessaly, and the temple and oracle of Athena there was celebrated throughout Greece, and was the central place of worship for the Thessalians. The town stood in a rich plain on the river Cuarius, and hence its name—sometimes written Siton—was connected by some with σιτόφορος, “corn-bearing” (Steph. Byz.) Homer calls it μητέρα μήλων, “mother of sheep.” Pyrrhus hung up in this temple the spoils of Antigonus and his Gallic soldiers about B. C. 273. [Pausan. 1, 13, 2]. “Itonian Athena” had temples in other parts of Greece also, e.g. in Boeotia [Paus. 9, 34, 1].
[141] The war in Istria, and the mutiny of the troops against the consul Manlius, are described in Livy, 41, 8-11.
[142] Besides this connexion with Seleucus of Syria, sure to be offensive to Rome, Perseus gave a sister to Prusias, another enemy of Rome and Eumenes. Livy, 42, 12.
[143] This word, of unknown origin, seems to be used here for the toga, or some dress equivalent to it. See 10, [4].
[144] Marcius on his return to Rome gloried in having thus deceived the king and gained time for preparations at Rome, but his action was repudiated by the Senate. Livy, 42, 47.
[145] Ismenias had just been elected Strategus of Boeotia; but the party who had supported a rival candidate had in revenge obtained a decree of the league banishing the Boeotarchs from all the Boeotian cities. They had, however been received at Thespiae, whence they were recalled to Thebes and reinstated by a reaction in popular feeling. Then they obtained another decree banishing the twelve men who, though not in office, had convened the league assembly; and Ismenias as Strategus sentenced them to the loss of all rights in their absence. These are the “exiles” here meant (Livy, 42, 43). Who Neon was is not certain; but we find in the next chapter that he had been a leader in the Macedonising party at Thebes, perhaps a son of Brachylles, whose father’s name was Neon (see 20, 5). He was captured in B.C. 167 and put to death by the Romans (Livy, 45, 31).
[147] τὰ δίθυρα, Livy (42, 44) says in tribunal legatorum, and Casaubon contents himself with the same word. Schweighaeuser translates it podium, as if a “raised platform” on which the commissioners sat was meant. I think it is used in the natural sense of a “door” leading into the hall in which they were sitting, and into which Ismenias fled for refuge. Livy used tribunal from the ideas of his age as to the construction of such a building.
[148] The text has Θήβας, which is inconsistent with what follows as to the Thebans. An inscription found on the site of Thisbae supplies the correction of an error as old as Livy (42, 46, 47). See Hicks’s G. I. p. 330.
[149] Gaius Lucretius had seen naval service as duumvir navalis on the coast of Liguria in B.C. 181. Livy, 40, 26. He was now (B.C. 171) Praetor, his provincia being the fleet, and commanded 40 quinqueremes. Id. 42, 48.
[150] Livy, who translates this passage, calls the missile a cestrosphendona (42, 65).
[151] In Phocis. The name was variously given as Phanoteis, Phanote, Phanota (Steph. Byz.)
[152] Schweighaeuser seems to regard this as a second name. But the Greeks seldom had such, and it is more likely the designation of some unknown locality. There was an Attic deme named Cropia, and therefore the name is a recognised one (Steph. Byz.) Gronovius conjectured Ὠρωπίῳ “of Oropus.”
[153] Apparently the Anticyra on the Sperchius, on the borders of Achaia Phthiotis.
[154] Hence Attalus obtained the name of Philadelphus. The origin of Eumenes’s loss of popularity in the Peloponnese is referred to in 28, 7, but no adequate cause is alleged. A reference to Achaia in his speech at Rome was not perhaps altogether friendly (Livy, 42, 12), and we shall see that he was afterwards suspected of intriguing with Perseus; but if this extract is rightly placed, it can hardly be on this latter ground that the Achaeans had renounced him.
[155] Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, B.C. 175-164; Ptolemy VI. Philometor, B.C. 181-146.
[157] The decree referred to is given in Livy, 43, 17. “No one shall supply any war material to the Roman magistrates other than that which the Senate has decreed.” This had been extracted from the Senate by vehement complaints reaching Rome of the cruel extortions of the Roman officers in the previous two years.
[158] Polybius seems to mean the smaller council, not the public assembly, though Livy evidently understood the latter (43, 47).
[159] The expedition of Perseus into Illyricum apparently took place late in the year B.C. 170 and in the first month of B.C. 169. Livy, 43, 18-20.
[160] Hyscana, or Uscana, a town of the Illyrian tribe Penestae.
[161] That is, the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy.
[162] The Antigoneia was a festival established in honour of Antigonus Doson, who had been a benefactor of the Achaeans. In 30, 23, it is mentioned as being celebrated in Sicyon. The benefactions of this Macedonian king to the Achaeans are mentioned by Pausanias (8, 8, 12).
[163] See 27, [19]; 18, [1], [17].
[164] Seleucus Nicanor, B.C. 306-280.
[165] Livy (44, 8) calls it the Enipeus (Fersaliti), a tributary of the Peneus.
[166] In a previous part of the book now lost. See Livy, 44, 25.
[167] The extract begins in the middle of a sentence at the top of a page. I have supplied these words at a guess, giving what seems the sense.
[168] P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum was afterwards Pontifex Maximus (B.C. 150). See Cic. de Sen. 3, 50.
[169] Of the two eldest sons of Aemilius, the elder was adopted by Quintus Fabius Maximus, the second by P. Cornelius Scipio, son of the elder Africanus, his maternal uncle.
[170] From Plutarch, Aemilius, 15, who adds that Polybius made a mistake as to the number of soldiers told off for this service, which to judge from Livy, 44, 35, Polybius probably stated at 5000. Plutarch got his correction from an extant letter of Nasica (8000 Roman infantry, with 120 horse, and 200 Thracians and Cretans).
[171] From Plutarch, who again contradicts this last statement, on the authority of Nasica, who said that there was a sharp engagement on the heights.
[172] The Roman was saved from a scare by the eclipse being foretold by Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, famous for his knowledge of Greek literature and astronomy. He is represented by Cicero as explaining the celestial globe (sphaera) which Marcellus brought from Syracuse. He was consul in B.C. 166. Livy, 44, 37; Cicero, Brut. § 78; de Repub. 1, § 21.
[173] ἐν ἀγορᾷ. The objection, though it served to divert the magistrates from going on with the proposition at the time, seems to have been got over before the meeting at Sicyon; unless, indeed, the latter was considered to be of a different nature in regard to the age of those attending. But we have no information as to this restriction of thirty years of age,—whether it was universal, or confined to particular occasions. This passage would seem to point to the latter alternative.
[174] Livy says viginti millia. By χρυσοῦς Polybius appears to mean “staters,” worth about 20 drachmae (20 francs). This would give a rough value of the present as £8000, or on Livy’s computation twice that amount.
[175] Called by Polybius in previous books Conope, 4, 64; 5, 6. Its name was changed to Arsinoe, from its having been rebuilt and enlarged by Arsinoe, sister and wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Strabo, 10, 2, 22). It was on the east bank of the Achelous. Its modern name is Angelokastro. The civil war in Aetolia alluded to here is mentioned in Livy, 41, 25 (B.C. 174). This particular massacre appears to have taken place in B.C. 168-167. Livy (45, 28) narrates that Aemilius was met during his Greek tour in B.C. 167 by a crowd of Aetolians, in a miserable state of destitution, who informed him that five hundred and fifty Aetolian nobles had been massacred by Lyciscus and Tisippus, besides many driven into exile, and that the goods of both had been confiscated.
[176] From Athenaeus, xiv. 4, p. 615. It seems to be part of some strictures of Polybius on the coarseness of the amusements of the Romans. This noisy and riotous scene in a theatre would strike a Greek as barbarous and revolting; and may remind us of the complaints of the noise and interruption to their actors so often found in the prologues to the plays of Plautus and Terence. Though the substance of this extract is doubtless from Polybius, Athenaeus has evidently told the anecdote in his own language.
[177] Menalcidas was one of the Romanising party, who appears to have been Strategus of the league in B.C. 153 [Pausan. 7, 11, 7], and to have committed suicide in B.C. 148-147, in despair at his failure to wrest Sparta from the league.
[178] Haliartus had been taken by the praetor L. Lucretius Gallus in B.C. 171, its inhabitants sold into slavery, and its houses and walls entirely destroyed. Its crime was siding with Perseus. Livy, 42, 63. Supra bk. 27, ch. 5; 29, 12.
[179] A drachma may be taken as between a sixth and a seventh of an ounce.
[180] Hultsch prints in parallel columns the text of this fragment as it appears in Athenaeus and Diodorus. The English translation attempts to combine them.
[181] He means that, they being no longer able to decide in mercantile affairs independently of Rome, the prestige (προστασία), and consequently the popularity, of this harbour is destroyed.
[182] Demetrius had been exchanged for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes in B.C. 175, just eleven years before.
[183] The Senatus Consultum de Macedonibus (Livy, 45, 29) had declared all Macedonians free; each city to enjoy its own laws, create its own annual magistrates, and pay a tribute to Rome—half the amount that it had paid to the king. Macedonia was divided into four regions, at the respective capitals of which—Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, and Pelagonia—the district assemblies (concilia) were to be held, the revenue of the district was to be collected, and the district magistrates elected; and there was to be no inter-marriage or mutual rights of owning property between the regions.
[184] The Greek of this sentence is certainly corrupt, and no satisfactory sense can be elicited from it.
[185] Ariarathes, the elder, had been in alliance with Antiochus the Great, and had apparently given him one of his daughters in marriage, who had been accompanied by her mother to Antioch, where both had now fallen victims to the jealousy of Eupator’s minister, Lysias. See 21, [43].
[186] The anger of the Alexandrians had been excited against Ptolemy Physcon by his having, for some unknown reason, caused the death of Timotheus, who had been Ptolemy Philometor’s legate at Rome. See 28, [1]. Diodor. Sic. fr. xi.
[187] The first line is of unknown authorship. The second is from Euripides, Phoeniss. 633. The third apophthegm is again unknown. The last is from Epicharmus, see 18, 40.
[188] About £12.
[189] In his Censorship (B.C. 184) Cato imposed a tax on slaves under twenty sold for more than ten sestertia (about £70.) Livy, 39, 44.
[190] Called Ptolemy the Orator in 28, 19.
[191] A more detailed statement of the controversies between Carthage and Massanissa, fostered and encouraged by the Romans, is found in Appian, Res Punicae, 67 sq.
[192] Demetrius was now king. On his escape from Rome, described in bk. 31, chs. 20-23, he had met with a ready reception in Syria, had seized the sovereign power, and put the young Antiochus and his minister Lysias to death; this was in B.C. 162. Appian, Syriac. ch. 47.
[193] ἐν ταῖς συγκρίσεσιν. But it is very doubtful what the exact meaning of this word is. Alcaeus seems to be the Epicurean philosopher who, among others, was expelled from Rome in B.C. 171. See Athenaeus, xii. 547, who however calls him Alcios. See also Aelian, V. Hist. 9, 12.
[195] She was the daughter of C. Papirius Carbo, Coss. B.C. 231.
[196] The following pedigree will show the various family connexions here alluded to:—
| Publius Cornelius Scipio ob. in Spain B.C. 212. | |||||
| │ | |||||
| P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus | = | Aemilia, sister of Lucius Aemilius Paulus | = | Papiria | |
| ob. B.C. 187. | │ | ob. B.C. 162. | ob. B.C. 160. | │ | |
| │ | ┌───────────┬───────────┐ | ||||
| │ │ │ │ | Quintus Fabius Maximus adopted by Q. F. M. | Scipio Aemilianus B.C. 185 | two daughters | ||
| ┌────────┬──────────────┐ | |||||
| P. Scipio Nasica = Cornelia(1). | Cornelia(2)= Tib. Sempronius Gracchus | Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus ob. s. p. adopted his cousin who became Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus ob. B.C. 129. | |||
[197] τῶν ἐπίπλων, the ornamenta of a bride, consisting of clothes, jewels, slaves, and other things, in accordance with her station. See Horace, Sat. 2, 3, 214. For the three instalments in which it was necessary to pay dowries, see Cicero ad Att. ii. 23; 2 Phil. § 113.
[198] ποιοῦντος τὴν διαγραφὴν seems a banker’s term for “paying,” i.e. by striking off or cancelling a debt entered against a man. The only other instance of such a use seems to be Dionys. Hal. 5, 28.
[199] Of his two younger sons one died five days before his Macedonian triumph, the other three days after it. See Livy, 45, 40.
[200] The two sisters were both named Aemilia; the elder was married to Q. Aelius Tubero, the younger to M. Porcius Cato, elder son of the Censor. The daughters were prevented from taking the inheritance of their mother’s property by the lex Voconia (B.C. 174), in virtue of which a woman could not be a haeres, nor take a legacy greater than that of the haeres, or of all the haeredes together. The object of the law was to prevent the transference of the property of one gens to another on a large scale. It was evaded (1) by trusteeships, Gaius, 2, 274; Plutarch, Cic. 41: (2) by the assent of the haeres, Cic. de Off. 2, § 55. And it was relaxed by Augustus in favour of mothers of three children, Dio Cass. 56, 10. See also Cicero de Sen. § 14; de legg. 2, 20; de Rep. 3, 10; Verr. 2, 1, 42; Pliny, Panegyr. 42; Livy, Ep. 41.
[201] That is, the morning from daybreak till about ten or eleven. The salutationes came first, and the law business in the third hour.
[202] Ariarathes V. had been expelled his kingdom by Demetrius, who, in consideration of one thousand talents, had assisted his reputed brother Orophernes, who had been palmed off on Ariarathes IV. by his wife, to displace him. The Senate, when eventually appealed to, decided that the two brothers should share the kingdom. Livy, Ep. 47; Appian, Syr. 47.
[203] Ariarathes arrived in the summer of B.C. 158.
[204] τὴν Ἰακὴν καὶ τεχνητικὴν ἀσωτίαν. The translation given above is in accordance with the explanation of Casaubon, who quoted Horace (Odes 3, 6, 21), Motus doceri gaudet Ionicos matura virgo. Orophernes had been sent to Ionia, when Antiochis had a real son (Ariarathes V.), that he might not set up a claim to the throne. He had been imposed by Antiochis on her husband Ariarathes IV. before she had a real son.
[205] Orophernes was soon deposed, and Ariarathes V. restored, but we have no certain indication when this happened. See 3, [5].
[206] The episode of Oropus here referred to, Polybius’s account of which is lost, was made remarkable by the visit of the three philosophers to Rome as ambassadors from Athens. The story, as far as Athens was concerned, as told by Pausanias, 7, 11, 4-7. The Athenians had been much impoverished by the events of the war with Perseus (B.C. 172-168), and had made a raid or raids of some sort upon Oropus. The Oropians appealed to Rome. The Romans referred the assessment of damages to an Achaean court at Sicyon. The Athenians failed to appear before the court at Sicyon, and were condemned by default to a fine of five hundred talents. Thereupon Carneades the Academician, Diogenes the Stoic, and Critolaus the Peripatetic were sent to plead for a remission of a fine which the Athenians were wholly unable to pay. They made a great impression on the Roman youth by their lectures, and Cato urged that they should get their answer and be sent away as soon as possible. The Senate reduced the fine to one hundred talents: but even that the Athenians could not collect; and they seem to have managed to induce the Oropians to allow an Athenian garrison to hold Oropus, and to give hostages for their fidelity to the Athenian government. This led to fresh quarrels and an appeal to the Achaean government. The Achaean Strategus, Menalcidas of Sparta, was bribed by a present of ten talents to induce an interference in behalf of Oropus. Thereupon the Athenians withdrew their garrison from Oropus, after pillaging the town, and henceforth took no part in the quarrels which ensued, arising from the demands of Menalcidas for his ten talents; which the Oropians refused to pay, on the ground that he had not helped them as he promised; quarrels which presently centred round the question of the continuance of Sparta in the Achaean league. The date of the original quarrel between Athens and Oropus is not fixed, but the mission of the philosophers was in B.C. 155. See Plutarch, Cato, 22; Pliny, N. H. 7, 112-113; Aulus Gellius, 6, 14; Cic. ad Att. 12, 23; Tusc. 4, § 5.
[207] C. Marcius consul adversus Dalmatas parum prospere primum, postea feliciter pugnavit. The war was continued in the next year (B.C. 155), and the Dalmatians subdued for the time by the consul P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica. Livy, Ep. 47.
[208] Temnus was in Mysia, s. of the river Hermus. Cynneius or Cyneius Apollo seems to mean Apollo guardian of the shepherd dogs. There was, according to Suidas (s. v. κυνήειος), a temple to Apollo at Athens with that title, said to have been the work of Cynnis, a son of Apollo and a nymph Parnethia.
[209] The battle, in which Prusias is here said to have conquered Attalus, was a treacherous attack upon Attalus who was waiting, in accordance with an arrangement made by Roman envoys Hortensius and Arunculeius, to meet Prusias on his frontier, accompanied by only one thousand cavalry. The Roman envoys even had to fly for their lives. Appian, Mithridates, 3.
[210] Hultsch places an extract from Aulus Gellius (6, 14, 8) relating to the mission of the three philosophers as ch. 2 of this book. The substance is given in the note on p. 466. It is more in place there, as Polybius expressly said that he would give the whole story together (32, [25]).
[211] This war appears to have arisen from a treacherous attack of the Cretans upon the island of Siphnos. Exc. de Virt. et Vit. p. 588.
[213] Ligurian tribes between Nice and Marseilles. Pliny, N. H. 3, § 47.
[214] Surnamed Philometor. He succeeded his uncle Attalus Philadelphus in B.C. 138, and at his death in B.C. 133 left his dominions to Rome.
[215] Alexander Balas was an impostor of low origin set up by Heracleides as a son of Antiochus Epiphanes. He entered Syria in B.C. 152, defeated and killed Demetrius in B.C. 150, and was himself defeated in B.C. 146 by Ptolemy Philometor (who also fell) in favour of a son of Demetrius, and was shortly afterwards murdered. Livy, Ep. 52. Appian, Syr. 67; Joseph. Antiq. 13, 2, 4.
[216] Odyss. 12, 95.
[217] Odyss. 12, 105.
[218] Odyss. 9, 82.
[219] Panchaia or Panchēa, the fabulous island or country in the Red Sea or Arabian gulf, in which Euhemerus asserted that he had discovered the inscriptions which proved the reputed gods to have been famous generals or kings. Plutarch, Is. et Osir. 23, Diodor. fr. 6, 1. The Roman poets used the word as equivalent to “Arabian.” See Verg. Georg. 2, 139.
[220] That is “as great a liar as Antiphanes of Berga.” See below. Strabo classes Antiphanes with Pytheas and Euhemerus more than once (see 2, 3, 5). Hence came the verb βεργαΐζειν, “to tell travellers’ tales” (Steph. Byz.). But there is considerable doubt as to the identification of the traveller Antiphanes, some confounding him with a comic poet of the same name, and others with the author of an essay περὶ ἑταιρῶν. Berga was in the valley of the Strymon.
[221] Strabo here protests against Dicaearchus being treated as a standard of geographical truth. For Pytheas see Appendix.
[222] Polybius proves his point by the demonstration of the proposition “The square of the hypotenuse of a right-angled-triangle is equal to the squares of the sides containing the right angle.”
By applying this principle AD = 7745.9... and DC = 11019.9..., and the whole AC = 18765.8; whereas AB + BC (i.e. the coasting voyage) = 19200 stades (a difference of 434.2 stades, not 500). Add to this the 3000 from the Peloponnese to the Straits, the total coast voyage is 22,200 stades, as against Dicaearchus’s 10,000.]
[223] Strabo quotes this reckoning of the distance from the Peloponnese to the head of the Adriatic to prove that Polybius, on his own showing, is wrong in admitting that this distance (8250 stades) is greater than that from the Peloponnese to the Pillars, which Dicaearchus said was 10,000 stades, and which Polybius showed to be 18,765 stades by the shortest route.
[224] To enable the reader to follow this list of prices, a short table is here sub-joined of Greek weights and money,—though he must be warned that values varied at different times and places,—with approximate values in English weights and money.
| 1 obol | = | 1/40 oz. | = | 1/8 shilling. | |
| 6 obols | = | 1 drachma | = | 3/20 oz. | 9d. |
| 100 drachmae | = | 1 mina | = | 15-1/2 oz. | £3 : 18 : 6. |
| 60 minae | = | 1 talent | = | 57 lbs. | £235. |
| A medimnus | = | 11 gals. 4 pts. (dry measure). |
| A metreta | = | 8 gals. 5 pts. (liquid measure). |
[225] Which member of the Cornelian gens this was is unknown. He appears to have been at Marseilles in the 4th century B.C. inquiring as to centres of trade open to Rome in rivalry with Carthage.
[226] Varro (Serv. ad Æn. 10, 13) adds a fifth by the Graian Alps, i.e. Little St. Bernard.
[227] Strabo corrects this, saving that the distance is 3000 stades.
[228] The islands were called also Vulcaniae and Aeoliae.
[229] Strabo reckons 8 stades to a mile, thus making the number of stades 4280. The exact calculation by Polybius’s reckoning is 4458-1/3 stades. The miles are Roman miles of 5000 feet; therefore, by Strabo’s calculation, the stade is 625 feet, by Polybius’s 600 feet.
[230] Strabo, however, supports the measurement of Artemidorus—6500, explaining that Polybius is taking some practical measurement of a voyage, not the shortest.
[231] Homer, Odyss. 4, 485.
[232] Probably in February, the month usually devoted by the Senate to legationes.
[233] Since B.C. 195 up to B.C. 154 the two divisions of Spain had been entrusted to Praetors.
[234] Livy, Ep. 48. Provocatorem barbarum tribunus militum occidit.
[235] τῶν ἐκ συγκλήτου καὶ τῆς γερουσίας. The same distinction occurs in 10, 18, and seems to refer to the two bodies known as the Hundred and the Gerusia. See Bosworth Smith’s Carthage and the Carthaginians, p. 27.
[236] The envoys first report to the Gerusia. Appian, Pun. 91.
[237] Phameas was afterwards persuaded by Massanissa to join the Romans. Livy, Ep. 50.
[238] The incident referred to is narrated in Appian. Punica, 103. Scipio relieved this body of men, who were beleaguered on the top of a hill, by a rapid and bold movement of his cavalry.
[239] Odyssey, 20, 495. Cato had always been opposed to the Scipios, but Livy seems to attribute his former criticisms of the younger Africanus to his general habit of caustic disparagement (vir promptioris ad vituperandum linguae), and we know that his elder son had married a daughter of Paulus, sister to the younger Africanus.
[240] Livy, Ep. 49.
[241] He seems to have forgotten his namesake mentioned in 11, [15].
[242] For Callicrates, the author of the Romanising policy, see 26, [1]-3. One of the statues raised to him by the Spartan exiles was at Olympia, the base of which has been discovered. See Hicks’s Greek Inscriptions, p. 330. To what the fragment refers is not clear, but evidently to something connected with the popular movement against Sparta, and a recurrence to the policy of Philopoemen as represented by Lycortas, which eventually brought down the vengeance of Rome.
[243] Prusias was killed at Pergamum by his son Nicomedes with the connivance of Attalus (Livy, Ep. 50).
[244] A considerable passage is here lost, with the exception of a few words, insufficient to ground a conjectural translation upon.
[245] Demetrius II., son of Antigonus Gonatas.
[246] Pseudophilippus, after cutting to pieces a Roman legion under the praetor Juventius, was conquered and captured by Q. Caecilius Metellus in B.C. 148 (Livy, Ep. 50; Eutrop. 4, 6).
[247] Massanissa, feeling himself to be dying, had asked Scipio to come to him. He left his sons strict injunctions to submit the arrangements of the succession and division of his kingdom to Scipio. Appian, Punica, 105; Livy, Ep. 50. Livy has adopted the statement of Polybius as to the age of Massanissa at his death; and Cicero (de Sen. § 34) has made Cato take the same reckoning, perhaps from Polybius also. But it does not agree with another statement of Livy himself, who (24, 49) speaks of him as being seventeen in B.C. 213, in which case he would be in his eighty-second year in B.C. 148. It is, however, proposed to read xxvii. for xvii. in this passage of Livy.
[248] Livy (Ep. 48) in speaking of this victory says that Massanissa was ninety-two, and ate and enjoyed his bread without anything to flavour it (sine pulpamine).
[249] The task of subduing the country in B.C. 147 was entrusted to the proconsul Calpurnius Piso, while Scipio was engaged in completing the investment of Carthage. Appian, Pun. 113-126.
[250] After the capture of Megara, the suburban district of Carthage, by Scipio, Hasdrubal withdrew into the Byrsa, got made commander-in-chief, and bringing all Roman prisoners to the battlements, put them to death with the most ghastly tortures. Appian, Pun. 118.
[251] τὰ χώματα, that is, apparently, the mole of huge stones constructed by the Romans to block up the mouth of the harbour.
[252] μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἐνδυμάτων. The German translator Kraz gives up these words in despair. Kampe translated them in ihrer gewöhnlicher Tracht. Mr. Strachan-Davidson says, “προσειληφυῖα, etc., ‘folding them in her own robe with her hands,’” which seems straining the meaning of προσειληφυῖα. The French translator says, deux enfans suspendus à ses vêtemens.
[253] According to Livy (Ep. 51) she had tried to induce her husband to accept the offer described in 38, [2].
[254] Homer, Il. 6, 448.
[255] 4000 under Alcamenes, Pausan. 7, 15, 8.
[256] In the battle with Metellus at Scarphea.
[257] Pausanias on the contrary says that Pytheas was caught in Boeotia and condemned by Metellus (7, 15, 10).
[258] The pit is the place dug out (σκάμμα) and prepared in the gymnasium for leapers. To be in the pit is to be on the very ground of the struggle, without possibility of escaping it.
[260] For this proverb see Plutarch, Themist. 29; de Alex. Virt. 5; de Exil. 7.
[261] Plutarch reports the same anecdote much more briefly in Cato Maj. 12, as do others. Professor Freeman (History of Federal Government, p. 142) seems to regard it as a serious indication that the Amphictyonic council had become a body exercising some literary authority, in default of any other. I think that Cato had no such meaning. He mentioned any body of men, however unlikely to exercise such an influence, which at any rate was Greek.
[262] Seems to mean “he lost before he began,” before he got even at the threshold of his enterprise. There is nothing to show to what the fragment refers.
[263] The base of a statue of Polybius has been discovered at Olympia with the inscription ἡ πόλις ἡ τῶν Ἡλείων Πολύβιον Δυκόρτα Μεγαλοπολείτην. But the statue mentioned in the text seems to be one set up by the Achaeans. For the statues of Polybius, see Introduction, pp. xxxi. xxxii.
[264] Thebae quoque et Chalcis, quae auxilio fuerant, dirutae. Ipse L. Mummius abstinentissimum virum egit; nec quidquam ex iis opibus ornamentisque, quae praedives Corinthus habuit, in domum ejus pervenit. Livy, Ep. 52.
[265] Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, is called, by way of distinction, “King of Syria,” because that title was bestowed on him by the people of Antioch during his last expedition in Syria. This was undertaken in support of Alexander Balas, who repaid him by conniving at an attempt upon his life. Whereupon Ptolemy joined Demetrius, the son of Demetrius Soter, and supported his claim against Alexander Balas. Joseph. Ant. 13, 3; 1 Maccabees 11, 1-13.
[266]: Dionysius Hal. (1, 74) quotes this statement of Polybius with the remark that it is founded on a single tablet in the custody of the Pontifices. Various calculations as to the date were:—
| Eratosthenes followed by |
| Olymp. 7, 1 | B.C. 752. |
| Apollodorus | |||
| Nepos | |||
| Dionysius | |||
| Lutatius | |||
| Q. Fabius Pictor | Olymp. 8, 1 | B.C. 748. | |
| Timaeus | 38th year before Olymp. 1 | B.C. 813. | |
| L. Cincius Alimantus | Olymp. 12, 4 | B.C. 729. | |
| M. Porcius Cato | 432 years after the Trojan war. | B.C. 752. | |
| Varro |
| Olymp. 6, 2 | B.C. 755. |
| Velleius Paterculus | |||
| Pomponius Atticus | Olymp. 6, 3 | B.C. 754. |
But even granting a definite act of foundation (on which see Mommsen, H. of R. vol. i. p. 4), the Olympic register before 672 B.C. is a very uncertain foundation on which to build. See Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. ii. p. 164 sq.
[267] From Eusebius. It may be noted that this statement of Polybius is an earlier evidence than any other for the existence of an Olympian register prior to B.C. 600. Pausanias also dates the register from the year of Coroebus’s victory (5, 8, 6).
[268] I have translated this passage as it stands in the various editions of Polybius. But I feel convinced that none of it belongs to him except the first sentence. It comes from Athenaeus, 440 E.
[269] See Livy, i, 34. Dionys. Halic. 3, 46.
[270] Hesiod, Works and Days, 40, νήπιοι· οὐδὲ ἴσασιν ὅσῳ πλέον ἥμισυ παντός.
[271] Polybius is perhaps referring to the Acrocorinthus especially. But we must remember that many of the citadels in the third century B.C. were in the hands of Macedonian garrisons.
[272] This has been referred by some to the account of Scipio Aemilianus’s single combat with the Spaniard. See 35, [5].
[273] Perhaps L. Postumius, Livy, 23, 24 (Hultsch).
[274] B.C. 272. Plutarch, Pyrrh. 31-34.
[275] See Pausan. i. 9, 6. His disaster compelled him to give up his dominions beyond the Danube. Another and more successful war in Thrace seems referred to in Diod. Sic. 18, 14.
[276] Livy, however, records more than one success of Marcellus against Hannibal, see 23, 16, 46; 27, 14. Scipio’s victory of course is at Zama.
[277] From Zosimus, 5, 20, 7. See 1, [26].
[278] Some refer this to a circumstance narrated in Livy, 41, 2. But Hultsch points out that Livy is not using Polybius in that period.
[279] From Constantine Porphyrogenneta de thematibus, p. 18, ed. Bonnensis (Hultsch). He says that there are two Cappadocias, great and little. Great Cappadocia extending from Caesarea (Neo-Caesarea), and Mount Taurus to the Pontus, bounded on the south-west by the Halys and on the east by Melitene.
[280] See 6, [23]. The excellence of Spanish steel has never perhaps been surpassed even to our day.
[282] Plutarch, Pelop. 17, who says that other authorities reckoned it at 500 and 700 men. There were originally six morae in the Spartan army. See Xenophon, Rep. Lac. 11, 4; Hell. 6, 4, 12-17.
[284] This is referred by Nissen to the account of the origin of the third Punic war. See 36, [3]-5.
[285] This moderation in the number of slaves was perhaps imitated from Cato. See Cato, Orationum frgm. 3. Ed. Jordan.
The references are to Books and Chapters, except where the volume and page of this translation are indicated by vol. — p. —; Fr. indicates the minor fragments at the end of vol. ii.