CHAPTER X
1841
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
5th January 1841.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for two very kind letters, of the 26th December and 1st January, and for all your very kind and good wishes. I am sorry to hear you have all been plagued with colds; we have as yet escaped them, and I trust will continue to do so. I think, dearest Uncle, you cannot really wish me to be the "Mamma d'une nombreuse famille," for I think you will see with me the great inconvenience a large family would be to us all, and particularly to the country, independent of the hardship and inconvenience to myself; men never think, at least seldom think, what a hard task it is for us women to go through this very often. God's will be done, and if He decrees that we are to have a great number of children, why we must try to bring them up as useful and exemplary members of society. Our young lady flourishes exceedingly, and I hope the Van de Weyers (who have been here for three days), who have seen her twice, will give you a favourable description of her. I think you would be amused to see Albert dancing her in his arms; he makes a capital nurse (which I do not, and she is much too heavy for me to carry), and she already seems so happy to go to him.
The christening will be at Buckingham Palace on the 10th of February, our dear marriage-day.
Affairs are certainly still precarious, but I feel confident all will come right....
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 8th January 1841.
... I trust also that affairs will come right; what is to be feared is the chapter of accidents. Your name bears glorious fruits in all climes; this globe will soon be too small for you, and something must be done to get at the other planets....
Memorandum—Mr Anson.
THE QUEEN'S EDUCATION
Windsor Castle, 15th January 1841.
Lord Melbourne said, "The Prince is bored with the sameness of his chess every evening. He would like to bring literary and scientific people about the Court, vary the society, and infuse a more useful tendency into it. The Queen however has no fancy to encourage such people. This arises from a feeling on her part that her education has not fitted her to take part in such conversation; she would not like conversation to be going on in which she could not take her fair share, and she is far too open and candid in her nature to pretend to one atom more knowledge than she really possesses on such subjects; and yet, as the world goes, she would, as any girl, have been considered accomplished, for she speaks German well and writes it; understands Italian, speaks French fluently, and writes it with great elegance. In addition to this old Davys instilled some Latin into her during his tutorship. The rest of her education she owes to her own natural shrewdness and quickness, and this perhaps has not been the proper education for one who was to wear the Crown of England.
"The Queen is very proud of the Prince's utter indifference to the attractions of all ladies. I told Her Majesty that these were early days to boast, which made her rather indignant. I think she is a little jealous of his talking much even to men."
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN'S SPEECH
19th January 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just received your Majesty's letter. Lord Melbourne is very sorry not to come down to Windsor, but he really thinks that his absence from London at this moment might be prejudicial.
Lord Melbourne will do his utmost to have the Speech worded in the most calm manner, and so as in no respect to offend or irritate any feelings. Some mention of the good conduct and gallantry of the Navy there must be—to omit it would be injurious and disheartening—but as to any expressions complimentary to France or expressive of regret at our separation from it, it will be hardly possible to introduce anything of that nature.1 It is quite unusual in our Speeches from the Throne to express either approbation or disapprobation of the conduct of foreign nations and foreign Governments. It is surprising how very seldom it has been done, and the wisdom and prudence of abstaining from it is very manifest. It would be giving an opinion upon that which does not belong to us. Anything which would have the effect of producing satisfaction in France must be of an apologetic character, which there is no ground for, and for which neither the Government nor the country is prepared.
The best course will be a total reserve upon this head, certainly abstaining from anything that can be in the slightest degree offensive.
Footnote 1: France was not mentioned, though the Convention with the other Powers, and the naval operations in conjunction with Austria, were referred to.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
22nd January 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
Lord Melbourne will be most happy to wait upon your Majesty on Saturday and Sunday.
Lord Melbourne is very sorry that your Majesty is compelled to come to London contrary to your inclinations; but Lord Melbourne much rejoices that your Majesty expresses that reluctance, as there is no surer sign of complete happiness and contentment in the married life than a desire to remain quietly in the country, and there is nothing on the earth Lord Melbourne desires more anxiously than the assurance of your Majesty's happiness.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN'S INFANCY
Brussels, 22nd January 1841.
My dearest Victoria,—I thank you very sincerely for your kind letter of the 19th, which I hasten to answer. I should not have bored you by my presence, but the act of the christening is, in my eyes, a sort of closing of the first cyclus of your dear life. I was shooting at the late Lord Craven's in Berkshire, when I received the messenger who brought me the horrifying news of your poor father's deadly illness. I hastened in bitter cold weather to Sidmouth, about two days before his death. His affairs were so much deranged that your Mother would have had no means even of leaving Sidmouth if I had not taken all this under my care and management. That dreary journey, undertaken, I think, on the 26th of January, in bitter cold and damp weather, I shall not easily forget. I looked very sharp after the poor little baby, then about eight months old. Arrived in London we were very unkindly treated by George IV., whose great wish was to get you and your Mamma out of the country, and I must say without my assistance you could not have remained.... I state these facts, because it is useful to remember through what difficulties and hardships one had to struggle. You will also remember that though there existed the possibility of your eventually succeeding to the Crown, that possibility was very doubtful, the then Duchess of Clarence having been confined after your Mother, and there being every reason to think that, though poor little Princess Elizabeth did not live more than some months, other children might appear.2
It was a long time from 1820 to 1837! We got over it, however, and, as far as you are concerned, God be praised! safely and happily. You are married, with every prospect of many happy years to come, and your happiness is crowned, and consolidated, as it were, by the birth of the dear little lady. Having from motives of discretion, perhaps carried even too far, not assisted at your coming to the throne, nor at your Coronation, nor afterwards at your marriage, I wished to assist at the christening of the little Princess, an event which is of great importance....
Footnote 2: Two children were born to the Duke and Duchess of Clarence—Charlotte Augusta Louisa, born and died 29th March 1819, and Elizabeth Georgina Adelaide, born 10th December 1820, and died 4th March 1821.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Carlton Terrace, 1st February 1841.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in submitting this letter from Earl Granville, which coupled with the despatches from Sir Robert Stopford virtually show that the Turkish Question is brought to a close, begs most humbly to congratulate your Majesty upon this rapid and peaceful settlement of a matter which at different periods has assumed appearances so threatening to the peace of Europe.3
Footnote 3: See ante, pp. [252], [254].
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
2nd February 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord Melbourne will be happy to wait upon your Majesty on Thursday, Saturday and Sunday, but he finds that there is to be a Cabinet dinner to-morrow.
Lord Melbourne will speak to Lord Palmerston about Lord John Russell.
Lord Melbourne does not see the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury as a subscriber to this "Parker" Society, and if your Majesty will give him leave, he will ask him about it before he gives your Majesty an answer. It is in some degree a party measure, and levelled against these new Oxford doctrines. The proposal is to republish the works of the older divines up to the time of the death of Queen Elizabeth. Up to that period the doctrines of the Church of England were decidedly Calvinistic. During the reign of James II.,4 and particularly after the Synod of Dort (1618-1619), the English clergy very generally adopted Arminian opinions.
It is proposed to republish the works of the divines who wrote during the first period, and to stop short when they come to the second. There is meaning in this. But, after all, the object is not a bad one, and it may not be worth while to consider it so closely.
Footnote 4: Lord Melbourne must have meant James I.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
ILLNESS OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON
5th February 1841 (6 o'clock).
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is very sorry to have to acquaint your Majesty that the Duke of Wellington was taken ill in the House of Lords this evening with a seizure, probably paralytic, and of the same nature with those which he has had before. Lord Brougham, who was standing opposite to the Duke and addressing the House, observed the Duke's face to be drawn and distorted, and soon afterwards the Duke rose from his seat and walked staggeringly towards the door. He walked down the gallery, supported on each side, but never spoke. A medical man was procured to attend him; he was placed in his carriage and driven home....
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE UNITED STATES
6th March 1841.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the remainder of the Navy Estimates, and nearly the whole of the Army Estimates, were voted last night without any serious opposition. Indeed the chief fault found with the Army Estimates was that they are not large enough.
Sir Robert Peel made a remarkable speech. Adverting to the present state of our affairs with the United States,5 he said that much as he disliked war, yet if the honour or interests of the country required it, he should sink all internal differences, and give his best support to the Government of his country.
This declaration was received with loud cheers. It must be considered as very creditable to Sir Robert Peel.
Footnote 5: See Introductory Note, ante, p. [254.]
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
CHINA
Foreign Office, 10th April 1841.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to submit the accompanying letters, which he received yesterday, about the operations in China, and which have just been returned to him by Viscount Melbourne, whose letter he also transmits.6
Viscount Palmerston has felt greatly mortified and disappointed at this result of the expedition to China, and he much fears that the sequel of the negotiation, which was to follow the conclusion of these preliminary conditions, will not tend to render the arrangement less objectionable. Captain Elliot seems to have wholly disregarded the instructions which had been sent to him, and even when, by the entire success of the operations of the Fleet, he was in a condition to dictate his own terms, he seems to have agreed to very inadequate conditions.7 The amount of compensation for the opium surrendered falls short of the value of that opium, and nothing has been obtained for the expenses of the expedition, nor for the debts of the bankrupt Hong8 merchants. The securities which the plenipotentiaries were expressly ordered to obtain for British residents in China have been abandoned; and the Island of Chusan which they were specifically informed was to be retained till the whole of the pecuniary compensation should have been paid, has been hastily and discreditably evacuated. Even the cession of Hong Kong has been coupled with a condition about the payment of duties, which would render that island not a possession of the British Crown, but, like Macao, a settlement held by sufferance in the territory of the Crown of China.
Viscount Palmerston deems it his duty in laying these papers before your Majesty, to state some few of the objections which he feels to the arrangement, but the Cabinet will have to consider, as soon as they meet after the Recess, what advice they may wish humbly to tender to your Majesty upon these important matters. There is no doubt, however, that much has been accomplished, but it is very mortifying to find that other things which the plenipotentiaries were ordered to obtain, and which the force placed at their command was amply sufficient to enable them to accomplish, have not been attained.
Viscount Palmerston has sent a small map of the Canton River, which your Majesty may like to keep for future reference.
Footnote 6: Captain Elliot, after capturing the Chinese position at the mouth of Canton River, concluded a preliminary treaty with the Chinese Government, which did not satisfy the Chinese, and which was strongly disapproved of by the English Ministry, as containing no mention of the opium traffic, which had been the cause of all the difficulties; Elliot was accordingly recalled, and succeeded by Sir Henry Pottinger.
Footnote 7: They were the cession of Hong-Kong, and payment of an indemnity of 6,000,000 dollars to Great Britain, with provision for commercial facilities and collection of customs.
Footnote 8: The native Canton merchants,—Hong here probably meaning a "row of houses," a "street." Hong Kong (Hiang Kiang) means the "fragrant lagoon."
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
13th April 1841.
My dearest Uncle,—I thank you much for your kind letter of the 9th, received yesterday. I have just heard from Stockmar (who, I hope, reported favourably of us all) that your Ministry is at last settled, of which I wish you joy. I think, dear Uncle, that you would find the East not only as "absurd" as the West, but very barbarous, cruel, and dangerous into the bargain.
The Chinese business vexes us much, and Palmerston is deeply mortified at it. All we wanted might have been got, if it had not been for the unaccountably strange conduct of Charles Elliot (not Admiral Elliot,9 for he was obliged to come away from ill-health), who completely disobeyed his instructions and tried to get the lowest terms he could.... The attack and storming of the Chorempee Forts on the 7th of January was very gallantly done by the Marines, and immense destruction of the Chinese took place.10 The accounts of the cruelty of the Chinese to one another are horrible. Albert is so much amused at my having got the Island of Hong Kong, and we think Victoria ought to be called Princess of Hong Kong in addition to Princess Royal.
She drives out every day in a close carriage with the window open, since she has been here, which does her worlds of good, and she is to have a walk to-day.
Stockmar writes me word that Charlotte11 is quite beautiful. I am very jealous.
I think Vecto quite right not to travel without Nemours; for it would look just as if she was unhappy, and ran to her parents for help. I am sure if Albert ever should be away (which, however, will and shall never happen, for I would go with him even if he was to go to the North Pole), I should never think of travelling; but I can't make mamma understand this. Now farewell. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 9: They were both cousins of Lord Minto, the First Lord of the Admiralty.
Footnote 10: Commodore Bremer very speedily reduced some of the forts, but his further operations were stopped.
Footnote 11: Daughter of King Leopold, who married in 1857 the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria (afterwards Emperor Maximilian of Mexico).
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
LORD CARDIGAN
24th April 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Mr Labouchere12 has desired that the five-pound piece which is about to be issued from the Mint should be submitted for your Majesty's inspection and approbation.
ARMY DISCIPLINE
We have had under our consideration at the Cabinet the unfortunate subject of the conduct of Lord Cardigan.13 The public feeling upon it is very strong, and it is almost certain that a Motion will be made in the House of Commons for an Address praying your Majesty to remove him from the command of his regiment. Such a Motion, if made, there is very little chance of resisting with success, and nothing is more to be apprehended and deprecated than such an interference of the House of Commons with the interior discipline and government of the Army. It was also felt that the general order issued by the Horse Guards was not sufficient to meet the case, and in these circumstances it was thought proper that Lord Melbourne should see Lord Hill, and should express to him the opinion of the Cabinet, that it was necessary that he should advise your Majesty to take such measures as should have the effect of removing Lord Cardigan from the command of the 11th Hussars. The repeated acts of imprudence of which Lord Cardigan has been guilty, and the repeated censures which he has drawn down upon himself, form a ground amply sufficient for such a proceeding, and indeed seem imperiously to demand it.14
Lord Melbourne has seen Lord Hill and made to him this communication, and has left it for his consideration. Lord Hill is deeply chagrined and annoyed, but will consider the matter and confer again with Lord Melbourne upon it to-morrow.
Footnote 12: President of the Board of Trade, afterwards created Lord Taunton.
Footnote 13: "Within the space of a single twelvemonth, one of his [Lord Cardigan's] captains was cashiered for writing him a challenge; he sent a coarse and insulting verbal message to another, and then punished him with prolonged arrest, because he respectfully refused to shake hands with the officer who had been employed to convey the affront; he fought a duel with a lieutenant who had left the corps, and shot him through the body; and he flogged a soldier on Sunday, between the Services, on the very spot where, half an hour before, the man's comrades had been mustered for public worship."—Sir G. Trevelyan, Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, chap. viii.
Footnote 14: In February he had been acquitted on technical grounds by the House of Lords of shooting a Captain Harvey Garnett Phipps Tuckett. He had accused Tuckett of being the author of letters which had appeared in the papers reflecting on his character; a duel on Wimbledon Common followed, and Tuckett was wounded. The evidence, consisting in part of a visiting card, showed that a Captain Harvey Tuckett had been wounded, which was held to be insufficient evidence of identity.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
25th April 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is most anxious upon all subjects to be put in possession of Your Majesty's full and entire opinions. It is true that this question may materially affect the discipline of the Army, by subjecting the interior management of regiments to be brought continually under the inspection and control of the House of Commons upon complaints of officers against their superiors, or even of private men against the officers.
The danger of the whole of Lord Cardigan's proceedings has been lest a precedent of this nature should arise out of them. The question is whether it is not more prudent to prevent a question being brought forward in the House of Commons, than to wait for it with the certainty of being obliged to yield to it or of being overpowered by it. But of course this cannot be done unless it is consistent with justice and with the usage and prestige of the Service.
Lord Melbourne has desired the Cabinet Ministers to assemble here to-day at four o'clock, in order to consider the subject. Lord Melbourne has seen Lord Hill again this morning, and Lord Hill has seen and consulted the Duke of Wellington, who has stated his opinion very fully.
The opinion of the Duke is that the Punishment on Sunday was a great impropriety and indiscretion upon the part of Lord Cardigan, but not a Military offence, nor a breach of the Mutiny Act or of the Articles of War; that it called for the censure of the Commander-in-Chief, which censure was pronounced by the General Order upon which the Duke was consulted before it was issued, and that according to the usage of the Service no further step can be taken by the Military Authorities. This opinion Lord Melbourne will submit to-day to the Cabinet Ministers.
Lord Melbourne perceives that he has unintentionally written upon two sheets of paper, which he hopes will cause your Majesty no inconvenience.
Lord Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
THE NOTTINGHAM ELECTION
South Street, 28th April 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has himself seen the result of the election at Nottingham15 without the least surprise, from his knowledge of the place and his observation of the circumstances of the contest. What John Russell reported to your Majesty was the opinion of those who act for us in that place, but as soon as Lord Melbourne saw that there was a disposition upon the part of the violent party, Radicals, Chartists, and what not, to support the Tory candidate, he knew that the contest was formidable and dubious. The Tory party is very strong, naturally, at Nottingham, and if it received any accession of strength, was almost certain to prevail. This combination, or rather this accession of one party to the Tories, which has taken place at Nottingham, is very likely, and in Lord Melbourne's opinion almost certain, to take place in many other parts of the country in the case of a general election, and forms very serious matter for consideration as to the prudence of taking such a step as a dissolution of the Parliament.
Lord Melbourne will wait upon your Majesty after the Levée. It signifies not how late, as there is no House of Lords.
Footnote 15: Where Mr Walter, a Tory, was elected with a majority of 238.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE BUDGET
Wilton Crescent, 1st May 1841.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Mr Baring yesterday brought forward the Budget in a remarkably clear and forcible speech.
The changes in the duties on Sugar and Timber,16 and the announcement made by Lord John Russell of a proposal for a fixed duty on Corn, seemed to surprise and irritate the Opposition.
Sir Robert Peel refused to give any opinion on these propositions, and satisfied himself with attacking the Government on the state of the finances.
The supporters of the Government were greatly pleased with Mr Baring's plan, and loud in their cheers.
It is the general opinion that Lord Stanley will not proceed with his Bill,17 and there seems little doubt of this fact.
But the two parties are now evenly balanced, and the absence or defection of some two or three of the Ministerial party may at any time leave the Government in a minority.
Footnote 16: The proposals were to increase the duty on colonial timber from 10s. to 20s. a load, reducing it on foreign timber from 55s. to 50s., to leave the duty on colonial sugar unloaded at 24s. a cwt., reducing that on foreign sugar from 63s. to 36s. a cwt.
Footnote 17: On Irish Registration.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
3rd May 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We decided at the Cabinet on Friday that we could not sanction the agreement which Captain Elliot has probably by this time concluded with the Government of China, but that it would be necessary to demand a larger amount of indemnity for the past injury, and also a more complete security for our trade in future. For this purpose it was determined to send out instructions, in case the armament should not have left the Chinese coasts and have been dispersed, to reoccupy the Island of Chusan,18 a measure which appears to have had a great effect upon the minds of the Chinese Government. It was also determined to recall Captain Elliot, and to send out as soon as possible another officer with full instructions from hence as to the views and intentions of your Majesty's Government. Sir Henry Pottinger,19 an officer in the East India Company's Service, much distinguished in the recent operations in Afghanistan, is designated with your Majesty's approbation for this service, which he has signified his willingness to undertake. It was also thought that it would be proper to entrust Lord Auckland20 with general discretionary powers as to the further conduct of the expedition. These determinations Lord Melbourne hopes that your Majesty will approve.
Lord John Russell informed Lord Melbourne yesterday that he knew that it was not the intention of the Opposition to press Lord Stanley's Bill; but it is not to be expected in the present position of affairs that they will not determine upon taking some decisive and united measure in advance.
In the present state of public measures and of public feeling, when debate may arise at any moment, it would not be fitting for Lord Melbourne to absent himself on any sitting day from the House of Lords. But unless there should be anything so urgent as to prevent him, he will come down after the House on Tuesday evening and stay until Thursday morning.
Fanny is highly delighted and immeasurably grateful for your Majesty's offer of the Lodge in Richmond Park, and most desirous to avail herself of your Majesty's kindness, and so is Jocelyn. Lord Melbourne has little doubt that they will thankfully accept it.21
Footnote 18: The Island of Chusan, off the coast of China, had been occupied in July 1840 as a base of operations, but evacuated by Elliot in 1841. It was retaken in September 1841, after Elliot's recall, by Sir Henry Pottinger.
Footnote 19: He had served in the Mahratta War, and been political agent in Scinde.
Footnote 20: Governor-General of India.
Footnote 21: Lady Fanny Cowper, Lord Melbourne's niece, was married to Lord Jocelyn on 27th April.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
CHRISTENING OF COMTE DE PARIS
Paris, 3rd May 1841.
My beloved Victoria,—As you know surely already, the day of yesterday went off very well. The christening22 was very splendid, the weather beautiful, and everything extremely well managed.... The arrival at Notre-Dame, and the coup d'œil of the old church, all hung interiorly with crimson velvet draperies and trophies of flags, was very splendid. There was in the church three rows de tribunes all full of well-dressed people. Les grands corps de l'État étaient rangés de chaque côté et dans le chœur; l'Autel était placé au centre de l'église. Les cardinaux et tout le clergé étaient alentour. When my father arrived, the Archbishop of Paris received him at the door of the church, and we all walked in state. My father ouvrait la marche with the Queen. Prie-dieu and chairs were disposed for us en demi-cercle before the altar, or rather before the baptismal font, which was placed in front of it, in the very middle of the Church. My father and mother stood in the centre of the row near each other. Your uncle, Chartres, and all the Princes followed on the side of my father, and the princesses on the side of my mother. Paris remained with Hélène till the moment of the christening. When the ceremony began he advanced near the font with my father and mother (sponsors), and was taken up in the arms of his nurse. After the christening a Mass and Te Deum were read, and when we came back to the Tuileries the corps municipal brought the sword which the City of Paris has given to the Comte de Paris....
Footnote 22: Of the Comte de Paris, at this time nearly three years old, son of the Duc d'Orléans.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE SUGAR DUTIES
Wilton Crescent, 4th May 1841.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Lord Stanley yesterday postponed his Bill for a fortnight, which at this period of the year is equivalent to its abandonment.
On the other hand, Lord Sandon gave a notice for Friday for a Resolution on Sugar Duties.
If, as is probable, this Motion is made as a party movement, it is probable that, with the addition of those on the Ministerial side who have an interest in the West Indies, the Motion will be successful.
The whole scheme of finance for the year will thus be overturned.
The Tory party seem to expect a dissolution of Parliament, but your Majesty's advisers will hardly be able to recommend to your Majesty such a step.
The cry against the Poor Law is sure to be taken up by the worst politicians of the Tory party, and, as at Nottingham, may be successful against that most useful law.
The friends of Government who represent counties will be taunted with the proposal to alter the Corn Law.
Bribery is sure to be resorted to beyond anything yet seen.
A defeat of the Ministry on a dissolution would be final and irreparable.
On the other hand, their successors in the Government would have to provide for the excess in the expenditure pledged against the best measures that could be resorted to for the purpose. It would be a difficulty of their own seeking, and their want of candour and justice to their opponents would be the cause of their own embarrassments.
The moment is a very important one, and the consequences of the vote of Friday, or probably Monday, cannot fail to be serious.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
A MINISTERIAL CRISIS
"The Ministry in jeopardy." (Heading in the Prince Albert's hand.)
Windsor Castle, 4th May 1841.
Lord Melbourne came down from town after the House of Lords. I went with him to his room for an hour after the Queen had retired. He said the main struggle would take place on the Sugar Duties on Friday. His impression was that the Government would be beat, and he must then decide whether to go out or dissolve. He leaned to the former. I said, "I trusted he would not dissolve unless he thought there was some prospect of increasing his strength, and begged him to remember what was done would not be considered the act of the Government but that of himself and the Queen, and that he individually would be held as the responsible person."
He said he had not written to the Queen to prepare H.M. for coming events and the course that it would be incumbent upon her to take, for he felt it extremely difficult and delicate, especially as to the use she should make of the Prince, and of her mode of communication when she required it with Lord Melbourne. He thought she ought never to ask his advice direct, but if she required his opinion there would be no objection to her obtaining it through the Prince.
He said H.M. had relied so implicitly upon him upon all affairs, that he felt that she required in this emergency advice upon almost every subject. That he would tell H.M. that she must carefully abstain from playing the same part she did, again, on Sir R. Peel's attempt to form a Ministry, for that nothing but the forbearance of the Tories had enabled himself and his colleagues to support H.M. at that time. He feared Peel's doggedness and pertinacity might make him insist, as a point of honour, on having all discretion granted to him in regard to the removal of Ladies. I told him of the Prince's suggestion that before the Queen saw Sir R. Peel some negotiation might be entered into with Sir Robert, so that the subject might be avoided by mutual consent, the terms of which might be that Sir Robert should give up his demand to extort the principle. The Queen, on the other hand, should require the resignation of those Ladies objected to by Sir Robert. Lord Melbourne said, however, that the Prince must not have personal communication with Sir Robert on this subject, but he thought that I might through the medium of a common friend.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
LORD MELBOURNE'S ADVICE
Windsor Castle, 5th May 1841.
Saw Lord Melbourne after his interview this morning with the Queen. He says Her Majesty was perfectly calm and reasonable, and seemed quite prepared for the resignation of the Government. He said she was prepared to give way upon the Ladies if required, but much wished that that point might be previously settled by negotiation with Sir R. Peel, to avoid any discussion or difference. Lord Melbourne thinks I might do this. He would also like Peel to be cautioned not to press Her Majesty to decide hastily, but to give Her Majesty time, and that he should feel that if he acted fairly he would be met in the same spirit by the Queen.
With regard to future communication with Lord Melbourne, the Queen said she did not mean that a change should exclude her from Lord Melbourne's society, and when Lord Melbourne said that in society Her Majesty could not procure Lord Melbourne's opinion upon any subject, and suggested that that should be obtained through the Prince, Her Majesty said that that could pass in writing under cover to me, but that she must communicate direct.
The Queen, he says, leans to sending for the Duke of Wellington. Lord Melbourne advised that Her Majesty should make up her mind at once to send for Sir Robert. He told me that it would not be without precedent to send for both at once; this it appears to me would obviate every objection. The Queen, he thinks, has a perfect right to exercise her judgment upon the selection of all persons recommended to Her Majesty for Household appointments, both as to liking, but chiefly as to their character and as to the character of the husband or wife of the person selected. He would advise the Queen to adopt the course which King William did with Lord Melbourne in 1835, viz. desiring Lord Melbourne, before His Majesty approved of any appointments, to send a list of those proposed even to the members of every Board, and the King having them all before him expressed his objections to certain persons, which Lord Melbourne yielded to.
Told Lord Melbourne that the Prince wished him to impress upon the Queen's mind not to act upon the approaching crisis without the Prince, because she would not be able to go through difficulties by herself, and the Prince would not be able to help her when he was ignorant of the considerations which had influenced her actions. He would wish Lord Melbourne when with the Queen to call in the Prince, in order that they might both be set right upon Lord Melbourne's opinions, that he might express in the presence of each other his views, in order that he should not convey different impressions by speaking to them separately, so that they might act in concert.
The Prince says the Queen always sees what is right at a glance, but if her feelings run contrary she avoids the Prince's arguments, which she feels sure agree with her own, and seeks arguments to support her wishes against her convictions from other people.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
DISSOLUTION OR RESIGNATION
South Street, 7th May 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and laments much the prospect that lies before us, more especially as it is so repugnant to your Majesty's feelings. Your Majesty has often observed that these events must come in the course of affairs at some moment or another, but Lord Melbourne knows not whether it is much consolation to reflect that what is very disagreeable is also natural and unavoidable. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty will consider the situation calmly and impartially, will do that which shall appear the best for your own interests and those of the country, which are identical.
Everything shall be done that can be; the questions which may arise shall be considered well, and upon as full information as can be obtained. But Lord Melbourne has little to add to what he wrote to your Majesty yesterday. So many interests are affected by this Sugar question, the West Indian, the East Indian, the opponents of Slavery and others, that no small number of our supporters will be induced either to stay away or to vote against us, and this must place us in a minority upon the main points of our Budget. In this we can hardly acquiesce, nor can we adopt a different policy and propose other taxes, when in our opinion the necessary revenue can be raised without imposing them. This state of things imposes upon us the alternative of dissolution or of resignation, and to try the former without succeeding in it would be to place both your Majesty and ourselves in a worse situation than that in which we are at present.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 8th May 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We have been considering this question of dissolution at the Cabinet, and we have had before us a general statement of the public returns for England and Wales. It is not very favourable, but Lord Melbourne fears that it is more favourable than the reality would prove. The Chancellor,23 Palmerston, and Hobhouse are strongly for dissolution, but the opinion of the majority is the other way, and in that opinion Lord Melbourne is strongly inclined to agree.
Lord Melbourne will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty to-morrow at three.
Footnote 23: The Earl of Cottenham.
H.M. Queen Victoria, 1841.
From the drawing by E. F. T., after H. E. Dawe, at Buckingham Palace
To face p. 272, Vol. I
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
SIR ROBERT PEEL
Notes upon an Interview with Sir Robert Peel (No. 1).24
9th May 1841.
Told Sir Robert that I had wished to have sought him through the medium of a common friend, which would have given him a greater confidence than I had now a right to expect at his hands, but I felt upon so delicate a mission it was safer, and would be more in accordance with his wishes, to come direct.
That the Prince had sent me to him, with the object of removing difficulties upon his coming into office.
That Her Majesty was anxious that the question of the removal of the Ladies of the Bedchamber should not be revived, and would wish that in any personal communication with Sir Robert this question might be avoided.
That it might be arranged that if Sir Robert would not insist upon carrying out his principle, Her Majesty might procure the resignation of any Ladies whom Sir Robert might object to; that I thought there might be a disposition to yield to the removal of the Mistress of the Robes, Lady Normanby, and the Duchess of Bedford, as being connected with leading political persons in Government.
Endeavoured to impress upon Sir Robert that if he acts fairly and kindly towards the Queen, he will be met in the same spirit.
Sir Robert said he had considered the probable object of my interview, and thought, from my former position with Lord Melbourne, that Lord Melbourne would be aware of my coming. He must be assured of this before he could speak confidentially to me.
Upon this I admitted that Lord Melbourne had knowledge of my intention, but that I was not authorised to say that he had.
Sir Robert said, "I shall put aside all form, and treat you frankly and confidentially. You may depend upon every word you say being held as sacred. No part, without further permission, shall be mentioned even to the Duke, much less to any of my other colleagues.
"I would waive every pretension to office, I declare to God! sooner than that my acceptance of it should be attended with any personal humiliation to the Queen."
He thought that giving in the names of those Ladies whom he considered obnoxious was an offensive course towards the Queen.
For the sake of office, which he did not covet, he could not concede any constitutional principle, but it was not necessary that that principle should be mooted.
"It would be repulsive to my feelings that Her Majesty should part with any of her Ladies, as the result of a forced stipulation on my part; in a party sense it would doubtless be advantageous to me to say that I had demanded from the Queen, and the Queen had conceded to me the appointments of these three Ladies."
The mode he would like, and which he considered as least objectionable for Her Majesty, was for Her Majesty to say to him, "There is no occasion to revive this constitutional question, as those ladies immediately connected with prominent members of the Administration have sent in their resignation."
The vacancies existing before Sir Robert Peel sees Her Majesty, there is no necessity for discussion.
On the one hand, by this means, there was less appearance of insult to the Queen, and on the other, there was no appearance of concession of principle upon his.
Sir Robert was ready to make any personal sacrifice for Her Majesty's comfort, except that of his honour. "Can the Queen for an instant suppose that I would permit my party to urge me on to insist upon anything incompatible with Her Majesty's dignity, which it would be my great aim and honour to defend?"
[This was his indignant reply to my remark upon the rumours that his party would press him to coerce and subdue Her Majesty.]
Sir Robert thinks it better for the Queen to avoid anything in the shape of a stipulation. He would like what he would have done upon a former occasion (and upon which, on the honour of a gentleman, his views had undergone no change) to be taken as a test of what he would be ready to concede to.
Nothing but misconception, he said, could in his opinion have led to failure before. "Had the Queen told me" (after the question was mooted, which it never need have been) "that those three ladies immediately connected with the Government had tendered their resignation, I should have been perfectly satisfied, and should have consulted the Queen's feelings in replacing them."
Sir Robert said this conversation shall remain sacred, and to all effect, as if it had never happened, until he saw me again to-morrow morning.
There is nothing said, he added, which in any way pledges or compromises the Queen, the Prince, or Lord Melbourne.
Footnote 24: See Parker's Sir Robert Peel, vol. ii. p. 455, et seq., where Peel's memorandum of the interview is set out.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
SIR ROBERT PEEL
Interview with Sir Robert Peel (No. 2).
10th May 1841.
Peel said: "It is essential to my position with the Queen that Her Majesty should understand that I have the feelings of a gentleman, and where my duty does not interfere, I cannot act against her wishes. Her Majesty doubtless knows how pressed I am as the head of a powerful party, but the impression I wish to create in Her Majesty's mind is, that I am bound to defend her against their encroachments."
HOUSEHOLD APPOINTMENTS
In regard to Household appointments the holders of which are not in Parliament, he had not considered the question, but in the meantime he would in no way commit himself to anyone, or to any understanding upon the subject, without previous communication. He had no personal objects to serve, and the Queen's wishes would always be consulted.
He again repeated, that if the Queen's personal feelings would suffer less by forming an Administration to his exclusion, he should not be offended. Private life satisfied him, and he had no ambition beyond it.
Lord Melbourne might rest assured that he fully appreciated his aim, that his only object was to do that which was most for Her Majesty's advantage, and no human being should know that he was privy to this overture. Lord Melbourne might depend upon his honour. If Lord Melbourne was pressed to a dissolution he should still feel the same impression of Lord Melbourne's conduct, that it was honourable and straightforward.
He wished the Prince to send him a list of those Ladies whom it would be agreeable to Her Majesty to have in her Household. Sir Robert must propose it to the Ladies, but will be entirely guided by Her Majesty's wishes. There should be no appearance that Her Majesty has any understanding, as he was bound to his party to make it appear that the appointments emanated from himself.25
Footnote 25: There was a further interview on the following day at which various detailed points were arranged.
Memorandum by the Queen.
11th May 1841.
The Queen considers it her right (and is aware that her predecessors were peculiarly tenacious of this right) to appoint her Household. She, however, gives up the great officers of State and those of her Lords-in-Waiting, Equerries, and Grooms-in-Waiting, who are in Parliament, to the appointment of the Prime Minister, subject to her approval.
The Queen has always appointed her Ladies of the Bedchamber herself, but has generally mentioned their names to the Prime Minister before appointing them, in order to leave him room for objection in case he should deem their appointment injurious to his Government, when the Queen would probably not appoint the Lady.
The Maids of Honour and Women of the Bedchamber are of course not included amongst those who are mentioned to the Prime Minister before their appointment, but are at once appointed by the Queen.
Extract from the Queen's Journal.
PRESSURE OF BUSINESS
Wednesday, 12th May 1841.
"At seven minutes to five Lord Melbourne came to me and stayed till half-past five. He gave me the copies of Anson's conversations with Peel. Lord Melbourne then gave me a letter from the Chancellor to read, strongly advocating a dissolution, and wishing that there should be a division also on Lord John Russell's amendment.26
"Lord Melbourne left the letter with me. The first part of the letter, relative to Lord John's amendment, we think good, but the other part we can't quite agree in. 'There is to be a Cabinet to-morrow to consider what is to be done,' said Lord Melbourne, 'for the Chancellor's opinion must be considered. There is a preferment amongst our people for dissolution,' Lord M. added. The feeling in the country good. I asked Lord M., 'Must they resign directly, the next day, after the division (if they intended resigning)?' 'Why,' he said, 'it was awkward not to do so if Parliament was sitting; if the division were only to take place on Friday, then they needn't announce it till Monday,' which we hope will be the case, as we agreed it wouldn't do for me to have a ball the day Lord M. had resigned, and before I had sent for anybody else, and therefore I hoped that it could be managed that the division did not take place till Friday. Lord M. said that in case they resigned, he wished Vernon Smith27 to be made a Privy Councillor; the only addition to the Peers he mentioned the other day he wished to make is Surrey;28 we agreed that too many Peers was always a bad thing."
Footnote 26: To Lord Sandon's resolution on the Sugar Duties.
Footnote 27: Robert Vernon Smith (1800-1873), Under-Secretary for War and the Colonies, afterwards Lord Lyveden.
Footnote 28: The Earl of Surrey (1791-1856) was now M.P. for West Sussex, and Treasurer of the Household, and was afterwards thirteenth Duke of Norfolk.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
11th May 1841.
... I am sure you will forgive my writing a very short letter to-day, but I am so harassed and occupied with business that I cannot find time to write letters. You will, I am sure, feel for me; the probability of parting from so kind and excellent a being as Lord Melbourne as a Minister (for a friend he will always remain) is very, very painful, even if one feels it will not probably be for long; to take it philosophically is my great wish, and quietly I certainly shall, but one cannot help feelings of affection and gratitude. Albert is the greatest possible comfort to me in every way, and my position is much more independent than it was before.
I am glad you see the French feeling in the right light. I rejoice that the christening, etc., went off so well. Believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Extract from the Queen's Journal.
QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION
Thursday, 13th May 1841.
"Saw Lord Melbourne at a little past four.
"... 'We have had a Cabinet,' Lord Melbourne said, 'and we have been considering the question of dissolution and what is the best course to be pursued; if we were to dissolve, John Russell,' he said, 'would pursue quite a different course; he would then announce the Sugar Duties at once. I (Lord Melbourne) said, that I had been considering well the whole question, and the Chancellor's letter, but that altogether I did not think it advisable to have recourse to a dissolution—and I think the greater part lean towards that opinion; but there are a few who are very much for a dissolution—the Chancellor and Hobhouse very much so, and Palmerston. They have, however, not quite finally decided the matter. I understand the debate will certainly go over to-night,' he said, 'and that they would have time on Saturday and Sunday to consider about Lord John's amendment.'"
Extract from the Queen's Journal.
Saturday, 15th May 1841.
"Lord Melbourne came to me at twenty minutes past one, and we talked about this question of dissolution. 'We shall have a long debate upon it this morning at the Cabinet,' Lord Melbourne said. 'The worst thing is, that if we carry the Sugar Duties, we must dissolve. If we were to dissolve,' he continued, 'and were to have the parties equal as they are now, it would be very bad; if we were to have a majority, it would be a great thing; but if we were to have a minority it would be still worse.... We know that Charles I. and Charles II., and even Cromwell, appealed to the country, and had a Parliament returned into their very teeth' (so strong an Opposition), 'and that produced deposition, and convulsion, and bloodshed and death; but since then the Crown has always had a majority returned in favour of it. Even Queen Anne,' he continued, 'who removed Marlborough in the midst of his most glorious victories and dissolved Parliament, had an immense majority, though her measures were miserable; William IV.,' he said, 'even though he had a majority against him which prevented him from keeping his Ministers, had a much stronger feeling for him in that Parliament, than he ever had before. But I am afraid,' he added, 'that for the first time the Crown would have an Opposition returned smack against it; and that would be an affront to which I am very unwilling to expose the Crown.' This is very true."
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
KING LEOPOLD'S SYMPATHY
Tuileries, 14th May 1841.
My dearest Victoria,—I am deeply grateful for your kind letter, which reached me this morning. Letters from hence ought not to be longer on their way than, at the longest, forty hours; forty-eight is the maximum. I fear that they are delayed at the Foreign Office; here it cannot be, as for instance these lines go this evening.
I can easily understand that the present crisis must have something very painful for you, and you will do well for your health and comfort to try to take it as philosophically as possible; it is a part of the Constitutional system which is for the Sovereign very hard to get over.
Nous savons tous des paroles sur cet air, as the French say. I was convinced that Lord Melbourne's right and good feeling would make him pause before he proposed to you a dissolution. A general election in England, when great passions must be roused or created to render it efficacious for one party or another, is a dangerous experiment, always calculated to shake the foundations on which have hitherto reposed the great elements of the political power of the country. Albert will be a great comfort to you, and to hear it from yourself has given me the sincerest delight. His judgment is good, and he is mild and safe in his opinions; they deserve your serious attention; young as he is, I have really often been quite surprised how quick and correct his judgment is....
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
TORY DISSENSIONS
Wilton Crescent, 16th May 1841.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the general effect of last week's debate29 has been greatly in favour of the measures of your Majesty's Ministers.
The speeches of Mr Labouchere, Sir George Grey, and Lord Howick, with the powerful argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Friday night, have not been met by any corresponding ability on the other side.
In fact the Opposition seem to have concealed their own views of policy, and to have imagined that the Anti-Slavery feeling would carry them through successfully. But this expectation has been entirely disappointed; debate has unmasked the hollow pretence of humanity, and the meetings at Exeter Hall and in the country have completely counteracted the impressions which Dr Lushington's speech30 had produced.
Lancashire, Cheshire, and the West Riding of Yorkshire have been roused to strong excitement by the prospect of a reduction of the duty on corn. Several of the large towns have expressed their opinions without distinction of party.
These symptoms are said to have created some dissensions among the opponents of your Majesty's present Government.
Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and nearly all the eminent leaders of the party, profess their adherence to the principles of Mr Huskisson.31 On the other hand, the Duke of Buckingham,32 with many Lords and Commoners, is opposed to any relaxation of the present Corn Laws. This difference must ultimately produce serious consequences, and it is possible they may break out before the present debate is ended.
One consequence of the propositions of the Ministry is the weakening of the power of the Chartists, who have relied on the misrepresentation that neither Whigs nor Tories would ever do anything for the improvement of the condition of the working classes.
All these circumstances have a bearing on the question of a dissolution of Parliament, and are to be weighed against the risks and inconveniences of so bold a measure.
Footnote 29: On Lord Sandon's resolution.
Footnote 30: Against the Budget, on the ground that it tended to encourage slavery.
Footnote 31: Which were opposed to Protection and the Navigation Laws.
Footnote 32: Richard Plantagenet (1797-1861), second Duke of the 1822 creation, M.P. for Bucks 1818-1839, and author of the "Chandos clause," became Lord Privy Seal this year, but resigned shortly after. He dissipated his property, and had to sell the contents of Stowe.
Extract from the Queen's Journal.
THE QUEEN'S JOURNAL
Monday, 17th May 1841.
"Lord Melbourne came to me at twenty minutes to three. There were no new news. He gave me a letter from the Duke of Roxburgh,33 saying he could not support Government on the Corn Laws, and writing an unnecessarily cold letter. Lord Melbourne fears this would lose Roxburgh in case of an election. A great many of the friends of the Government, however, are against any alteration in the Corn Laws. Talked of the excellent accounts from the country with which the papers are full, and I said I couldn't help thinking the Government would gain by a dissolution, and the feeling in the country so strong, and daily increasing. They would lose the counties, Lord Melbourne thinks, and the question is whether their successes in the manufacturing towns would be sufficient to counterbalance that. The debate may last longer, Lord Melbourne says, as J. Russell says he will continue it as long as their friends wish it. Many of their friends would be very angry if we did not dissolve, Lord Melbourne says. 'I say always,' said Lord Melbourne, 'that your Majesty will be in such a much worse position' (if a majority should be returned against us), 'but they say not, for that the others would dissolve.' I said that if that was so we must dissolve, for then that it would come to just the same thing, and that that changed my opinion very much. 'You would like us then to make the attempt?' Lord Melbourne asked. I said 'Almost.' I asked if he really thought they would dissolve. 'I've great reason to believe they would,' he replied. 'Hardinge34 told Vivian35 "we shall prevent your dissolving, but we shall dissolve."' ... I asked did Lord Melbourne think they (the Conservatives) would remain in long, and Melbourne said: 'One can't tell beforehand what may happen, but you would find their divisions and dissensions amongst themselves sufficient to prevent their staying in long.' ...
"Saw Lord John Russell, who didn't feel certain if the debate would end to-night. Talked of the very good feeling in the country. He said he understood Sir Edward Knatchbull36 was exceedingly displeased at what Peel had said concerning Free Trade, and said in that case Peel would be as bad as the present Government. He thinks the Tories, if in power, might try and collect the Sugar duties without Law, which would do them a great deal of harm and be exceedingly unpopular. He does not think the Tories intend certainly to dissolve. He thinks they would not dissolve now, and that they would hereafter get so entangled by their own dissensions, as to render it unfavourable to them."
Footnote 33: James, sixth Duke. The Duchess was afterwards a Lady of the Bedchamber.
Footnote 34: Sir Henry Hardinge (1785-1856) had been Secretary at War, and Chief Secretary for Ireland, under former Tory Governments.
Footnote 35: Master-General of the Ordnance.
Footnote 36: M.P. for East Kent. He became Paymaster-General in Peel's Cabinet.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
18th May 1841.
... I was sure you would feel for me. Since last Monday, the 10th, we have lived in the daily expectation of a final event taking place, and the debate still continues, and it is not certain whether it will even finish to-night, this being the eighth night, it having begun on Friday the 7th, two Saturdays and two Sundays having intervened! Our plans are so unsettled that I can tell you nothing, only that you may depend upon it nothing will be done without having been duly, properly, and maturely weighed. Lord Melbourne's conduct is as usual perfect; fair, calm, and totally disinterested, and I am certain that in whatever position he is you will treat him just as you have always done.
My dearest Angel is indeed a great comfort to me. He takes the greatest interest in what goes on, feeling with and for me, and yet abstaining as he ought from biassing me either way, though we talk much on the subject, and his judgment is, as you say, good and mild....
P.S.—Pray let me hear soon when you come. You, I know, like me to tell you what I hear, and for me to be frank with you. I therefore tell you that it is believed by some people here, and even by some in the Government, that you wish my Government to be out. Now, I never for an instant can believe such an assertion, as I know your liberal feelings, and your interest in my welfare and in that of the country too well to think you could wish for such a thing, and I immediately said I was sure this was not so; but I think you would do well to say to Seymour something which might imply interest in my present Government.
I know you will understand my anxiety on your account, lest such a mischievous report should be believed. It comes, you see, from the idea that your feelings are very French.
Extract from the Queen's Journal.
THE CORN LAWS
Tuesday, 18th May 1841.
"Saw Lord Melbourne.37 He said Lord John Russell had been to see him, and, 'He now wishes us not to resign, but to give notice immediately of a Motion on the Corn Laws. This, he thinks, will make the others propose a vote of confidence, or make them oppose the Sugar Duties, which, he thinks, will be better for us to resign upon, and when it would be clear to our people that we couldn't dissolve. Everybody says it would be a very bad thing for us to resign now, upon such a question as this, and we must consider the party a little.' I said, of course, this would be agreeable to me as it gave us another chance. I said it would be awkward if they resigned Thursday, on account of the Birthday. Lord Melbourne said I could wait a day and only send for Peel on Saturday, that that wouldn't signify to Peel, as he could come down to Claremont.... I asked, in case they meant to bring on this Corn Law question, when would they do so. 'Perhaps about the 30th,' Lord Melbourne said. It would be a more dangerous question, but it would make them (the Tories) show their colours, which is a great advantage. He said they prevented Sir Edward Knatchbull from speaking last night."
Footnote 37: After eight days' discussions of Lord Sandon's Motion, the Ministers were defeated by 317 to 281.
RESIGNATION POSTPONED
Wednesday, 19th May.
"At twenty minutes to one came Lord Melbourne.... I returned him Lord John Russell's letter, and talked of it, and of John Russell's saying the division and Peel's speech made it absolutely necessary to decide to-day whether to resign or dissolve. I asked what Peel had said in his speech about the Corn Laws. 'I'll tell you, Ma'am, what he said,' Lord Melbourne replied, 'that he was for a sliding duty and not for a fixed duty; but he did not pledge himself as to what rate of duty it should be. I must say,' Lord Melbourne continued, 'I am still against dissolution. I don't think our chances of success are sufficient.' I replied that I couldn't quite believe that, but that I might be wrong. Lord John is for dissolving. 'You wish it?' I said I always did. Talked of the feeling in the City and in the country being so good. Lord Melbourne don't think so much of the feeling in the country. Talked of the majority of thirty-six having not been more than they expected.... Lord Melbourne said people thought the debate was lengthened to please me. I said not at all, but that it was more convenient for me. Anyhow I need do nothing till Saturday. The House of Commons was adjourned to the next day, and the House of Lords to Monday. 'Mr Baring says,' he said, 'if there was only a majority one way or another, it would be better than this state of complete equality.'
"At twenty minutes past four Lord Melbourne returned. 'Well, Ma'am,' he said, 'we've considered this question, and both the sides of it well, and at last we voted upon it; and there were—the Lord Chancellor for dissolution, Lord Minto38 for it, Lord Normanby against it, but greatly modified; Lord John for, Lord Palmerston for, Lord Clarendon for, Lord Morpeth for, Lord Lansdowne for, Labouchere for, Hobhouse for, Duncannon39 for, Baring for, Macaulay for; and under those circumstances of course I felt I could not but go with them.40 Lord Melbourne was much affected in saying all this. 'So we shall go on, bring on the Sugar Duties, and then, if things are in a pretty good state, dissolve. I hope you approve?' I said I did highly ... and that I felt so happy to keep him longer. 'You are aware we may have a majority against us?' he said; he means in our election. The Sugar Duties would probably take a fortnight or three weeks to pass, and they would dissolve in June and meet again in October. He thought they must."
Footnote 38: Lord Minto was First Lord of the Admiralty.
Footnote 39: Then First Commissioner of Land Revenue.
Footnote 40: See Sir John Hobhouse's account of this Cabinet meeting, Edinburgh Review, vol. 133, p. 336.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN AND THE CHURCH
21st May 1841.
Lord Melbourne thinks that what your Majesty proposes to say will do very well, but it is thought best to say "Church as Reformed" at the Reformation.
If your Majesty could say this, it would be well:
"I am very grateful for your congratulations on the return of this day. I am happy to take this opportunity of again expressing to you my firm determination to maintain the Church of England as settled at the Reformation, and my firm belief in her Articles and Creeds, as hitherto understood and interpreted by her soundest divines."
Nothing could go off better than the dinner. Everybody was much pleased with the Prince.
Lord Melbourne is not conscious of having slept.41
Footnote 41: It seems that some one had told the Queen that Lord Melbourne had fallen asleep at dinner.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
FEELING IN FRANCE
Brussels, 20th May 1841.
My dearest Victoria,—I receive this very moment your dear letter of the 18th, and without loss of time I begin my answer here, though the messenger can only go to-morrow. I cannot sufficiently express to you my gratitude for the frankness with which you have written to me—and let me entreat you, whenever you have anything sur le cœur, to do the same. I shall begin with your postscript concerning the idea that I wished your present Ministers to retire, because they had become disagreeable to France. The people who avancent quelque chose de la sorte probably have some ill-natured motive which it is not always easy to guess; perhaps in the present instance does it mean, let us say, that? whatever opinion he may then express we can easily counteract it, representing it as the result of strong partiality to France. Let us therefore examine what France has to gain in a change of Administration. Certainly your present Ministers are not much loved now in France, not so much in consequence of the political events of last year themselves, than for the manner in which they came to pass. Nevertheless, when I was at Paris, King and Council were decided to sign the treaty with the four other Powers, which would put an end to the isolement, though many people are stoutly for the isolement. There end the relations which will exist for some time between the two countries—they will be on decent terms; that is all I wish for the present, and it is matter of moonshine who your Ministers are. No doubt, formerly there existed such a predilection in favour of Lord Grey's42 Administration and those who continued it, that the coming in of the Tories would have been considered as a great public calamity; but even now, though this affection is gone, the Tories will also be looked on with some suspicion. Lord Melbourne's Administration has had the great merit of being liberal, and at the same time prudent, conservative in the good sense of the word, preserving what was good. Monarchy, by an adherence to this system, was very safe, and the popular liberal cry needless.
Footnote 42: 1830-1834.
KING LEOPOLD'S ADVICE
(Continued at) Laeken, 21st May.
I regret that the Corn question was brought forward somewhat abruptly;43 it is a dangerous one, as it roused the most numerous and poorest classes of society, and may easily degenerate into bloodshed. The dissolution under such circumstances would become still more a source of agitation, as it generally always is in England. Lord Melbourne, I am sure, will think so too.
I am delighted by what you say of Albert; it is just the proper line for him to take, without biassing you either way, to show you honestly the consequences which in his opinion the one or the other may have. As he has really a very clear and logical judgment, his opinion will be valuable for you. I feel very much for you, and these Ministerial complications are of a most painful and perplexing nature, though less in England than on the Continent, as the thing is at least better understood. To amuse you a little, and to prove to you how impartial I must be to be in this way accused by both parties, I must tell you that it is said in France that, conjointly with Lord Melbourne, we artfully ruined the Thiers Administration,44 to the great detriment of the honour and welfare of France. But what is still stranger is, that the younger branches of the family, seeing that my arrival at Paris was delayed from time to time, became convinced that I would not come at all, and that my intention was to cut them completely, not to compromettre myself with England! Truly people are strange, and the unnecessary suspicions and stories which they love to have, and to tell, a great bore....
Pray have the goodness of giving my kindest regards to Lord Melbourne. I will love him very tenderly in and out of office, as I am really attached to him. Now last, though first, I offer my sincerest wishes on the happy return of your birthday; may every blessing be always bestowed on your beloved head. You possess much, let your warm and honest heart appreciate that. Let me also express the hope that you always will maintain your dear character true and good as it is, and let us also humbly express the hope that our warmth of feeling, a valuable gift, will not be permitted to grow occasionally a little violent, and particularly not against your uncle. You may pull Albertus by the ear, when so inclined, but be never irritated against your uncle. But I have not to complain when other people do not instigate such things; you have always been kind and affectionate, and when you look at my deeds for you, and on behalf of you, these twenty-two years, I think you will not have many hardships to recollect. I am happy to hear of my god-daughter's teeth, and that she is so well. May God keep the whole dear little family well and happy for ever. My dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 43: The Ministerial proposal of a fixed duty instead of a sliding scale.
Footnote 44: The Thiers Government had resigned in the preceding October, owing to the King objecting to the warlike speech which they wished him to pronounce to the Chambers. The Soult-Guizot Cabinet was accordingly formed.
Memorandum of Mr Anson's last secret interview with Sir R. Peel. (No. 4.)
SIR ROBERT PEEL
Sunday, 23rd May 1841.
Called upon Sir Robert Peel this morning. I said I could not feel satisfied without seeing him after the very unexpected course which political affairs had taken. I wished to know that he felt assured, though I trusted there could be no doubt upon his mind, that there had been perfect honesty of purpose on my part towards him, and more especially upon the part of those with whose knowledge I had been acting. I assured Sir Robert that H.M. had acted in the most perfect fairness towards him, and I was most anxious that there should be no erroneous impression upon his mind as to the conduct of either H.M. or the Prince.
I said (quoting the Prince's expression), "that the Queen has a natural modesty upon her constitutional views, and when she receives an advice from men like the Lord Chancellor, Lord John Russell, Mr Baring, Mr Labouchere, and Lord Clarendon, and knows that they have been weighing the question through so many days, she concludes that her judgment cannot be better than theirs, and that she would do wrong to reject their advice."
The Prince, I said, however strongly impressed for or against a question, thinks it wrong and impolitic, considering his age and inexperience and his novelty to the country, to press upon the Queen views of his own in opposition to those of experienced statesmen. Sir Robert said he could relieve my mind entirely; that he was convinced that all that had taken place had been with the most perfect honesty; that he had no feeling whatever of annoyance, or of having been ill-used; that, on the contrary, he had the feeling, and should always retain it, of the deepest gratitude to the Queen for the condescension which Her Majesty had been pleased to show him, and that it had only increased his devotion to Her Majesty's person. He said that much of the reserve which he had shown in treating with me was not on his own account, but that he felt from his own experience that events were by no means certain, and he most cautiously abstained from permitting her Majesty in any way to commit herself, or to bind herself by any engagement which unforeseen circumstances might render inconvenient. Sir Robert said it was very natural to try and remove obstacles which had before created so much confusion, and he was convinced that they would have been practically removed by what had passed. He said that neither Lord Stanley nor Sir James Graham knew a word of what had passed. That Mr Greville had asked his friend Mr Arbuthnot whether some understanding had not been entered into between Lord Melbourne and him. That Mr Arbuthnot had replied that he was certain that nothing of the sort could have passed,45 as, if it had, Sir Robert Peel would have informed him (Mr Arbuthnot) of the fact. Again, Lady de Grey, the night of the ball at the Palace, came up to him and said the Duke of Bedford had been speaking to her about the resignation of the Duchess of Bedford, and asking her whether she thought it necessary. She volunteered to find out from Sir Robert whether he thought it requisite. She asked the question, which Sir Robert tried to evade, but not being able, he said it struck him that if it was a question of doubt the best means of solving it, was for the Duke of Bedford to ask Lord Melbourne for his opinion.
I added that if the dissolution was a failure, which it was generally apprehended would be the case, I felt convinced that Sir Robert would be dealt with in the most perfect fairness by Her Majesty.
Footnote 45: "After I had been told by the Duke of Bedford that Peel was going to insist on certain terms, which was repeated to me by Clarendon, I went to Arbuthnot, told him Melbourne's impression, and asked him what it all meant. He said it was all false, that he was certain Peel had no such intentions, but, on the contrary, as he had before assured me, was disposed to do everything that would be conciliatory and agreeable to the Queen."—Greville's Journal, 19th May 1841.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
VOTE OF WANT OF CONFIDENCE
South Street, 24th May 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has to acquaint your Majesty that in the House of Commons this evening Sir Robert Peel gave notice that on Thursday next he would move a resolution to the following effect: "That Her Majesty's Ministers not possessing power sufficient to carry into effect the measures which they considered necessary, their retention of office was unconstitutional and contrary to usage."46 These are not the exact words, but they convey the substance. This is a direct vote of want of confidence, and Lord Melbourne would be inclined to doubt whether it will be carried, and if it is, it certainly will not be by so large a majority as the former vote. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the resolution upon the Sugar Duties, Sir Robert Peel seconded the motion, thereby intending to intimate that he did not mean to interfere with the Supplies. This course was determined upon at a meeting held at Sir R. Peel's this morning.
Footnote 46: The closing words of the resolution were as follows: "... That Her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House of Commons to enable them to carry through the House measures which they deem of essential importance to the public welfare, and that their continuance in office under such circumstances is at variance with the spirit of the Constitution."
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
PROSPECT OF DISSOLUTION
Wilton Crescent, 28th May 1841.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that Sir Robert Peel yesterday brought forward his motion in a remarkably calm and temperate speech.
Sir John Hobhouse and Mr Macaulay completely exposed the fallacy of his resolution, and successfully vindicated the government. Lord Worsley47 declared he would oppose the resolution, which declaration excited great anger, and produced much disappointment in the Tory party.
If the debate is carried on till next week, it is probable the Ministers may have a majority of one or two.
The accounts from the country are encouraging.
It does not appear that Sir Robert Peel, even if he carries this motion, intends to obstruct the measures necessary for a dissolution of Parliament.
Footnote 47: M.P. for Lincolnshire, who had voted for Lord Sandon's motion.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
31st May 1841.
... I beg you not to be alarmed about what is to be done; it is not for a Party triumph that Parliament (the longest that has sat for many years) is to be dissolved; it is the fairest and most constitutional mode of proceeding; and you may trust to the moderation and prudence of my whole Government that nothing will be done without due consideration; if the present Government get a majority by the elections they will go on prosperously; if not, the Tories will come in for a short time. The country is quiet and the people very well disposed. I am happy, dearest Uncle, to give you these quieting news, which I assure you are not partial....
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
KING LEOPOLD'S VIEWS
Laeken 31st May 1841.
My dearest Victoria,—Your Mother48 is safely arrived, though she was received close to Ostende by a formidable thunderstorm. I had given directions that everywhere great civilities should be shown her. She stood the fatigues better than I had expected, and is less sleepy than in England. She seems to be pleased with her séjour here, and inclined in fact to remain rather than to go on; but I am sure, when once in Germany she will be both pleased and interested by it. It will amuse you to hear from herself her own impressions.
I cannot help to add a few political lines. I regret much, I must confess, that the idea of a dissolution has gained ground, and I will try to show in a very few words why I am against it.
In politics, a great rule ought to be to rule with the things which one knows already, and not to jump into something entirely new of which no one can do more than guess the consequences. The present Parliament has been elected at a moment most favourable to the present Administration after a most popular accession to the throne, everything new and fresh, and with the natural fondness of the great mass of people, a change is always popular; it was known that you were kindly disposed towards your Ministers, everything was therefore à souhait for the election of a new Parliament. In this respect Ministers have nothing like the favourable circumstances which smiled upon them at the last general election. Feeling this, they raise a cry, which may become popular and embarrass their antagonists about cheap bread! I do not think this is quite befitting their dignity; such things do for revolutionaries like Thiers, or my late Ministers.... If the thing rouses the people it may do serious mischief; if not, it will look awkward for the Ministers themselves. If you do not grant a dissolution to your present Ministers you would have, at the coming in of a new Administration, the right to tell them that they must go on with the present Parliament; and I have no doubt that they could do so. The statistics of the present House of Commons are well known to all the men who sit in it, and to keep it a few years longer would be a real advantage.
You know that I have been rather maltreated by the Tories, formerly to please George IV., and since I left the country, because I served, in their opinion, on the revolutionary side of the question. I must say, however, that for your service as well as for the quiet of the country, it would be good to give them a trial. If they could not remain in office it will make them quieter for some time. If by a dissolution the Conservative interest in the House is too much weakened the permanent interests of the country can but suffer from that. If, on the contrary, the Conservatives come in stronger, your position will not be very agreeable, and it may induce them to be perhaps less moderate than they ought to be. I should be very happy if you would discuss these, my hasty views, with Lord Melbourne. I do not give them for more than what they are, mere practical considerations; but, as far as I can judge of the question, if I was myself concerned I should have no dissolution; if even there was but the very banale consideration, qu'on sait ce qu'on a, mais qu'on ne sait nullement ce qu'on aura. The moment is not without importance, and well worthy your earnest consideration, and I feel convinced that Lord Melbourne will agree with me, that, notwithstanding the great political good sense of the people in England, the machine is so complicated that it should be handled with great care and tenderness.
To conclude, I must add that perhaps a permanent duty on corn may be a desirable thing, but that it ought to be sufficiently high to serve as a real protection. It may besides produce this effect, that as it will be necessary, at least at first, to buy a good deal of the to be imported corn with money, the currency will be seriously affected by it. The countries which would have a chance of selling would be chiefly Poland in all its parts, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, the South of Russia on the Black Sea, and maybe Sicily. Germany does not grow a sufficient quantity of wheat to profit by such an arrangement; it will besides not buy more from England for the present than it does now, owing to the Zollverein,49 which must first be altered. But I will not bore you too long, and conclude with my best love to little Victoria, of whom her Grandmama speaks with raptures. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 48: The Duchess of Kent had left England for a tour on the Continent.
Footnote 49: After the fall of Napoleon, the hopes of many Germans for a united national Germany were frustrated by the Congress of Vienna, which perpetuated the practical independence of a number of German States, as well as the predominance within the Germanic confederation of Austria, a Power largely non-German. One of the chief factors in the subsequent unification of Germany was the Zollverein, or Customs Union, by which North Germany was gradually bound together by commercial interest, and thus opposed to Austria. The success of this method of imperial integration has not been without influence on the policies of other lands.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE OPPOSITION ELATED
Wilton Crescent, 5th June 1841.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the House divided about three this morning.
| For Sir Robert Peel | 312 |
| Against | 311 |
| —– | |
| Majority | 1 |
The Opposition were greatly elated by this triumph. Lord Stanley, and Sir Robert Peel who spoke last in the debate, did not deny that the Crown might exercise the prerogative of dissolution in the present case. But they insisted that no time should be lost in previous debates, especially on such a subject as the Corn Laws.
Lord John Russell spoke after Lord Stanley, and defended the whole policy of the Administration.
After the division he stated that he would on Monday propose the remaining estimates, and announce the course which he meant to pursue respecting the Corn Laws.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
MARRIAGE OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL
6th June 1841.
... Now, many thanks for two letters of the 31st ult. and 4th June. The former I shall not answer at length, as Albert has done so, and I think has given a very fair view of the state of affairs. Let me only repeat to you again that you need not be alarmed, and that I think you will be pleased and beruhigt when you talk to our friend Lord Melbourne on the subject...
I fear you will again see nothing of the Season, as Parliament will probably be dissolved by the 21st....
As to my letters, dear Uncle, I beg to assure you (for Lord Palmerston was most indignant at the doubt when I once asked) that none of our letters nor any of those coming to us, are ever opened at the Foreign Office. My letters to Brussels and Paris are quite safe, and all those to Germany, which are of any real consequence, I always send through Rothschild, which is perfectly safe and very quick.
We are, and so is everybody here, so charmed with Mme. Rachel;50 she is perfect, et puis, such a nice modest girl; she is going to declaim at Windsor Castle on Monday evening.
Now adieu in haste. Believe me, always, your very devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Really Leopold must come, or I shall never forgive you.
Footnote 50: The young French actress, who made her début in England on 4th May as Hermione in Racine's Andromaque. She was received with great enthusiasm.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 8th June 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is quite well, and has nothing particular to relate to your Majesty, at least nothing that presses; except that he is commissioned by Lord John Russell respectfully to acquaint your Majesty that his marriage is settled, and will take place shortly.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
Does Lord Melbourne really mean J. Russell's marriage? and to whom?
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
VISIT TO NUNEHAM
The Lady Fanny Eliot.51 Lord Melbourne did not name her before, nor does not now, because he did not remember her Christian name.
Footnote 51: Daughter of Lord Minto. Lord Melbourne originally wrote The Lady —— Eliot at the head of his letter (spelling the surname wrong, which should be Elliot). The word "Fanny" is written in subsequently to the completion of the letter.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Nuneham,52 15th June 1841.
Affairs go on, and all will take some shape or other, but it keeps one in hot water all the time. In the meantime, however, the people are in the best possible humour, and I never was better received at Ascot, which is a great test, and also along the roads yesterday. This is a most lovely place; pleasure grounds in the style of Claremont, only much larger, and with the river Thames winding along beneath them, and Oxford in the distance; a beautiful flower and kitchen garden, and all kept up in perfect order. I followed Albert here, faithful to my word, and he is gone to Oxford53 for the whole day, to my great grief. And here I am all alone in a strange house, with not even Lehzen as a companion, in Albert's absence, but I thought she and also Lord Gardner,54 and some gentlemen should remain with little Victoria for the first time. But it is rather a trial for me.
I must take leave, and beg you to believe me always, your most devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 52: The house of Edward Vernon Harcourt, Archbishop of York.
Footnote 53: To receive an address at Commemoration.
Footnote 54: Alan Legge, third and last Lord Gardner (1810-1883) was one of the Queen's first Lords-in-Waiting.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
THE PRINCE VISITS OXFORD
South Street, 16th June 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just received your Majesty's letter, and will wait upon your Majesty at half-past five. Lord Melbourne is sorry to hear that your Majesty has been at all indisposed. It will suit him much better to wait upon your Majesty at dinner to-morrow than to-day, as his hand shows some disposition to gather, and it may be well to take care of it.
Lord Melbourne is very glad to learn that everything went off well at Oxford. Lord Melbourne expected that the Duke of Sutherland55 would not entirely escape a little public animadversion. Nothing can be more violent or outrageous than the conduct of the students of both Universities upon such occasions; the worst and lowest mobs of Westminster and London are very superior to them in decency and forbearance.
The Archbishop56 is a very agreeable man; but he is not without cunning, and Lord Melbourne can easily understand his eagerness that the Queen should not prorogue Parliament in person. He knows that it will greatly assist the Tories. It is not true that it is universal for the Sovereign to go down upon such occasions. George III. went himself in 1784; he did not go in 1807, because he had been prevented from doing so by his infirmities for three years before. William IV. went down himself in 1830.57
Lord Melbourne sends a note which he has received from Lord Normanby upon this and another subject.
Footnote 55: Who was, of course, associated with the Whig Ministry.
Footnote 56: Archbishop Vernon Harcourt, of York, the Queen's host.
Footnote 57: The Queen prorogued Parliament in person on 22nd June.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 17th June 1841.
My dearest Uncle,—A few lines I must write to you to express to you my very great delight at the certainty, God willing, of seeing you all three next week, and to express a hope, and a great hope, that you will try and arrive a little earlier on Wednesday.... I must again repeat I am so sorry you should come when Society is dispersed and at sixes and sevens, and in such a state that naturally I cannot at the moment of the elections invite many Tories, as that tells so at the elections. But we shall try and do our best to make it as little dull as we can, and you will kindly take the will for the deed.
We came back from Nuneham yesterday afternoon. Albert came back at half-past five on Tuesday from Oxford, where he had been enthusiastically received, but the students ... had the bad taste to show their party feeling in groans and hisses when the name of a Whig was mentioned, which they ought not to have done in my husband's presence.
I must now conclude, begging you ever to believe me, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
My Coiffeur will be quite at Louise's disposal, and he can coiffer in any way she likes, if her dresser tells him how she wishes it.
Lord Brougham to Queen Victoria.58
LORD BROUGHAM
Grafton Street, 19th June 1841.
LETTER FROM LORD BROUGHAM
Most gracious Sovereign,—I crave leave humbly to approach your Majesty and to state in writing what I should have submitted to your Royal consideration at an Audience, because I conceive that this course will be attended with less inconvenience to your Majesty.
In the counsel which I ventured with great humility, but with an entire conviction of its soundness, to tender, I cannot be biassed by any personal interest, for I am not a candidate for office; nor by any Parliamentary interest, for I have no concern with elections; nor by any factious interest, for I am unconnected with party. My only motive is to discharge the duty which I owe to both the Crown and the country. Nor am I under the influence of any prejudice against your Majesty's servants or their measures; for I charge your Majesty's servants with nothing beyond an error, a great error, in judgment, and I entirely approve of the measures which they have lately propounded (with a single exception partially applicable to one of them), while I lament and disapprove of the time and manner of propounding them, both on account of the Government and of the measures themselves.
I feel myself, Madam, under the necessity of stating that the dissolution of the Parliament appears to me wholly without justification, either from principle or from policy. They who advise it must needs proceed upon the supposition that a majority will be returned favourable to the continuance of the present Administration and favourable to their lately announced policy. On no other ground is it possible that any such advice should be tendered to your Majesty. For no one could ever think of such a proceeding as advising the Crown to dissolve the Parliament in order to increase the force of the Opposition to its own future Ministers, thus perverting to the mere purposes of party the exercise of by far the most eminent of the Royal prerogatives; and I pass over as wholly unworthy of notice the only other supposition which can with any decency be made, when there is no conflict between the two Houses, namely, that of a dissolution in entire ignorance of the national opinion and for the purpose of ascertaining to which side it inclines. Your Majesty's advisers must, therefore, have believed, and they must still believe, that a majority will be returned favourable both to themselves and their late policy. I, on the other hand, have the most entire conviction that there will be a considerable majority against them, and against their policy a majority larger still, many of their supporters having already joined to swell that majority. Whoever examines the details of the case must be satisfied that the very best result which the Government can possibly hope for is a narrow majority against them—an event which must occasion a second dissolution by whatever Ministry may succeed to the confidence of your Majesty. But those best acquainted with the subject have no doubt at all that the majority will be much more considerable.
I beg leave, Madam, humbly to represent to your Majesty, in my own vindication for not having laid my opinion before your Majesty as soon as I returned from the Continent, that when I first heard of the course taken by the Government early in May, I formed the opinion which I now entertain, but conceived that I must have mistaken the facts upon which they were acting; and when I arrived twelve days ago I was confirmed in the belief (seeing the fixed resolution taken to dissolve) that I must have been under an erroneous impression as to the probable results of the elections. But I have since found ample reason for believing that my original conviction was perfectly well founded, and that no grounds whatever exist sufficient to make any one who considers the subject calmly, and without the bias of either interest or prejudice, really believe that this ill-fated proceeding can have any other result than lasting injury to your Majesty's service, to the progress of sound and just views of policy, and to the influence of those in whom the Crown and the country alike should repose confidence.
That a number of short-sighted persons whose judgments are warped by exclusive attention to a single subject, or by personal feelings, or by party views (and these narrow and erroneous), may have been loudly clamorous for the course apparently about to be pursued, is extremely possible, and affords no kind of excuse for it. Many of these will be the slowest to defend what they have so unfortunately called for; some will be among the first to condemn it when a manifest failure shall have taken place, and general discomfiture shall throw a few local successes into the shade.
My advice is humbly offered to your Majesty, as removed far above such confined and factious views; as the parent of all your people; as both bound and willing to watch over their true interests; and as charged by virtue of your exalted office with the preservation of the public peace, the furtherance of the prosperity, and the maintenance of the liberties of your subjects.
I am, with profound respect, Madam, your Majesty's faithful and dutiful Subject,
Brougham.59
Footnote 58: Mention has been made earlier of the resentment which Brougham cherished against his late colleagues, after his exclusion from the Whig Cabinet, and this letter, on the proposal to dissolve Parliament, was, no doubt, prompted by that feeling.
Footnote 59: Parliament, however, notwithstanding this rescript of Lord Brougham, was dissolved, and the Ministry went to the country with the cry of a fixed duty on corn, as against a sliding scale, and they attacked, as monopolists, at once the landowner, who enjoyed protection for his wheat, and the West Indian proprietor, who profited by the duty on foreign sugar. The Conservatives impugned the general policy of the Whig Administration. The result, a majority of seventy-six, was an even greater Conservative triumph than the most sanguine of the party anticipated.—See Introductory Note, ante, p. [253.]
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
VISIT TO WOBURN
Woburn Abbey, 27th July 1841.
Arrived here last night with the Prince and the Queen; this is now the second expedition (Nuneham being the first) which Her Majesty has taken, and on neither occasion has the Baroness accompanied us.
The Prince went yesterday through a review of the many steps he had made to his present position—all within eighteen months from the marriage. Those who intended to keep him from being useful to the Queen, from the fear that he might ambitiously touch upon her prerogatives, have been completely foiled; they thought they had prevented Her Majesty from yielding anything of importance to him by creating distrust through imaginary alarm. The Queen's good sense, however, has seen that the Prince has no other object in all he seeks but a means to Her Majesty's good. The Court from highest to lowest is brought to a proper sense of the position of the Queen's husband. The country has marked its confidence in his character by passing the Regency Bill nem. con. The Queen finds the value of an active right hand and able head to support her and to resort to for advice in time of need. Cabinet Ministers treat him with deference and respect. Arts and science look up to him as their especial patron, and they find this encouragement supported by a full knowledge of the details of every subject. The good and the wise look up to him with pride and gratitude as giving an example, so rarely shown in such a station, of leading a virtuous and religious life.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 3rd August 1841.
... Our little tour was most successful, and we enjoyed it of all things; nothing could be more enthusiastic or affectionate than our reception everywhere, and I am happy to hear that our presence has left a favourable impression, which I think will be of great use. The loyalty in this country is certainly very striking. We enjoyed Panshanger60 still more than Woburn; the country is quite beautiful, and the house so pretty and wohnlich; the picture-gallery and pictures very splendid. The Cowpers are such good people too. The visit to Brocket naturally interested us very much for our excellent Lord Melbourne's sake. The park and grounds are beautiful.
I can't admit the Duke of Bedford61 ever was radical; God knows! I wish everybody now was a little so! What is to come hangs over me like a baneful dream, as you will easily understand, and when I am often happy and merry, comes and damps it all!62
But God's will be done! and it is for our best, we must feel, though we can't feel it. I can't say how much we think of our little visit to you, God willing, next year. You will kindly let our good old Grandmother63 come there to see her dear Albert once again before she dies, wouldn't you? And you would get the Nemours to come? And you would persuade the dear Queen64 to come for a little while with Clémentine?
Now farewell! Believe me, always, your most devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 60: The house of Earl Cowper.
Footnote 61: The Duke, who had formerly been M.P. for Bedfordshire, was inclined to go further in the direction of Reform than Lord John, yet he applauded the latter's attitude on the occasion of the speech which earned him the nickname of "Finality Jack."
Footnote 62: Alluding to the Ministerial defeat at the polls.
Footnote 63: The Dowager Duchess of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg.
Footnote 64: Marie Amélie, Queen of the French.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
LORD MELBOURNE AND THE GARTER
Windsor Castle, 7th August 1841.
I went to Lord Melbourne this morning in his room as he had desired me. He said: "The Prince has been urging me to accept the Blue Riband before I quit office, and I wished to tell you that I am very anxious that this should not be pressed upon me by the Queen; it may be a foolish weakness on my part, but I wish to quit office without having any honour conferred upon me; the Queen's confidence towards me is sufficiently known without any public mark of this nature. I have always disregarded these honours, and there would be an inconsistency in my accepting this. I feel it to be much better for my reputation that I should not have it forced upon me. Mr Pitt never accepted an order, and only the Cinque Ports on being pressed to do so. Lord Grenville accepted a peerage, but never any other honour or advantage, and I wish to be permitted to retire in like manner. If I was a poor man, I should have no hesitation in receiving money in the shape of place or pension; I only don't wish for place, because I do not want it."
In the course of conversation Lord Melbourne said that he considered it very improbable that he should ever again form a part of any Administration.
He did not think that a violent course was at all to be apprehended from Lord John Russell; he said Lord John had been far more of a "finality" man than he had, and in the Cabinet had always been averse to violent change. He added, "I think you are in error in forming the opinion which you have of him."
Lord Melbourne thought the Queen very much disliked being talked at upon religion; she particularly disliked what Her Majesty termed a Sunday face, but yet that it was a subject far more thought of and reflected upon than was [thought to be?] the case.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
A DREADED MOMENT
South Street, 15th August 1841.
... Lord Melbourne well knows the feeling which your Majesty describes. The expectation of an event which is dreaded and deprecated, and yet felt to be certain and imminent, presents itself continually to the mind and recurs at every moment, and particularly in moments of satisfaction and enjoyment. It is perhaps no consolation to be told that events of this nature are necessary and incidental to your Majesty's high situation, but Lord Melbourne anxiously hopes that the change, when it does take place, will not be found so grievous as your Majesty anticipates, and your Majesty may rely that Lord Melbourne will do everything in his power to reconcile it to your Majesty's feelings.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 17th August 1841.
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the Princess's tooth.
Lord Melbourne is much obliged to your Majesty for informing him about the mourning.
He is quite well and will be ready when your Majesty sends.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
A CARRIAGE ACCIDENT
Windsor Castle, 23rd August 1841.
Lord John Russell was staying at the Castle, and asked to-day for an audience of Her Majesty, and was closeted for a long time. The Prince asked Her Majesty what Lord John came for. The Queen said he came about several things, but particularly he wished to impress upon the Queen that Her Majesty should not allow Sir Robert Peel to propose any new Grants in Parliament, as they (the Whigs) could not well oppose it, and this being felt, the whole unpopularity would fall upon the Queen's person. An idea existed that the Tories were always jobbing with money, and the grant for the building the new stables at Windsor had shown how suspicious people were.
Lord John did not speak clearly out, but on consultation with Lord Melbourne the Queen thought Lord John must have alluded to Peel having spoken equivocally at the end of his speech relative to the Prince's annuity, and would now probably propose a further grant, and would say the time was now come in order to stand well with the Queen. The Queen replied that she would never allow such a thing to be proposed and that it would be a disgrace to owe any favour to that Party.
The only answer the Prince gave was that these views were very agreeable for him.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 24th August 1841.
... Our accident65 was not so very bad, and considering that it is the very first that had happened in the course of five summers, with so many carriages and horses, one cannot be surprised. I beg leave also to say that I can get out very quick. I am very thankful that you agree to the couriers. I am a little sorry that you have put poor Mamma off so late, as she is very much hurt at it, I fear, by what I hear, and accuses me of it. But that will, I trust, be forgiven. You don't say that you sympathise with me in my present heavy trial,66 the heaviest I have ever had to endure, and which will be a sad heartbreaking to me—but I know you do feel for me. I am quiet and prepared, but still I fell very sad, and God knows! very wretched at times, for myself and my country, that such a change must take place. But God in His mercy will support and guide me through all. Yet I feel that my constant headaches are caused by annoyance and vexation!
Adieu, dearest Uncle! God bless you! Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 65: The Queen had driven to Virginia Water to see Prince Albert's beagles hunting, when owing to the hounds running between the horses' legs and frightening them, a pony phaeton and four containing Lord Erroll, Lady Ida Hay, and Miss Cavendish was upset. One of the postillions was (not dangerously) hurt.
Footnote 66: I.e, Lord Melbourne being succeeded by Sir Robert Peel as Prime Minister.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS
South Street, 24th August 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We have just delivered the Speech in the House of Lords, and the debate will commence at five o'clock. We understand that the amendment is to be a repetition of the motion of want of confidence, which Sir Robert Peel made in the House of Commons before the dissolution, and nearly in the same terms. It is to be moved by Lord Ripon67 in the House of Lords, and by Mr. Stuart Wortley68 in the House of Commons. It is understood to be their intention to avoid, as much as possible, debate upon the Corn Laws, and upon the other topics in the Speech, and to place the question entirely upon the result of the General Election and the proof which that affords that the Ministry does not possess the confidence of the country. Lord Melbourne thinks that it will not be found easy to repress debate in the House of Commons, but would not be surprised if the course which it is intended to pursue should much shorten it in the House of Lords. Lord Melbourne will write again to your Majesty after the debate, and will certainly come down to-morrow, unless anything unexpected should occur to prevent him.
It will be necessary to receive the address of the Convocation in some manner or another. Lord Melbourne will write confidentially to the Archbishop69 to learn how it may be received in the quietest manner and with the least trouble. Lord Melbourne has little doubt that the Lords and Commons will send their addresses by the officers of the Household.
Lord Melbourne entreats your Majesty to pick up your spirits.
Footnote 67: The first Earl (1782-1859) who had, as Lord Goderich, been Premier in 1827-1828.
Footnote 68: J. Stuart Wortley (1801-1855), M.P. for the West Riding, afterwards the second Lord Wharncliffe.
Footnote 69: Dr Howley.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
COBDEN'S SPEECH
Wilton Crescent, 26th August 1841.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that nothing remarkable occurred in the debate of yesterday, except a powerful speech from Mr Cobden, a manufacturer.70
The debate will probably close this evening. No one of the Tory leaders, except Sir Robert Peel, appears disposed to speak.
Should the Address be voted to-night, and reported tomorrow, it may be presented to your Majesty by Lord Marcus Hill71 on Saturday.
But should the debate be continued over this night, the report of the Address can hardly take place till Monday. This, however, is not very likely.
Footnote 70: Cobden had just been elected for the first time for Stockport.
Footnote 71: Son of Lord Downshire, and M.P. for Evesham; afterwards (under a special remainder) the third Lord Sandys.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 27th August 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Upon his arrival he found that there was no precedent of the House meeting again after an Address, without receiving an answer from the Crown. Lord Erroll therefore delivered the answer in the terms which had been submitted by Lord Melbourne to your Majesty, and it appeared to give satisfaction. The debate will probably terminate in the House of Commons to-night; at the same time it may not. If it does we must place our resignation in your Majesty's hands on Saturday, and it must be announced to the Houses of Parliament on Monday. Your Majesty will then do well not to delay sending for some other person beyond Tuesday. Lord Melbourne will write to your Majesty more fully upon all these subjects tomorrow, when he will know the result of the night's debate, and be able more surely to point out the course of events.
Lord Melbourne received the Eau-de-Cologne, and returns your Majesty many thanks for it.
Lord Melbourne understands that the Duke of Wellington is, in fact, very desirous of having the Foreign Seals,72 and that if your Majesty feels any preference for him in that department the slightest intimation of your Majesty's wish in that respect will fix him in his desire to have it.
Footnote 72: The Duke had been Foreign Secretary in 1835.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
AN OVERWHELMING MAJORITY
Wilton Crescent, 28th August 1841.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that the Amendment to the Address was carried by 91, the numbers being—
| For the Address | 269 |
| For the Amendment | 360 |
| —– | |
| 91 | |
| —– |
The Tory party proposed that the House should meet this day, and the Speaker signified that he should take the Chair at twelve o'clock. The Address will be carried to Windsor by Lord Marcus Hill this evening if then ready.
Lord John Russell takes this opportunity of closing his Reports again, to express to your Majesty his deep sense of your Majesty's goodness towards him. It is his fervent prayer that your Majesty may enjoy a long and happy reign.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 28th August 1841.
... Your Majesty must, of course, consider us as having tendered our resignations immediately after the vote of last night, and your Majesty will probably think it right to request us to continue to hold our offices and transact the current business until our successors are appointed.
Lord Melbourne will have the honour of writing again to your Majesty in the course of the day.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE RESIGNATION
Windsor Castle, 28th August 1841.
... Albert will not stay for the dinner, and I expect him back at about eleven to-night. He went at half-past eleven this morning. It is the first time that we have ever been separated for so long since our marriage, and I am quite melancholy about it.
You will forgive me if I mention it to you, but I understand that the Queen Dowager has been somewhat offended at your not taking leave of her when she came here, and at your not answering her, when she wrote to you. Perhaps you would write to her and soften and smoothen matters. She did not the least expect you to come to her. Believe me always, your most devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 28th August 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to acknowledge gratefully the communication which he has just received from your Majesty. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty's sense and firmness will enable your Majesty to bear up under this which your Majesty names a severe trial. The kindness of your Majesty's expressions emboldens Lord Melbourne to say that he also feels deeply the pain of separation from a service, which has now for four years and more been no less his pleasure than his pride.
Lord Melbourne would have been anxious to have waited upon your Majesty to-day, but he feels that his presence is in some degree material at a meeting, at which not only the present situation of your Majesty's servants, but also their future conduct and prospects, will be considered.
Lord Melbourne is sure that your Majesty will at once perceive that it would not have a good appearance if he were to return to Windsor immediately after having announced his resignation to the House of Lords on Monday next.
It is right that there should be no appearance of delay or of unwillingness to carry into effect the wishes of both Houses of Parliament, and, therefore, your Majesty will forgive Lord Melbourne if he suggests that it would be well if your Majesty could make up your mind to appoint Sir R. Peel on Monday next, so that there might be as little delay as possible in the formation of a new Government. On all accounts, and particularly on account of the lateness of the Season, it is desirable that this should be done as speedily as possible.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
29th August 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He knows well what that feeling of working under the impression of trouble and annoyance is, but if the first gloom is brushed away, confidence and hope and spirits return, and things begin to appear more cheerful. Lord Melbourne is much obliged by your Majesty's enquiries. He slept well, but waked early, which he always does now, and which is a sure sign of anxiety of mind.
Lord Melbourne will be ready to attend your Majesty at any time.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
Windsor Castle, 29th August 1841.
Lord Melbourne is to take his farewell audience of the Queen to-morrow, and Her Majesty has appointed Sir Robert Peel to come down here at three o'clock to-morrow.
DELAY UNDESIRABLE
I went with Lord Melbourne from luncheon to his room. He seemed in tolerable spirits, though somewhat sad when he alluded to taking leave of the Queen. He said he was anxious that Her Majesty should lose no time in writing to appoint Sir Robert Peel to be here to-morrow, for though he was not afraid of Sir Robert taking affront, his Party would be too ready to construe any delay on the Queen's part into a slight. He said the Prince had been with him just before, and amongst other things had urged him to continue to him and to the Queen his advice and assistance, especially on measures affecting their private concerns and family concerns; he told Lord Melbourne it was on these points that he felt Lord Melbourne's advice had been peculiarly sound, and there was no reason why this should not be continued, and any communication might be made through me. Lord Melbourne said that the Prince had also entered upon the subject of the Baroness, and expressed the constant state of annoyance he was kept in by her interference. Lord Melbourne said to me: "It will be far more difficult to remove her after the change of Government than now, because if pressed to do it by a Tory Minister, the Queen's prejudice would be immediately aroused." I admitted this, but said that though the Prince felt that if he pressed the point against the Baroness remaining, he should be able to carry it, still his good feeling and affection for the Queen prevented him from pressing what he knew would be painful, and what could not be carried without an exciting scene; he must remain on his guard, and patiently abide the result. People were beginning much better to understand that lady's character, and time must surely work its own ends.
On my being sent for by the Prince, Lord Melbourne said, "I shall see you again before I take my leave." I was much affected by the earnestness with which this was said, and said I would certainly be with him before he saw the Queen tomorrow.
PARTING WITH LORD MELBOURNE
The Prince said that Her Majesty was cheerful and in good spirits, and the only part of the approaching scene which he dreaded was the farewell with Lord Melbourne. The Queen had, however, been much relieved by the Prince arranging for her hearing from Lord Melbourne whenever she wished it.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
30th August 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and thanks your Majesty much for the very clever and interesting etchings which your Majesty most kindly sent him yesterday evening. Lord Melbourne will ever treasure them as remembrances of your Majesty's kindness and regard, which he prizes beyond measure.
They will, as your Majesty says, certainly recall to recollection a melancholy day, but still Lord Melbourne hopes and trusts that with the divine blessing it will hereafter be looked back upon with less grief and bitterness of feeling, than it must be regarded at present.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
THE PRINCE'S POSITION
Windsor Castle, 30th August 1841.
Directly I got here this morning the Prince sent for me, and said he had been made somewhat uneasy by a conversation he had just had with the Queen. Her Majesty said that after the manner in which the Tories had treated the Prince (relative to annuity) he ought now to keep them at a distance. She said they would try to flatter him, and would all come to see him; this he should resist, and should refuse to see them, at all events for some time.
The Prince wished me to mention this to Lord Melbourne when I went to take leave of him, and to urge Lord Melbourne to set this right with the Queen by his advice before he parted with the Queen, reminding him that his view had always been that from this moment the Prince would take up a new position, and that the Queen, no longer having Lord Melbourne to resort to in case of need, must from this moment consult and advise with the Prince. That Lord Melbourne should urge the Queen to have no scruple in employing the Prince, and showing that unless a proper understanding existed from the first, he in attempting to do good would be easily misrepresented.
I found Lord Melbourne alone in his dressing-room and put this case before him. He said he had always thought that when he left the service of the Queen the Prince would of necessity be brought forward, and must render great assistance to the Queen; and the Queen's confidence in his judgment having so much increased, this consequence was the more natural. The Prince must, however, be very cautious at first, and in a little time he would fall into it. He must be very careful not to alarm the Queen, by Her Majesty for an instant supposing that the Prince was carrying on business with Peel without her cognisance.
If it were possible for any one to advise Peel, he would recommend that he should write fully to Her Majesty, and elementarily, as Her Majesty always liked to have full knowledge upon everything which was going on. He would advise the Queen to be cautious in giving a verbal decision, that she should not allow herself to be driven into a corner, and forced to decide where she felt her mind was not made up and required reflection.
Peel should be very careful that intelligence came first from him direct. King William was very particular upon this point, so was the Queen.
I asked Lord Melbourne if he had considered the future position of himself with the Queen, and also of Peel with the Queen. He said he owned he had not and would avoid entering into any discussion—he felt sure that he should be regarded with extreme jealousy, not so much by Peel as by the party. He would be looked upon as Lord Bute had been in his relation to George III.,—always suspected of secret intercourse and intrigue. He would make me the medium of any written communication.
With regard to Peel's position with the Queen, he thought that circumstances must make it. He thought the Queen must see him oftener than King William did him, as he thought the present state of things would require more frequent intercourse. The late King used to see him once a week after the Levée, seldom oftener; all the rest of the business was transacted by correspondence, but this mode, though it had its merits in some respect, very much impeded the public business.
The less personal objections the Queen took to any one the better, as any such expression is sure to come out and a personal enemy is made. It was also to be recollected that Peel was in a very different position now, backed by a large majority, to when the other overture was made. He had the power now to extort what he pleased, and he fancied he saw the blank faces of the heads of the Party when Peel told them that he had agreed to the dismissal or resignation of only three of the Queen's ladies.
Lord Melbourne said the Queen was afraid she never could be at ease with Peel, because his manner was so embarrassed, and that conveyed embarrassment also to her, which it would be very difficult to get over.
The Queen took leave of Lord Melbourne to-day. Her Majesty was much affected, but soon recovered her calmness.
Peel had his first audience at half-past three o'clock.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
MELBOURNE'S OPINION OF THE PRINCE
30th August 1841 (6 P.M.).
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The announcement has been made in both Houses of Parliament. A few words were said by Lord Stanley73 in the House of Commons, and nothing in the House of Lords.
Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself without again stating to your Majesty in writing what he had the honour of saying to your Majesty respecting his Royal Highness the Prince. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest opinion of His Royal Highness's judgment, temper, and discretion, and he cannot but feel a great consolation and security in the reflection that he leaves your Majesty in a situation in which your Majesty has the inestimable advantage of such advice and assistance. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty cannot do better than have recourse to it, whenever it is needed, and rely upon it with confidence.
Lord Melbourne will be anxious to hear from your Majesty as to what has passed with Sir R. Peel. Your Majesty will, Lord Melbourne is sure, feel that the same general secrecy which your Majesty has always observed respecting public affairs is more particularly necessary at the present moment.
Lord Melbourne earnestly hopes that your Majesty is well and composed, and with the most anxious wishes for your Majesty's welfare and happiness, remains ever your Majesty's most devoted and attached Servant, and he trusts that he may add, without presumption, your Majesty's faithful and affectionate Friend.
Footnote 73: Who now became Colonial Secretary.
Memorandum: Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
THE HOUSEHOLD
Your Majesty might say, if to your Majesty it seems good, that in consequence of the Addresses voted by both Houses of Parliament, your Majesty's servants had tendered their resignations, and that for the same reason your Majesty had accepted those resignations. That your Majesty's present servants possessed your Majesty's confidence, and that you only parted with them in deference to the opinion of Parliament.
That your Majesty naturally had recourse to Sir Robert Peel as possessing the confidence of the great Party which constitutes the majority of both Houses, and that you were prepared to empower him to form an Administration.
That your Majesty did not conceive that the giving him this commission of itself empowered him to advise the removal of the officers of your Majesty's Household; that you conceive that all that the Constitution required was that the Sovereign's Household should support the Sovereign's Ministers; but that you were prepared to place at his disposal, and to take his advice upon all the offices of the Household at present filled by members of either House of Parliament, with the exception of those whom your Majesty might think proper to name, i.e., Lord Byron74—and it should be understood that this exception was not to extend further than to him.
If Sir Robert Peel should wish that in case of Lord Byron's remaining it should be considered as a fresh appointment made by his advice, this wish might properly be acceded to.
The Ladies.—If any difficulty should arise it may be asked to be stated in writing, and reserved for consideration. But it is of great importance that Sir Robert Peel should return to London with full power to form an Administration. Such must be the final result, and the more readily and graciously it is acquiesced in the better.
Your Majesty must take care not to be driven to the wall, and to be put into a situation in which it is necessary to Aye or No. No positive objection should be taken either to men or measures.
It must be recollected that at the time of the negotiation in 1839 Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell were still at the head of a majority in the House of Commons. This is not the case now.
Footnote 74: George Anson, seventh Lord Byron (1789-1868), cousin and successor of the poet.
The Cabinet of Lord Melbourne,
THE NEW CABINET
As it stood in September 1841.
| First Lord of the Treasury | Viscount Melbourne. |
| Lord Chancellor | Lord (afterwards Earl of) Cottenham. |
| Chancellor of the Exchequer | Mr Francis Baring (afterwards Lord Northbrook). |
| Lord President of the Council | Marquis of Lansdowne. |
| Lord Privy Seal | Earl of Clarendon. |
| Home Secretary | Marquis of Normanby. |
| Foreign Secretary | Viscount Palmerston. |
| Colonial Secretary | Lord John (afterwards Earl) Russell. |
| First Lord of the Admiralty | Earl of Minto. |
| President of the Board of Control | Sir John Cam Hobhouse (afterwards Lord Broughton). |
| Secretary at War | Mr T. B. (afterwards Lord) Macaulay. |
| President of the Board of Trade | Mr Labouchere (afterwards Lord Taunton). |
| Chief Secretary for Ireland | Viscount Morpeth (afterwards Earl of Carlisle). |
| First Commissioner of Land Revenue | Viscount Duncannon (afterwards Earl of Bessborough). |
| Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster | Sir George Grey. |
The Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel,75
As formed in September 1841.
| First Lord of the Treasury | Sir Robert Peel. |
| Lord Chancellor | Lord Lyndhurst. |
| Chancellor of the Exchequer | Mr. H. Goulburn. |
| (Without Office) | Duke of Wellington. |
| Lord President of the Council | Lord Wharncliffe. |
| Lord Privy Seal | Duke of Buckingham. |
| Home Secretary | Sir James Graham. |
| Foreign Secretary | Earl of Aberdeen. |
| Colonial Secretary | Lord Stanley (afterwards Earl of Derby). |
| First Lord of the Admiralty | Earl of Haddington. |
| President of the Board of Control | Lord (afterwards Earl of) Ellenborough |
| Secretary at War | Sir Henry (afterwards Viscount) Hardinge. |
| President of the Board of Trade | Earl of Ripon. |
| Paymaster-General. | Sir Edward Knatchbull. |
Footnote 75: The Peel Ministry of 1841 was unique in containing three ex-Premiers: Sir Robert Peel himself, the Earl of Ripon, and the Duke of Wellington, who succeeded Lord Goderich as Premier in 1828. Ripon's career was a curious one; he was a singularly ineffective Prime Minister, and indeed did not, during the course of his Ministry (August 1827-January 1828), ever have to meet Parliament. He was disappointed at not being invited to join the Wellington Ministry, subsequently joined the Reform Ministry of Lord Grey, but followed Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, and the Duke of Richmond out of it. In August 1841 he moved the vote of want of confidence in the Melbourne Ministry, and became President of the Board of Trade in Peel's Government. In 1846 it fell to him, when President of the Board of Control, to move the Corn Law Repeal Bill in the Lords.
The only later instance of an ex-Premier accepting a subordinate office was in the case of Lord John Russell, who, in 1852, took the Foreign Office under Aberdeen, subsequently vacating the office and sitting in the Cabinet without office. In June 1854, he became Lord President of the Council, and left the Ministry when it was menaced by Roebuck's motion. When Lord Palmerston formed a Ministry in 1855, Lord John, after an interval, became Colonial Secretary, again resigning in five months. Finally, in 1859, he went back to the Foreign Office, where he remained until he succeeded Palmerston as Premier in 1865.
The Government also contained three future Premiers, Aberdeen, Stanley, and Gladstone.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
INTERVIEW WITH PEEL
Windsor Castle 30th August 1841.
... The first interview with Sir Robert Peel has gone off well, and only lasted twenty minutes; and he sends the Queen to-morrow, in writing, the proposed arrangements, and will only come down on Wednesday morning. He first wished to come to-morrow, but on the Queen's saying that he need not to do that, but might send it and only come down Wednesday, he thought the Queen might prefer having it to consider a little, which she said she certainly should, though she meant no want of confidence. The Queen, in the first instance, stated that she concluded he was prepared for her sending for him, and then stated exactly what Lord Melbourne wrote, viz., the resignation having taken place in consequence of the Addresses—the Queen's great regret at parting with her present Ministers—the confidence she had in them, and her only acceding in consequence of the Addresses in Parliament, and then that consequently she looked to him (Sir Robert Peel) as possessing the confidence of both Houses of Parliament to form an Administration. He made many protestations of his sorrow, at what must give pain to the Queen (as she said to him it did), but of course said he accepted the task. The Duke of Wellington's health too uncertain, and himself too prone to sleep coming over him—as Peel expressed it—to admit of his taking an office in which he would have much to do, but to be in the Cabinet, which the Queen expressed her wish he should. He named Lord De Grey76 as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Lord Eliot77 as Secretary for Ireland, who, he said, were both moderate people. The Queen said she gaveHOUSEHOLD APPOINTMENTS up to him the officers of State and those of her Household who were in Parliament, and he then asked if Lord Liverpool would be agreeable as Lord Steward (the Queen said he would), and if she would object to Lord Jersey as Master of the Horse (she said she would not), as she believed he understood it perfectly. He said he was so anxious to do everything which could be agreeable to the Queen, that he wished her to name whom she should like as Lord Chamberlain; she said he might suggest some one, but as he would not, and pressed the Queen to name whoever she pleased, she said she should like the Duke of Rutland, and he said he would certainly name it to him. The Queen said that Lord Melbourne had always been very particular to name no one who might be disagreeable to her in the Household, and Sir R. Peel said he felt this, and should be most anxious to do what could be agreeable to me and for my comfort, and that he would even sacrifice any advantage to this. The Queen mentioned the three Ladies' resignation, and her wish not to fill up the three Ladies' places immediately. She mentioned Lady Byron,78 to which he agreed immediately, and then said, as I had alluded to those communications, he hoped that he had been understood respecting the other appointments (meaning the Ladies), that provided I chose some who had a leaning towards the politics of the Administration, I might take any I liked, and that he quite understood that I should notify it to them. The Queen said this was her rule, and that she wished to choose moderate people who should not have scruples to resign in case another Administration should come in, as changing was disagreeable to her. Here it ended, and so far well. He was very anxious the Queen should understand how anxious he was to do everything which was agreeable to the Queen. The Queen wishes to know if Lord Melbourne thinks she should name the Duchess of Buccleuch Mistress of the Robes, on Wednesday, and if she shall ask Sir Robert to sound the Duchess, or some one else, and then write to appoint her? She thinks of proposing Lady de la Warr and Lady Abercorn by and by as the two Ladies, but these she will sound herself through other people, or Lady Canning, or Lady Rosslyn, in case these others should not take it. She should say she meant to sound those, and no more. What the Queen felt when she parted from her dear,THE QUEEN'S DISTRESS kind friend, Lord Melbourne, is better imagined than described; she was dreadfully affected for some time after, but is calm now. It is very, very sad; and she cannot quite believe it yet. The Prince felt it very, very much too, and really the Queen cannot say how kind and affectionate he is to her, and how anxious to do everything to lighten this heavy trial; he was quite affected at this sad parting. We do, and shall, miss you so dreadfully; Lord Melbourne will easily understand what a change it is, after these four years when she had the happiness of having Lord Melbourne always about her. But it will not be so long till we meet again. Happier and brighter times will come again. We anxiously hope Lord Melbourne is well, and got up well and safe. The Queen trusts he will take care of his valuable health, now more than ever.
Footnote 76: Thomas, Earl de Grey (1781-1859); he was the elder brother of Lord Ripon, who had been previously known as Mr Robinson and Viscount Goderich, and whose son, besides inheriting his father's and uncle's honours, was created Marquis of Ripon.
Footnote 77: Afterwards third Earl of St Germans.
Footnote 78: Lady Byron had been Miss Elizabeth Chandos-Pole.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
Windsor Castle, 31st August 1841.
I was sent up to Town to-day to see Lord Melbourne and Sir Robert Peel. I found Lord Melbourne as usual up in his bedroom. He had received the account of Her Majesty's first interview with Peel, which he thought very satisfactory. Sir Robert very much regretted that he should have been the instrument of obliging Her Majesty to change her Government. The Queen had said to Sir Robert that though she did not conceive the Minister could demand any of the Household appointments, still it was Her Majesty's intention to give up to him the great offices of State, and all other places in the Household filled by people in Parliament. He was to send his proposed list for offices the next day and be at Windsor the morning after that. Lord Melbourne had written to the Queen the night before, stating his opinion of the Prince—that he had great discretion, temper, and judgment, and that he considered him to be well worthy of Her Majesty's confidence, and that now was the time for Her Majesty to feel comfort and assistance from giving him her fullest confidence. He had just received the Queen's answer to this, saying what "pleasure it had given the Queen to receive his letter with this expression of his opinion of her beloved husband, and that what he said could not fail to increase the confidence which she already felt in him. He was indeed a great comfort to her in this trying moment; at times she was very low indeed though she strove to bear up. It would always be a satisfaction to her to feel secure of Lord Melbourne's faithful and affectionate friendship to her and the Prince. She hoped after a time to see him here again, and it would always be a pleasure to her to hear from him frequently."
From South Street I went to Sir Robert Peel's. I told him I came to speak to him about Lord Exeter, whom the Prince proposed to make the head of his Household, should it not interfere with any of Sir Robert's arrangements for the Queen. Sir Robert said he was so good a man and one that he felt sure the Prince would like, and he therefore thought he had better propose the situation to him at once.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
MELBOURNE'S OFFICIAL FAREWELL
South Street, 31st August 1841.
Lord Melbourne had the pleasure of receiving last night both your Majesty's letters, the one dated four o'clock, and written immediately after your Majesty's interview with Sir R. Peel, the other dated half-past nine. Lord Melbourne thanks your Majesty much for them both, and for the expressions of kindness contained in them. Lord Melbourne will ever consider the time during which your Majesty is good enough to think that he has been of service to your Majesty the proudest as well as the happiest part of his life.
Lord Melbourne has read with great care your Majesty's very clear and full account of what passed. It appears to Lord Melbourne that nothing could be better. Sir Robert Peel seems to have been anxious to act with the utmost respect and consideration for your Majesty, and your Majesty most properly and wisely met him half-way. In the spirit in which the negotiation has been commenced I see the prospect of a termination of it, which will be not so unsatisfactory to your Majesty as your Majesty anticipated, and not, Lord Melbourne trusts, disadvantageous to the country....
Lord Melbourne concludes with the most anxious wishes for your Majesty's happiness and with expressing a great admiration of the firmness, prudence, and good sense with which your Majesty has conducted yourself.
Lord Melbourne begs to be remembered to His Royal Highness most respectfully, most affectionately.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
31st August 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has just received your Majesty's letter. Lord Melbourne rejoices much to learn that your Majesty feels more composed and that you are well. Recollect how precious is your Majesty's health, and how much health depends upon tranquillity of mind....
Lord Melbourne will either write to Sir Francis Chantrey79 to-morrow morning, or call upon him and settle without further delay about the Bust. There is no end of subscriptions to Monuments, but perhaps your Majesty will do well to subscribe to Sir David Wilkie's.80
Your Majesty is very good about the blue Ribband, but Lord Melbourne is certain that upon the whole, it is better for his own position and character that he should not have it.
Footnote 79: Sir Francis Chantrey, the sculptor, born in 1781, died on 25th November 1841.
Footnote 80: Sir David Wilkie, Painter-in-Ordinary to the Queen, had died on 1st June, aged fifty-six.
The Earl of Clarendon81 to Viscount Melbourne.82
PEEL'S RECEPTION
Grosvenor Crescent, 31st August 1841.
My dear Melbourne,—You may like to know that Peel was perfectly satisfied with his reception yesterday, and does full justice to the Queen's declaration of her regret at parting with her Ministers, which he said it was quite natural she should feel, and quite right she should express. This I know from undoubted authority, and from a person who came to enquire of me whether I could tell what impression Peel had produced upon the Queen, which of course I could not.
He assured the Queen that he had had no communication with his friends, and was not prepared to submit an Administration for her approval, but he is to see her again to-morrow morning.
The only appointment yet settled is De Grey to Ireland; he was very unwilling, but Peel insisted. Yours sincerely,
Clarendon.
Footnote 81: The retiring Lord Privy Seal.
Footnote 82: Letter forwarded by Lord Melbourne to the Queen.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
FAREWELL AUDIENCES
Carlton Terrace, 31st August 1841.
... Viscount Palmerston begs to be allowed to tender to your Majesty the grateful thanks of himself and of Viscountess Palmerston for your Majesty's gracious expressions towards them. Viscount Palmerston sees with deep regret the termination of those duties in your Majesty's service, in the course of which he has had the honour of experiencing from your Majesty so much condescending personal kindness, and such flattering official confidence; and it affords him the highest gratification to have obtained your Majesty's approbation.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 2nd September 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received your Majesty's letter yesterday evening, and was very glad to learn from it that your Majesty was not ill satisfied with Sir Robert Peel, and that the arrangements were going on smoothly, which it is highly desirable that they should. Your Majesty should desire Sir Robert Peel to give notice to all those who have insignia of office, such as Seals, Wands, to give up, to attend at Claremont on Friday; but of course he will do this of himself. Your Majesty will have much to go through upon that day and much that is painful. Your Majesty should spare yourself and be spared as much as possible. It will not be necessary for Lord Melbourne to go down. He may be considered as having resigned at the Audience which he had of your Majesty at Windsor, and Lord Melbourne has ventured to tell Lord Lansdowne that he thinks he need not do so either, and that your Majesty will excuse his attendance. Lord Melbourne need say nothing about the Secretaries of State, with all of whom your Majesty is so well acquainted; but perhaps your Majesty will not omit to thank Mr Baring83 cordially for his services. He is a thoroughly honest man and an able public servant. If your Majesty could say to the Lord Chancellor,84 "that you part with him with much sorrow; that you are sensible that much of the strength of the late Administration was derived from the manner in which he discharged the duties of his office, and that you consider his retirement a great and serious loss to the country," it would certainly be no more than he deserves.
It is thought by some who know him here that the Duke of Rutland will be so extremely pleased with the offer being made, and that by your Majesty yourself, that he will accept it; but he is a year older than Lord Melbourne, and therefore hardly fit for any very active duty....
The appointment of Colonel Arbuthnot will of course be very agreeable to the Duke of Wellington. The Arbuthnots are quiet, demure people before others; but they are not without depth of purpose, and they are very bitter at bottom.
Your Majesty will not forget the two Knights for Mr de la Beche85 and Major Monro.
Lord Melbourne begins to hope that this affair will be got through more satisfactorily and with less annoyance than your Majesty anticipated. As long as your Majesty is desirous of receiving his communications, he will be always most careful to give your Majesty his impartial opinion and the best advice which he has to offer. His most fervent prayer will always be for your Majesty's welfare and happiness.
Footnote 83: The retiring Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Footnote 84: Lord Cottenham.
Footnote 85: Sir Henry T. de la Beche, an eminent geologist.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
MELBOURNE'S LAST OFFICIAL LETTER
South Street, 2nd September 1841.
....Lord Melbourne hopes and trusts that when to-morrow is over your Majesty will recover from that depression of spirits under which your Majesty now labours. Lord Melbourne never doubted that it would be so, but is glad to learn from your Majesty the support and consolation which your Majesty finds in the advice and affection of the Prince.
This is the last letter which Lord Melbourne will send in a box. He will to-morrow morning return his keys to the Foreign Office, and after that your Majesty will be good enough to send the letters, with which you may honour Lord Melbourne, through Mr Anson.
Lord Melbourne most anxiously wishes your Majesty every blessing.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
COUNCIL AT CLAREMONT
South Street, 3rd September 1841.
Lord Melbourne earnestly hopes that your Majesty is well after this trying day.86 Lord Melbourne has thought and felt for your Majesty all this morning. But now that the matter is settled it will be necessary that your Majesty should take a calm and composed view of the whole situation, which Lord Melbourne trusts that your Majesty will find by no means unsatisfactory.
And first with respect to public affairs. In the concerns of a great nation like this there will always be some difficulties and entanglements, but upon the whole the present state is good and the prospect is good for the future. There is no reason to expect that Sir Robert Peel will either be desirous or be able to take a very different course from that which has been taken by your Majesty's late servants, and some difficulties will certainly be removed, and some obstacles smoothed, by the change which has lately taken place.
With respect to the effect which will be produced upon the comfort of your Majesty's private life, it would be idle in Lord Melbourne, after what your Majesty has said, to doubt of the manner in which your Majesty will feel the change, which must take place in your Majesty, to long accustomed habits and relations. But your Majesty may rest assured of Lord Melbourne's devoted and disinterested attachment to your Majesty, and that he will devote himself to giving to your Majesty such information and advice as may be serviceable to your Majesty with the sole view of promoting your Majesty's public interests and private happiness.
Lord Melbourne hopes, and indeed ventures to expect, that your Majesty, upon reflection and consideration of the real state of circumstances, will recover your spirits, and Lord Melbourne has himself great satisfaction in thinking upon the consideration of the advice which he has given, that it has not tended to impair your Majesty's influence and authority, but, on the contrary, to secure to your Majesty the affection, attachment, approbation, and support of all parties.
In the course of this correspondence Lord Melbourne has thought it his duty to your Majesty to express himself with great freedom upon the characters of many individuals, whose names have come under consideration, but Lord Melbourne thinks it right to say that he may have spoken upon insufficient grounds, that he may have been mistaken, and that the persons in question may turn out to be far better than he has been induced to represent them.
Footnote 86: A Council had been held at Claremont for the outgoing Ministers to give up their Seals of Office, which were bestowed upon Sir Robert Peel and the incoming Cabinet.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
MELBOURNE ON THE NEW MINISTRY
South Street, 4th September 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He was most happy to hear yesterday the best account of everything that had taken place at Claremont. Everybody praised, in the highest manner, the dignity, propriety, and kindness of your Majesty's deportment, and if it can be done without anything of deceit or dissimulation, it is well to take advantage of the powers and qualities which have been given, and which are so well calculated to gain a fair and powerful influence over the minds and feelings of others. Your Majesty may depend upon it, that the impression made upon the minds of all who were present yesterday, is most favourable. Of course, with persons in new and rather awkward situations, some of whom had never been in high office before, all of whom had not been so now for some years, there was a good deal of embarrassment and mistakes. Forms which are only gone through at long intervals of time, and not every day, are necessarily forgotten, and when they are required nobody knows them. But Lord Melbourne cannot really think that they looked cross; most probably they did look shy and embarrassed. Strange faces are apt to give the idea of ill humour....
Lord Melbourne anxiously hopes that your Majesty is well and happy to-day.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 5th September 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Your Majesty may depend upon it, that if Lord Melbourne hears anything respecting your Majesty, which it appears to him to be important or advantageous, that your Majesty should know, Lord Melbourne will not fail to convey it to your Majesty.
Lord Melbourne encloses the exact names of the two gentlemen to whom Knighthood has been promised by your Majesty....
Your Majesty is very good, very good indeed, to think of doing what your Majesty mentions for Fanny; but Lord Melbourne fears that it would hardly suit with their present situation, or with the comfort of their domestic life. But Lord Melbourne mentioned the matter yesterday to his sister, and he encloses the letter which she has written to him this morning, after reflecting upon the subject. By that letter your Majesty will perceive that Jocelyn is not so much in debt, as Lord Melbourne's letter had led your Majesty to suppose....
Lord B—— is a very old friend of Lord Melbourne's. They were at Eton together, and intimate there. He is a gentlemanly man and a good man, but not very agreeable. Few of the P——s are, and very bitter in politics; but still Lord Melbourne is glad, for old acquaintance' sake, that your Majesty has taken him. Lord Melbourne must again repeat that when he writes with so much freedom about individual characters, it is only to put your Majesty in possession of what he knows respecting them, and not with a view of inducing your Majesty to object to their being appointed....
Might not Fanny have the Bedchamber Woman's place? It would be a help to her, and would not take her away from home. This only strikes Lord Melbourne as he is writing.
MELBOURNE ON PEEL
6th September 1841.
Lord Melbourne wrote the above yesterday, but had no opportunity of sending it, as there was no post. Lord Melbourne has since seen Lady Palmerston, and finds that his last suggestion about Fanny will not do.
Lord Melbourne encloses Lady Palmerston's two notes upon the subject, which will explain to your Majesty what she wishes. But if Jocelyn is himself to get a place, this will be a better arrangement, and puts an end to all the others.
What Lady Palmerston says about Sir R. Peel is very unjust. There is no shabbiness whatever in his not coming to a decision upon the factory question.87
Footnote 87: Lady Palmerston (no doubt in sympathy with Lord Ashley) expected some factory legislation to be announced.
Queen Victoria to the Countess of Gainsborough.88
Claremont, 6th September 1841.
My dearest Lady Gainsborough,—I had the pleasure of receiving your two kind letters of the 24th and 25th ult. yesterday, and thank you much for them. I am so happy that you are really better....
I hoped that you would be pleased at what you thank me for; you see I did not forget what you told me once at Windsor when we were out driving, and I assure you that Lord Melbourne was very anxious to do it. Last week was a most painful, trying one to me, and this separation from my truly excellent and kind friend Lord Melbourne, most distressing. You will understand what a change it must be to me. I am, however, so happy in my home, and have such a perfect angel in the Prince, who has been such a comfort to me, that one must be thankful and grateful for these blessings, and take these hard trials as lessons sent from above, for our best.
Our little girl makes great progress, and suffers comparatively but very little from her teething. We came here to be quiet for a few days, as this place is so very private.
The Baroness will write to Lord Gainsborough to say that I wish much you would take Lady Lyttelton's waiting, which begins on 23rd of November.
The Prince begs to be kindly named to you, and I to Fanny and your brother, and pray believe me always, dearest Lady Gainsborough, ever yours most affectionately,
Victoria R.
Pray thank Fanny for her kind letter.
Footnote 88: Formerly, as Lady Barham, a Lady of the Bedchamber. Lord Barham had been created Earl of Gainsborough in the course of the year (1841).
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S DEPARTMENT
7th September 1841.
The Queen wishes that Sir Robert Peel would mention to Lord De la Warr89 that he should be very particular in always naming to the Queen any appointment he wishes to make in his department, and always to take her pleasure upon an appointment before he settles on them; this is a point upon which the Queen has always laid great stress. This applies in great measure to the appointment of Physicians and Chaplains, which used to be very badly managed formerly, and who were appointed in a very careless manner; but since the Queen's accession the Physicians and Chaplains have been appointed only for merit and abilities, by the Queen herself, which the Queen is certain Sir Robert Peel will at once see is a far better way, and one which must be of use in every way. Sir Robert Peel may also tell Lord De la Warr that it is unnecessary for him to appear in uniform, as the Queen always dispenses with this in the country. This applies also to the Ministers, who the Queen does not expect or wish should appear in uniform at Councils which are held in the country. The Queen concludes that it will be necessary to hold a Council some time next week to swear in some of the new Officers who are not Privy Councillors; but Sir Robert Peel will be able to tell the Queen when he thinks this will be necessary.
Footnote 89: See ante, p. [156].
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS
8th September 1841.
There is a subject which the Queen wishes to mention to Sir Robert Peel, as she is at present so little acquainted with Lord Aberdeen; the Queen is very desirous that, if it were possible, Sir Hamilton Seymour should not be removed from Brussels. The Queen believes that his political views are not violent either way, and she knows that he is peculiarly agreeable to her Uncle, which has, therefore, prompted her to write this to Sir Robert Peel. The Queen seizes the same opportunity to say that she is also very anxious that a moderate and conciliatory person should be sent to Lisbon, as it is of great importance there.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR
Claremont, 8th September 1841.
My dearest Uncle,—I begin my letter to-day, for fear I should have no time to write to-morrow. Your kind letter gave me great pleasure, and I must own your silence on all that was going on distressed me very much! It has been indeed a sad time for me, and I am still bewildered, and can't believe that my excellent Lord Melbourne is no longer my Minister, but he will be, as you say, and has already proved himself, very useful and valuable as my friend out of office. He writes to me often, and I write to him, and he gives really the fairest and most impartial advice possible. But after seeing him for four years, with very few exceptions—daily—you may imagine that I must feel the change; and the longer the time gets since we parted, the more I feel it. Eleven days was the longest I ever was without seeing him, and this time will be elapsed on Saturday, so you may imagine what the change must be. I cannot say what a comfort and support my beloved Angel is to me, and how well and how kindly and properly he behaves. I cannot resist copying for you what Lord Melbourne wrote to me about Albert, the evening after we parted; he has already praised him greatly to me, before he took leave of me. It is as follows:
"Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself without again stating to your Majesty in writing what he had the honour of saying to your Majesty respecting H.R.H. the Prince. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest opinion of H.R.H.'s judgment, temper, and discretion, and he cannot but feel a great consolation and security in the reflection that he leaves your Majesty in a situation in which your Majesty has the inestimable advantage of such advice and assistance. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty cannot do better than have recourse to it, whenever it is needed, and rely upon it with confidence."
This naturally gave me great pleasure, and made me very proud, as it comes from a person who is no flatterer, and would not have said it if he did not think so, or feel so. The new Cabinet you have by this time seen in the papers.
The Household (of which I send you a list) is well constituted—for Tories.
Lord Aberdeen has written to me to say Bourqueney has announced Ste Aulaire90 as Ambassador. This is very well, but let me beg you, for decency's sake, to stop his coming immediately; if even not meant to, it would have the effect of their sending an ambassador the moment the Government changed, which would be too marked, and most offensive personally to me. Indeed Guizot behaved very badly about refusing to sign the Slave Trade Treaty91 which they had so long ago settled to do; it is unwise and foolish to irritate the late Government who may so easily come in again; for Palmerston will not forgive nor forget offences, and then France would be worse off than before, with England. I therefore beg you to stop Ste Aulaire for a little while, else I shall feel it a great personal offence.
9th.—I have had a letter from Lord Melbourne to-day, who is much gratified by yours to him.... Now adieu! Believe me, always, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 90: See post, p. [334].
Footnote 91: A treaty on the subject was signed in London, on 20th December, between Great Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia.
Queen Adelaide to Queen Victoria.
QUEEN ADELAIDE
Sudbury Hall, 8th September 1841.
My dearest Niece,—I have not ventured to disturb you with a letter since we parted, knowing how fully your time was employed with business of importance. I cannot any longer now refrain to enquire after you, after all you have gone through lately, and I must congratulate you with all my heart on having so well completed your difficult task.
There is but one voice of praise, I hear, of your perfect composure and beautiful conduct during the trying scenes of last week. It has gratified me more than I can express, for I had fully expected it of you, and it has made me very happy to find that it has been generally remarked and has given so much satisfaction. Everybody feels deeply for you, and the devotion and zeal in your service is redoubled by the interest your trying position has evoked. May our Heavenly Father support and guide you always as hitherto, is my constant prayer!
I hope that the selection of your Government is to your own satisfaction, and though the change must have been trying to you, I trust that you will have perfect confidence in the able men who form your Council. Our beloved late King's anxious wishes to see Wellington and Peel again at the head of the Administration is now fulfilled. His blessing rests upon you.
Excuse my having touched upon this subject, but I could not keep silent whilst the heart is so full of earnest good wishes for your and the country's prosperity.
I hope that an article of the newspapers, of the indisposition of your darling child, is not true, and that she is quite well. God bless and protect her!...
I am much amused with reading your Life by Miss Strickland,92 which, though full of errors, is earnest on the whole, and very interesting to me. However, I wish she would correct the gross errors which otherwise will go down to posterity. She ought to have taken first better information before she published her work....
With my affectionate love to dear Prince Albert, believe me ever, my dearest Niece, your most devoted and affectionate Aunt,
Adelaide.
Footnote 92: Miss Agnes Strickland (1808-1874), who also edited Letters of Mary Queen of Scots, etc.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
Claremont, 9th September 1841.
The Ministerial arrangements are now nearly completed. Writs for new elections moved last night.
Wrote to Sir Robert, telling him the Queen ought to have heard from him respecting the adjournment of the House of Commons, instead of seeing it first in the public papers. Told him also of its being the Queen's wish that a short report of the debates in each House should always be sent to Her Majesty, from him in the Commons and from the Duke of Wellington in the Lords.
The Queen had a letter to-day from the Queen Dowager, which was kindly meant, but which made Her Majesty rather angry, complimenting Her Majesty on the good grace with which she had changed her Government, and saying that the late King's blessing rested upon her for calling the Duke of Wellington and Peel to her Councils, etc....
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
THE QUEEN CRITICISES APPOINTMENTS
9th September 1841.
The Queen takes this opportunity of writing to Sir Robert Peel confidentially about another person: this is about Lord ——. The Queen is strongly of opinion that Lord —— should not be employed in any post of importance, as his being so would, in her opinion, be detrimental to the interests of the country. The Queen wishes Sir Robert to state this to Lord Aberdeen as her opinion. The Queen is certain that Sir Robert will take care that it should not be known generally that this is her opinion, for she is always most anxious to avoid anything that might appear personal towards anybody. The Queen cannot refrain from saying that she cannot quite approve of Sir Charles Bagot's appointment,93 as from what she has heard of his qualities she does not think that they are of a character quite to suit in the arduous and difficult position in which he will be placed. At the same time the Queen does not mean to object to his appointment (for she has already formally approved of it), but she feels it her duty to state frankly and at all times her opinion, as she begs Sir Robert also to do unreservedly to her. For the future, it appears to the Queen that it would be best in all appointments of such importance that before a direct communication was entered into with the individual intended to be proposed, that the Queen should be informed of it, so that she might talk to her Ministers fully about it; not because it is likely that she would object to the appointment, but merely that she might have time to be acquainted with the qualities and abilities of the person. The Queen has stated this thus freely to Sir Robert as she feels certain that he will understand and appreciate the motives which prompt her to do so. The Queen would wish the Council to be at two on Tuesday, and she begs Sir Robert would inform her which of the Ministers besides him will attend.
Footnote 93: As Governor-General of Canada.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
9th September 1841.
... Sir Robert Peel will have the honour of writing to your Majesty to-morrow on the subjects adverted to in the note which he has just received from your Majesty.
He begs for the present to assure your Majesty that he shall consider every communication which your Majesty may be pleased to address to him in reference to the personal merits or disqualifications of individuals as of a most confidential character.
Sir Robert Peel to Mr Anson.
PEEL APOLOGISES
Whitehall, 10th September 1841.
My dear Sir,—I am sorry if I have failed to make any communication to Her Majesty respecting public matters, which Her Majesty has been in the habit of receiving, or which she would have wished to receive.
Having been occupied in the execution of the important trust committed to me not less than sixteen or eighteen hours of the twenty-four for several days past, it may be that I have made some omissions in this respect, which under other circumstances I might have avoided. I did not think Her Majesty would wish to be informed of the issue of writs, necessarily following the appointments to certain offices, of all which Her Majesty had approved. I certainly ought to have written to Her Majesty previously to the adjournment of the House of Commons until Thursday the 16th of September. It was an inadvertent omission on my part, amid the mass of business which I have had to transact, and I have little doubt that if I had been in Parliament I should have avoided it.
The circumstances of my having vacated my seat, and of having thus been compelled to leave to others the duty of proposing the adjournment of the House, was one cause of my inadvertence.
Both the Duke of Wellington and I fully intended to make a report to Her Majesty after the close of the Parliamentary business of each day, and will do so without fail on the reassembling of Parliament.
I am, my dear Sir, very faithfully yours,
Robert Peel.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS
South Street, 10th September 1841.
... Lord Melbourne has no doubt that Sir Robert Peel has the most anxious wish to do everything that can be agreeable to your Majesty.
Your Majesty should not omit to speak fully and seriously to him upon the disposal of great appointments. Their Diplomatic Corps, from which Ambassadors and Governors are generally taken, is the weakest part of their establishment. They have amongst them men of moderate abilities and of doubtful integrity, who yet have held high offices and have strong claims upon them. The public service may suffer most essentially by the employment of such men. Lord Melbourne would say to Peel that "affairs depend more upon the hands to which they are entrusted than upon any other cause, and that you hope he will well consider those whose appointment to high and important situations he sanctions, and that he will not suffer claims of connection or of support to overbalance a due regard for your Majesty's service and the welfare of the country." Such an expression of your Majesty's opinion may possibly be a support to Sir Robert Peel against pretensions which he would be otherwise unable to resist; but this is entirely submitted to your Majesty's judgment, seeing that your Majesty, from an exact knowledge of all that is passing, must be able to form a much more correct opinion of the propriety and discretion of any step than Lord Melbourne can do....
Lord Melbourne has a letter from Lord John Russell, rather eager for active opposition; but Lord Melbourne will write to your Majesty more fully upon these subjects from Woburn.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
CANADA
Woburn Abbey, 12th September 1841.
Lord Melbourne has this morning received your Majesty's letter of yesterday. Lord Melbourne entirely agrees with your Majesty about appointments. He knows, as your Majesty does from experience, that with all the claims which there are to satisfy, with all the prejudices which are to be encountered, and with all the interests which require to be reconciled, it is impossible to select the best men, or even always those properly qualified. He is the last man who would wish that a Minister who has the whole machine of the Government before him should be necessarily thwarted or interfered with in the selection of those whom he may be desirous to employ. Lord Melbourne would therefore by no means advise your Majesty to throw difficulty in the way of the diplomatic arrangements which may be proposed, unless there should be in them anything manifestly and glaringly bad. The nomination of Lord —— would have been so, but otherwise it cannot very greatly signify who is the Ambassador at Vienna, or even at Petersburg or Paris. Stuart de Rothesay94 and Strangford95 are not good men, either of them, but it will be difficult for Lord Aberdeen to neglect their claims altogether. Heytesbury96 is an able man, the best they have. Sir Robert Gordon97 is an honest man, slow but not illiberal. It would be well if your Majesty showed Lord Aberdeen that you know these men, and have an opinion upon the subject of them.
Canada is another matter. It is a most difficult and most hazardous task. There has been recent rebellion in the country. A new Constitution has lately been imposed upon it by Parliament. The two Provinces have been united, and the united Province is bordered by a most hostile and uncontrollable community, the United States of North America. To govern such a country at such a moment requires a man of great abilities, a man experienced and practical in the management of popular assemblies.... It is possible that matters may go smoothly there, and that if difficulties do arise Sir C. Bagot may prove more equal to them than from his general knowledge of his character Lord Melbourne would judge him to be....
Upon the subject of diplomatic appointments Lord Melbourne has forgotten to make one general observation which he thinks of importance. Upon a change of Government a very great and sudden change of all or many of the Ministers at Foreign Courts is an evil and to be avoided, inasmuch as it induces an idea of a general change of policy, and disturbs everything that has been settled. George III. always set his face against and discouraged such numerous removals as tending to shake confidence abroad in the Government of England generally and to give it a character of uncertainty and instability. It would be well if your Majesty could make this remark to Lord Aberdeen.
Footnote 94: The new Ambassador to St Petersburg.
Footnote 95: Percy, sixth Viscount Strangford (1780-1855), formerly Ambassador to Constantinople, whom Byron described as
"Hibernian Strangford, with thine eyes of blue,
And boasted locks of red or auburn hue."
Footnote 96: See post, p. [329].
Footnote 97: The new Ambassador to Vienna.
Lord Ellenborough98 to Queen Victoria.
LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S REPORT
INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN
Lord Ellenborough presents his most humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly acquaints your Majesty that having, on the morning after the Council held at Claremont on the third of this month, requested the clerks of the India Board to put him in possession of the latest information with respect to the Political, Military, and Financial affairs of India, he ascertained that on the 4th of June instructions had been addressed to the Governor-General of India in Council in the following terms:—"We direct that unless circumstances now unknown to us should induce you to adopt a different course, an adequate force be advanced upon Herat, and that that city and its dependencies may be occupied by our troops, and dispositions made for annexing them to the kingdom of Cabul."99
The last letters from Calcutta, dated the 9th of July, did not intimate any intention on the part of the Governor-General in Council of directing any hostile movement against Herat, and the Governor-General himself having always evinced much reluctance to extend the operations of the army to that city, it seemed almost probable that the execution of the orders of the 4th of June would have been suspended until further communication could be had with the Home Authorities.
Nevertheless, in a matter of so much moment it did not appear to be prudent to leave anything to probability, and at Lord Ellenborough's instance your Majesty's confidential servants came to the conclusion that no time should be lost in addressing to the Governor-General in Council a letter in the following terms—such letter being sent, as your Majesty must be aware, not directly by the Commissioners for the Affairs of India, but, as the Act of Parliament prescribes in affairs requiring secrecy, by their direction through and in the name of the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors:—
"From the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company to the Governor-General of India in Council.
"Her Majesty having been pleased to form a new Administration, we think it expedient that no step should be taken with respect to Herat which would have the effect of compelling the prosecution of a specific line of Policy in the countries beyond the Indus, until the new Ministers shall have had time to take the subject into their deliberate consideration, and to communicate to us their opinions thereupon.
"We therefore direct that, unless you should have already taken measures in pursuance of our Instructions of the 4th of June 1841—which commit the honour of your Government to the prosecution of the line of Policy which we thereby ordered you to adopt, or which could not be arrested without prejudice to the Public interests, or danger to the troops employed—you will consider those Instructions to be suspended.
"We shall not fail to communicate to you at an early period our fixed decision upon this subject."
It was not possible to bring this subject before your Majesty's confidential servants before the afternoon of Saturday the 4th. The mail for India, which should have been despatched on the 1st, had been detained till Monday the 6th by the direction of your Majesty's late Ministers, in order to enable your Majesty's present servants to transmit to India and China any orders which it might seem to them to be expedient to issue forthwith. Further delay would have been productive of much mercantile inconvenience, and in India probably of much alarm. In this emergency your Majesty's Ministers thought that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to approve of their exercising at once the power of directing the immediate transmission to India of these Instructions.
Your Majesty must have had frequently before you strong proofs of the deep interest taken by Russia in the affairs of Herat, and your Majesty cannot but be sensible of the difficulty of maintaining in Europe that good understanding with Russia which has such an important bearing upon the general peace, if serious differences should exist between your Majesty and that Power with respect to the States of Central Asia.
But even if the annexation of Herat to the kingdom of Cabul were not to have the effect of endangering the continuance of the good understanding between your Majesty and Russia, still your Majesty will not have failed to observe that the further advance of your Majesty's forces 360 miles into the interior of Central Asia for the purpose of effecting that annexation, could not but render more difficult of accomplishment the original intention of your Majesty, publicly announced to the world, of withdrawing your Majesty's troops from Afghanistan as soon as Shah Sooja should be firmly established upon the throne he owes to your Majesty's aid.
These considerations alone would have led Lord Ellenborough to desire that the execution of the orders given on the 4th of June should at least be delayed until your Majesty's confidential servants had had time to consider maturely the Policy which it might be their duty to advise your Majesty to sanction with respect to the countries on the right bank of the Indus; but financial considerations strengthened this desire, and seemed to render it an imperative duty to endeavour to obtain time for mature reflection before any step should be taken which might seriously affect the tranquillity of Europe, and must necessarily have disastrous effects upon the Administration of India.
INDIAN FINANCES
It appeared that the political and military charges now incurred beyond the Indus amounted to £1,250,000 a year—that the estimate of the expense of the additions made to the Army in India, since April 1838, was £1,138,750 a year, and that the deficit of Indian Revenue in 1839-40 having been £2,425,625, a further deficit of £1,987,000 was expected in 1840-41.
Your Majesty must be too well informed of the many evils consequent upon financial embarrassment, and entertains too deep a natural affection for all your Majesty's subjects, not to desire that in whatever advice your Majesty's confidential servants may tender to your Majesty with respect to the Policy to be observed in Afghanistan, they should have especial regard to the effect which the protracted continuance of military operations in that country, still more any extension of them to a new and distant field, would have upon the Finances of India, and thereby upon the welfare of eighty millions of people who there acknowledge your Majesty's rule.
Footnote 98: President of the Board of Control.
Footnote 99: For the progress of affairs in Afghanistan, see Introductory Notes for 1839-1842. [[1839]; [1840]; [1841]; [1842].]
Queen Victoria to Lord Ellenborough.
Windsor Castle, 19th September 1841.
The Queen thanks Lord Ellenborough for this clear and interesting Memorandum he has sent. It seems to the Queen that the course intended to be pursued—namely to take time to consider the affairs of India without making any precipitate change in the Policy hitherto pursued, and without involving the country hastily in expenses, is far the best and safest.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS
Windsor Castle, 19th September 1841.
In the conversation that the Queen had with Lord Aberdeen last week, she omitted mentioning two persons to him. The one is Lord Heytesbury; the Queen believes him to be a very able man, and would it not therefore be a good thing to employ him in some important mission? The other person is Mr Aston, who is at Madrid; the Queen hopes it may be possible to leave him there, for she thinks that he acted with great discretion, prudence, and moderation since he has been there, and the post is one of considerable importance. He was, the Queen believes, long Secretary to the Legation at Paris.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
Foreign Office, 21st September 1841.
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....
Lord Aberdeen has seen the favourable opinion which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to express of Lord Heytesbury, and he humbly presumes to think that this honour is not unmerited. The situation of Governor-General of India has recently been proposed by Sir Robert Peel for Lord Heytesbury's acceptance, which has been declined by him, and it is understood that Lord Heytesbury is not at present desirous of public employment.100
Your Majesty's servants have not yet fully considered the propriety of submitting to your Majesty any proposal of a change in the Spanish Mission; but the opinion which your Majesty has been pleased to signify respecting the conduct of Mr Aston at Madrid appears, in the humble judgment of Lord Aberdeen, to be fully confirmed by the correspondence in this Office.
Lord Aberdeen would, however, venture humbly to mention that the person filling this Mission has usually been replaced on a change of the Administration at home. Should this be the case in the present instance, Lord Aberdeen begs to assure your Majesty that the greatest care will be taken to select an individual for your Majesty's approbation who may be qualified to carry into effect the wise, just, and moderate policy which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to recognise in the conduct of Mr Aston.
Footnote 100: He was made Governor and Captain of the Isle of Wight, and Governor of Carisbrooke Castle.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
MELBOURNE AND PEEL
Royal Lodge, 21st September 1841.
Saw Baron Stockmar this morning at the Castle, and had a good deal of conversation with him on various matters. He is very apprehensive that evil will spring out of the correspondence now carried on between the Queen and Lord Melbourne. He thinks it is productive of the greatest possible danger, and especially to Lord Melbourne; he thought no Government could stand such undermining influence. I might tell this to Lord Melbourne, and say that if he was totally disconnected from his Party, instead of being the acknowledged head, there would not be the same objection. He said, Remind Lord Melbourne of the time immediately after the Queen's accession, when he had promised the King of the Belgians to write to him from time to time an account of all that was going on in this country; and upon Lord Melbourne telling him of this promise, he replied, This will not do. It cannot be kept a secret that you keep up this correspondence, and jealousy and distrust will be the fruit of a knowledge of it. "Leave it to me," he said, "to arrange with the King; you cease to write, and I will put it straight with the King."
The Baron seemed to expect Lord Melbourne to draw the inference from this that a correspondence between Lord Melbourne and the Queen was fraught with the same danger, and would, when known, be followed by distrust and jealousy on the part of Sir Robert Peel. I said I reconciled it to myself because I felt that it had been productive of much good and no harm—and that, feeling that it was conducted on such honourable terms, I should not, if it were necessary, scruple to acquaint Sir Robert Peel of its existence. The Baron said, "Ask Lord Melbourne whether he would object to it." He said Peel, when he heard it, would not, on the first impression, at all approve of it; but prudence and caution would be immediately summoned to his aid, and he would see that it was his policy to play the generous part—and would say he felt all was honourably intended, and he had no objection to offer—"but," said the Baron, "look to the result. Distrust, being implanted from the first, whenever the first misunderstanding arose, or things took a wrong turn, all would, in Peel's mind, be immediately attributed to this cause."
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 24th September 1841.
My dearest Uncle,—I have already thanked you for your two kind letters, but I did not wish to answer them but by a Messenger. I feel thankful for your praise of my conduct; all is going on well, but it would be needless to attempt to deny that I feel the change, and I own I am much happier when I need not see the Ministers; luckily they do not want to see me often. I feel much the King's kindness about Ste Aulaire;101 I shall see him here on Tuesday next.
I return you our excellent friend Melbourne's letter, which I had already seen, as he sent it me to read, and then seal and send. I miss him much, but I often hear from him, which is a great pleasure to me. It is a great satisfaction to us to have Stockmar here; he is a great resource, and is now in excellent spirits.
Mamma is, I suppose, with you now, and we may expect her here either next Thursday or Friday. How much she will have to tell us! I am very grateful for what you say of Claremont, which could so easily be made perfect; and I must say we enjoy ourselves there always particulièrement.... Albert begs me to make you his excuses for not writing, but I can bear testimony that he really has not time to-day. And now addio! dearest Uncle, and pray believe me, always, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 101: See post, p. [334].
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
FINE ARTS COMMISSION
26th September 1841.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to be permitted to submit for your Majesty's consideration a suggestion which has occurred to Sir Robert Peel, and which has reference to the communication which he recently addressed to your Majesty on the subject of the promotion of the Fine Arts in connection with the building of the new Houses of Parliament.
Sir Robert Peel would humbly enquire from your Majesty whether (in the event of your Majesty's being graciously pleased to approve of the appointment of a Royal Commission for the further investigation and consideration of a subject of such deep importance and interest to the encouragement of art in this country) your Majesty would deem it desirable that the Prince should be invited in the name of your Majesty to place himself at the head of this Commission, and to give to it the authority and influence of his high name, and the advantage of his taste and knowledge.
Sir Robert Peel will not of course mention this subject to any one, until he has had the honour of receiving from your Majesty an intimation of your Majesty's opinions and wishes on this subject.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS
South Street, 28th September 1841.
... The diplomatic appointments are as well as they could be made. At least Lord Melbourne thinks so—at least as much in consequence of those whom they exclude, as of those whom they admit. The Duke of Beaufort will do better for Petersburg than for Vienna. He is hardly equal to the place, which requires a clever man, it being more difficult to get information there, and to find out what is going on, than in any other country in Europe.... But Lord Melbourne does not much regard this, and the Duke of Beaufort possesses one advantage, which is of the greatest importance in that country. He is a soldier, was the Duke of Wellington's Aide-de-Camp, and served during much of the Peninsular War. He will therefore be able to accompany the Emperor to reviews, and to talk with him about troops and manœuvres. Sir Robert Gordon and Sir S. Canning will do very well.102
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear that your Majesty was pleased and impressed with Archdeacon Wilberforce's103 sermon and his manner of delivering it. Lord Melbourne has never seen nor heard him. His father had as beautiful and touching a voice as ever was heard. It was very fine in itself. He spoiled it a little by giving it a methodistical and precatory intonation.
Hayter has been to Lord Melbourne to-day to press him to sit to him, which he will do as soon as he has done with Chantrey. Chantrey says that all Lord Melbourne's face is very easy except the mouth. The mouth, he says, is always the most difficult feature, and he can rarely satisfy himself with the delineation of any mouth, but Lord Melbourne's is so flexible and changeable that it is almost impossible to catch it.
Footnote 102: For Vienna and Constantinople.
Footnote 103: Samuel, son of William Wilberforce, at this date Archdeacon of Surrey, and chaplain to Prince Albert; afterwards, in 1844, appointed Bishop of Oxford, and eventually translated to the See of Winchester.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
MELBOURNE'S ADVICE
South Street, 1st October 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received your Majesty's letter yesterday evening, and cannot express to your Majesty how much obliged he feels by your Majesty's taking the trouble to give him so much information upon so many points. Ste Aulaire's hair-powder seems to make a very deep and general impression.104 Everybody talks about it. "He appears to be very amiable and agreeable," everybody says, but then adds, "I never saw a man wear so much powder." A head so whitened with flour is quite a novelty and a prodigy in these times. Lord Melbourne has not yet seen him, but means to call upon him immediately. Lord Melbourne is upon the whole glad that the Duke of Beaufort has declined St Petersburg. It is an appointment that might have been acquiesced in, but would not have been approved. Bulwer105 will not be a bad choice to accompany Sir Charles106 to Canada. Your Majesty knows Bulwer well. He is clever, keen, active; somewhat bitter and caustic, and rather suspicious. A man of a more straight-forward character would have done better, but it would be easy to have found many who would have done worse. Lord Melbourne is very glad that it has been offered to the Prince to be at the head of this Commission, and that His Royal Highness has accepted it. It is an easy, unexceptionable manner of seeing and becoming acquainted with a great many people, and of observing the mode of transacting business in this country. The Commission itself will be a scene of very considerable difference of opinion. Lord Melbourne is for decorating the interior of the Houses of Parliament, if it be right to do so, but he is not for doing it, whether right or wrong, for the purpose of spending the public money in the encouragement of the Fine Arts. Whether it is to be painting or sculpture, or both; if painting, what sort of painting, what are to be the subjects chosen, and who are to be the artists employed? All these questions furnish ample food for discussion, difference, and dispute. Chantrey says fresco will never do; it stands ill in every climate, will never stand long in this, even in the interior of a building, and in a public work such as this is, durability is the first object to be aimed at. He says that there is in the Vatican a compartment of which the middle portion has been painted by Giulio Romano107 in fresco, and at each of the ends there is a figure painted by Raphael in oil. The fresco painting has been so often repaired in consequence of decay, that not a vestige of the original work remains; while the two figures painted by Raphael in oil still stand out in all their original freshness, and even improved from what they were when first executed....
Lord Melbourne dined and slept on Wednesday at Wimbledon.108 He met there Lord and Lady Cottenham, Lord109 and Lady Langdale, Lord Glenelg and his brother, Mr Wm. Grant, who was his private secretary, and is an amusing man. Lord Melbourne is going there again to-morrow to stay until Monday. The place is beautiful; it is not like Claremont, but it is quite of the same character, and always puts Lord Melbourne in mind of it. The Duchess has many merits, but amongst them is the not small one of having one of the best cooks in England.
Footnote 104: Madame de Lieven wrote to Aberdeen, 12th September 1841: "Ne jugez pas cet Ambassadeur par son exterieur; il personnifie un peu les Marquis de Molière.... Passez-lui ses cheveux poudrés, son air galant et papillon auprès des femmes. He cannot help it."
Footnote 105: Sir Henry Bulwer, afterwards Lord Dalling.
Footnote 106: Sir Charles Bagot.
Footnote 107: He was a pupil of Raphael, celebrated for (among other works) his "Fall of the Titans."
Footnote 108: The word is almost illegible. Wimbledon was at that time in the occupation of the Duke of Somerset.
Footnote 109: Master of the Rolls.
Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria.
PEERS AND AUDIENCES
Whitehall, 2nd October 1841.
Sir James Graham with humble duty begs to lay before your Majesty two letters, which he has received from the Earl of Radnor,110 together with the copy of the answer which Sir James Graham returned to the first of the two letters.
If the presentation of Petitions were the sole subject of the Audience, it might be needless to impose on your Majesty the trouble incident to this mode of receiving them, since they might be transmitted through the accustomed channel of one of the Secretaries of State; but Sir James Graham infers from a conversation which, since the receipt of the letters he has had with Lord Radnor, that the Audience is asked in exercise of a right claimed by Peers of the Realm.
The existence of this right is not recognised by Statute; but it rests in ancient usage, and is noticed by Judge Blackstone in his Commentaries on the Laws of England in the following terms:—
"It is usually looked upon to be the right of each particular Peer of the Realm to demand an Audience of the King, and to lay before him, with decency and respect, such matters as he shall judge of importance to the public weal."
The general practice on the part of the Sovereign has been not to refuse these Audiences when Peers have asked them....
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and Servant,
J. R. G. Graham.
Footnote 110: William, third Earl, formerly M.P. for Salisbury.
Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham.
Windsor Castle, 3rd October 1841.
The Queen has received Sir James Graham's communication with the enclosures. She thinks that it would be extremely inconvenient if Audiences were to be granted to Peers for the purpose of presenting Petitions or Addresses. The Queen knows that it has always been considered a sort of right of theirs to ask for and receive an Audience of the King or Queen. But the Queen knows that upon several occasions Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell wrote to the Peers who requested Audiences, stating that it would be very inconvenient for the Queen, particularly in the country, and that they had better either put off asking for it, till the Queen came to town, or send what they had to say; communicate in writing—which was complied with. If, therefore, Sir James Graham would state this to Lord Radnor, he may probably give up pressing for an Audience. Should he, however, urge his wish very strongly, the Queen will see him in the manner proposed by Sir James. The Queen would wish to hear from Sir James again before she gives a final answer.
Lord Ellenborough to Queen Victoria.
THE CHINESE CAMPAIGN
India Board, 2nd October 1841.
Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly acquaints your Majesty that your Majesty's Ministers, taking into consideration the smallness of the force with which the campaign in China was commenced this year, and the advanced period of the season at which the reinforcements would arrive (which reinforcements would not so raise the strength of the Army as to afford any reasonable expectation that its operations will produce during the present year any decisive results), have deemed it expedient that instructions would be at once issued to the Indian Government with a view to the making of timely preparations for the campaign of 1842.111
Your Majesty's Ministers are of opinion that the War with China should be conducted on an enlarged scale, and the Indian Government will be directed to have all their disposable military and naval force at Singapore in April, so that the operations may commence at the earliest period which the season allows.
Lord Ellenborough cannot but entertain a sanguine expectation that that force so commencing its operations, and directed upon a point where it will intercept the principal internal communication of the Chinese Empire, will finally compel the Chinese Government to accede to terms of Peace honourable to your Majesty, and affording future security to the trade of your Majesty's subjects.
Footnote 111: Ningpo was taken by Sir Hugh Gough on 13th October 1841, and no further operations took place till the spring of the following year. See Introductory Note, ante, p. [254.]
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
Windsor Castle, 3rd October 1841.
Sat by the Queen last night at dinner. Her Majesty alluded to Sir Robert Peel's awkward manner, which she felt she could not get over. I asked if Her Majesty had yet made any effort, which I was good-humouredly assured Her Majesty "thought she really had done."
Sir Robert's ignorance of character was most striking and unaccountable; feeling this, made it difficult for Her Majesty to place reliance upon his judgment in recommendations.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
ENGLISH AND FOREIGN ARTISTS
South Street, 4th October 1811.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter of the 2nd inst. yesterday, at Wimbledon. If Lord Melbourne should hear of anything of what your Majesty asks respecting the impression made upon Sir Robert and Lady Peel, he will take care and inform your Majesty, but, of course, they will speak very favourably, and if they feel otherwise will not breathe it except in the most secret and confidential manner.
Lord Melbourne is very much rejoiced to hear that the Duchess of Kent arrived safe and well and in good spirits.
SIR FRANCIS CHANTREY
Lord Melbourne sat to Sir F. Chantrey on Saturday last. He will, Lord Melbourne believes, require only one more sitting, which he wishes to be at the distance of a week from the last, in order that he may take a fresh view of the bust, and not become reconciled to its imperfections by continually looking at it. It may give the Prince some idea of the national feeling which prevails here, when he is told that Lord Melbourne upon asking Sir F. Chantrey what ought to be done if foreign artists were employed to paint the Houses of Parliament, received from him the following answer: "Why, their heads ought to be broke and they driven out of the country, and, old as I am, I should like to lend a hand for that purpose."
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 5th October 1841.
... Lord Melbourne, by telling your Majesty what Sir Francis Chantrey said respecting foreign artists, and by requesting your Majesty to repeat it to the Prince, by no means intended to imply that there was any disposition on the part of His Royal Highness to recommend the employment of foreigners. He only meant to convey the idea of the strength of the prejudice which is felt by enlightened and able men upon the subject. Lord Melbourne has been sitting this morning to Hayter for the picture of the marriage, and he (Hayter) held an entirely contrary language. His tone is: "If foreign artists are more capable than English, let them be employed. All I require is that the work should be done as well as it can be." The English are certainly very jealous of foreigners, and so, Lord Melbourne apprehends, are the rest of mankind, but not knowing himself any nation except the English, he cannot venture to make positively that assertion. Lord Melbourne has been reading the evidence given before the committee of the House of Commons upon this subject. It is well worth attention, particularly Mr Eastlake's,112 which appears to Lord Melbourne to be very enlightened, dispassionate, and just....
Footnote 112: Afterwards Sir Charles Eastlake, Keeper of the National Gallery, 1843-1847, President of the Royal Academy, 1850-1865.
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
THE PRINCE'S GRANT
Windsor Castle, 6th October 1841.
Sat by Her Majesty last night at dinner.
The Queen had written to Lord Melbourne about coming to the Castle, but in his answer he had made no allusion to it; she did not know whether this was accidental or intentional, for he very often gave no answer to questions which were put.
I told Her Majesty that I feared he had raised an obstacle to his visit by making a strong speech against the Government just at the time he was thinking of coming. That this attack had identified him as the leader of his Party, at a moment when I had been most anxious that he should abstain from taking an active part, and by withdrawing himself from politics he would enable himself to become the more useful friend to Her Majesty. The Queen had not seen the speech, was sorry he had felt himself obliged to make it, but it would be difficult for him to avoid it after having been so long Prime Minister.
Her Majesty told me that previous to the exit of the late Government, Lord John had earnestly cautioned Her Majesty not to propose any new grant of money, as it would in the case of £70,000 for the new stables, however unfairly, bring great unpopularity upon the Queen. I said in regard to any increase to the Prince's annuity, I thought it would be very imprudent in him to think of it, except under very peculiar circumstances which might arise, but which could not yet be foreseen. The Queen said that nothing should induce Her Majesty to accept such a favour from these Ministers. Peel probably now regretted his opposition to the grant, but it was, and was intended to be, a personal insult to herself, and it was followed up [by] opposition to her private wishes in the precedency question, where the Duke of Wellington took the lead against her wishes, as Peel had done in the Commons against the Prince's grant. She never could forget it, and no favour to her should come from such a quarter. I told Her Majesty I could not rest the Prince's case on Her Majesty's objections if they were the only ones which could be brought forward. If the case again rose I feared Her Majesty would find many who before, from Party views, voted according to Her Majesty's wishes, would now rank on the opposite side.
Her Majesty asked Dr Hawtrey the evening before who was the cleverest boy at Eton.
Dr Hawtrey made a profound bow to the Queen and said, "I trust your Majesty will excuse my answering, for if I did I make 600 enemies at once."
Memorandum by Baron Stockmar.
6th October 1841.
The Queen had asked Lord Melbourne whether he would soon visit her at Windsor. He had not replied on that point, but had written to Prince Albert in order to learn first the Prince's opinion on the feasibility of the matter.
The Prince sent for me and consulted with me. I was of opinion that the Prince had better refrain from giving an answer, and that I should give my opinion in the written form of a Memorandum, with which Anson should betake himself to town. He was to read it aloud to Melbourne, and orally to add what amplifications might be necessary.
And so it was done.
RELATIONS WITH PEEL
My Memorandum was as follows:—
Sir Robert Peel has yet to make his position opposite113 the Queen, which for him to obtain is important and desirable for obvious reasons. I have good cause to doubt that Sir Robert is sure within himself of the good-will and confidence of the Queen. As long as the secret communication exists between Her Majesty and Lord Melbourne, this ground, upon which alone Sir Robert could obtain the position necessary to him as Premier, must remain cut away from under his feet. I hold, therefore, this secret interchange an essential injustice to Sir Robert's present situation. I think it equally wrong to call upon the Prince to give an opinion on the subject, as he has not the means to cause his opinion to be either regarded or complied with. In this particular matter nobody has paramount power to do right or wrong but the Queen, and more especially Lord Melbourne himself. To any danger which may come out of this to Her Majesty's character, the caution and objection must come from him, and from him alone; and if I was standing in his shoes I would show the Queen, of my own accord, and upon constitutional grounds too, that a continued correspondence of that sort must be fraught with imminent danger to the Queen, especially to Lord Melbourne, and to the State.
Footnote 113: I.e. with.
I then gave Anson the further arguments with which he was to accompany the reading out of this Memo.
DISCRETION URGED ON MELBOURNE
On the next day Anson went to Melbourne and told him that his note to him had raised a great consultation, that the Prince felt much averse to giving any opinion in a case upon which he could exercise no control, and in which, if it was known that he had given his sanction, he would be held responsible for any mischief which might arise. He had consulted Baron Stockmar, who had written the enclosed opinion, which the Prince had desired Anson to read to Lord Melbourne. Melbourne read it attentively twice through, with an occasional change of countenance and compression of lips. He said on concluding it: "This is a most decided opinion indeed, quite an 'apple114 opinion.'" Anson told him that the Prince felt that if the Queen's confidence in Peel was in a way to be established, it would be extremely shaken by his (Lord Melbourne's) visit at such a moment. He felt that it would be better that Lord Melbourne's appearance should be in London, where he would meet the Queen only on the terms of general society, but at the same time he (the Prince) was extremely reluctant to give an opinion upon a case which Lord Melbourne's own sense of right ought to decide. Anson added how he feared his speech of yesterday in the House of Lords115 had added another impediment to his coming at this moment, as it had identified him with and established as the head of the Opposition party, which he (Anson) had hoped Melbourne would have been able to avoid. Melbourne, who was then sitting on the sofa, rushed up upon this, and went up and down the room in a violent frenzy, exclaiming—"God eternally d—n it!" etc., etc. "Flesh and blood cannot stand this. I only spoke upon the defensive, which Ripon's speech at the beginning of the session rendered quite necessary. I cannot be expected to give up my position in the country, neither do I think that it is to the Queen's interest that I should."
MELBOURNE'S INFLUENCE
Anson continued that the Baron thought that no Ministry could stand the force of such an undercurrent influence, that all the good that was to be derived from pacifying the Queen's mind at the change had been gained, and that the danger which we were liable to, and which threatened him in particular, could only be averted by his own straightforward decision with the Queen. Anson asked him if he saw any danger likely to arise from this correspondence. After a long pause he said, "I certainly cannot think it right," though he felt sure that some medium of communication of this sort was no new precedent. He took care never to say anything which could bring his opinion in opposition to Sir Robert's, and he should distinctly advise the Queen to adhere to her Ministers in everything,116 unless he saw the time had arrived at which it might be resisted.117 The principal evil, replied Anson, to be dreaded from the continuance of Lord Melbourne's influence was, according to the Baron's opinion, that so long as the Queen felt she could resort to Lord Melbourne for his advice, she never would be disposed (from not feeling the necessity) to place any real confidence in the advice she received from Peel.
Footnote 114: No doubt Lord Melbourne said an "apple-pie" opinion.
Footnote 115: At the opening of the Session Lord Ripon had reprobated the late Government for resorting to temporary expedients, and Lord Melbourne, on the second reading of the Exchequer-bills Funding Bill, caustically but good-humouredly replied to the attack.
Footnote 116: Note by Baron Stockmar.—If he wishes to carry this out consistently and quite honestly, what then is the value of his advice, if it be only the copy of that of Sir R. Peel?
Footnote 117: Note by Baron Stockmar.—This means, in my way of reading it: "The Queen, by her correspondence with me, puts Peel into my hands, and there I mean to let him stay unhurt, until time and extraneous circumstances—but more especially the advantage that will accrue to me by my secret correspondence with the Queen—shall enable me to plunge, in all security, the dagger into his back."
The Earl of Liverpool to Baron Stockmar.118
Fife House, 7th October 1841.
My dear Baron,—Peel sent for me this morning to speak to me about the contents of his letter to me. After some general conversation on matters respecting the Royal Household, he said that he had had much satisfaction in his intercourse lately with Her Majesty, and specifically yesterday, and he asked me whether I had seen Her Majesty or the Prince yesterday, and whether they were satisfied with him. I told him that except in public I had not seen Her Majesty, and except for a moment in your room I had not seen the Prince; but that as he spoke to me on this matter, I must take the opportunity of saying a word to him about you, from whom I had learnt yesterday that both the Queen and Prince are extremely well pleased with him. That I had known you very long, but that our great intimacy began when King Leopold sent you over just previous to the Queen's accession; that we had acted together on that occasion, and that our mutual esteem and intimacy had increased; that your position was a very peculiar one, and that you might be truly said to be a species of second parent to the Queen and the Prince; that your only object was their welfare, and your only ambition to be of service to them; that in this sense you had communicated with Melbourne, and that I wished that in this sense you should communicate with him (Peel). He said that he saw the matter exactly as I did, that he wished to communicate with you, and felt the greatest anxiety to do everything to meet the wishes of the Queen and Prince in all matters within his power, and as far as consistent with his known and avowed political principles; that in all matters respecting the Household and their private feelings that the smallest hint sufficed to guide him, as he would not give way to any party feeling or job which should in any way militate against Her Majesty or His Royal Highness's comfort; that he wished particularly that it should be known that he never had a thought of riding roughshod over Her Majesty's wishes; that if you would come to him at any time, and be candid and explicit with him, you might depend upon his frankness and discretion; that above all, if you had said anything to him, and expressed a wish that it might not be communicated even to the Duke of Wellington, (that was his expression), that he wished me to assure you that your wishes should be strictly attended to. Pray give me a line to say that you do not disapprove of what I have done. We had a great deal more conversation, but with this I will not now load my letter, being ever sincerely yours,
Liverpool.
Direct your answer to this house.
Footnote 118: This letter was submitted to the Queen.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
AUDIENCES OF PEERS
South Street, 8th October 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this morning received your Majesty's letter of yesterday. There can be no doubt that your Majesty is right about the Audiences which have been requested....
Sir Robert Peel is probably right in supposing that the claim of a Peer to an Audience of the Sovereign originated in early times, and before the present course of government by responsible advisers was fully and decidedly established, which it hardly can be said to have been until after the accession of the House of Hanover, but the custom of asking for such Audiences, and of their being in general granted, was well known, and has for the most part been observed and adhered to. Lord Melbourne remembers that during the part of the French War, when considerable alarm began to prevail respecting its duration, and the serious aspect which it was assuming, George III. gave Audiences to the Duke of Norfolk and others which he certainly would not have been inclined to do if he had not thought himself bound by his duty and by Constitutional precedent. At the time of the passing of the Roman Catholic Relief Act, George IV. received very many Peers, much no doubt against his will, who came to remonstrate with him upon the course which his Ministers were pursuing. William IV. did the same at the time of the Reform Bill, and certainly spoke upon the subject in a manner which Lord Melbourne always thought indiscreet and imprudent. Upon the whole, the practice has been so much acted upon and established, that Lord Melbourne will certainly not think it wise to make any alteration now, especially as it has in itself beneficial effects, especially as in a time of strong political feeling it is a satisfaction to the people to think that their wishes and opinions are laid before the Sovereign fairly and impartially. It is not likely to be a very heavy burthen, inasmuch as such Audiences are only asked at particular moments, and they are not in themselves very burthensome nor difficult to deal with. It is only for the Sovereign to say that he is convinced of the good motives which have actuated the step, and that consideration will be given to the matter and arguments which have been stated.
Lord Melbourne has one vague recollection of a correspondence upon this subject between Lord Holland and some King, but does not remember the circumstances with any accuracy.
Duncannon119 persuaded Brougham to give up asking an Audience upon condition of Lord Melbourne's promising to place his letters in your Majesty's hands, which he did.120 Lord Charlemont121 also was prevented in some manner or another, which Lord Melbourne forgets.
Upon the whole, Lord Melbourne thinks that it is best to concede this privilege of the Peerage, whether it actually exists or not, but to restrain it within due and reasonable bounds, which in ordinary times it is not difficult to do. Extraordinary times must be dealt with as they can be....
Lady A—— is, as your Majesty says, good-natured. She talks three or four times as much as she ought, and like many such women often says exactly the things she ought not to say. Lady B—— has ten times the sense of her mother, and a little residue of her folly.
Footnote 119: Ex-First Commissioner of Land Revenue.
Footnote 120: See ante, pp. [293] and [335-6].
Footnote 121: Francis William, fifth Viscount Charlemont (1775-1863), created a Peer of the United Kingdom in 1837.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
GOVERNOR-GENERALSHIP OF INDIA
9th October 1841.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to inform your Majesty that in consequence of the opinion which your Majesty was graciously pleased to express when Sir Robert Peel last had the honour of waiting upon your Majesty, with respect to the superior qualifications of Lord Ellenborough for the important trust of Governor-General of India, Sir Robert Peel saw his Lordship yesterday, and enquired whether he would permit Sir Robert Peel to propose his appointment to your Majesty.
LORD ELLENBOROUGH
Lord Ellenborough was very much gratified by the proposal, admitted at once that it was very difficult to find an unexceptionable candidate for an office of such pre-eminent importance, but made some difficulty on two points.
First—Considerations of health, which though disregarded personally, might, he feared, interfere with the execution of such unremitting and laborious duties as would devolve upon the Governor-General of India.
Secondly—The consideration that on his acceptance of the office he would be required by law to give up during his tenure of it no less than £7,500 per annum, the amount of compensation now paid to him in consequence of the abolition of a very valuable office122 which he held in the Courts of Law.
During Lord Ellenborough's conversation with Sir Robert Peel, and while the mind of Lord Ellenborough was very much in doubt as to the policy of his acceptance of the office, the box which contained your Majesty's note of yesterday was brought to Sir Robert Peel.
Sir Robert Peel humbly acquaints your Majesty that he ventured to read to Lord Ellenborough on the instant the concluding paragraph of your Majesty's note, namely—
"The more the Queen thinks of it, the more she thinks that Lord Ellenborough would be far the most fit person to send to India."
Sir Robert Peel is perfectly convinced that this opinion of your Majesty, so graciously expressed, removed every doubt and difficulty from Lord Ellenborough's mind, and decided him to forgo every personal consideration rather than appear unmindful of such a favourable impression of his qualifications for public service on the part of his Sovereign.
Sir Robert Peel humbly hopes that your Majesty will not disapprove of the use which he made of a confidential note from your Majesty.
As your Majesty kindly permitted Sir Robert Peel to send occasionally letters to your Majesty of a private rather than a public character, he ventures to enclose one from the Duke of Wellington on the subject of the appointment of Governor-General.
Sir Robert Peel had observed to the Duke of Wellington that he had great confidence in Lord Ellenborough's integrity, unremitting industry, and intimate knowledge of Indian affairs; that his only fear was that Lord Ellenborough might err from over-activity and eagerness—but that he hoped his tendency to hasty decisions would be checked by the experience and mature judgment of Indian advisers on the spot.
The Duke of Wellington's comments have reference to these observations of Sir Robert Peel. Your Majesty will nevertheless perceive that the Duke considers, upon the whole, "that Lord Ellenborough is better qualified than any man in England for the office of Governor-General."
Footnote 122: He was Joint Chief Clerk of the Pleas in the Queen's Bench, a sinecure conferred on him by his father, who was Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, 1802-1818.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AFFAIRS IN SPAIN
Windsor Castle, 12th October 1841.
My dearest Uncle,—– ... Respecting the Spanish affairs,123 I can give you perfectly satisfactory intelligence concerning the Infants' return. Espartero sees them return with the greatest regret, but said he felt he could not prevent them from doing so. If, however, they should be found to intrigue at all, they will not be allowed to remain. Respecting a marriage with the eldest son of Dona Carlotta, I know positively that Espartero never would hear of it; but, on the other hand, he is equally strongly opposed to poor little Isabel marrying any French Prince, and I must add that we could never allow that. You will see that I have given you a frank and fair account....
Footnote 123: The Queen-mother, who was living in Paris, had been deprived by a vote of the Cortes of the guardianship of the young Queen, Isabella II., and risings in her interest now took place at Pampeluna and Vittoria. On the 7th October, a bold attempt was made at Madrid to storm the Palace and get possession of the person of the young Queen. Queen Christina denied complicity, but the Regent, Espartero, suspended her pension on the ground that she had encouraged the conspirators.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 12th October 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns many thanks for the letter received yesterday informing Lord Melbourne of the time of your Majesty's coming to London. Lord Melbourne earnestly hopes that your Majesty continues well.
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the appointment of Lord Ellenborough. The reasons which your Majesty gives are sound and just, and it is of great importance that a man not only of great ability but of high station, and perfectly in the confidence of the Government at home, should be named to this important post. Lord Ellenborough is a man of great abilities, of much knowledge of India, of great industry and of very accurate habits of business, and Lord Melbourne knows of no objection to his appointment, except the loss of him here, where, whether in or out of office, he has always been of great service. He has hitherto been an unpopular man and his manners have been considered contemptuous and overbearing, but he is evidently much softened and amended in this respect, as most men are by time, experience, and observation. Lord Fitzgerald124 is a very able public man, Lord Melbourne would say one of the most able, if not the most able they have; but Lord Melbourne is told by others, who know Lord Fitzgerald better, that Lord Melbourne overrates him. He is a very good speaker, he has not naturally much industry, and his health is bad, which will probably disable him from a very close and assiduous attention to business. It is, however, upon the whole an adequate appointment, and he is perhaps more likely to go on smoothly with the Court of Directors, which is a great matter, than Lord Ellenborough.
Footnote 124: On Lord Ellenborough becoming Governor-General, Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci, an ex-M.P., and former Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer, succeeded him at the Board of Control.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
FRANCE AND SPAIN
Foreign Office, 16th October 1841.
Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty a private letter from M. Guizot, which has just been communicated to him by M. de Ste-Aulaire, on the recent attempt in favour of Queen Christina in Spain. Your Majesty will see that although M. Guizot denies, with every appearance of sincerity, all participation of the French Government in this attempt, he does not conceal that it has their cordial good wishes for its success. These feelings, on the part of such a Government as that of France, will probably be connected with practical assistance of some kind, although M. Guizot's declarations may perhaps be literally true.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
The Queen must say that she fears the French are at the bottom of it, for their jealousy of our influence in Spain is such, that the Queen fears they would not be indisposed to see civil war to a certain degree restored rather than that Spain should go on quietly supported by us.125 The Queen, however, hopes that, as far as it is possible, the English Government will support the present Regent, who is thoroughly attached to England, and who, from all that the Queen hears of him, is the fittest man they have in Spain for the post he occupies; and indeed matters till now had gone on much more quietly than they had for some time previous, since Espartero is at the head of the Government. The French intrigues should really be frustrated. The Queen certainly thinks that M. Guizot's veracity is generally not to be doubted, but the conduct of France regarding Spain has always been very equivocal.
Footnote 125: See post, p. [349].
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
MASTERSHIP OF TRINITY
16th October 1841.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that the Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, has formally signified his wish to retire from the duties of that important trust.
Sir Robert Peel has reason to believe that it would be advantageous that the selection of a successor to Dr. Wordsworth should be made from members of Trinity College who are or have been fellows of the College. Of these, the most eminent in respect to the qualifications required in the office of Master, and to academical distinction, are:—
| Professor Whewell.126 |
| The Rev. Mr Martin,127 Bursar of the College. |
| The Rev. Dr Wordsworth,128 Head Master of Harrow School, and son of the present Master of Trinity. |
The latter is a highly distinguished scholar, but his success as Head Master of Harrow has not been such as to overcome the objection which applies on general grounds to the succession of a father by a son in an office of this description.
Professor Whewell is a member of Trinity College of the highest scientific attainments. His name is probably familiar to your Majesty as the author of one of the Bridgewater Treatises,129 and of other works which have attracted considerable notice.
He is a general favourite among all who have had intercourse with him from his good temper and easy and conciliatory manners. Though not peculiarly eminent as a divine (less so at least than a writer on scientific and philosophical subjects), his works manifest a deep sense of the importance of religion and sound religious views. The Archbishop of Canterbury130 and the Bishop of London131 (himself of Trinity College) incline to think that the most satisfactory appointment upon the whole would be that of Professor Whewell.
Sir Robert Peel, after making every enquiry into the subject, and with a deep conviction of the importance of the appointment, has arrived at the same conclusion, and humbly therefore recommends to your Majesty that Professor Whewell should succeed Dr Wordsworth as Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Footnote 126: Then Knightsbridge Professor of Moral Philosophy.
Footnote 127: Francis Martin, afterwards Vice-Master, died 1868.
Footnote 128: Christopher Wordsworth, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln.
Footnote 129: By the will (dated 1825) of the eighth Earl of Bridgewater—who must not be confounded with the third and last Duke, projector of inland navigation—£8,000 was left for the best work on the "Goodness of God as manifested in the Creation." The money was divided amongst eight persons, including Whewell, who wrote on Astronomy considered in reference to Natural Theology.
Footnote 130: William Howley.
Footnote 131: O. J. Blomfield.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
QUEEN ISABELLA
17th October 1841.
The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter yesterday evening, and quite approves of the draft to Mr Aston, and of Lord Aberdeen's having sent it off at once. Her earnest wish is that the English Government should be firm, and uphold the Regent as far as it is in our power. The Queen has perused M. Guizot's letter with great attention, but she cannot help fearing that assistance and encouragement has been given in some shape or other to the revolts which have taken place. The Queen Christina's residence at Paris is very suspicious, and much to be regretted; every one who saw the Queen and knew her when Regent, knew her to be clever and capable of governing, had she but attended to her duties. This she did not, but wasted her time in frivolous amusements and neglected her children sadly, and finally left them. It was her own doing, and therefore it is not the kindest conduct towards her children, but the very worst, to try and disturb the tranquillity of a country which was just beginning to recover from the baneful effects of one of the most bloody civil wars imaginable.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGE
The Queen is certain that Lord Aberdeen will feel with her of what importance it is to England that Spain should not become subject to French interests, as it is evident France wishes to make it. The marriage of Queen Isabel is a most important question, and the Queen is likewise certain that Lord Aberdeen sees at once that we could never let her marry a French Prince. Ere long the Queen must speak to Lord Aberdeen on this subject. In the meantime the Queen thought it might be of use to Lord Aberdeen to put him in possession of her feelings on the state of Spain, in which the Queen has always taken a very warm interest.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
Panshanger, 21st October 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received here yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 19th inst., and he earnestly hopes that your Majesty has arrived quite safe and well in London. Besides the family, we have had hardly anybody here except Lady Clanricarde.132 Yesterday Sir Edward L. Bulwer133 came, beating his brother hollow in ridiculousness of attire, ridiculous as the other is. He has, however, much in him, and is agreeable when you come to converse with him....
Lord Melbourne is rather in doubt about his own movements. Lord Leicester134 presses him much to go to Holkham, where Lord Fortescue,135 Mr Ellice136 and others are to be, and considering Lord Leicester's age, Lord Melbourne thinks that it will gratify him to see Lord Melbourne again there. But at Holkham they shoot from morning until night, and if you do not shoot you are like a fish upon dry land. Lord Melbourne hardly feels equal to the exertion, and therefore thinks that he shall establish himself for the present at Melbourne, where he will be within reach of Trentham, Beau Desert,137 Wentworth,138 and Castle Howard,138 if he likes to go to them. The only annoyance is that it is close to Lord and Lady G——, whom he will be perpetually meeting.
Footnote 132: A daughter of George Canning, the Prime Minister.
Footnote 133: Afterwards Lord Lytton, the novelist.
Footnote 134: The famous country gentleman, "Mr Coke of Norfolk."
Footnote 135: Hugh, second Earl, K.G.
Footnote 136: The Right Hon. Edward Ellice, M.P. ("Bear" Ellice).
Footnote 137: Near Lichfield, a seat of Lord Anglesey.
Footnote 138: Lord Fitzwilliam's house, near Rotherham.
Footnote 139: Lord Carlisle's house, near York, built by Vanbrugh.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
HOLLAND AND BELGIUM
Laeken, 22 October 1841.
... In France there is a great outcry that a Bourbon must be the future husband of the Queen of Spain, etc. I must say that as the Spaniards and the late King changed themselves the Salic custom which Philip V. had brought from France,140 it is natural for the rest of Europe to wish that no Bourbon should go there. Besides, it must be confessed that the thing is not even easy, as there is great hatred amongst the various branches of that family. The King of the French himself has always been opposed to the idea of one of his sons going there; in France, however, that opinion still exists, and Thiers had it, strongly.
I confess that I regret that Queen Christina was encouraged to settle at Paris, as it gave the thing the appearance of something preconcerted. I believe that a wish existed that Christina would retire peaceably and par la force des circonstances, but now this took a turn which I am sure the King does not like; it places him, besides, into une position ingrate; the Radicals hate him, the Moderates will cry out that he has left them in the lurch, and the Carlists are kept under key, and of course also not much pleased. I meant to have remained in my wilds till yesterday, but my Ministers were so anxious for my return, there being a good many things on the tapis, that I came back on Tuesday, the 19th....
Here one is exactly shut up as if one was in a menagerie, walking round and round like a tame bear. One breathes here also a mixture of all sorts of moist compounds, which one is told is fresh air, but which is not the least like it. I suppose, however, that my neighbour in Holland, where they have not even got a hill as high as yours in Buckingham Gardens, would consider Laeken as an Alpine country. The tender meeting of the old King and the new King,141 as one can hardly call him a young King, must be most amusing. I am told that if the old King had not made that love-match, he would be perfectly able to dethrone his son; I heard that yesterday from a person rather attached to the son and hating the father. In the meantime, though one can hardly say that he is well at home, some strange mixture of cut-throats and ruined soldiers of fortune had a mind to play us some tricks here; we have got more and more insight into this. Is it by instigation from him personally, or does he only know of it without being a party to it? That is difficult to tell, the more so as he makes immense demonstration of friendly dispositions towards us, and me in particular. I would I could make a chassez croisez with Otho;142 he would be the gainer in solids, and I should have sun and an interesting country; I will try to make him understand this, the more so as you do not any longer want me in the West.
Footnote 140: The Pragmatic Sanction of Philip V. was repealed in 1792 by the Cortes, but the repeal was not promulgated by the King. Under the Salic Law, Don Carlos would have been on the throne. See ante, p. [44].
Footnote 141: William I., who had abdicated in order to marry again, and William II., his son, who was nearly fifty.
Footnote 142: The King of Greece, elected in 1833.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
AMBASSADORS' AUDIENCES
25th October 1841.
With respect to the appointment of Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, the Queen approves of Mr Pennefather143 for that office. The Queen may be mistaken, for she is not very well acquainted with the judicial officers in Ireland, but it strikes her that Serjeant Jackson belonged to the very violent Orange party in Ireland, and if this should be the case she suggests to Sir Robert Peel whether it would not be better not to appoint him. If, on the other hand, the Queen should be mistaken as to his political opinions, she would not disapprove of his succeeding Mr Pennefather.
The Queen saw in the papers that Lord Stuart de Rothesay is already gone. The Queen can hardly believe this, as no Ambassador or Minister ever left England without previously asking for an Audience and receiving one, as the Queen wishes always to see them before they repair to their posts. Would Sir Robert be so very good as to ask Lord Aberdeen whether Lord Stuart de Rothesay is gone or not, and if he should be, to tell Lord Aberdeen that in future she would wish him always to inform her when they intend to go, and to ask for an Audience, which, if the Queen is well, she would always grant. It is possible that as the Queen said the other day that she did not wish to give many Audiences after the Council, that Lord Aberdeen may have misunderstood this and thought the Queen would give none, which was not her intention. The Queen would be thankful to Sir Robert if he would undertake to clear up this mistake, which she is certain (should Lord Stuart be gone) arose entirely from misapprehension.
The Queen also wishes Sir Robert to desire Lord Haddington to send her some details of the intended reductions in the Fleet which she sees by a draft of Lord Aberdeen's to Mr Bulwer have taken place.144
Footnote 143: Recently appointed Solicitor-General; Sergeant J. D. Jackson now succeeded him.
Footnote 144: The statement of the Royal Navy in Commission at the beginning of 1841 sets out 160 vessels carrying 4,277 guns.
Memorandum by Baron Stockmar.
STOCKMAR AND MELBOURNE
25th October 1841.
... I told [Lord Melbourne] that, as I read the English Constitution, it meant to assign to the Sovereign in his functions a deliberative part—that I was not sure the Queen had the means within herself to execute this deliberative part properly, but I was sure that the only way for her to execute her functions at all was to be strictly honest to those men who at the time being were her Ministers. That it was chiefly on this account that I had been so very sorry to have found now, on my return from the Continent, that on the change of the Ministry a capital opportunity to read a great Constitutional maxim to the Queen had not only been lost by Lord Melbourne, but that he had himself turned an instrument for working great good into an instrument which must produce mischief and danger. That I was afraid that, from what Lord Melbourne had been so weak as to have allowed himself to be driven into, against his own and better conviction, the Queen must have received a most pernicious bias, which on any future occasion would make her inclined to act in a similar position similarly to that what she does now, being convinced that what she does now must be right on all future occasions, or else Lord Melbourne would not have sanctioned it. Upon this, Lord Melbourne endeavoured to palliate, to represent the danger, which would arise from his secret correspondence with the Queen as very little, to adduce precedents from history, and to screen his present conduct behind what he imagined Lord Bute's conduct had been under George III.145 I listened patiently, and replied in the end: All this might be mighty fine and quite calculated to lay a flattering unction on his own soul, or it might suffice to tranquillize the minds of the Prince and Anson, but that I was too old to find the slightest argument in what I had just now heard, nor could it in any way allay my apprehension. I began then to dissect all that he had produced for his excusation, and showed him—as I thought clearly, and as he admitted convincingly—that it would be impossible to carry on this secret commerce with the Sovereign for any length of time without exposing the Queen's character and creating mighty embarrassments in the quiet and regular working of a Constitutional machine.
STOCKMAR'S ADVICE
My representations seemed to make a very deep impression, and Lord Melbourne became visibly nervous, perplexed, and distressed. After he had recovered a little I said, "I never was inclined to obtrude advice; but if you don't dislike to hear my opinion, I am prepared to give it to you." He said, "What is it?" I said, "You allow the Queen's confinement to pass over quietly, and you wait till her perfect recovery of it. As soon as this period has arrived, you state of your own accord to Her Majesty that this secret and confidential correspondence with her must cease; that you gave in to it, much against your feelings, and with a decided notion of its impropriety and danger, and merely out of a sincere solicitude to calm Her Majesty's mind in a critical time, and to prevent the ill effects which great and mental agitation might have produced on her health. That this part of your purpose now being most happily achieved, you thought yourself in duty bound to advise Her Majesty to cease all her communications to you on political subjects, as you felt it wrong within yourself to receive them, and to return your political advice and opinions on such matters; that painful as such a step must be to your feelings, which to the last moment of your life will remain those of the most loyal attachment and devotion to the Queen's person, it is dictated to you by a deep sense of what you owe to the country, to your Sovereign, and to yourself."
Footnote 145: For some time after the accession of George III., Bute, though neither in the Cabinet nor in Parliament, was virtually Prime Minister, but he became Secretary of State on 25th March 1761. George II. had disliked him, but he was generally believed to have exercised an undue influence over the consort of Prince Frederic of Wales, mother of George III.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
26th October 1841.
With respect to Serjeant Jackson, the Queen will not oppose his appointment, in consequence of the high character Sir Robert Peel gives him; but she cannot refrain from saying that she very much fears that the favourable effect which has hitherto been produced by the formation of so mild and conciliatory a Government in Ireland, may be endangered by this appointment, which the Queen would sincerely regret.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 26th October 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns your Majesty the letters of the King of the Belgians, with many thanks. It certainly is a very unfortunate thing that the Queen Christina was encouraged to fix her residence at Paris, and the suspicion arising, therefore, cannot but be very injurious both to the King of the French and to the French nation.
Lord Melbourne returns his warmest thanks for your Majesty's kind expressions. He felt the greatest pleasure at seeing your Majesty again and looking so well, and he hopes that his high spirits did not betray him into talking too much or too heedlessly, which he is conscious that they sometimes do.
The King Leopold, Lord Melbourne perceives, still hankers after Greece; but Crowns will not bear to be chopped and changed about in this manner. These new Kingdoms are not too firmly fixed as it is, and it will not do to add to the uncertainty by alteration....
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
DISPUTE WITH UNITED STATES
Whitehall, 28th October 1841.
... Sir Robert Peel humbly assures your Majesty that he fully participates in the surprise which your Majesty so naturally expresses at the extraordinary intimation conveyed to Mr Fox146 by the President of the United States.147
Immediately after reading Mr Fox's despatch upon that subject, Sir Robert Peel sought an interview with Lord Aberdeen. The measure contemplated by the President is a perfectly novel one, a measure of a hostile and unjustifiable character adopted with pacific intentions.
Sir Robert Peel does not comprehend the object of the President, and giving him credit for the desire to prevent the interruption of amicable relations with this country, Sir Robert Peel fears that the forcible detention of the British Minister, after the demand of passports, will produce a different impression on the public mind, both here and in the United States, from that which the President must (if he be sincere) have anticipated. It appears to Sir Robert Peel that the object which the President professes to have in view would be better answered by the immediate compliance with Mr Fox's demand for passports, and the simultaneous despatch of a special mission to this country conveying whatever explanations or offers of reparation the President may have in contemplation.
Sir Robert Peel humbly assures your Majesty that he has advised such measures of preparation to be taken in respect to the amount of disposable naval force, and the position of it, as without bearing the character of menace or causing needless disquietude and alarm, may provide for an unfavourable issue of our present differences with the United States.
Sir Robert Peel fears that when the President ventured to make to Mr Fox the communication which he did make, he must have laboured under apprehension that M'Leod might be executed in spite of the efforts of the general Government of the United States to save his life.
Footnote 146: British Minister at Washington.
Footnote 147: One Alexander M'Leod was tried at Utica on the charge of being implicated in the destruction of the Caroline (an American vessel engaged in carrying arms to the Canadian rebels), in 1837, and in the death of Mr Durfee, an American. The vessel had been boarded by Canadian loyalists when lying in American waters, set on fire and sent over Niagara Falls, and in the affray Durfee was killed. M'Leod was apprehended on American territory, and hence arose the friction between the two countries. M'Leod was acquitted 12th October 1841.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
PORTUGAL
Buckingham Palace, 31st October 1841.
The Queen received yesterday evening Lord Aberdeen's letter with the accompanying despatches and draft. She certainly is surprised at the strange and improper tone in which Lord Howard's148 despatches are written, and can only attribute them to an over-eager and, she fully believes, mistaken feeling of the danger to which he believes the throne of the Queen to be exposed.
The Queen has carefully perused Lord Aberdeen's draft, which she highly approves, but wishes to suggest to Lord Aberdeen whether upon further consideration it might not perhaps be as well to soften the words under which she has drawn a pencil line, as she fears they might irritate Lord Howard very much.
The Queen is induced to copy the following sentences from a letter she received from her cousin, the King of Portugal, a few days ago, and which it may be satisfactory to Lord Aberdeen to see:—
"Je dois encore vous dire que nous avons toutes les raisons de nous louer de la manière dont le Portugal est traité par votre Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, et nous ferons de notre côté notre possible pour prouver notre bonne volonté."
Footnote 148: Lord Howard de Walden, Minister Plenipotentiary at Lisbon.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
SECRETARIES OF STATE
South Street, 1st November 1841.
... Now for His Royal Highness's questions....
How the power of Prime Ministry grew up into its present form it is difficult to trace precisely, as well as how it became attached, as it were, to the office of First Commissioner of the Treasury. But Lord Melbourne apprehends that Sir Robert Walpole was the first man in whose person this union of powers was decidedly established, and that its being so arose from the very great confidence which both George I. and George II. reposed in him, and from the difficulty which they had in transacting business, particularly George I., from their imperfect knowledge of the language of the country.
With respect to the Secretary of State, Lord Melbourne is not prepared from memory to state the dates at which the different arrangements of that office have taken place. There was originally but one officer, and at the present the three are but the heads of the different departments of one office. The first division was into two, and they were called the Secretary for the Northern and the Secretary for the Southern department. They drew a line across the world, and each transacted the business connected with the countries within his own portion of the globe. Another division then took place, and the Foreign affairs were confided to one Secretary of State, and the Home and Colonial affairs to the other; but the present arrangement was finally settled in the year 1793, when the junction was formed between Mr Pitt on the one hand, and those friends of Mr Fox who left him because they differed with him upon the French Revolution. The Home affairs were placed in the hands of one Secretary of State, the Foreign of another, and the Colonial and Military affairs of a third, and this arrangement has continued ever since.149 The persons then appointed were the Duke of Portland,150 Lord Grenville,151 and Mr Dundas,152 Home, Foreign, and Colonial Secretaries.
Writing from recollection, it is very possible that Lord Melbourne may be wrong in some of the dates which he has ventured to specify.153
Footnote 149: A fourth Secretary of State was added at the time of the Crimean War, so as to separate Colonial and Military affairs, and a fifth after the Indian Mutiny to supersede the President of the Board of Control. See Lord Melbourne's letter of 31st December 1837, ante, p. [100.]
Footnote 150: Third Duke (1738-1809).
Footnote 151: William Wyndham, Lord Grenville (1759-1834).
Footnote 152: Henry Dundas (1742-1811), afterwards Lord Melville.
Footnote 153: See post, pp. [358], [359].
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION
South Street, 4th November 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this morning had the honour and pleasure of receiving your Majesty's letter of yesterday....
Lord Melbourne sends a letter which he has received from his sister, which may not be unentertaining. Lady Palmerston is struck, as everybody is who goes to Ireland, with the candid warmth and vehement demonstration of feeling. England always appears cold, heartless, and sulky in comparison....
With respect to the questions put to me by your Majesty at the desire of His Royal Highness, Lord Melbourne begs leave to assure your Majesty that he will be at all times most ready and anxious to give any information in his power upon points of this sort, which are very curious, very important, very worthy to be enquired into, and upon which accurate information is not easily to be found. All the political part of the English Constitution is fully understood, and distinctly stated in Blackstone and many other books, but the Ministerial part, the work of conducting the executive government, has rested so much on practice, on usage, on understanding, that there is no publication to which reference can be made for the explanation and description of it. It is to be sought in debates, in protests, in letters, in memoirs, and wherever it can be picked up. It seems to be stupid not to be able to say at once when two Secretaries of State were established; but Lord Melbourne is not able. He apprehends that there was but one until the end of Queen Anne's reign, and that two were instituted by George I., probably because upon his frequent journeys to Hanover he wanted the Secretary of State with him, and at the same time it was necessary that there should be an officer of the same authority left at home to transact the domestic affairs.
Prime Minister is a term belonging to the last century. Lord Melbourne doubts its being to be found in English Parliamentary language previously. Sir Robert Walpole was always accused of having introduced and arrogated to himself an office previously unknown to the Law and Constitution, that of Prime or Sole Minister, and we learn from Lady Charlotte Lindsay's154 accounts of her father, that in his own family Lord North would never suffer himself to be called prime Minister, because it was an office unknown to the Constitution. This was a notion derived from the combined Whig and Tory opposition to Sir Robert Walpole, to which Lord North and his family had belonged.
Lord Melbourne is very sorry to hear that the Princess Royal continues to suffer from some degree of indisposition. From what your Majesty had said more than once before, Lord Melbourne had felt anxiety upon this subject, and he saw the Baron yesterday, who conversed with him much upon it, and informed him of what had taken place. Lord Melbourne hopes that your Majesty will attribute it only to Lord Melbourne's anxious desire for the security and increase of your Majesty's happiness, if he ventures to say that the Baron appears to him to have much reason in what he urges, and in the view which he takes. It is absolutely required that confidence should be reposed in those who are to have the management and bear the responsibility, and that they should not be too much interrupted or interfered with.
Footnote 154: Daughter of Lord North (afterwards Earl of Guilford) and wife of Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. John Lindsay. She lived till 1849—a link with the past.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
SECRETARIES OF STATE
South Street, 5th November 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Not feeling satisfied of the correctness of the information which he had given to your Majesty respecting the office of Secretary of State, he yesterday evening requested Mr Allen155 to look into the matter, and he has just received from him the enclosed short memorandum, which he has the honour of transmitting to your Majesty. This shows that Lord Melbourne was quite wrong with respect to the period at which two Secretaries of State were first employed, and that it was much earlier than he had imagined.
The year 1782, when the third Secretary of State was abolished, was the period of the adoption of the great measure of Economical Reform which had been introduced by Mr. Burke in 1780.
The present arrangement was settled in 1794, which is about the time which Lord Melbourne stated.
Footnote 155: Secretary and Librarian at Holland House.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
LORD MELBOURNE'S POSITION
South Street, 7th November 1841.
... Your Majesty asks whether Lord Melbourne thinks that Prince Metternich holds the opinion of Sir Robert Gordon, which he expresses to Lord Beauvale. It is difficult to say what Prince Metternich's real sentiments are. Lord Melbourne takes him not to have a very high opinion of the abilities of others in general, and he is not unlikely to depreciate Sir Robert Gordon to Lord Beauvale. Sir Robert Gordon is a man of integrity, but he is tiresome, long and pompous, which cannot be agreeable to the Prince, who has about him much of the French vivacity, and also much of their settled and regular style of argument....
With respect to the latter part of your Majesty's letter, Lord Melbourne returns for the expressions of your Majesty's kindness his warm and grateful thanks. Your Majesty may rest assured that he will always speak to your Majesty without scruple or reserve, and that he will never ask anything of your Majesty, or ever make a suggestion, which he does not consider to be for your Majesty's service and advantage. Lord Melbourne is of opinion that his visits to the Palace should not only avoid exciting suspicion and uneasiness in your Majesty's present advisers, a result of which he has very little apprehension, but they should not be so frequent as to attract public notice, comment, and observation, of which he would be more fearful. A public rumour, however unfounded and absurd, has more force in this country than objections which have in them more of truth and reality. Upon these grounds, and as your Majesty will probably not see much company at present, and the parties therefore will be a good deal confined to the actual Household, Lord Melbourne thinks it would perhaps be as well if he were not again to dine at the Palace at present.
The course which it may be prudent to take hereafter will depend very much upon that which cannot now be foreseen, namely, upon the general course which will be taken by politics and political parties. In this Lord Melbourne does not at present discern his way, and he will not therefore hazard opinions which would not be founded upon any certainty, and might be liable to immediate change and alteration.
Memorandum: Baron Stockmar to Viscount Melbourne.
STOCKMAR'S ADVICE
23 November 1841.
The apprehension which haunts me since my return to England is well known to you. It was my intention to have written to you upon it some time hereafter, but the contents of a certain letter, sent by you just before your departure, accelerates the execution of my design. From your own expressions used some time back, I was led to expect that you would be glad to take advantage of any fair opportunity which might contribute towards that devoutly to be wished for object, viz., to let a certain correspondence die a natural death. You may easily conceive how much I felt disappointed when I heard that you had written again, without a challenge, and that, without apparent cause, you had volunteered the promise to write from time to time. This happens at a moment when your harassing apprehension received new life and strength from two incidents which I think it my duty to make known to you, and of which the one came to pass before, the other after, your departure from here. Some weeks back I was walking in the streets with Dr Prætorius,156 when, finding myself opposite the house of one of my friends, it came across my mind to give him a call. Prætorius wanted to leave me, on a conception that, as a stranger, he might obstruct the freedom of our conversation. I insisted, however, on his remaining with me, and we were shown into the drawing-room, where in all there were five of us. For some minutes the conversation had turned on insignificant things, when the person talking to me said quite abruptly: "So I find the Queen is in daily correspondence with Lord Melbourne." I replied, "Who told you this?" The answer was, "Mrs Norton; she told me the other evening. Don't you believe that Lord Melbourne has lost his influence over the Queen's mind; he daily writes to her, and receives as many answers, in which she communicates everything to him." Without betraying much emotion I said, "I don't believe a word of it; the Queen may have written once or twice on private matters, but the daily correspondence on all matters is certainly the amplification of a thoughtless and imprudent person, who is not aware of such exaggerated assertions." My speech was followed by a general silence, after which we talked of other things, and soon took our leave. When we were fairly in the open air, Prætorius expressed to me his amazement at what he had heard, and he remained for some time at a loss to comprehend the character of the person who, from mere giddiness, let out so momentous a secret.
The other fact took place the day after you had left. From the late events at Brussels, it had become desirable that I should see Sir Robert Peel. From Belgium we travelled over to Home politics. I expressed my delight at seeing the Queen so happy, and added a hope that more and more she would seek and find her real happiness in her domestic relations only. He evidently caught at this, and assured me that he should at all times be too happy to have a share in anything which might be thought conducive to the welfare of Her Majesty. That no consideration of personal inconvenience would ever prevent him from indulging the Queen in all her wishes relating to matters of a private nature, and that the only return for his sincere endeavours to please Her Majesty he looked to, was honesty in public affairs. Becoming then suddenly emphatic, he continued, "But on this I must insist, and I do assure you, that that moment I was to learn that the Queen takes advice upon public matters in another place, I shall throw up; for such a thing I conceive the country could not stand, and I would not remain an hour, whatever the consequences of my resignation may be."
Fully sensible that he was talking at me, I received the charge with the calmness of a good conscience, and our time being exhausted I prepared for retreat. But he did not allow me to do so, before he had found means to come a second time to the topic uppermost in his own mind, and he repeated, it appeared to me with increased force of tone, his determination to throw up, fearless of all consequences, that moment he found himself and the country dishonestly dealt by.
STOCKMAR'S EXPOSTULATIONS
I think I have now reported to you correctly the two occurrences which of late have added so much to my antecedent suspicions and fears. Permit me to join to this a few general considerations which, from the nature of the recited incidents alone, and without the slightest intervention of any other cause, must have presented themselves to my mind. The first is, that I derive from the events related quite ground enough for concluding that the danger I dread is great and imminent, and that, if ill luck is to have its will, no human power can prevent an explosion for a day, or even for an hour. The second is the contemplation—what state will the Queen be placed in by such a catastrophe? That in my position, portraying to myself all the consequences of such a possibility, I look chiefly to the Queen, needs hardly, I trust, an excuse.... Can you hope that the Queen's character will ever recover from a shock received by a collision with Peel, upon such a cause? Pray illustrate to yourself this particular question by taking a purely political and general survey of the time and period we live in at this moment. In doing so must you not admit that all England is agreed that the Tories must have another trial, and that there is a decided desire in the nation that it should be a fair one? Would you have it said that Sir Robert Peel failed in his trial, merely because the Queen alone was not fair to him, and that principally you had aided her in the game of dishonesty? And can you hope that this game can be played with security, even for a short time only, when a person has means of looking into your cards whom you yourself have described to me some years ago as a most passionate, giddy, imprudent and dangerous woman? I am sure beforehand that your loyalty and devotion has nothing to oppose to the force of my exposition. There are, however, some other and minor reasons which ought likewise to be considered before you come to the determination of trusting entirely to possibilities and chance. For the results of your deliberation you will have to come to will in their working and effects go beyond yourself, and must affect two other persons. These will have a right to expect that your decision will not be taken regardless of that position, which accidental circumstances have assigned to them, in an affair the fate of which is placed entirely within your discretion. This is an additional argument why you should deliberate very conscientiously. A mistake of yours in this respect might by itself produce fresh difficulties and have a complicating and perplexing retro effect upon the existing ones; because both, seeing that they must be sufferers in the end, may begin to look only to their own safety, and become inclined to refuse that passive obedience which till now constitutes the vehicle of your hazardous enterprize.
Approaching the conclusion of this letter, I beg to remind you of a conversation I had with you on the same subject in South Street, the 25th of last month.157Though you did not avow it then in direct words, I could read from your countenance and manner that you assented in your head and heart to all I had said, and in particular to the advice I volunteered at the end of my speech. At that time I pointed out to you a period when I thought a decisive step ought to be taken on your part. This period seems to me to have arrived. Placing unreserved confidence into your candour and manliness, I remain, for ever, very faithfully yours,
Stockmar.
Footnote 156: Librarian and German Secretary to Prince Albert.
Footnote 157: Ante, pp. [352-3].
Viscount Melbourne to Baron Stockmar.
MELBOURNE'S REPLY
24th November 1841.
(Half-past 10 p.m.)
My dear Baron,—I have just received your letter; I think it unnecessary to detain your messenger. I will write to you upon the subject and send it through Anson. Yours faithfully,
Melbourne.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE HEIR APPARENT
Buckingham Palace, 29th November 1841.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for four most kind letters, of the 4th, 6th, 19th and 26th; the last I received yesterday. I would have written sooner, had I not been a little bilious, which made me very low, and not in spirits to write. The weather has been so exceedingly relaxing, that it made me at the end of the fortnight quite bilious, and this, you know, affects the spirits. I am much better, but they think that I shall not get my appetite and spirits back till I can get out of town; we are therefore going in a week at latest. I am going for a drive this morning, and am certain it will do me good. In all essentials, I am better, if possible, than last year. Our little boy158 is a wonderfully strong and large child, with very large dark blue eyes, a finely formed but somewhat large nose, and a pretty little mouth; I hope and pray he may be like his dearest Papa. He is to be called Albert, and Edward is to be his second name. Pussy, dear child, is still the great pet amongst us all, and is getting so fat and strong again.
I beg my most affectionate love to dearest Louise and the dear children. The Queen-Dowager is recovering wonderfully.
I beg you to forgive this letter being so badly written, but my feet are being rubbed, and as I have got the box on which I am writing on my knee, it is not easy to write quite straight—but you must not think my hand trembles. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Pussy is not at all pleased with her brother.
Footnote 158: His Majesty King Edward VII., born 9th November.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
THE INFANT PRINCE
Trentham, 1st December 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has had the honour of receiving here your Majesty's letters of yesterday, by which he learns with sincere pleasure and satisfaction that your Majesty is so much recovered as to go to Windsor on so early a day as your Majesty names. Lord Melbourne hears with great concern that your Majesty has been suffering under depression and lowness of spirits.... Lord Melbourne well knows how to feel for those who suffer under it, especially as he has lately had much of it himself.
Lord Melbourne is much rejoiced to hear so good an account of the Heir Apparent and of the Princess Royal, and feels himself greatly obliged by the information respecting the intended names and the sponsors. Lord Melbourne supposes that your Majesty has determined yourself upon the relative position of the two names, but Edward is a good English appellation, and has a certain degree of popularity attached to it from ancient recollections. Albert is also an old Anglo-Saxon name—the same, Lord Melbourne believes, as Ethelred—but it has not been so common nor so much in use since the Conquest. However, your Majesty's feelings, which Lord Melbourne perfectly understands, must determine this point. The notion of the King of Prussia159 gives great satisfaction here, and will do so with all but Puseyites and Newmanites and those who lean to the Roman Catholic faith. His strong Protestant feelings, and his acting with us in the matter of the Syrian Bishop, have made the King of Prussia highly popular in this country, and particularly with the more religious part of the community.
Your Majesty cannot offer up for the young Prince a more safe and judicious prayer than that he may resemble his father. The character, in Lord Melbourne's opinion, depends much upon the race, and on both sides he has a good chance. Be not over solicitous about education. It may be able to do much, but it does not do so much as is expected from it. It may mould and direct the character, but it rarely alters it. George IV. and the Duke of York were educated quite like English boys, by English schoolmasters, and in the manner and upon the system of English schools. The consequence was that, whatever were their faults, they were quite Englishmen. The others, who were sent earlier abroad, and more to foreign universities, were not quite so much so. The late king was educated as a sailor, and was a complete sailor....
Lord Melbourne will tell your Majesty exactly what he thinks of John Russell's reply to the Plymouth address. It is very angry and very bitter, and anger and bitterness are never very dignified. Lord Melbourne certainly would not have put in those sarcasms upon the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, for their change of opinion and conduct upon the Roman Catholic question. But the tone of the rest of the answer is, in Lord Melbourne's opinion, just and right. We certainly delivered the affairs of the country into their hands in a good state, both at home and abroad, and we should be acting unfairly by ourselves if we did not maintain and assert this upon every occasion. Lord Melbourne's notion of the conduct which he has to pursue is, that it should not be aggressive, but that it must be defensive. He would oppose no right measures, but he cannot suffer the course of policy which has been condemned in him to be adopted by others without observation upon the inconsistency and injustice....
Lord Melbourne concludes with again wishing your Majesty health and happiness, and much enjoyment of the country.
Footnote 159: King Frederick William IV., who was to be a sponsor.
Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria.
PRINCE OF WALES
Whitehall, 6th December 1841.
Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to enclose for the Signature of your Majesty the Letters Patent creating His Royal Highness, the Prince of the United Kingdom, Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester.160
Understanding that it is your Majesty's pleasure to have this Creation inserted in the Gazette of to-morrow night, Sir James Graham has given directions, which will ensure the publication, though the Letters Patent themselves may not be completed. The Warrant already signed by your Majesty is a sufficient authority.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and Servant,
J. R. G. Graham.
Footnote 160: His present Majesty had been referred to in letters of the previous month as the Duke of Cornwall. "Know ye," ran the present Letters Patent, "that we have made ... our most dear son, the Prince of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (Duke of Saxony, Duke of Cornwall ...) Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester ... and him our said most dear son, ... as has been accustomed, we do ennoble and invest with the said Principality and Earldom, by girding him with a sword, by putting a coronet on his head, and a gold ring on his finger, and also by delivering a gold rod into his hand, that he may preside there, and may direct and defend those parts...."
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 7th December 1841.
My dearest Uncle,—We arrived here sains et saufs with our awfully large Nursery Establishment yesterday morning. It was a nasty warm and very rainy day, but to-day is very bright, clear and dry, and we walked out early and felt like prisoners freed from some dungeon. Many thanks for your kind letter of the 2nd, by which I grieve to see that you are not quite well. But let me repeat again, you must not despond so; you must not be so out of spirits. I have likewise been suffering so from lowness that it made me quite miserable, and I know how difficult it is to fight against it. I am delighted to hear that all the children are so well. I wonder very much who our little boy will be like. You will understand how fervent my prayers and I am [sure] everybody's must be, to see him resemble his angelic dearest Father in every, every respect, both in body and mind. Oh! my dearest Uncle, I am sure if you knew how happy, how blessed I feel, and how proud I feel in possessing such a perfect being as my husband, as he is, and if you think that you have been instrumental in bringing about this union, it must gladden your heart! How happy should I be to see our child grow up just like him! Dear Pussy travelled with us and behaved like a grown-up person, so quiet and looking about and coquetting with the Hussars on either side of the carriage. Now adieu! Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
THE APPROACHING CHRISTENING
Castle Howard, 22nd December 1841.
... Lord Melbourne will consider himself most highly honoured by being invited to the christening, and will hold himself in readiness to attend, whenever it may take place. He has written to Mr Anson in answer to the letter which he received from him this morning. Lord Melbourne has been obliged to consent to receive an address from Derby, and has fixed Monday the 27th inst. for that purpose. He could have wished to have avoided this, but it was impossible, and he must make the best of it that he can, which he conceives will be effected by conceiving his reply in very guarded terms, and in a tone defensive of his own administration, but not offensive to those who have succeeded him....
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the feelings of the King of Prussia. For religious matters he is at present very popular with many in this country, and popularity, though transient and uncertain, is a good thing while it lasts. The King of the Belgians should not be surprised or mortified at the conduct of the King of Holland. We must expect that people will act according to their nature and feelings. The Union of Belgium and Holland has been for a long time the first wish and the daily dream of the House of Orange. It has been the great object of their lives, and by the separation, which took place in 1830, they saw their fondest hopes disappointed and destroyed at once. It must be expected that under such a state of things, they will be unquiet, and will try to obtain what they so eagerly desire and have once possessed.
Lord Melbourne is much rejoiced to hear that your Majesty is in the enjoyment of such good health. Your Majesty's observations upon your own situation are in the highest degree just and prudent, and it is a sign of a right mind and of good feelings to prize the blessings we enjoy, and not to suffer them to be too much altered by circumstances, which may not turn out exactly according to our wishes.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
THE UNITED STATES
Foreign Office, 24th December 1841.
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty. He ventures to request your Majesty's attention for a moment to the character of your Majesty's present relations with the Government of the United States. Your Majesty is aware that several questions of great difficulty and importance have been long pending between the two Governments.161 Some of these have become more complicated than they were ten years ago; and any of them might, at any moment, lead to consequences of the most disastrous nature.
Instead of continuing negotiations, necessarily tedious and which promise to be interminable, your Majesty's servants are humbly of opinion that an effort ought to be made, by a Special Mission at Washington, to bring all these differences promptly to an adjustment. The public feeling in the United States at this time does not appear to be unfavourable for such an attempt. Should it be undertaken by a person whose rank, character, and abilities would ensure respect, and whose knowledge of the subjects under discussion, and of the people of the country, together with his conciliatory manners, would render him generally acceptable, your Majesty might perhaps indulge the hope of a successful result.
Lord Aberdeen humbly ventures to think that such a person may be found in Lord Ashburton,162 whom he submits for your Majesty's gracious approbation.
Footnote 161: The question of the North-West Boundary had long been one source of dispute; another was the right the British Government claimed of searching vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade.
Footnote 162: Alexander, first Lord Ashburton, who had held office in Peel's short Ministry, and married Miss Bingham of Philadelphia. See post, p. [461].
Memorandum by Mr Anson.
CHRISTMAS
Windsor Castle, 26th December 1841.
Christmas has brought its usual routine of festivity and its agreeable accompaniment of Christmas presents. The Queen was not at all well again yesterday, being again troubled with lowness. The Melbourne correspondence still is carried on, but I think not in its pristine vigour by any means. He has taken no notice of the Baron's remonstrance to him, and we are in the dark in what manner, if at all, he means to deal with it.
I have sat by Her Majesty at dinner several times lately. I should say that Her Majesty interests herself less and less about politics, and that her dislike is less than it was to her present Ministers, though she would not be prepared to acknowledge it. Her Majesty is a good deal occupied with the little Princess Royal, who begins to assume companionable qualities. In the evening, instead of her usual conversation with her old Prime Minister, some round game at cards is substituted, which always terminates at eleven. The Prince, to amuse the Queen at this, has nearly left off his chess; his amusements—shooting or hunting—always commence and terminate between eleven and two, not to interfere with Her Majesty's arrangements, in which he is included as her companion.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
Melbourne, 29th December 1841.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received here yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 25th inst., upon a paper adorned with many quaint and humorous Christmas devices, and Lord Melbourne begs to offer to your Majesty, most sincerely and most fervently, the good wishes of the Season. Lord Melbourne will be in town on Friday evening next, and after that day will wait upon your Majesty, whenever your Majesty is pleased to command....
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear that the King of the Belgians is reassured by his journey to Mons and his reception upon it. He need not mind the King of Holland, if he can keep all right at Paris.
The railway smash163 is awful and tremendous, as all railway mishaps are, and Lord Melbourne fears must always be. These slips and falls of earth from the banks are the greatest danger that now impends over them, and if they take place suddenly and in the dark, Lord Melbourne does not see how the fatal consequences of them are to be effectually guarded against. They are peculiarly likely to happen now, as the cuttings have been recently and hastily made, the banks are very steep, and the season has been peculiarly wet, interrupted by severe frosts.
Lord Melbourne received the deputation from Derby, a large and respectable one, here on Monday last. The address was very guarded, temperate, and judicious, and Lord Melbourne strove to construct his answer in the same manner.
Footnote 163: This accident took place on 24th December in the Sonning Hill cutting, two and a half miles from Reading. Eight persons were killed on the spot.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XI
The session was mainly occupied by the great Ministerial measure of finance, direct taxation by means of income tax being imposed, and the import duties on a large number of articles being removed or relaxed, Mr Gladstone, now at the Board of Trade, taking charge of the bills. Two more attempts on the Queen's life were made, the former again on Constitution Hill by one Francis, whose capital sentence was commuted; the latter by a hunchback, Bean, who was sentenced to eighteen months' imprisonment. An Act was promptly passed to deal with such outrages in future as misdemeanours, without giving them the importance of high treason. Lord Ashley's Bill was passed, prohibiting woman and child labour in mines and collieries. But the Anti-Corn Law League of Manchester was not satisfied with the policy of the Government and objected to the income tax; while riots broke out in the manufacturing districts of the North.
In Afghanistan, the disasters of the previous year were retrieved; Sir Robert Sale, who was gallantly defending Jellalabad, made a sortie and defeated Akbar Khan; General Nott arrived at Ghuznee, but found it evacuated; he destroyed the citadel and removed the Gates of Somnauth. General Pollock swept the Khyber Pass and entered Cabul. The captives taken on the retreat from Cabul were recovered—Lady Macnaghten and Lady Sale among them. In retribution for the murder of Macnaghten, the great bazaar of Cabul, where his remains had been dishonoured, was destroyed by Pollock; the British force was then withdrawn. Dost Mahommed made himself again ruler of Cabul, and a proclamation of Lord Ellenborough announced that the British Government accepted any Sovereign and Constitution approved by the Afghans themselves.
In China, also, operations were successfully terminated, Chapoo being taken in May, and an attack by Admiral Parker upon Nanking being only averted by the conclusion of a favourable treaty, involving an indemnity, the cession by China of Hong Kong, and the opening of important ports to commerce.
A dispute had arisen between this country and the United States as to the boundary line between the latter country and the British Possessions in North America. Lord Ashburton was accordingly sent out on a special mission to effect the adjustment of this and other disputes, and a treaty was concluded for the purpose of defining each country's territorial rights, and imposing mutual obligations for the suppression of the Slave Trade.