Opuscula: Essays chiefly Philological and Ethnographical

by R. G. Latham

NOTES.

The notices upon the American languages at the British Association between the date of the last paper but one and the next were:

That the Bethuk of Newfoundland was American rather than Eskimo—Report for 1847. Transactions of the Section p. 115.

That the Shyenne numerals were Algonkin—Report for 1847. Transactions of Sections p. 123.

That neither
The Moskito, nor
The Botocudo language were isolated.—Ibid.

---

ON THE LANGUAGES OF NEW CALIFORNIA.

READ
BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
MAY 13TH 1853.

The languages of the south-western districts of the Oregon territory are conveniently studied in the admirable volume upon the Philology of the United States Exploring Expedition, by Mr Hale. Herein we find that the frontier between that territory and California is most probably formed by the Saintskla, Umkwa, and Lutuami languages, the Saintskla being spoken on the sea-coast, the Umkwa lying to the east of it, and the Lutuami east of the Umkwa. All three, in the present state of our knowledge, belong to different philological divisions. It is unnecessary to add, that each tongue covers but a small geographical area.

The Paduca area extends in a south-eastern direction in such a manner as to lap round the greater part of California and New Mexico, to enclose both of those areas, and to prolong itself into Texas; and that so far southwards as almost to reach the Gulf of Mexico. Hence, except at the south and the north-west, the Californian languages (and indeed the New Mexican as well) are cut off and isolated from the other tongues of America by means of this remarkable extension of the Paducas. The Paduca tongues dip into each of these countries as well as lap round them. It is convenient to begin with a Paduca language.

The Wihinast is, perhaps, an Oregon rather than a Californian language; though at the same time it is probably common to the two countries. It can be shown to be Paduca by its vocabulary in Mr. Hale's work, the Shoshoni being the language to which it comes nearest; indeed Mr. Gallatin calls the Wihinast the Western Shoshoni. Due east of the Wihinast come the Bonak Indians, currently believed to be Paduca, but still requiring the evidence of a vocabulary to prove them so.

The true Shoshoni succeed; and these are, probably, Oregon rather than Californian. At any rate, their language falls within the study of the former country. But the Uta Lake is truly a part of the great Californian basin, and the Uta language is known to us from a vocabulary, and known to be Paduca:

English.	Uta[36]	Comanch[37]
sun	tap	taharp.
moon	mahtots	mush.
star	quahlantz	táarch.
man	tooonpayah	tooavishchee.
woman	naijah	wyapee.
boy	ahpats	tooanickpee.
girl	mahmats	wyapeechee.
head	tuts	páaph.
forehead	muttock	——
face	kooelp	koveh.
eye	puttyshoe	nachich.
nose	mahvetah	moopee.
mouth	timp	teppa.
teeth	tong	tahnee.
tongue	ahoh	ahako.
chin	hannockquell	——
ear	nink	nahark.
hair	suooh	parpee.
neck	kolph	toyock.
arm	pooir	mowa.
hand	masseer	mowa.
breast	pay	toko.
foot	namp	nahap.
horse	kahvah	teheyar.
serpent	toeweroe	noheer.
dog	sahreets	shardee.
cat	moosah	——
fire	coon	koona.
food	oof	——
water	pah	pahar.

The Uta being thus shown to be Paduca, the evidence in favour of other tribes in their neighbourhood being Paduca also is improved. Thus—

The Diggers are generally placed in the same category with the Bonaks, and sometimes considered as Bonaks under another name.

The Sampiches, lying south of the Uta, are similarly considered Uta. Special vocabularies, however, are wanting.

The Uta carry us from the circumference of the great basin to an angle formed by the western watershed of the Rio Grande and the rivers Colorado and Gila; and the language that comes next is that of the Navahos. Of these, the Jecorillas of New Mexico are a branch. We have vocabularies of each of these dialects tabulated with that of the Uta and collected by the same inquirer.

Mr. Hale, in the "Philology" of the United States Exploring Expedition, showed that the Tlatskanai and Umkwa were outlying languages of the great Athabaskan family.

It has since been shown by Professor Turner that certain Apatch languages are in the same interesting and important class, of which Apatch languages the Navaho and Jecorilla are two.

Now follows a population which has stimulated the attention and excited the wonder of ethnologists—the Moqui. The Moqui are they who, occupants of some of the more favoured parts of the country between the Gila and Colorado, have so often been contrasted with the ruder tribes around them—the Navaho and Uta in particular. The Moqui, too, are they whose ethnological relations have been looked for in the direction of Mexico and the semi-civilized Indians of Central America. Large towns, regular streets, stone buildings, white skins, and European beards have all been attributed to these mysterious Moqui. They seem, however, to be simply Indians whose civilization is that of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. The same table that gives us the Uta and Navaho vocabularies, gives us a Moqui one also. In this, about eight words in twenty-one are Uta.

Languages allied to the Uta, the Navaho, and the Moqui, may or may not fill up nine-tenths of what an Indian would call the Doab, or a Portuguese the Entre Rios, i. e. the parts between the two rivers Gila and Colorado. Great as has been the activity of the American surveyors, the exploration is still incomplete. This makes it convenient to pass at once to the head of the Gulf of California. A fresh language now presents itself, spoken at the head of the peninsula (or Acte) of Old California. The vocabulary that has longest represented this tongue is that of the Mission of Saint Diego on the Pacific; but the language itself, extended across the head of the Acte, reaches the mouth of the Colorado, and is prolonged, to some distance at least, beyond the junction of the Gila.

Of the Dieguno language—for such seems to be the Spanish name for it—Dr. Coulter has given one vocabulary, and Lieut. Whipple (U. S. A.) another. The first is to be found in the Journal of the Geographical Society, the second is the second part of Schoolcraft's "History, &c. of Indian Tribes." A short but unique vocabulary of Lieutenant Emory, of the language of the Cocomaricopas Indians, was known to Gallatin. This is closely allied to the Dieguno.

A Paternoster in Mofras belongs to the Mission of San Diego. It has not been collated with the vocabularies, which are, probably, too scanty to give definite results; there is no reason, however, to doubt its accuracy:—

Nagua anall amai tacaguach naguanetuuxp mamamulpo cayuca amaibo, mamatam meyayam canaao amat amaibo quexuic echasau naguagui ñañacachon ñaguin ñipil meñeque pachís echeyuchap oñagua quexuíc ñaguaich ñacaquaihpo ñamechamec anipuchuch-guelichcuíapo. Nacuíuch-pambo-cuchlich-cuíatpo-ñamat. Napuija.

A third branch, however, of this division, constituted by a language called the Cuchañ, of which a specimen is given by Lieut. Whipple (vide supra), is still nearer to the latter of those two forms of speech.

There can be but little doubt that a combination of sounds expressed by the letters t'hl in the Dieguno tongue, represents the sound of the Mexican tl; a sound of which the distribution has long drawn the attention of investigators. Common in the languages of Mexican, common in the languages of the northern parts of Oregon, sought for amongst the languages of Siberia, it here appears—whatever may be its value as a characteristic—as Californian. The names of the Indians whose language is represented by the specimens just given are not ascertained with absolute exactitude. Mofras mentions the Yumas and Amaquaquas.

The Mission of San Luis Rey de Francia (to be distinguished from that of San Luis Obispo) comes next as we proceed northwards.

Between 33-1/2° and 34°, a new language makes its appearance. This is represented by four vocabularies, two of which take the designation from the name of the tribe, and two from the Mission in which it is spoken. Thus, the Netela language of the United States Exploring Expedition is the same as the San Juan Capistrano of Dr. Coulter, and the San Gabriel of Dr. Coulter the same as the Kij of the United States Exploring Expedition.

The exact relation of these two languages to each other is somewhat uncertain. They are certainly languages of the same group, if not dialects of the same language. In the case of r and l, a regular letter-change exists between them. Thus Dr. Coulter's tables give us

English.	San Gabriel.	San Juan Capistrano.
moon	muarr	mioil.
water	paara	pal.
earth	ungkhur	ekhel.
salt	ungurr	engel.
hot	oro	khalek.

whilst in the United States Exploring Expedition we find—

English.	Kij.	Netela.
moon	moar	moil.
star	suot	suol.
water	bar	pal.
bear	humar	hunot.

Of these forms of speech the San Gabriel or Kij is the more northern; the San Juan Capistrano or Netela being the nearest to the Dieguno localities. The difference between the two groups is pretty palpable. The San Gabriel and San Juan numerals of Mofras represent the Netela-Kij language.

It is remarked in Gallatin's paper that there were certain coincidences between the Netela and the Shoshoni. There is no doubt as to the existence of a certain amount of likeness between the two languages.

Jujubit, Caqullas, and Sibapot are the names of San Gabriel tribes mentioned by Mofras. The Paternoster of the three last-named missions are as follows:—

Langue de la Mission de San Gabriel.—Y Yonac y yogin tucu pugnaisa sujucoy motuanian masarmí magin tucupra maīmanó muísme milléosar y ya tucupar jiman bxi y yoné masaxmí mitema coy aboxmi y yo mamaínatar momojaích milli y yakma abonac y yo no y yo ocaihuc coy jaxmea main itan momosaích coy jama juexme huememes aích. Amen. Jesus.

Langue de la Mission de San Juan Capistrano.—Chana ech tupana ave onench, otune a cuachin, chame om reino, libi yb chosonec esna tupana cham nechetepe, micate tom cha chaom, pepsum yg cai caychame y i julugcalme cai ech. Depupnn opco chame chum oyote. Amen. Jesus.

Langue de la Mission de San Luiz Rey de Francia.—Cham na cham meg tu panga auc onan mo quiz cham to qai ha cua che nag omreina h vi hiche ca noc ybá heg gá y vi an qui gá topanga. Cham na cholane mim cha pan pitu mag ma jan pohi cala cai qui cha me holloto gai tom chama o gui chag cay ne che cal me tus so lli olo calme alla linoc chame cham cho sivo. Amen. Jésus.

The following is the Paternoster of the Mission of San Fernando. It is taken from Mofras:—

Y yorac yona taray tucúpuma sagoucó motoanian majarmi moin main monó muismi miojor y iactucupar. Pan yyogin gimiarnerin majarmi mi fema coyó ogorná yio mamarimy mii, yiarmá ogonug y yoná, y yo ocaynen coijarmea main ytomo mojay coiyamá huermí. Parima.

The Mission of San Fernando lies between that of San Gabriel and Santa Barbara. Santa Barbara's channel (between 34° and 34-1/2° N. L.) runs between the mainland and some small islands. From these parts we have two vocabularies, Revely's and Dr. Coulter's. The former is known to me only through the Mithridates, and has only three words that can be compared with the other:—

English.	Revely's.	Coulter's.
one	pacà	paka.
two	excò	shkoho.
three	mapja	masekh.

The Mission of Santa Ines lies between that of Santa Barbara and that of San Luis Obispo, in 35-2/3 N. L.; which last supplies a vocabulary, one of Dr. Coulter's:—

English.	San Luis Obispo.	Santa Barbara.
water	to	oh.
stone	tkeup	kheup.
three	misha	masekh.
bow	takha	akha.
salt	tepu	tipi.

This is the amount of likeness between the two forms of speech—greater than that between the Netela and Dieguno, but less than that between the Netela and Kij.

Dr. Coulter gives us a vocabulary for the Mission of San Antonio, and the United States Exploring Expedition one from San Miguel, the latter being very short:

English.	San Miguel.
man	luai, loai, logua.
woman	tlene.
father	tata.
mother	apai.
son	paser, pasel.
daughter	paser, pasel.
head	to-buko.
hair	te-asakho.
ears	te-n-tkhito.
nose	te-n-ento.
eyes	t-r-ugento.
mouth	t-r-eliko (lak-um, St. Raph.)

With the San Antonio it has six words in common, of which two coincide: e. g. in San Antonio man = luah, mother = epjo. Besides which, the combination tr, and the preponderance of initials in t, are common to the two vocabularies. San Antonio is spoken about 36-1/2° N. L. The numerals, too, are very similar, since the ki-and ka-in the San Antonio numeration for one, two, seems non-radical:—

English.	San Miguel.	San Antonio.
one	tohi	ki-tol.
two	kugsu	ka-kishe.
three	tlubahi	klap'hai.
four	kesa	kisha.
five	oldrato	ultraoh.
six	paiate	painel.
seven	tepa	te'h.
eight	sratel	shaanel.
nine	tedi-trup	teta-tsoi.
ten	trupa	tsoeh.

It is safe to say that these two vocabularies represent one and the same language.

About fifty miles to the north-west of St. Miguel lies La Soledad, for which we have a short vocabulary of Mr. Hale's:—

English.	La Soledad.
man	mue.
woman	shurishme.
father	ni-ka-pa.
mother	ni-ka-na.
son	ni-ki-nish.
daughter	ni-ka
head	tsop.
hair	worokh.
ears	otsho.
nose	us (oos, Castano).
eyes	hiin (hin, Talatui).
mouth	hai.

The word nika, which alone denotes daughter, makes the power of the syllabic ka doubtful. Nevertheless, it is probably non-radical. In ni-ki-nish, as opposed to ni-ka-na, we have an apparent accommodation (umlaut); a phenomenon not wholly strange to the American form of speech.

Is this the only language of these parts? Probably not. The numerals of language from this Mission are given by Mofras, and the difference between them and those of Mr. Hale is as follows:—

English.	Mofras Sol.	Hale's Sol.
one	enkala	himitna.
two	oultes	utshe.
three	kappes	kap-kha.
four	oultezim	utjit.
five	haliizon	paruash.
six	hali-skakem	iminuksha.
seven	kapka-mai	uduksha.
eight	oulton-mai	taitemi.
nine	pakke	watso.
ten	tam-chakt	matsoso.

There is some affinity, but it is not so close as one in another quarter; i. e. one with the Achastli and Ruslen.

Between 36° and 37° N. L. lies the town of Monterey. For this neighbourhood we have the Ruslen east, and the Eslen west, the latter being called also Ecclemachs. Bourgoing and De La Manon are the authorities for the scanty vocabularies of these two forms of speech, to which is added one of the Achastli. The Achastli, the Ruslen, and the Soledad of Mofras seem to represent one and the same language. The converse, however, does not hold good, i. e. the Soledad of Hale is not the Eslenes of Bourgoing and the Ecclemachs of De La Manon. This gives us four languages for these parts:—

1. The one represented by the San Miguel and San Antonio vocabulary.

2. The one represented by the Soledad of Hale.

3. The one represented by the Soledad of Mofras, the Achastli of De La Manon, and the Ruslen of Bourgoing.

4. The one represented by the Eslen of Bourgoing and the Ecclemachs of De La Manon, and also by a vocabulary yet to be noticed, viz. that of the Mission of Carmel of Mofras.

English.	Carmel.	Eslen.	Soledad (of Mofras).	Ruslen.
one	pek	pek	enkala	enjala.
two	oulhaj	ulhaj	oultes	ultis.
three	koulep	julep	kappes	kappes.
four	kamakous	jamajus	oultizim	ultizim.
five	pemakala	pemajala	haliizon	hali-izu.
six	pegualanai	peguatanoi	halishakem	hali-shakem.
seven	kulukulanai	julajualanei	kapkamai	kapkamai-shakem.
eight	kounailepla	julep jualanei	oultonmai	ultumai-shakem.
nine	kakouslanai	jamajas jualanei	pakke	packe.
ten	tomoila	tomoila	tamchakt	tamchait.

We now approach the parts of California which are best known—the Bay of San Francisco in 38° N. L. For these parts the Mission of Dolores gives us the names of the following populations:—1. Ahwastes. 2. Olhones (Costanos or Coastmen). 3. Altahmos. 4. Romonans. 5. Tulomos.

For the same parts we have vocabularies of four languages which are almost certainly mutually unintelligible. Two are from Baer's Beiträge; they were collected during the time of the Russian settlement at Ross. One represents the language of certain Indians called Olamentke, the other that of certain Indians called Khwakhlamayu. The other two are from the second part of Schoolcraft. One is headed Costano = the language of the Indians of the coast; the other Cushna. The language represented by the Cushna vocabulary can be traced as far inland as the Lower Sacramiento. Here we find the Bushumni (or Pujuni), the Secumni, the Yasumni, the Yalesumni, the Nemshaw, the Kiski, the Huk, and the Yukae tribes, whose languages, or dialects, are represented by three short vocabularies, collected by Mr. Dana, viz. the Pujuni, the Sekumne, and the Tsamak.

The following extract shows the extent to which these three forms of speech agree and differ:—

English.	Pujuni.	Sekumne.	Tsamak.
man	çune	mailik	mailik.
woman	kele	kele	kule.
child	——	maidumonai	——
daughter	——	eti	——
head	tçutçúl	tsol	tçultçul.
hair	oi	ono	oi.
ear	onó	bono	orro.
eye	watça	il	hil.
nose	henka	suma	——
mouth	moló	sim	——
neck	tokotók	kui	kulut.
arm	ma	wah	kalut.
hand	tçapai	ma	tamsult or tamtçut.
fingers	tçikikup	biti	tcikikup.
leg	pai	podo	bimpi.
foot	katup	pai	pai.
toe	tap	biti	——
house	hĕ	hĕ	——
bow	ōlumni	——	——
arrow	huiā	——	——
shoes	——	solum	——
beads	——	hawūt	——
sky	hibi	——	——
sun	oko	oko	——
day	oko	eki	——
night	——	po	——
fire	ça	sa	ça.
water	momi, mop	mop	momi.
river	lókolók	mumdi	munti.
stone	o	o	——
tree	tça	tsa	——
grapes	——	muti	——
deer	wil	kut	kut.
bird	——	tsit	——
fish	——	pala	——
salmon	mai	mai	——
name	——	ianó	——
good	huk	wenne	huk.
bad	——	tçoç	maidik.
old	——	hawil	——
new	——	be	——
sweet	——	sudúk	——
sour	——	oho	——
hasten	——	iewa	——
run	tshel	gewa	——
walk	iye	wiye	——
swim	pi	——	——
talk	wiwina	enun	——
sing	——	tsol	——
dance	——	paio	——
one	ti	wikte	——
two	teene	pen	——
three	shupui	sapui	——
four	pehel	tsi	——
five	mustic	mauk	——
six	tini, o (sic)	tini, a (sic)	——
seven	tapui	pensi (?) sic.	——
eight	petshei	tapau (?) sic.	——
nine	matshum	mutsum	——
ten	tshapanaka	aduk	——

On the Kassima River, a tributary of the Sacramiento, about eighty miles from its mouth lives a tribe whose language is called the Talatui, and is represented by a vocabulary of Mr. Dana's. It belongs, as Gallatin has suggested, to the same class with the language of San Raphael, as given in a vocabulary of Mr. Hale's:—

English.	Talatui.	San Raphael.
man	sawe	lamantiya.
woman	esuu	kulaish.
father	tata	api.
daughter	tele	ai.
head	tikit	molu.
ear	alok	alokh.
eye	wilai	shuta.
nose	uk	huke.
mouth	hube	lakum.
hand	iku	akue.
foot	subei	koio.
sun	hi	hi.
day	hi umu	hi.
night	ka-wil	walay uta.
fire	wike	waik.
water	kik	kiik.
stone	sawa	lupoii.
bird	lune, ti	kakalis.
house	kodja	koitaya.
one	kenate	kenai.
two	oyo-ko	oza.
three	teli-ko	tula-ka.
four	oiçu-ko	wiag.
five	kassa-ko	kenekus.
six	temebo	patirak.
seven	kanikuk (?) sic	semlawi.
eight	kauinda	wusuya.
nine	ooi	umarask.
ten	ekuye	kitshish.

North of San Francisco, at least along the coast, we have no vocabularies of any language undoubtedly and exclusively Californian. Thus, the Lutuami, the Shasti and Palaik are, in all probability, common to California and Oregon. Of each of these languages Mr. Hale has given us a vocabulary. The Lutuami live on the headwaters of the river and lake Tlamatl, or Clamet, conterminous on the south-east with the Palaiks, and on the south-west with the Shasti. The affinity between the Palaik and Lutuami seems to be somewhat greater than that between the Lutuami and Shasti.

And now we have gone round California; for, conterminous, on the east, with the Lutuami and Shasti are the Wihinast and Paduca with whom we began, and it is only by the comparatively narrow strip of country occupied by the three tribes just enumerated that the great Paduca area is separated from the Pacific. How far the Shasti and Palaik areas extend in the direction of the head-waters of the Sacramiento is uncertain. A separate language, however, seems to be represented by a vocabulary, collected by Mr. Dana from the Indians who lie about 250 miles from its mouth. From the Lutuami, the Shasti, the Palaik, and Jakon, northwards, and from the Pujuni, Talatui and other dialects lower down the river, it seems distinct. It is just more like the Jakon than any other form of speech equally distant. Neither is it Shoshoni:—

Engl.	U. Sacr.
sun	sas.
fire	po.
water	meim. momi Puj. Tsam. mop Sek.
hair	to-moi.
eye	tu-mut.
arm	keole.
finger	tsemut. tamtçut = hand Tsam.
leg	tole. kolo Talat.
foot	ktamoso.
knee	huiuk.
deer	nop.
salmon	monok.
nose	tsono. tusina Jakon. suma Sek.
mouth	kal. khai Jakon. hai Soledad.
chin	kentikut.
forehead	tei.
knife	kelekele.
iron	kelekele.
grape	uyulu.
rush	tso.
eat	ba, bas.
see	wila.
go	hara.

Slight as is this preponderance of affinity with the Jakon, it is not to be ignored altogether. The displacements between the two areas have been considerable and though the names of as many as five intermediate tribes are known, we have no specimens of their languages. These tribes are—

1. The Kaus, between the rivers Umkwa and Clamet, and consequently not far from the head-waters of the Sacramiento.

2. 3. The Tsalel and Killiwashat, on the Umkwa.

4. The Saintskla between these and the Jakon, the Jakon being between the Tlatskanai and Umkwa.

Now as these last are Athabaskan, there must have been displacement. But there are further proofs. North of the isolated and apparently intrusive Tlatskanai lie the Nsietshawus—isolated and apparently intrusive also; since they belong to the great Atna stock of Frazer's River.

The Jakon, then, and the Indians of the Upper Sacramiento may belong to the same stock—a stock which will be continuous in its area in case intermediate tribes prove referable to it, and interrupted in its area if they do not. At any rate, the direction of the Jakons is important.

The following Paternosters from Mofras, referable to the parts about San Francisco, require fixing. They can probably be distributed among the languages ascribed to that district—not, however, by the present writer:—

Langue de la Mission de Santa Clara.—Appa macréne mé saura saraahtiga elecpuhmem imragat, sacan macréne mensaraah assuevy nouman ourun macari pireca numa ban saraahiga poluma macréne souhaii naltis anat macréne neéna, ia annanet macréne meena, ia annanet macréne macrec équetr maccari noumbasi macro annan, non maroté jessember macréne in eckoué tamouniri innam tattahné, icatrarca oniet macréne equets naccaritkoun och á Jésus.

Langue de la Mission de Santa Ines.—Dios caquicoco upalequen alapa, quiaenicho opte; paquininigug quique eccuet upalacs huatahuc itimisshup caneche alapa. Ulamuhu ilahulalisahue. Picsiyug equepe ginsucutaniyug uquiyagmagin, canechequique quisagin sucutanagun utiyagmayiyug peux hoyug quie utie lex ulechop santequiyung ilautechop. Amen. Jesus.

Langue de la Vallée de Los Tulares.—Appa macquen erignimo, tasunimac emracat, jinnin eccey macquen unisínmac macquen quitti éné soteyma erinigmo: sumimac macquen hamjamú jinnan guara ayei; sunnun maquen quit ti enesunumac ayacma; aquectsem unisimtac nininti equetmini: junná macquen equetmini em men.

Langue Giuluco de la Mission de San Francisco.—Allá-igamé mutryocusé mi zahuá on mi yahuatail cha usqui etra shon mur tzecali Ziam pac onjinta mul zhaiíge Nasoyate chelegua mul znatzoitze tzecali zicmatan zchütülaa chalehua mesqui pihuatzite yteima omahuá. Emqui. Jesus.

Langue Chocouyem du Rio del Sacramento.—Api maco su lileco ma nénas mi aués omai mácono mi taucuchs oyópa mi tauco chaquenit opú neyatto chequenit opu liletto. Tu maco muye genum ji naya macono sucuji sulia mácono mácocte, chaue mat opu ma suli mayaco. Macoi yangia ume omutto, ulémi mácono omu incapo. Nette esa Jesus.

Langue Joukiousmé de la Mission de San Raphael.—Api maco sa líleto manénas mi dues onía mácono michauka oiopa mitauka chakenit opu negata chàkenit opu lilèto, tumako muye quenunje naya macono sucuji snlia macóno masojte chake mat opu ma suli mayaco maco yangìa ume omut ulemi macono omu in capo. Netenti Jesus.

The numerals given by Mofras are as follows:—

Engl.	(San Luis Obispo).	San Juan Capistrano.	San Gabriel.
one	tchoumou	soupouhe	poukou.
two	eschiou	houah	guèpé.
three	micha	paai	pagi.
four	paksi	houasah	quatcha.
five	tizeoui	maha	makai.
six	ksoukouia	pomkalilo	pabai.
seven	ksouamiche	chouchoui	quachacabia.
eight	scomo	ouasa-kabia	quequacha.
nine	scoumo-tchi	ouasa-maha	majai-cayia.
ten	touymile	ouikinmaha	quejemajai.

ADDENDUM.—(Oct. 14, 1853.)

Since the previous paper was read, "Observations on some of the Indian dialects of Northern California, by G. Gibbs," have appeared in the 3rd Part of Schoolcraft (published 1853) (vide pp. 420-445).

The vocabularies, which are given in a tabulated form, are for the following twelve languages:—

1. Tchokoyem. 2. Copeh. 3. Kulanapo. 4. Yukai. 5. Choweshak. 6. Batemdakaiee. 7. Weeyot. 8. Wishok. 9. Weitspek. 10. Hoopah. 11. Tahlewah. 12. Ehnek.

Besides which three others have been collected, but do not appear in print, viz.:—

1. The Watsa-he-wa,—spoken by one of the bands of the Shasti family.

2. The Howteteoh.

3. The Nabittse.

Of these the Tchokoyem = the Chocouyem of the Sacramiento, and the Joukiousme or San Raphael of Mofras; also Gallatin's San Raphael, and (more or less) the Talatui.

The Copeh is something (though less) like the short Upper Sacramiento specimen of the preceding paper.

The Yukai is, perhaps, less like the Pujuni, Sekume, and Tsamak vocabularies than the Copeh is to the Upper Sacramiento. Still, it probably belongs to the same class, since it will be seen that the Huk and Yukai languages are members of the group that Mr. Dana's lists represent. The Kulanapo has a clear preponderance of affinities with the Yukae.

The Choweshak and Batemdakaiee are allied. So are—

The Weeyot and the Wishok; in each of which the sound expressed by tl' occurs. These along with the Weitspek take m as the possessive prefix to the parts of the human body, and have other points of similarity.

English.	Weeyot.	Wishok.
hair	pah'tl	paht'l.
foot	welhh'tl	wehlihl.

The Hoopah is more interesting than any. The names of the parts of the human body, when compared with the Navaho and Jecorilla, are as follows:—

English.	Hoopah.	Navaho.	Jecorilla.
head	okheh	hut-se	it-se.
forehead	hotsintah	hut-tah	pin-nay.
face	haunith	hun-ne	——
eye	huanah	hunnah	pindah.
nose	huntchu	hutchin	witchess.
teeth	howwa	howgo	egho.
tongue	sastha	hotso	ezahte.
ear	hotcheweh	hutchah	wickyah.
hair	tsewok	hotse	itse.
neck	hosewatl	huckquoss	wickcost.
arm	hoithlani	hutcon	witse.
hand	hollah	hullah	wislah.

Here the initial combination of h and some other letter is (after the manner of so many American tongues) the possessive pronoun—alike in both the Navaho and Hoopah; many of the roots being also alike. Now the Navaho and Jecorilla are Athabaskan, and the Hoopah is probably Athabaskan also.

The Tahlewah and Ehnek are but little like each other, and little like any other language.

Although not connected with the languages of California, there is a specimen in the volume before us of a form of speech which has been already noticed in these Transactions, and which is by no means clearly defined. In the 28th Number, a vocabulary of the Ahnenin language is shown to be the same as that of the Fall-Indians of Umfreville. In Gallatin this Ahnenin vocabulary is quoted as Arapaho, or Atsina. Now it is specially stated that these Arapaho or Atsina Indians are those who are also (though inconveniently or erroneously) called the Gros Ventres, the Big Bellies and the Minitares of the Prairie—all names for the Indians about the Falls of the Saskachewan, and consequently of Indians far north.

But this was only one of the populations named Arapaho. Other Arapahos are found on the head-waters of the Platte and Arkansas. Who were these? Gallatin connected them at once with those of the Saskachewan—but it is doubtful whether he went on better grounds than the name. A vocabulary was wanted.

The volume in question supplies one—collected by Mr. J. S. Smith. It shows that the two Arapahos are really members of one and the same class—in language as well as in name.

Upon the name itself more light requires to be thrown. In an alphabetical list of Indian populations in the same volume with the vocabulary, from which we learn that the new specimen is one of the southern (and not the northern) Arapaho, it is stated that the word means "pricked" or "tattooed." In what language? Perhaps in that of the Arapaho themselves; perhaps in that of the Sioux—since it is a population of the Sioux class which is in contact with both the Arapahos.

Again—if the name be native, which of the two divisions uses it? the northern or the southern? or both? If both use it, how comes the synonym Ahnenin? How, too, comes the form Atsina? Is it a typographical error? The present writer used the same MS. with Gallatin and found the name to be Ahnenin.

To throw the two Arapahos into one and the same class is only one step in our classification. Can they be referred to any wider and more general division? A Shyenne vocabulary is to be found in the same table; and Schoolcraft remarks that the two languages are allied. So they are. Now reasons have been given for placing the Shyenne in the great Algonkin class (Philolog. Trans., and Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, vol. ii. p. cxi.).

There are similar affinities with the Blackfoot. Now, in the paper of these Transactions already referred to, it is stated that the affinities of the Blackfoot "are miscellaneous; more, however, with the Algonkin tongues than with those of any recognized group[38]." Gallatin takes the same view (Transactions of American Ethnol. Soc. vol. ii. p. cxiii.).

This gives as recent additions to the class in question, the Blackfoot—the Shyenne—the Arapaho.

The southern Arapaho are immigrants, rather than indigenæ, in their present localities. So are the Shyennes, with whom they are conterminous.

The original locality of the southern Arapahos was on the Saskachewan; that of the Shyennes on the Red River. Hence, the affinity between their tongues represents an affinity arising out of their relations anterior to their migration southward.

---

ON CERTAIN ADDITIONS TO THE ETHNOGRAPHICAL PHILOLOGY OF CENTRAL AMERICA, WITH REMARKS UPON THE SO-CALLED ASTEK CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

READ
BEFORE THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

May 12, 1854.

In Central America we have two points for which our philological data have lately received additions, viz. the parts about the Lake Nicaragua and the Isthmus of Darien.

For the parts about the Lake of Nicaragua, the chief authority is Mr. Squier; a writer with whom we differ in certain points, but, nevertheless, a writer who has given us both materials and results of great value. The languages represented, for the first time, by his vocabularies are four in number, of which three are wholly new, whilst one gives us a phenomenon scarcely less important than an absolutely fresh form of speech; viz. the proof of the occurrence of a known language in a new, though not unsuspected, locality.

To these four a fifth may be added; but; as that is one already illustrated by the researches of Henderson, Cotheal and others, it does not come under the category of new material. This language is that of the

Indians of the Mosquito coast.—Respecting these Mr. Squier commits himself to the doctrine that they are more or less Carib. They may be this in physiognomy. They may also be so in respect to their civilization, or want of civilization; and perhaps this is all that is meant, the words of our author being, that "upon the low alluvions, and amongst the dense dank forests of the Atlantic coast, there exist a few scanty, wandering tribes, maintaining a precarious existence by hunting and fishing, with little or no agriculture, destitute of civil organization, with a debased religion, and generally corresponding with the Caribs of the islands, to whom they sustain close affinities. A portion of their descendants, still further debased by the introduction of negro blood, may still be found in the wretched Moscos or Mosquitos. The few and scattered Melchoras, on the river St. Juan, are certainly of Carib stock, and it is more than probable that the same is true of the Woolwas, Ramas, Toacas, and Poyas, and also of the other tribes on the Atlantic coast, further to the southward, towards Chiriqui Lagoon, and collectively denominated Bravos."—Central America and Nicaragua, ii. pp. 308-309.

Nevertheless, as has been already stated, the language is other than Carib. It is other than Carib, whether we look to the Moskito or the Woolwa vocabularies. It is other than Carib, and admitted by Mr. Squier to be so. The previous extract has given us his opinion; what follows supports it by his reasons. "I have said that the Indians of the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua, the Moscos and others, were probably of Carib stock. This opinion is founded not only upon the express statements of Herrara, who says that 'the Carib tongue was much spoken in Nicaragua,' but also upon their general appearance, habits and modes of life. Their language does not appear to have any direct relationship with that of the Southern Caribs, but is, probably, the same, or a dialect of the same with that spoken around what is now called Chiriqui Lagoon, near the Isthmus of Panama, and which was originally called Chiribiri or Chraibici, from which comes Gomera's Caribici, or Carib." In a note we learn that "thirteen leagues from the Gulf of Nicoya, Oviedo speaks of a village called Carabizi, where the same language was spoken as at Chiriqui," &c.

Of the Melchora we have no specimens. For each and every tribe, extant or extinct, of the Indians about the Chiriqui Lagoon we want them also. The known vocabularies, however, for the parts nearest that locality are other than Carib.

Let us, however, look further, and we shall find good reasons for believing that certain populations of the parts in question are called, by the Spaniards of their neighbourhood, Caribs, much in the same way that they, along with nine-tenths of the other aborigines of America, are called Indians by us. "The region of Chantales," writes Mr. Squier, "was visited by my friend Mr. Julius Froebel, in the summer of this year (1851). He penetrated to the head-waters of the Rio Mico, Escondido, or Blue-fields, where he found the Indians to be agriculturalists, partially civilized, and generally speaking the Spanish language. They are called Caribs by their Spanish neighbours," &c. But their language, of which Mr. Froebel collected a vocabulary, published by Mr. Squier, is, like the rest, other than Carib.

It may, then, safely be said, that the Carib character of the Moskito Indians, &c. wants confirmation.

Nicaragua. A real addition to our knowledge is supplied by M. Squier concerning the Nicaraguans. The statement of Oviedo as to the tribes between the Lake of Nicaragua and the Pacific, along with the occupants of the islands in the lake itself, being Mexican rather than indigenous, he confirms. He may be said to prove it; since he brings specimens of the language (Niquiran, as he calls it), which is as truly Mexican as the language of Sydney or New York is English.

The Mexican character of the Nicaraguan language is a definite addition to ethnographical philology. It may now be considered as settled, that one of the languages of the parts under notice is intrusive, and foreign to its present locality.

The remaining vocabularies represent four indigenous forms of speech; these (three of them of Mr. Squier's own earliest publication, and one known before) being—

1. The Chorotegan or Dirian of Squier—This was collected by the author from the Indians of Masaya, on the northern frontier of the Niquiran, Nicaraguan, Mexican or Astek area.

2. The Nagrandan of Squier—This was collected by the author from the Indians of Subtiaba, in the plain of Leon, to the north of the Niquiran or Mexican area.

3. The Chontales, or Woolwa, of Froebel; Chontal being the name of the district, Woolwa, of the tribe.

4. The Mosquito (or Waikna) of the coast.

To these four indigenous tongues (the Mexican of Nicaragua being dealt with as a foreign tongue), what have we to say in the way of classification?

It is safe to say that the Nagrandan, Dirian, and Woolwa, are more like each other than they are to the Mosca, Mosquito, or Waikna. And this is important, since, when Froebel collected the Woolwa vocabulary, he found a tradition of their having come originally from the shores of Lake Managua; this being a portion of the Dirian and Nagrandan area. If so; the classification would be,—

a. Dirian, Nagrandan, and Chontal, or Woolwa (Wúlwa)

b. Mosquito, or Waikna.

The value of these two divisions is, of course, uncertain; and, in the present state of our knowledge, it would be premature to define it. Equally uncertain is the value of the subdivisions of the first class. All that can be said is, that out of four mutually unintelligible tongues, three seem rather more allied to each other than the fourth.

Besides the vocabulary of the Nagrandan of Mr. Squier, there is a grammatical sketch by Col. Francesco Diaz Zapata.

Veragua—We pass now from the researches of Mr. Squier in Nicaragua to those of Mr. B. Seemann, Naturalist to the Herald, for the Isthmus of Panama. The statement of Colonel Galindo, in the Journal of the Geographical Society, that the native Indian languages of Honduras, Nicaragua, San Salvador, and Costarica, had been replaced by the Spanish, has too implicitly been adopted; by no one, however, more so than the present writer. The same applies to Veragua.

Here, Dr. Seemann has supplied:—

1. The Savaneric, from the northernmost part of Veragua.

2. The Bayano, from the river Chepo.

3. The Cholo, widely spread in New Grenada. This is the same as Dr. Cullen's Yule.

Specimens of the San Blas, or Manzanillo Indians, are still desiderated, it being specially stated that the number of tribes is not less than four, and the four languages belonging to them as different.

All that can at present be said of the specimens before us is, that they have miscellaneous, but no exact and definite affinities.

Mexicans of Nicaragua. From the notice of these additions to our data for Central America in the way of raw material, we proceed to certain speculations suggested by the presence of the Mexicans of Nicaragua in a locality so far south of the city of Mexico as the banks and islands of the lake of that name.

First as to their designation. It is not Astek (or Asteca), as was that of the allied tribes of Mexico. Was it native, or was it only the name which their neighbours gave them? Was it a word like Deutsch (applied to the population of Westphalia, Oldenburg, the Rhine districts, &c.), or a word like German and Allemand? Upon this point no opinion is hazarded.

Respecting, however, the word Astek (Asteca) itself, the present writer commits himself to the doctrine that it was no native name at all, and that it was a word belonging to the Maya, and foreign to the Mexican, class of languages. It was as foreign to the latter as Welsh is to the language of the British Principality; as German or Allemagne to the High and Low Dutch forms of speech; as barbarus to the languages in contact with the Latin and Greek, but not themselves either one or the other.

On the other hand, it was a Maya word, in the way that Welsh and German are English, and in the way that Allemand is a French one.

It was a word belonging to the country into which the Mexicans intruded, and to the populations upon which they encroached. These called their invaders Asteca, just as the Scotch Gael calls an Englishman, a Saxon.

a. The form is Maya, the termination-eca being common whereever any form of the Maya speech is to be found.

b. It is too like the word Huasteca to be accidental. Now, Huasteca is the name of a language spoken in the parts about Tampico; a language separated in respect to its geographical position from the other branches of the Maya family, (for which Guatemala and Yucatan are the chief localities) but not separated (as is indicated in the Mithridates) from these same Maya tongues philologically. Hence Huasteca is a Maya word; and what Huasteca is, Asteca is likely to be.

The isolation of the Huasteca branch of the Maya family indicates invasion, encroachment, conquest, displacement; the invaders, &c. being the Mexicans, called by themselves by some name hitherto undetermined, but by the older occupants of the country, Astek.

It is believed, too, though this is more or less of an obiter dictum, that nine-tenths of the so-called Mexican civilization, as indicated by its architecture, &c., was Maya, i. e. was referable to the old occupants rather than to the new invaders; standing in the same relation to that of the Mexicans, strictly speaking, as that of Italy did to that of the Goths and Lombards.

Whence came these invaders? The evidence of the phonetic part of the language points to the parts about Quadra and Vancouver's Island, and to the populations of the Upper Oregon—populations like the Chinuk, the Salish, the Atna, &c. Here, for the first time, we meet with languages where the peculiar phonesis of the Mexican language, the preponderance of the sound expressed by tl, reappears. For all the intermediate parts, with one or two exceptions, the character of the phonesis is Maya, i. e. soft, vocalic, and marked by the absence of those harsh elements that characterize the Mexican, the Chinuk, and the Atna equally. The extent to which the glossarial evidence agrees with the phonetic has yet to be investigated, the doctrine here indicated being a suggestion rather than aught else.

So is the doctrine that both the Nicaraguan and Mexican invasions were maritime. Strange as this may sound in the case of an ordinary American population, it should not do so in the case of a population deduced from the Chinuk and Salish areas and from the archipelago to the north of Quadra's and Vancouver's Island. However, it is not the fact itself that is of so much value. The principle involved in its investigation is weightier. This is, that the distribution of an allied population, along a coast, and at intervals, is primâ facie evidence of the ocean having been the path along which they moved.

NOTE (1859).

For exceptions to the doctrine here suggested see Notes on the last paper.

---

NOTE UPON A PAPER OF THE HONOURABLE CAPTAIN FITZROY'S ON THE ISTHMUS OF PANAMA,

PUBLISHED
IN THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.

NOVEMBER 25. 1850.

On the Language of Central America.

In Yucatan the structure and details of the language are sufficiently known, and so are the ethnological affinities of the tribes who speak it. This language is the Maya tongue, and its immediate relations are with the dialects of Guatemala. It is also allied to the Huasteca spoken so far N. as the Texian frontier, and separated from the other Maya tongues by dialects of the Totonaca and Mexican. This remarkable relationship was known to the writers of the Mithridates.

In South America the language begins to be known when we reach the equator; e. g. at Quito the Inca language of the Peruvian begins, and extends as far south as the frontier of Chili.

So much for the extreme points; between which the whole, intermediate space is very nearly a terra incognita.

In Honduras, according to Colonel Galindo, the Indians are extinct; and as no specimen of their language has been preserved from the time of their existence as a people, that state is a blank in philology.

So also are San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica; in all of which there are native Indians, but native Indians who speak Spanish. Whether this implies the absolute extinction of the native tongue is uncertain: it is only certain that no specimens of it are known.

The Indian of the Moskito coast is known; and that through both vocabularies and grammars. It is a remarkably unaffiliated language—more so than any one that I have ever compared. Still, it has a few miscellaneous affinities; just enough to save it from absolute isolation. When we remember that the dialects with which it was conterminous are lost, this is not remarkable. Probably it represents a large class, i. e. that which comprised the languages of Central America not allied to the Maya, and the languages of New Grenada.

Between the Moskito country and Quito there are only two vocabularies in the Mithridates, neither of which extends far beyond the numerals. One is that of the dialects of Veragua called Darien, and collected by Wafer; the other the numerals of the famous Muysca language of the plateau of Santa Fé de Bogota. With these exceptions, the whole philology of New Grenada is unknown, although the old missionaries counted the mutually unintelligible tongues by the dozen or score. More than one modern author—the present writer amongst others—has gone so far as to state that all the Indian languages of New Grenada are extinct.

Such is not the case. The following vocabulary, which in any other part of the world would be a scanty one, is for the parts in question of more than average value. It is one with which I have been kindly favoured by Dr. Cullen, and which represents the language of the Cholo Indians inhabiting part of the Isthmus of Darien, east of the river Chuquanaqua, which is watered by the river Paya and its branches in and about lat. 8° 15´ N., and long. 77° 20´ W.:—

English.	Cholo.
Water	payto
Fire	tŭboor
Sun	pesea
Moon	hedecho
Tree	pachru
Leaves	chītŭha
House	dhĕ
Man	mochĭna
Woman	wuĕna
Child	wōrdōchĕ
Thunder	pā
Canoe, or	}	habodrooma
Chingo
Tiger, i.e. jaguar	imāmă
Leon, i.e. large tiger	imāmă pooroo
River	thō
River Tuyra	tōgŭrooma
Large man	mochĭnā dĕăsīra
Little man	mochĭnā zache
An iguana	ipōga
Lizard	horhe
Snake	tamā
Turkey, wild	zāmo
Parrot	carre
Guacharaca bird	bulleebullee
Guaca bird	pavōra
Lazimba	toosee

The tide is rising	tobiroooor
The tide is falling	eribudo
Where are you going	amonya
Whence do you come	zamabima zebuloo
Let us go	wonda
Let us go bathe	wondo cuide

The extent to which they differ from the languages of Venezuela and Colombia may be seen from the following tables of the words common to Dr. Cullen's list, and the equally short ones of the languages of the Orinoco:—

English	water
Cholo	payto
Quichua	unu
Omagua	uni
Salivi	cagua
Maypure	ueru
Ottomaca	ia
Betoi	ocudù
Yarura	uvi
Darien	dulah
Carib	touna
English	fire
Cholo	tŭboor
Quichua	nina
Omagua	tata
Salivi	egustà
Maypure	calti
Ottomaca	nùa
Betoi	fului
Yarura	coride
Carib	onato
English	sun
Cholo	pesea
Quichua	inti
Omagua	huarassi
Salivi	numesechecoco
Maypure	chiè
Betoi	teo-umasoi
Yarura	do
Muysca	suâ
Carib	veiou
English	moon
Cholo	hedecho
Quichua	quilla
Omagua	yase
Arawak	cattehee
Yarura	goppe
Betoi	teo-ro
Maypure	chejapi
Salivi	vexio
Darien	nie
Zamuca	ketokhi
English	man
Cholo	mohina
Quichua	ccari
——	runa
Salivi	cocco
Maypure	cajarrachini
——	mo
Ottomaca	andera
Yatura	pumè
Muysca	muysca
——	cha
Carib	oquiri
English	woman
Cholo	wuĕna
Quichua	huarmi
Maypure	tinioki
Yarura	ibi
——	ain
Betoi	ro
Ottomaca	ondua

NOTE.

Exceptions to the statement concerning the New Grenada, the San Salvador, and the Moskito languages will be found in the Notes upon the next paper.

---

ON THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN, WESTERN, AND CENTRAL AMERICA.

READ MAY 9TH. 1856.

The present paper is a supplement to two well-known contributions to America philology by the late A. Gallatin. The first was published in the second volume of the Archæologia Americana, and gives a systematic view of the languages spoken within the then boundaries of the United States; these being the River Sabine and the Rocky Mountains, Texas being then Mexican, and, à fortiori, New Mexico and California; Oregon, also, being common property between the Americans and ourselves. The second is a commentary, in the second volume of the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, upon the multifarious mass of philological data collected by Mr. Hale, during the United States Exploring Expedition, to which he acted as official and professional philologue; only, however, so far as they applied to the American parts of Oregon. The groups of this latter paper—the paper of the Transactions as opposed to that of the Archæologia—so far as they are separate from those of the former, are—

1. The Kitunaha.
2. The Tsihaili-Selish.
3. The Sahaptin.
4. The Waiilatpu.
5. The Tsinuk or Chinook.
6. The Kalapuya.
7. The Jakon.
8. The Lutuami.
9. The Shasti.
10. The Palaik.
11. The Shoshoni or Snake Indians.

To which add the Arrapaho, a language of Kansas, concerning which information had been obtained since 1828, the date of the first paper. Of course, some of these families extended beyond the frontiers of the United States, so that any notice of them as American carried with it so much information respecting them to the investigators of the philology of the Canadas, the Hudson's Bay Territory, or Mexico.

Again—three languages, the Eskimo, and Kenai, and Takulli, though not spoken within the limits of the United States, were illustrated. Hence, upon more than one of the groups of the papers in question there still remains something to be said; however much the special and proper subject of the present dissertation may be the languages that lay beyond the pale of Gallatin's researches.

The first groups of tongues thus noticed for the second time are—

I. The Iroquois, and

II. The Sioux.—I have little to say respecting these families except that they appear to belong to some higher class,—a class which, without being raised to any inordinate value, may eventually include not only these two now distinct families, but also the Catawba, Woccoon, Cherokee, Choctah, and (perhaps) Caddo groups,—perhaps also the Pawni and its ally the Riccaree.

III. The Algonkin Group.—The present form of this group differs from that which appears in the Archæologia Americana, by exhibiting larger dimensions. Nothing that was then placed within has since been subtracted from it; indeed, subtractions from any class of Gallatin's making are well-nigh impossible. In respect to additions, the case stands differently.

Addition of no slight importance have been made to the Algonkin group. The earliest was that of—

The Bethuck.—The Bethuck is the native language of Newfoundland. In 1846, the collation of a Bethuck vocabulary enabled me to state that the language of the extinct, or doubtfully extant, aborigines of that island was akin to those of the ordinary American Indians rather than to the Eskimo; further investigation showing that, of the ordinary American languages, it was Algonkin rather than aught else.

A sample of the evidence of this is to be found in the following table; a table formed, not upon the collation of the whole MS., but only upon the more important words contained in it.

• English, son.
• Bethuck, mageraguis.
• Cree, equssis.
• Ojibbeway, ninqwisis = my son.
• —— negwis = my son.
• Ottawa, kwis.
• Micmac, unquece.
• Passamaquoddy, n'hos.
• Narragansetts, nummuckiese = my son.
• Delaware, quissau = his son.
• Miami, akwissima.
• ——, ungwissah.
• Shawnoe, koisso.
• Sack & Fox, neckwessa.
• Menomeni, nekeesh.

• English, girl.
• Bethuck, woaseesh.
• Cree, squaisis.
• Ojibbeway, ekwaizais.
• Ottawa, aquesens.
• Old Algonkin, ickwessen.
• Sheshatapoosh, squashish.
• Passamaquoddy, pelsquasis.
• Narragansetts, squasese.
• Montaug, squasses.
• Sack & Fox, skwessah.
• Cree, awâsis = child.
• Sheshatapoosh, awash = child.

• English, mouth.
• Bethuck, mamadthun.
• Nanticoke, mettoon.
• Massachusetts, muttoon.
• Narragansetts, wuttoon.
• Penobscot, madoon.
• Acadcan, meton.
• Micmac, toon.
• Abenaki, ootoon.

• English, nose.
• Bethuck, gheen.
• Miami, keouane.

• English, teeth.
• Bethuck, bocbodza.
• Micmac, neebeet.
• Abenaki, neebeet.

• English, hand.
• Bethuck, maemed.
• Micmac, paeteen.
• Abenaki, mpateen.

• English, ear.
• Bethuck, mootchiman.
• Micmac, mootooween.
• Abenaki, nootawee.

• English, smoke.
• Bethuck, bassdik.
• Abenaki, ettoodake.

• English, oil.
• Bethuck, emet.
• Micmac, memaye.
• Abenaki, pemmee.

• English, sun.
• Bethuck, keuse.
• Cree, &c., kisis.
• Abenaki, kesus.
• Mohican, kesogh.
• Delaware, gishukh.
• Illinois, kisipol.
• Shawnoe, kesathwa.
• Sack & Fox, kejessoah.
• Menomeni, kaysho.
• Passamaquoddy, kisos = moon.
• Abenaki, kisus = moon.
• Illinois, kisis = moon.
• Cree, kesecow = day.
• Ojibbeway, kijik = day and light.
• Ottawa, kijik = ditto.
• Abenaki, kiseoukou = ditto,
• Delaware, gieshku = ditto.
• Illinois, kisik = ditto.
• Shawnoe, keeshqua = ditto.
• Sack & Fox, keeshekeh = ditto.

• English, fire.
• Bethuck, boobeeshawt.
• Cree, esquitti, scoutay.
• Ojibbeway, ishkodai, skootae.
• Ottawa, ashkote.
• Old Algonkin, skootay.
• Sheshatapoosh, schootay.
• Passamaquoddy, skeet.
• Abenaki, skoutai.
• Massachusetts, squitta.
• Narragansetts, squtta.

• English, white.
• Bethuck, wobee.
• Cree, wabisca.
• ——, wapishkawo.
• Ojibbeway, wawbishkaw.
• ——, wawbizze.
• Old Algonkin, wabi.
• Sheshatapoosh, wahpou.
• Micmac, ouabeg, wabeck.
• Mountaineer, wapsiou.
• Passamaquoddy, wapiyo.
• Abenaki, wanbighenour.
• ——, wanbegan.
• Massachusetts, wompi.
• Narragansetts, wompesu.
• Mohican, waupaaeek.
• Montaug, wampayo.
• Delaware, wape, wapsu, wapsit.
• Nanticoke, wauppauyu.
• Miami, wapekinggek.
• Shawnoe, opee.
• Sack & Fox, wapeskayah.
• Menomeni, waubish keewah.

• English, black.
• Bethuck, mandzey.
• Ojibbeway, mukkudaiwa.
• Ottawa, mackateh.
• Narragansetts, mowesu.
• Massachusetts, mooi.

• English, house.
• Bethuck, meeootik.
• Narragansetts, wetu.

• English, shoe.
• Bethuck, mosen.
• Abenaki, mkessen.

• English, snow.
• Bethuck, kaasussabook.
• Cree, sasagun = hail.
• Ojibbeway, saisaigan.
• Sheshatapoosh, shashaygan.

• English, speak.
• Bethuck, ieroothack.
• Taculli, yaltuck.
• Cree, alhemetakcouse.
• Wyandot, atakea.

• English, yes.
• Bethuck, yeathun.
• Cree, ahhah.
• Passamaquoddy, netek.

• English, no.
• Bethuck, newin.
• Cree, namaw.
• Ojibbeway, kawine.
• Ottawa, kauween.

• English, hatchet.
• Bethuck, dthoonanyen.
• Taculli, thynle.

• English, knife.
• Bethuck, eewaeen.
• Micmac, uagan.

• English, bad.
• Bethuck, muddy.
• Cree, myaton.
• Ojibbeway, monadud.
• ——, mudji.
• Ottawa, matche.
• Micmac, matoualkr.
• Massachusetts, matche.
• Narragansetts, matchit.
• Mohican, matchit.
• Montaug, mattateayah.
• Montaug, muttadeeaco.
• Delaware, makhtitsu.
• Nanticoke, mattik.
• Sack & Fox, motchie.
• ——, matchathie.

The Shyenne.—A second addition of the Algonkin class was that of the Shyenne language—a language suspected to be Algonkin at the publication of the Archæologia Americana. In a treaty made between the United States and the Shyenne Indians in 1825, the names of the chiefs who signed were Sioux, or significant in the Sioux language. It was not unreasonable to consider this a primâ-facie evidence of the Shyenne tongue itself being Sioux. Nevertheless, there were some decided statements in the way of external evidence in another direction. There was the special evidence of a gentleman well-acquainted with the fact, that the names of the treaty, so significant in the Sioux language, were only translations from the proper Shyenne, there having been no Shyenne interpreter at the drawing-up of the document. What then was the true Shyenne? A vocabulary of Lieut. Abert's settled this. The numerals of this were published earlier than the other words, and on these the present writer remarked that they were Algonkin (Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1847,—Transactions of the Sections, p. 123). Meanwhile, the full vocabulary, which was in the hands of Gallatin, and collated by him, gave the contemplated result:—"Out of forty-seven Shyenne words for which we have equivalents in other languages, there are thirteen which are indubitably Algonkin, and twenty-five which have affinities more or less remote with some of the languages of that family." (Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, vol. ii. p. cxi. 1848.)

The Blackfoot.—In the same volume (p. cxiii), and by the same author, we find a table showing the Blackfoot to be Algonkin; a fact that must now be generally recognized, having been confirmed by later data. The probability of this affinity was surmised in a paper in the 28th Number of the Proceedings of the present Society.

The Arrapaho.—This is the name of a tribe in Kansas; occupant of a district in immediate contact with the Shyenne country.

But the Shyennes are no indigenæ to Kansas. Neither are the Arrapahos. The so-called Fall Indians, of whose language we have long had a very short trader's vocabulary in Umfreville, are named from their occupancy which is on the Falls of the Saskatshewan. The Nehethewa, or Crees, of their neighbourhood call them so; so that it is a Cree term of which the English is a translation. Another name (English also) is Big-belly, in French Gros-ventre. This has given rise to some confusion. Gros-ventre is a name also given to the Minetari of the Yellow-stone River; whence the name Minetari itself has, most improperly, been applied (though not, perhaps, very often or by good authorities) to the Fall Indians.

The Minetari Gros-ventres belong to the Sioux family. Not so the Gros-ventres of the Falls. Adelung remarked that some of their words had an affinity with the Algonkin, or as he called it, Chippeway-Delaware, family, e. g. the names for tobacco, arrow, four, and ten.

Umfreville's vocabulary was too short for anything but the most general purposes and the most cautious of suggestions. It was, however, for a long time the only one known. The next to it, in the order of time, was one in MS., belonging to Gallatin, but which was seen by Dr. Prichard and collated by the present writer, his remarks upon it being published in the 134th Number of the Proceedings of this Society. They were simply to the effect that the language had certain miscellaneous affinities. An Arrapaho vocabulary in Schoolcraft tells us something more than this; viz. not only that it is, decidedly, the same language as the Fall Indian of Umfreville, but that it has definite and preponderating affinities with the Shyenne, and, through it, with the great Algonkin class in general.

English.	Arrapaho.	Shyenne.
scalp	mithash	matake.
tongue	nathun	vetunno.
tooth	veathtah	veisike.
beard	vasesanon	meatsa.
hand	mahchetun	maharts.
blood	bahe	mahe.
sinew	anita	antikah.
heart	battah	estah.
mouth	nettee	marthe.
girl	issaha	xsa.
husband	nash	nah.
son	naah	nah.
daughter	nahtahnah	nahteh.
one	chassa	nuke.
two	neis	neguth.
three	nas	nahe.
four	yeane	nave.
five	yorthun	noane.
six	nitahter	nahsato.
seven	nisorter	nisoto.
eight	nahsorter	nahnoto.
nine	siautah	soto.
ten	mahtahtah	mahtoto.

English.	Arrapaho.	Other Algonkin Languages.
man	enanetah	enainneew, Menom. &c.
father, my	nasonnah	nosaw, Miami.
mother, my	nanah	nekeah, Menom.
husband, my	nash	nah, Shyenne.
son, my	naah	nah, Shyenne.
——	——	nikwithah, Shawnee.
daughter, my	nahtahnah	netawnah, Miami.
brother, my	nasisthsah	nesawsah, Miami.
sister, my	naecahtaiah	nekoshaymank, Menom.
Indian	enenitah	ah wainhukai, Delaware.
eye	mishishi	maishkayshaik, Menom.
mouth	netti	may tone, Menom.
tongue	nathun	wilano, Delaware.
tooth	veathtah	wi pit, Delaware.
beard	vasesanon	witonahi, Delaware.
back	nerkorbah	pawkawmema, Miami.
hand	machetun	olatshi, Shawnee.
foot	nauthauitah	ozit, Delaware.
bone	hahunnah	ohkonne, Menom.
heart	battah	maytah, Menom.
blood	bahe	mainhki, Menom.
sinew	anita	ohtah, Menom.
flesh	wonnunyah	weensama, Miami.
skin	tahyatch	xais, Delaware.
town	haitan	otainahe, Delaware.
door	tichunwa	kwawntame, Miami.
sun	nishi-ish	kayshoh, Menom.
star	ahthah	allangwh, Delaware.
day	ishi	kishko, Delaware.
autumn	tahuni	tahkoxko, Delaware.
wind	assissi	kaishxing, Delaware.
fire	ishshitta	ishkotawi, Menom.
water	nutch	nape, Miami.
ice	wahhu	mainquom, Menom.
mountain	ahhi	wahchiwi, Shawnee.
hot	hastah	ksita, Shawnee.
he	enun	enaw, Miami.
——	——	waynanh, Menom.
that (in)	hinnah	aynaih, Menom.
who	unnahah	ahwahnay, Menom.
no	chinnani	kawn, Menom.
eat	mennisi	mitishin, Menom.
drink	bannah	maynaan, Menom.
kill	nauaiut	osh-nainhnay, Menom.

Fitzhugh Sound forms in-SKUM.—There is still a possible addition to the Algonkin group; though it is probable that it cannot be added to it without raising the value of the class. The exact value and interpretation of the following fact has yet to be made out. I lay it, however, before the reader. The language for the parts about Fitzhugh Sound seems to belong to a class which will appear in the sequel under the name Hailtsa or Haeetsuk. The numerals, however, have this peculiarity, viz. they end in the syllable -kum. And this is what, in one specimen, at least, two of the Black foot terms do,

• English, two.
• Fitzhugh Sound, mal-skum.
• Hailtsuk, maluk.
• Blackfoot, nartoke-skum.

• English, three.
• Fitzhugh Sound, uta-skum.
• Hailtsuk, yutuk.
• Blackfoot, nahoke-skum.

What, however, if this syllable-skum be other than true Blackfoot; i. e. what if the numerals were taken from the mouth of a Hailtsa Indian? The possibility of this must be borne in mind. With this remark upon the similarity of ending between one specimen of Blackfoot numerals and the Hailtsa dialect of Fitzhugh Sound, we may take leave of the Algonkin class of tongues and pass on to—

IV. The Athabaskan Group.—The vast size of the area over which the Athabaskan tongues have spread themselves, has commanded less attention than it deserves. It should command attention if it were only for the fact of its touching both the Oceans—the Atlantic on the one side, the Pacific on the other. But this is not all. With the exception of the Eskimo, the Athabaskan forms of speech are the most northern of the New World; nay, as the Eskimos are, by no means, universally recognized as American, the Athabaskan area is, in the eyes of many, absolutely and actually the most northern portion of America—the most northern portion of America considered ethnologically or philologically, the Eskimo country being considered Asiatic. To say that the Athabaskan area extends from ocean to ocean, is to say that, as a matter of course, it extends to both sides of the Rocky Mountains. It is also to say that the Athabaskan family is common to both British and Russian America.

For the northern Athabaskans, the main body of the family, the philological details were, until lately, eminently scanty and insufficient. There was, indeed, an imperfect substitute for them in the statements of several highly trustworthy authors as to certain tribes who spoke a language allied to the Chepewyan, and as to others who did not;—statements which, on the whole, have been shown to be correct; statements, however, which required the confirmation of vocabularies. These have now been procured; if not to the full extent of all the details of the family, to an extent quite sufficient for the purposes of the philologue. They show that the most western branch of the stock, the Chepewyan proper, or the language of what Dobbs called the Northern Indians, is closely akin to that of the Dog-ribs, the Hare (or Slave) and the Beaver Indians, and that the Dahodinni, called from their warlike habits the Mauvais Monde, are but slightly separated from them. Farther west a change takes place, but not one of much importance. Interpreters are understood with greater difficulty, but still understood.

The Sikani and Sussi tongues are known by specimens of considerable length and value, and these languages, lying as far south as the drainage of the Saskatshewan, and as far west as the Rocky Mountains, are, and have been for some years, known as Athabaskan.

Then came the Takulli of New Caledonia, of whose language there was an old sample procured by Harmon. This was the Nagail, or Chin Indian of Mackenzie, or nearly so. Now, Nagail I hold to be the same word as Takull-i, whilst Chin is Tshin = Dinne = Tnai = Atna = Knai = Man. The Takulli division falls into no less than eleven (?) minor sections; all of which but one end in this root, viz.-tin.

1. The Tau-tin, or Talko-tin.
2. (?) The Tsilko-tin or Chilko-tin, perhaps the same word in a different dialect.
3. The Nasko-tin.
4. The Thetlio-tin.
5. The Tsatsno-tin.
6. The Nulaau-tin.
7. The Ntaauo-tin.
8. The Natliau-tin.
9. The Nikozliau-tin.
10. The Tatshiau-tin, and
11. The Babin Indians.

Sir John Richardson, from vocabularies procured by him during his last expedition, the value of which is greatly enhanced by his ethnological chapter on the characteristics of the populations which supplied them, has shown, what was before but suspected, that the Loucheux Indians of Mackenzie River are Athabaskan; a most important addition to our knowledge. Now, the Loucheux are a tribe known under many names; under that of the Quarrellers, under that of the Squinters, under that of the Thycothe and Digothi. Sir John Richardson calls them Kutshin, a name which we shall find in several compounds, just as we found the root-tin in the several sections of the Takulli, and as we shall find its modified form dinni among the eastern Athabascans. The particular tribes of the Kutshin division, occupants of either the eastern frontier of Russian America, or the north-western parts of the Hudson's Bay Territory, are (according to the same authority) as follows:

1. The Artez-kutshi = Hard people.
2. The Tshu-kutshi = Water people.
3. The Tatzei-kutshi = Rampart people; falling into four bands.
4. The Teystse-kutshi = People of the shelter.
5. The Vanta-kutshi = People of the lakes.
6. The Neyetse-kutshi = People of the open country.
7. The Tlagga-silla = Little dogs.

This brings us to the Kenay. Word for word Kenay is Knai = Tnai, a modified form of the now familiar root t-n = man, a root which has yet to appear and reappear under various new, and sometimes unfamiliar and unexpected, forms. A Kenay vocabulary has long been known. It appears in Lisiansky tabulated with the Kadiak, Sitkan, and Unalaskan of the Aleutian Islands. It was supplied by the occupants of Cook's Inlet. Were these Athabaskan? The present writer owes to Mr. Isbister the suggestion that they were Loucheux, and to the same authority he was indebted for the use of a very short Loucheux vocabulary. Having compared this with Lisiansky's, he placed both languages in the same category—rightly in respect to the main point, wrongly in respect to a subordinate. He determined the place of the Loucheux (Kutshin as he would now call them) by that of the Kenay, and made both Kolush. He would now reverse the process and make both Athabaskan, as Sir John Richardson has also suggested.

To proceed—three vocabularies in Baer's Beiträge are in the same category with the Kenay, viz.—

1. The Atna.—This is our old friend t-n again, the form Tnai and others occurring. It deserves notice, because, unless noticed, it may create confusion. As more populations than one may call themselves man, a word like Atna may appear and re-appear as often as there is a dialect which so renders the Latin word homo. Hence, there may not only be more Atnas than one, but there actually are more than one. This is a point to which we shall again revert. At present it is enough that the Atnas under notice are occupants of the mouth of the Copper River, Indians of Russian America and Athabaskan.

2. The Koltshani.—As t-n = man, so does k-ltsh = stranger, guest, enemy, friend; and mûtatis mutandis, the criticism that applied to Atna applies to words like Koltshan, Golzan, and Kolush. There may be more than one population so called.

3. The Ugalents or Ugalyackh-mutsi.—This is the name of few families near Mount St. Elias. Now—

The Atna at the mouth of the Copper River, the Koltshani higher up the stream, and the Ugalents, are all held by the present writer to be Athabaskan—not, indeed, so decidedly as the Beaver Indians, the Dog-ribs, or the Proper Chepewyans, but still Athabaskan. They are not Eskimo, though they have Eskimo affinities. They are not Kolush, though they have Kolush affinities. They are by no means isolated, and as little are they to be made into a class by themselves. At the same time, it should be added that by including these we raise the value of the class.

For all the languages hitherto mentioned we have specimens. For some, however, of the populations whose names appear in the maps, within the Athabaskan area, we have yet to satisfy ourselves with the testimony of writers, or to rely on inference. In some cases, too, we have the same population under different names. This is the case when we have a native designation as well as a French or English one—e. g. Loucheux, Squinters, Kutshin. This, too, is the case when we have, besides the native name (or instead of it), the name by which a tribe is called by its neighbours. Without giving any minute criticism, I will briefly state that all the Indians of the Athabaskan area whose names end in-dinni are Athabaskan; viz.—

1. The See-issaw-dinni = Rising-sun-men.
2. The Tau-tsawot-dinni = Birch-rind-men.
3. The Thlingeha-dinni = Dog-rib-men.
4. The Etsh-tawút-dinni = Thickwood-men.
5. The Ambah tawút-dinni = Mountain-sheep-men.
6. The Tsillaw-awdút-dinni = Bushwood-men.

Lastly—Carries, Slave-Indians, Yellow-knives, Copper-Indians, and Strong-bows are synonyms for some of the tribes already mentioned. The Hare-Indians are called Kancho. The Nehanni and some other populations of less importance are also, to almost a certainty, Athabaskan. With the tongues in its neighbourhood, we shall find that it is broadly and definitely separated from them in proportion as we move from west to east. In Russian America, the Eskimo, Sitkan, and Athabaskan tongues graduate into each other. In the same parts the Athabaskan forms of speech differ most from each other. On the other hand, to the east of the Rocky Mountains, the Dog-ribs, the Hares, and the Chepewyans are cut off by lines equally trenchant from the Eskimos to the north, and from the Algonkins to the south. I infer from this that the diffusion of the language over those parts is comparatively recent; in other words, that the Athabaskan family has moved from west to east rather than from east to west.

Of the proper Athabaskan, i. e. of the Athabaskan in the original sense of the word, the southern boundary, beginning at Fort Churchill, on Hudson's Bay, follows (there or thereabouts) the course of the Missinippi; to the north of which lie the Chepewyans who are Athabaskan, to the south of which lie the Crees, or Knistenaux, who are Algonkin. Westward come the Blackfeet (Algonkin) and the Sussees (Athabaskan), the former to the north, the latter to the south, until the Rocky Mountains are reached. The Takulli succeed—occupants of New Caledonia; to the south of whom lie Kutani and Atnas. The Takulli area nowhere touches the ocean, from which its western frontier is separated to the south of 55° north latitude by some unplaced languages; to the north of 55°, by the Sitkeen—but only as far as the Rocky Mountains; unless, indeed, some faint Algonkin characteristics lead future inquirers to extend the Algonkin area westwards, which is not improbable. The value of the class, however, if this be done, will have to be raised.

The most southern of the Athabaskans are the Sussees, in north latitude 51°—there or thereabouts. But the Sussees, far south as they lie, are only the most southern Athabaskans en masse. There are outliers of the stock as far south as the southern parts of Oregon. More than this, there are Athabaskans in California, New Mexico, and Sonora.

Few discoveries respecting the distribution of languages are more interesting than one made by Mr. Hale, to the effect that the Umkwa, Kwaliokwa, and Tlatskanai dialects of a district so far south as the River Columbia, and the upper portion of the Umkwa river (further south still) were outlying members of the Athabaskan stock, a stock preeminently northern—not to say Arctic—in its main area.

Yet the dialects just named were shown by a subsequent discovery of Professor Turner's, to be only penultimate ramifications of their stock; inasmuch as further south and further south still, in California, New Mexico, Sonora, and even Chihuhua, as far south as 30° north latitude, Athabaskan forms of speech were to be found; the Navaho of Uta and New Mexico, the Jecorilla of New Mexico, and the Apatch of New Mexico, California, and Sonora, being Athabaskan. The Hoopah of California is also Athabaskan.

The first of the populations to the south of the Athabaskan area, who, lying on, or to the west of, the Rocky Mountains, are other than Algonkin, are—

V. The Kitunaha.—The Kitunaha, Cutani, Cootanie or Flatbow area is long rather than broad, and it follows the line of the Rocky Mountains between 52° and 48° north latitude. How definitely it is divided by the main ridge from that of the Blackfoots I am unable to say, but as a general rule, the Kutani lie west, the Blackfoots east; the former being Indians of New Caledonia and Oregon, the latter of the Hudson's Bay Territory and the United States. On the west the Kutani country is bounded by that of the Shushwap and Selish Atnas, on the north by the Sussee, Sikanni, and Nagail Athabaskans, on the south (I think) by some of the Upsaroka or Crow tribes. All these relations are remarkable, and so is the geographical position of the area. It is in a mountain-range; and, as such, in a district likely to be an ancient occupancy. The languages with which the Kutani lies in contact are referable to four different families—the Athabaskan, the Atna, the Algonkin, and the Sioux; the last two of which, the Blackfoot (Algonkin) and the Crow (Sioux), are both extreme forms, i. e. forms sufficiently unlike the other members of these respective groups to have had their true position long overlooked; forms, too, sufficiently peculiar to justify the philologue in raising them to the rank of separate divisions. It suffices, however, for the present to say, that the Kutani language is bounded by four tongues differing in respect to the class to which they belong and from each other, and different from the Kutani itself.

The Kutani, then, differs notably from the tongues with which it is in geographical contact; though, like all the languages of America, it has numerous miscellaneous affinities. In respect to its phonesis it agrees with the North Oregon languages. The similarity in name to the Loucheux, whom Richardson calls Kutshin, deserves notice. Upon the whole, few languages deserve attention more than the one under notice.

VI. The Atna Group.—West of the Kutanis and south of the Takulli Athabaskans lie the northernmost members of a great family which extends as far south as the Sahaptin frontier, the Sahaptin being a family of Southern, or American, Oregon. Such being the case, the great group now under notice came under the cognizance of the two American philologues, whose important labours have already been noticed, by whom it has been denominated Tsihaili-Selish. It contains the Shushwap, Selish, Skitsnish (or Cœur d'Alene) Piskwans, Nusdalum, Kawitchen, Skwali, Chechili, Kowelits, and Nsietshawus forms of speech.

In regard to the Atna I have a statement of my own to correct, or at any rate to modify. In a paper, read before the Ethnological Society, on the Languages of the Oregon Territory (Dec. 11, 1844), I pronounced that an Atna vocabulary found in Mackenzie's Travels, though different from the Atna of the Copper River, belonged to the same group. The group, however, to which the Atna of the Copper River belongs is the Athabaskan.

The Tsihaili-Selish languages reach the sea in the parts to the south of the mouth of Frazer's River, i. e. the parts opposite Vancouver's Island; perhaps they touch it further to the north also; perhaps, too, some of the Takulli forms of the speech further north still reach the sea. The current statements, however, are to the effect, that to the south of the parts opposite Sitka, and to the north of the parts opposite Vancouver's Island, the two families in question are separated from the Pacific by a narrow strip of separate languages—separate and but imperfectly known. These are, beginning from the north—

VII. The Haidah Group of Languages.—Spoken by the Skittegats, Massetts, Kumshahas, and Kyganie of Queen Charlotte's Islands and the Prince of Wales Archipelago. Its area lies immediately to that of the south of the so-called Kolush languages.

VIII. The Chemmesyan.—Spoken along the sea-coast and islands of north latitude 55°.

IX. The Billechula.—Spoken at the mouth of Salmon River; a language to which I have shown, elsewhere, that a vocabulary from Mackenzie's Travels of the dialect spoken at Friendly Village was referable.

X. The Hailtsa.—The Hailtsa contains the dialects of the sea-coast between Hawkesbury Island and Broughton's Archipelago, also those of the northern part of Vancouver's Island.

In Gallatin, the Chemmesyan, Billechula, and Hailtsa are all thrown in a group called Naas. The Billechula numerals are, certainly, the same as the Hailtsa; the remainder of the vocabulary being unlike, though not altogether destitute of coincidences. The Chemmesyan is more outlying still. I do not, however, in thus separating these three languages, absolutely deny the validity of the Naas family. I only imagine that if it really contain languages so different as the Chemmesyan and Hailtsa, it may also contain the Haidah and other groups, e. g. the one that comes next, or—

XI. The Wakash of Quadra and Vancouver's Island.

South of the Wakash area come, over and above the southern members of the Atna family and the Oregon outliers of the Athabaskan, the following groups, of value hitherto unascertained.

A. The Tshinuk, or Chinuk;

B. The Kalapuya;

C. The Jakon;—all agreeing in the harshness of their phonesis, and (so doing) contrasted with—

D. The Sahaptin, and

E. The Shoshoni.

The Sahaptin is separated by Gallatin from the Waiilatpu containing the Cayús or Molelé form of speech. The present writer throws them both into the same group. The numerals, the words wherein it must be admitted that the two languages agree the most closely, are in—

English.	Sahaptin.	Cayús.
one	naks	ná.
two	lapit	lepl-in.
three	mitat	mat-nin.
six	oi-lak	noi-na.
seven	oi-napt	noi-lip.
eight	oi-matat	noi-mat.

The meaning of the oi and noi in these words requires investigation. It is not five; the Sahaptin and Cayús for five being pakhat (S.) and tawit (C.). Nor yet is it hand (as the word for five often is), the word for hand being epih and apah. It ought, however, theoretically to be something of the kind, inasmuch as

• Oi-lak and noi-na = ? + 1.
• Oi-napt and noi-lip = ? + 2.
• Oi-matat and noi-mat = ? + 3.

Of the Shoshoni more will be said in the sequel. At present it is enough to state that the Shoshoni and Sahaptin languages are as remarkable for the apparent ease and simplicity of their phonesis as the Jakon, Kalapuya, and Tshinúk are for the opposite qualities. It may also be added that the Shoshoni tongues will often be called by the more general name of Paduca.

South of the Cayús, Waiilatpu, and Wihinast, or Western Shoshonis, come the languages which are common to Oregon and

California.

For three of these we have vocabularies (Mr. Hale's):—

I. (a.) The Lutuami; (b.) the Palaik; (c.) the Shasti.—There may be other forms of speech common to the two countries, but these three are the only ones known to us by specimens. The Lutuami, Shasti, and Palaik are thrown by Gallatin into three separate classes. They are, without doubt, mutually unintelligible. Nevertheless they cannot be very widely separated.

Man = in Lutuami hishu-atsus, in Palaik = yatui. Qu. atsus = yatui.

Woman = Lutuami tar-itsi, Palaik = umtew-itsen. Qu. itsi = itsen. In Palaik, Son = yau-itsa, Daughter = lumau-itsa.

Head = Palaik lah. In Lutuami lak = hair. Qu. mak = head in Shasti, makh = hair, Shasti.

Ear = Lutuami mumoutsh, Palaik ku-mumuats.

Mouth = au Shasti, ap Palaik.

Tooth = itsau Shasti, itsi Palaik.

Sun = tsoare Shasti, tsul Palaik = sun and moon. In Lutuami tsol = star.

Fire = Shasti ima = Palaik malis. The termination-l-common in Palaik,—ipili = tongue, kelala = shoes, usehela = sky, &c.

Water = Shasti atsa, Palaik as.

Snow = Lutuami kais, Shasti kae.

Earth = Lutuami kaela, Palaik kela, Shasti tarak. This is the second time we have had a Shasti r for a Palaik l—tsoare = tsul.

Bear = tokunks Lutuami, lokhoa, Palaik.

Bird = Lutuami lalak, Shasti tararakh.

I = Lutuami no. Qu. is this the n in n-as = head and n-ap = for which latter word the Shasti is ap-ka?

Numerals.

English.	Shasti.	Palaik.
one	tshiamu	umis.
two	hoka	kaki.

Neither are there wanting affinities to the Sahaptin and Cayús languages, allied to each other. Thus—

Ear = mumutsh Lutuami = ku-mumuats Palaik = mutsaui Sahaptin. tsack Shasti = taksh Cayús.

Mouth = shum Lutuami = shum-kaksh Cayús = him Sahaptin.

Tongue = pawus Lutuami = pawish Sahaptin = push Cayús.

Tooth = tut Lutuami = til Sahaptin.

Foot = akwes Shasti = akhua Sahaptin.

Blood = ahati Palaik = kiket Sahaptin.

Fire = loloks Lutuami = ihiksha Sahaptin.

One = natshik Lutuami = naks Sahaptin = na Cayús.

Two = lapit Lutuami = lapit Sahaptin = leptin Cayús.

The Lutuami seems somewhat the most Sahaptin of the three, and this is what we expect from its geographical position, it being conterminous with the Molelé (or Cayús) and the allied Waiilatpu. It is also conterminous with the Wihinast Shoshoni, or Paduca, as is the Palaik. Both Palaik and Lutuami (along with the Shasti) have Shoshoni affinities.

English.	Shoshoni.
nose	moui = iami, Palaik.
mouth	timpa = shum, Lutuami.
ear	inaka = isak, Shasti.
sun	tava = sapas, Lutuami.
water	pa = ampo, Lutuami.
I	ni = no, Lutuami.
thou	i = i, Lutuami.
he	oo = hot, Lutuami.
one	shimutsi = tshiamuu, Shasti; umis, Palaik.

The chief language in contact with the Shasti is the intrusive Athabaskan of the Umkwa and Tlatskanai tribes. Hence the nearest languages with which it should be compared are the Jakon and Kalapuya, from which it is geographically separated. For this reason we do not expect any great amount of coincidence. We find however the following—

English.	Jakon.
head	tkhlokia=lah, Palaik.
star	tkhlalt=tshol, Lutuami.
night	kaehe=apkha, Shasti.
blood	pouts=poits, Lutuami.
one	khum=tshiamu, Palaik.

Of three languages spoken in the north of California and mentioned in Schoolcraft, by name, though not given in specimens,—(1) the Watsahewa, (2) the Howtetech, and (3) the Nabiltse,—the first is said to be that of the Shasti bands;

Of the Howtetech I can say nothing;

The Nabiltse is, probably, the language of the Tototune; at least Rogue's River is its locality, and the Rascal Indians is an English name for the Tototune.

South of the Shasti and Lutuami areas we find—

II. The Ehnik.

III. The Tahlewah.

The latter vocabulary is short, and taken from a Seragoin Indian, i. e. from an Indian to whom it was not the native tongue. We are warned of this—the inference being that the Tahlewah vocabulary is less trustworthy than the others.

English.	Ehnek.	Tahlewah.
man	ahwunsh	pohlusan'h.
boy	anak'hocha	kerrhn.
girl	yehnipahoitch	kerníhl.
Indian	ahrah	astowah.
head	akhoutshhoutsh	astintah.
beard	merruhw	semerrhperrh.
neck	sihn	schoniti.
face	ahve	wetawaluh.
tongue	upri	so'h.
teeth	wu'h	shtí.
foot	fissi	stah.
one	issah	titskoh.
two	achhok	kitchnik.
three	keurakh	kltchnah.
four	peehs	tshahanik.
five	tirahho	schwallah.
ten	trah	swellah.

The junction of the Rivers Klamatl and Trinity gives us the locality for—

IV. The Languages akin to the Weitspek.—The Weitspek itself is spoken at the junction, but its dialects of the Weyot and Wishosk extend far into Humboldt County, where they are, probably, the prevailing forms of speech, being used on the Mad River, and the parts about Cape Mendocino.

The Weyot and Wishosk are mere dialects of the same language. From the Weitspek they differ much more than they do from each other. It is in the names of the parts of the body where the chief resemblances lie.

V. The Mendocino (?) Group.—This is the name suggested for the Choweshak, Batemdaikai, Kulanapo, Yukai, and Khwaklamayu forms of speech collectively.

1, 2. The Choweshak and Batemdaikai are spoken on Eel River, and in the direction of the southern branches of the Weitspek group, with which they have affinities.

3, 4, 5. The Kulanapo is spoken about Clear Lake, the Yukai on Russian River. These forms of speech, closely allied to each other, are also allied to the so-called Northern Indians of Baer's Beiträge, Northern meaning to the north of the settlement of Ross. The particular tribe of which we have a vocabulary called themselves Khwakhlamayu.

English.	Khwakhlamayu.	Kulanapo.
head	khommo	kaiyah.
hair	shuka	musuh.
eye	iiu	ui.
ear	shuma	shimah.
nose	pla	labahbo.
mouth	aa	katsideh.
tooth	oo	yaoh.
tongue	aba	bal.
hand	psba	biyah.
foot	sakki	kahmah.
sun	ada	lah.

English.	Weitspek.	Kulanapo.
moon	kalazha	luelah.
star	kamoi	uiyahhoh.
fire	okho	k'hoh.
water	aka	k'hah.
one	ku	khahlih.
two	koo	kots.
three	subo	homeka.
four	mura	dol.
five	tysha	lehmah.
six	lara	tsadi.

The following shows the difference between the Weitspek and Kulanapo; one belonging to the northern, the other to the southern division of their respective groups.

English.	Weitspek.	Kulanapo.
man	pagehk	kaah.
woman	wintsuk	dah.
boy	hohksh	kahwih.
girl	wai inuksh	dahhats.
head	tegueh	kaiyah.
hair	leptaitl	musuh.
ear	spèhguh	shímah.
eye	mylih	ni.
nose	metpí	labahbo.
mouth	mihlutl	katsédeh.
tongue	mehpl'h	bal.
teeth	merpetl	yaóh.
beard	mehperch	katsutsu.
arm	mehsheh'	tsuah.
hand	tsewush	biyyah.
foot	metské	kahmah.
blood	happ'l	bahlaik.
sun	wánoushleh	lah.
moon	ketnewahr	luëlah.
star	haugets	uiyahoh.
day	tehnep	dahmul.
dark	ketutski	petih.
fire	mets	k'hoh.
water	paha	k'hah.
I	nek	hah.
thou	kehl	ma.
one	spinekoh	k'hahlih.
two	nuehr	kots.
three	naksa	homeka.
four	tohhunne	dol.
five	mahrotum	lehmah.
six	hohtcho	tsadi.
seven	tchewurr	kulahots.
eight	k'hehwuh	kokodohl.
nine	kerr	hadarolshum.
ten	wert'hlehwerh	hadorutlek.

In the Kulanapo language yacal ma napo = all the cities. Here napo = Napa, the name of one of the counties to the north of the Bay of San Francisco and to the south of Clear Lake.

We may now turn to the drainage of the Sacramento and the parts south of the Shasti area. Here we shall find three vocabularies, of which the chief is called—

VI. The Copeh.—How far this will eventually turn out to be a convenient name for the group (or how far the group itself will be real), is uncertain. A vocabulary in Gallatin from the Upper Sacramento, and one from Mag Readings (in the south of Shasti county) in Schoolcraft, belong to the group.

Mag Readings is on the upper third of the Sacramento—there or thereabouts.

English.	Copeh.	M. R. Indian.	U. Sacr.
man	pehtluk	winnoke	——
woman	muhlteh	dokke	——
head	buhk	pok	——
hair	tiih	tomi	tomoi.
eye	sah	chuti	tumut.
nose	kiunik	——	tsono.
mouth	kohl	——	kal.
teeth	siih	shi	——
beard	chehsaki	khetcheki	——
arm	sahlah	——	keole.
hand	semh	shim	tsemut (fingers).
foot	mai'h	mat	ktamoso.
blood	sahk	chedik	——
sun	sunh	tuku	sas.
wind	toudi	kleyhi	——
rain	yohro	luhollo	——
snow	yohl	yola	——
fire	poh	pau	po.
water	mehm	mem	mem.
earth	kirrh	kosh	——

In the paper of No. 134 the import of a slight amount of likeness between the Upper Sacramento vocabulary and the Jakon is overvalued. The real preponderance of the affinities of the group taken in mass is that which its geographical position induces us to expect à priori. With the Shasti, &c. the Copeh has the following words in common:—

English.	Copeh.	Shasti, etc.
head	buhk	uiak, S.
hair	teih	tiyi, P.
teeth	siih	itsa, P.
ear	maht	mu-mutsh, L.
eye	sah	asu, P.
foot	mat	pats, L.
sun	sunh	tsul, P.
thou	mih	mai, S.

and, probably, others.

The Copeh is spoken at the head of Putos Creek.

Observe that the Copeh for water is mem, as it is in the languages of the next group, which we may provisionally call—

VII. The Pujuni.—Concerning this we have a notice in Hale, based upon information given by Captain Suter to Mr. Dana. It was to the effect that, about eighty or a hundred miles from its mouth, the river Sacramento formed a division between two languages, one using momi, the other kik = water.

The Pujuni, &c. say momi; as did the speakers of the Copeh.

For the group we have the (a) Pujuni, (b) Secumne, and (c) Tsamak specimens of Hale, as also the Cushna vocabulary, from the county Yuba, of Schoolcraft; the Cushna numerals, as well as other words, being nearly the same as the Secumne, e. g.

English.	Secumne.	Cushna.
one	wikte	wikte-m.
two	pen	pani-m.
three	sapui	sapui-m.
four	tsi	tsui-m.
five	mauk	marku-m (mahkum?).

So are several other words besides; as—

head	tsol	chole.
hair	ono	ono.
ear	bono'	bono.
eye	il	hin.
sun	oko	okpi.

VIII. The Moquelumne Group.—Hale's vocabulary of the Talatui belongs to the group for which the name Moquelumne is proposed, a Moquelumne Hill (in Calaveras county) and a Moquelumne River being found within the area over which the languages belonging to it are spoken. Again, the names of the tribes that speak them end largely in-mne,—Chupumne, &c. As far south as Tuol-umne county the language belongs to this division, as may be seen from the following table; the Talatui being from Hale, the Tuolumne from Schoolcraft; the Tuolumne Indians being on the Tuolumne River, and Cornelius being their great chief, with six subordinates under him, each at the head of a different ranchora containing from fifty to two hundred individuals. Of these six members of what we may call the Cornelian captaincy, five speak the language represented by the vocabulary: viz.

1. The Mumaltachi.
2. The Mullateco.
3. The Apangasi.
4. The Lapappu.
5. The Siyante or Typoxi.

The sixth band is that of the Aplaches (? Apaches), under Hawhaw, residing further in the mountains.

English.	Tuolumne.	Talatui.
head	hownah	tiket.
hair	esok	munu.
ear	tolko	alok.
eye	húnteh	wilai
nose	níto	uk (?).
mouth	ahwúk	hube (?).
sky	wutsha	witçuk.
sun	heamhah	hi.
day	hemaah	hiúmu.
night	kowwillah	kawil.
darkness	pozattah	hunaba.
fire	wúkah	wike.
water	kíkah	kík.
stone	lowwak	sawa.

As far west as the sea-coast languages of the Moquelumne group are spoken. Thus—

A short vocabulary of the San Rafael is Moquelumne.

So are the Sonoma dialects, as represented by the Tshokoyem vocabulary and the Chocouyem and Yonkiousme Paternosters.

So is the Olamentke of Kostromitonov in Baer's Beiträge.

So much for the forms of speech to the north of the Gulf of San Francisco. On the south the philology is somewhat more obscure. The Paternosters for the Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los Tulares of Mofras seem to belong to the same language. Then there is, in the same author, one of the Langue Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco. These I make Moquelumne provisionally. I also make a provisional division for a vocabulary called—

IX. The Costano.—The tribes under the supervision of the Mission of Dolores were five in number; the Ahwastes, the Olhones, or Costanos of the coast, the Romonans, the Tulomos, and the Altatmos. The vocabulary of which the following is an extract was taken from Pedro Alcantara, who was a boy when the Mission was founded, A. D. 1776. He was of the Romonan tribe.

English.	Costano.	Tshokoyem.
man	imhen	tai-esse.
woman	ratichma	kuleh-esse.
boy	shínísmuk	yokeh (small).
girl	katra	koyah.
head	úle	moloh.
ear	tuorus	ahlohk.
eye	rehin	shut.
nose	ús	huk.
mouth	werper	lapgup.
tongue	tassek	lehntip.
tooth	síít	kuht.
neck	lani	helekke.
foot	kolo	koyok.
blood	payan	kichawh.
sky	reneme	lihlih.
sun	ishmen	hih.
moon	kolma	pululuk.
star	agweh	hittish.
day	puhe (light)	hiahnah.
night	moor (dark)	kawul.
fire	roretaon	wikih.
water	sii	kihk.
river	orush	polah.
stone	erek	lepeh.
I	kahnah	kahni.
thou	mene	mih.
he	wahche	ikkoh.
they	nekumsah	mukkam.
all	kete	mukkam.
who	mato	mahnti.
eat	ahmush	yohlomusih.
drink	owahto	ushu.
run	akamtoha	hihchiah.
see	atempimah	ellih.

This shows that it differs notably from the Tshokoyem; the personal pronouns, however, being alike. Again, the word for man = l-aman-tiya in the San Rafael. On the other hand, it has certain Cushna affinities.

Upon the whole, however, the affinities seem to run in the direction of the languages of the next group, especially in that of the Ruslen:—

• I = kah-nah, Cost. = ka = mine, Ruslen.
• Thou = me-ne, Cost. = mé = thine, Ruslen.
• Sun = ishmen, Cost. = ishmen = light, Ruslen.
• Water = sii, Cost. = ziy, Ruslen.
• (?) Boy = shinishmuk, Cost. = enshinsh, Ruslen.
• (?) Girl = katra, Cost. = kaana, Ruslen.

Lest these last three coincidences seem far-fetched, it should be remembered that the phonesis in these languages is very difficult, and that the Ruslen orthography is Spanish, the Costano being English. Add to this, there is every appearance, in the San Miguel and other vocabularies, of the r being something more than the r in brand, &c. every appearance of its being some guttural or palatal, which may, by a variation of orthography, be spelt by l.

Finally, I remark that the-ma in the Costano ratich-ma = woman, is, probably, the-me in the Soledad mue (= man) and shurish-me (= woman), and the amk (ank) of the Ruslen muguy-amk (= man) and latrayam-ank (= woman); (?) latraya = ratich. Nevertheless, for the present I place the Costano by itself, as a transitional form of speech to the languages spoken north, east, and south of the Bay of San Francisco.

X. The Mariposa Languages.—In the north of Mariposa county, and not far south of the Tuolumne area, the language seems changed, and the Coconoons is spoken by some bands on the Mercede River, under a chief named Nuella. They are said to be the remnants of three distinct bands each, with its own distinct language.

English.	Coconoons.	Tulare.
head	oto	utno.
hair	tolus	celis.
ear	took	took.
nose	thedick	tuneck.
mouth	sammack	shemmak.
tongue	talcotch	talkat.
tooth	talee	talee.
sun	suyou	oop.
moon	offaum	taahmemna.
star	tchietas	sahel.
day	hial	tahoh[39].
fire	sottol	ossel.
water	illeck	illick.

XI. The Salinas Group.—This is a name which I propose for a group of considerable compass; and one which contains more than one mutually unintelligible form of speech. It is taken from the river Salinas, the drainage of which lies in the counties of Monterey and San Luis Obispo. The southern boundary of Santa Cruz lies but a little to the north of its mouth.

The Gioloco may possibly belong to this group, notwithstanding its reference to the Mission of San Francisco. The alla, and mut-(in mut-ryocusé), may = the ahay and i-mit-a (sky) of the Eslen.

The Ruslen has already been mentioned, and that in respect to its relations to the Costano. It belongs to this group.

So does the Soledad of Mofras; which, though it differs from that of Hale in the last half of the numerals, seems to represent the same language.

So do the Eslen and Carmel forms of speech; allied to one another somewhat more closely than to the Ruslen and Soledad.

So do the San Antonio and San Miguel forms of speech.

The Ruslen; Eslen; San Antonio and San Miguel are, probably, four mutually unintelligible languages.

The Salinas languages are succeeded to the south by the forms of speech of—

XII. The Santa Barbara Group.—containing the Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, and San Luis Obispo languages.

XIII. The Capistrano Group.—Capistrano is a name suggested by that of the Mission of San Juan Capistrano. The group, I think, falls into two divisions:—

1. The Proper Capistrano, or Netela of San Luis Rey and San Juan Capistrano.
2. The San Gabriel, or Kij, of San Gabriel and San Fernando.

XIV. The Yuma languages.—At the junction of the Gila and Colorado stands Fort Yuma, in the district of the Yuma Indians. They occupy each side of the Colorado, both above and below its junction with the Gila. How far they extend northwards is unknown, probably more than 100 miles. They are also called Cuchans, and are a fierce predatory nation, encroaching equally on tribes of their own language and on aliens.

From these Yuma Indians I take the name for the group now under notice. It contains, besides the Yuma Proper, the Dieguno of San Diego and the Coco-maricopa.

The Coco-maricopa Indians are joint-occupants of certain villages on the Gila; the population with which they are associated being Pima. Alike in other respects, the Pima and Coco-maricopa Indians differ in language, as may be seen from the following table, confirmatory of the testimony of numerous trustworthy authorities to the same effect.

English.	Pima.		Cuchan.	Cocomaricopa.			Dieguno.
man	huth		epatsh	apatch		{	àycutcht.
							epatch.
woman	hahri		sinyak	seniact			sun.
Indian	huup		metepaie	——			——
head	mouk	{	ecoutsucherowo	}	——		estar.
			and
			umwelthoocouo
hair	ptmuk		eetche	——			hiletar.
ear	ptnahauk		smythl	——			——
nose	tahnk		——	——			hu.
mouth	chinits		——	——			ah.
tongue	neuen		epulche	——			——
tooth	ptahan		aredoche	——			——
beard	chinyo		yahboineh	——			——
hand	mahahtk		eesalche	issalis			selh.
foot	tetaght		emetchslipaslapya	ametche			hamulyay.
sky	ptchuwik		amma	——			——
sun	tahs		nyatch	——			——
moon	mahsa		huthlya	——			——
star	uon		klupwalaie	——			——
snow	chiah		halup	——			——
fire	tahi		aawoh	house			——
water	suntik		aha	haache			kha.
I	ahan		nyat	——			nyah.
he	yeutah		habritzk	——			——
one	yumako		sin	sandek			hina.
two	kuak		havick	haveka			hawue.
three	vaik		hamuk	hamoka			hamuk.
four	kiik		chapop	champapa			chapop.
five	puitas		serap	sarap			suap.

San Diego lies in 32-1/2° north latitude, a point at which the philology diverges—in one direction into Old California, in another into Sonora. I first follow it in the direction of

Old California.

San Diego, as has just been stated, lies in 32-1/2° north latitude. Now it is stated in the Mithridates that the most northern of the Proper Old Californian tongues, the Cochimi, is spoken as far north as 33°. If so, the Dieguno may be Old Californian as well as New; which I think it is; believing, at the same time, that Cochimi and Cuchan are the same words. Again, in the following Paternoster the word for sky = ammai in the Cuchan vocabulary.

Cochimi of San Xavier.

	father	sky
Pennayu	make¸nambà yaa	ambayujui miyà mo;

	name	men	confess	and	love	all
Buhu	mombojua	tamma	gkomendà	hi	nogodoño	demuejueg gkajim;

	and	sky	earth	favour
Pennayùla bogodoño gkajim, gui	hi	ambayujup maba yaa	ke¸amete	decuinyi mo puegiñ;

	sky	earth
Yaa m blihula mujua	ambayup mo dedahijua,	amet ê nò guìlugui hi pagkajim;

	this	day	day
Tamadà	yaa	ibo tejueg quiluguiqui pe¸mijich ê mòu	ibo yanno puegiñ;

and	man	evil
Guihi	tamma yaa gambuegjula ke¸pujui	ambinyijua pennayala dedaudugùjua, giulugui pagkajim;

and	although	and
Guihi yaa tagamuegla hui ambinyijua hi	doomo puhuegjua,	he doomo pogonunyim;

	and	earth	bless
Tagamuegjua	guihi usimahel	ke¸ammet è	decuinyimo,

	evil
guihi yaa hui	ambinyi yaa gambuegpea pagkaudugum.

Lastly, in 33° north latitude; the language of[40] San Luis El Rey, which is Yuma; is succeeded by that of San Luis Obispo, which is Capistrano.

I conclude, then, that the Yuma language belongs to the southern parts of New and the northern part of Old California.

Of recent notices of any of the languages of Old California, eo nomine, I know none. In the Mithridates the information is pre-eminently scanty.

According to the only work which I have examined at first-hand, the Nachrichten von der Americanischen Halbinsel Californien (Mannheim, 1772; in the Mithridates, 1773), the anonymous author of which was a Jesuit missionary in the middle parts of the Peninsula, the languages of Old California were—

1. The Waikur, spoken in several dialects.
2. The Ushiti.
3. The Layamon.
4. The Cochimi, north, and
5. The Pericu; at the southern extremity of the peninsula.
6. A probably new form of speech used by some tribes visited by Linck.

This is what we learn from what we call the Mannheim account; the way in which the author expresses himself being not exactly in the form just exhibited, but to the effect that, besides the Waikur with its dialects, there were five others.

The Waikur Proper, the language which the author under notice was most especially engaged on, and which he says that he knew sufficiently for his purposes as a missionary, is the language of the middle part of the peninsula. How far the Utshiti, and Layamon were dialects of it, how far they were separate substantive languages, is not very clearly expressed. The writer had Utshis, and Utshipujes, and Atschimes in his mission, "thoroughly distinct tribes—lauter verschiedene Völcklein." Nevertheless he always speaks as if the Waikur tongue was sufficient for his purposes. On the other hand, the Utshiti is especially mentioned as a separate language. Adelung makes it a form of the Waikur; as he does the Layamon, and also the Cora and Aripe. Then there comes a population called Ika, probably the Picos or Ficos of Bagert, another authority for these parts. Are these, the sixth population of the Mannheim account, the unknown tribes visited by Linck? I think not. They are mentioned in another part of the book as known.

To the names already mentioned

• 1. Ika,
• 2. Utshi,
• 3. Utshipuje,
• 4. Atschime,

add

• 5. Paurus,
• 6. Teakwas,
• 7. Teengúabebes,
• 8. Angukwares,
• 9. Mitsheriku-tamais,
• 10. Mitsheriku-tearus,
• 11. Mitsheriku-ruanajeres,

and you have a list of the tribes with which a missionary for those parts of California where the Waikur languages prevailed, came in contact. Altogether they gave no more than some 500 individuals, so miserably scanty was the population.

The occupancies of these lay chiefly within the Cochimi area, which reached as far south as the parts about Loretto in 26° north latitude; the Loretto language being the Layamon. This at least is the inference from the very short table of the Mithridates, which, however little it may tell us in other respects, at least informs us that the San Xavier, San Borgia, and Loretto forms of speech were nearer akin to each other than to the Waikur.

English.	St. Xavier.	S. Borgia.	Loretto.	Waikur.
sky	ambayujub	ambeink	——	terereka-datemba.
earth	amet	amate-guang	——	datemba.
fire	——	usi	ussi	——
man	tämma	tama	tamma	ti.
father	käkka	iham	keneda	——
son	——	uisaham	——	tshanu.

The short compositions of Hervas (given in the Mithridates) show the same.

The Waikur.—This is the language of what I have called the Mannheim account, namely the anonymous work of a Jesuit missionary of the Waikur country published at Mannheim.

It gives us the following specimens—Waikur and German:

Kepè-dáre	tekerekádatembi	dai;
unser Vater	gebogene Erd	du bist;

ei-rì	akatuikè-pu-me;
dich o das	erkennen alle werden;

tshakárrake-pu-me	ti	tschie;
loben    alle	werden	Leut und;

ecùn	gracia-ri	acúme	carè	tekerekadatembi	tschie;
dein	gratia o dass	haben	werden wir	gebogene Erd	und;

eiri	jebarrakemi	ti	pu	jaupe	datemba
dir o dass	gehorsamen werden	Menschen	alle	heer	Erd,

pae	ei	jebarrakere	aëna	kéa;
wie	dir	gehorsamen	droben seynd;

kepecun	bu.	kepe	ken	jatúpe	untairi;
unser	Speis	uns	gebe	dieser	tag;

catè	kuitscharakè	tei	tschie	kepecun	atacamara
uns	verzehe	du	und	unser	Böses;

paè	kuitscharrakère	catè	tschie	cavape	atukiàra	keperujake;
wie	verzehen	wir	auch	die	Böses	uns thun;

catè	tikakambà	têi	tschie;
uns	helfe	du	und;

cuvumerà	catè	uè	atukiàra;
wollen werden Nicht	wir	etwas	Böses;

kepe	kakunja	pe	atacara	tschie.	Amen.
uns	beschutze	von	Bösen	und.	Amen.

The compound tekereka-datembi=bent land=sky=heaven.

To this very periphrastic Paternoster we may add the following fragments of the Waikur conjugation:—

Bè				}	amukirere =	{	ego ludo.
Ei							tu ludis.
Tutâu							ille ludit.
Catè							nos ludimus.
Petè							vos luditis.
Tucáva							illi ludunt.

Bè	}	amukiririkeri =	{	ego lusi.
Ei				tu lusisti.
Tutâu				ille lusit.
Catè				nos lusimus.
Petè				vos lusistis.
Tucáva				illi luserunt.

Amukirimè =	ludere.
Amukiri tei =	lude.
Amukiri tu =	ludite.

Bè-ri				}	amukiririkarikara =	{	I wish I had not played.
Ei-ri							Thou &c.
Tutâu-ri							He &c.
Catè-ri							We &c.
Petè-ri							Ye &c.
Tucáva-ri							They &c.

Of the Pericu spoken at the south extremity of the peninsula, I know no specimens.

We now turn to that part of the Yuma area which lies along the course of the Gila, and more especially the parts along the Cocomaricopa villages, of which one portion of the occupants speak a language belonging to the Yuma, the other one belonging to the Pima class.

This latter leads us to the languages of the northern provinces of Mexico—

Sonora and Sinaloa.

For these two provinces, the languages for which we have specimens fall into five divisions:-

1. The Pima.
2. The Hiaqui.
3. The Tubar.
4. The Tarahumara.
5. The Cora.

That the Pima group contains the Pima Proper, the Opata, and the Eudeve, may be seen from the Mithridates. That the language of the Papagos, or Papago-cotam, is also Pima, rests upon good external evidence. Whether the speech of the Ciris, and population of the island of Tiburon and the parts opposite, be also Pima, is at present uncertain; though not likely to be so long, inasmuch as I believe that Mr. Bartlett, the Boundary Commissioner, is about to publish samples, not only of this, but of the other languages of Sonora.

West of the Pima lies the Tarahumara, and south of it the Hiaqui, succeeded by the Tubar and Cora of Sinaloa.

The following Paternosters of these four languages may be compared with the Opata dialect of the Pima. The words that, by appearing in more than one of them, command our attention and suggest the likelihood of a closer relationship than is indicated in the Mithridates, or[41] elsewhere, are in italics.

Opata.

Tamo mas teguiacachigua cacame;
Amo tegua santo à;
Amo reino tame macte;
Hinadeia iguati terepa ania teguiacachivèri;
Chiama tamo guaco veu tamo mac;
Guatame neavere tamo cai naideni acà api tame neavere tomoopagua;
Gua cai tame taotitudare;
Cai naideni chiguadu—Apita cachià.

Hiaqui.

Itom-achai teve-capo catecame;
Che-chevasu yoyorvva;
Itou piepsana em yaorahua;
Em harepo in buyapo annua amante (tevecapo?) vecapo annua beni;
Machuveitom-buareu yem itom amica-itom;
Esoc alulutiria ca-aljiton-anecau itepo soc alulutiria ebeni itom veherim;
Caitom butia huenacuchi cativiri betana;
Aman itom-yeretua.

Tubar.

Ite-cañar tegmuicarichua catemat;
Imit tegmuarac milituraba teochiqualac;
Imit huegmica carinite bacachin assifaguin;
Imit avamunarir echu nañagualac imo cuigan amo nachic tegmuecaricheri;
Ite cokuatarit, essemer taniguarit, iabbe micam;
Ite tatacoli ikiri atzomua ikirirain ite bacachin cale kuegma naĩ egua cantem;
Caisa ite nosam bacatatacoli;
Bacachin ackiro muetzerac ite.

Tarahumara.

Tami nonò, mamù reguì guamí gatiki;
Tami noinéruje mu regua;
Telimea rekijena;
Tami neguaruje mu jelaliki henná, guetshiki, mapu hatschibe reguega guami;
Tami nututuge hipeba;
Tami guecanje tami guikeliki, matamé hatschibe reguega tami guecanje putse tami guikejameke;
Ke ta tami satuje;
Telegatigemeke mechka hulà. Amen.

Cora.

Ta yaoppe tapahoa pethebe;
Cherihuaca eiia teaguarira;
Chemeahuabeni tahemi (to us) eiia chianaca;
Cheaquasteni eiia jevira iye (as) chianacatapoan tup up tapahoa;
Eii ta hamuit (bread) eu te huima tahetze rej rujeve ihic (to-day) ta taa;
Huatauniraca ta xanacan tetup itcahmo tatahuatauni titaxanacante;
Ta vaehre teatcai havobereni xanacat hetze huabachreaca tecai tahemi rutahuaga teh eu ene.
Che-enhuatahua.

With these end our data[42], but not our lists of dialects; the names Maya, Guazave, Heria, Sicuraba, Xixime, Topia, Tepeguana, and Acaxee all being, either in Hervas, or elsewhere, as applied to the different forms of speech of Sonora and Sinaloa; to which may be added the Tahu, the Tacasca, and the Acasca, which is probably the same word as Acaxee, as Huimi is the same as Yuma, and Zaque as Hiaqui. Of the Guazave a particular dialect is named as the Ahome. Add also the Zoe and Huitcole, probably the same as the Huite.

That some of these unrepresented forms of speech belong to the same class with the Pima, Hiaqui, &c., is nearly certain. How many, however, do so is another question; it may be that all are in the same predicament; it may be only a few.

The languages of

Mechoacan.

These are—

1. The Pirinda.
2. The Tarasca.
3. The Otomi.

The last will be considered at once, and dismissed. More has been written on the Otomi than any other language of these parts; the proper Mexican not excepted. It was observed by Naxera that it was monosyllabic rather than polysynthetic, as so many of the American languages are, with somewhat doubtful propriety, denominated. A Mexican language, with a Chinese characteristic, could scarcely fail to suggest comparisons. Hence, the first operation on the Otomi was to disconnect it from the languages of the New, and to connect it with those of the Old World. With his accustomed caution, Gallatin satisfies himself with stating what others have said, his own opinion evidently being that the relation to the Chinese was one of analogy rather than affinity.

Doubtless this is the sounder view; and one confirmed by three series of comparisons made by the present writer.

The first shows that the Otomi, as compared with the monosyllabic languages of Asia, en masse, has several words in common. But the second qualifies our inferences, by showing that the Maya, a language more distant from China than the Otomi, and, by means inordinately monosyllabic in its structure, has, there or thereabouts, as many. The third forbids any separation of the Otomi from the other languages of America, by showing that it has the ordinary amount of miscellaneous affinities.

In respect to the Chinese, &c., the real question is not whether it has so many affinities with the Otomi, but whether it has more affinities with the Otomi than with the Maya or any other American language; a matter which we must not investigate without remembering that some difference in favour of the Otomi is to be expected, inasmuch as two languages with short or monosyllabic words will, from the very fact of the shortness and simplicity of their constituent elements, have more words alike than two polysyllabic forms of speech.

The fact, however, which most affects the place of the Otomi language is the monosyllabic character of other American languages, e. g. the Athabaskan and the Attacapa.

As these are likely to be the subject of some future investigation, I lay the Otomi, for the present, out of consideration; limiting myself to the expression of an opinion, to the effect that its philological affinities are not very different from what its geographical position suggests.

Of the[43] Pirinda and Tarasca we have grammars, or rather grammatical sketches; abstracts of which, by Gallatin, may be found in his Notes on the Semi-civilized Nations of Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America, in the first volume of the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society. The following are from the Mithridates.

Pirinda Paternoster.

Cabutumtaki ke exjechori pininte;
Niboteachatii tucathi nitubuteallu;
Tantoki hacacovi nitubutea pininte;
Tarejoki nirihonta manicatii ninujami propininte;
Boturimegui dammuce tupacovi chii;
Exgemundicovi boturichochii, kicatii pracavovi kue¸entumundijo boturichochijo;
Niantexechichovi rumkue¸entuvi innivochochii;
Moripachitovi cuinenzimo tegui.
Tucatii.

Tarasca Paternoster.

Tata uchàveri tukire hacahini avàndaro;
Santo arikeve tucheveti hacangurikua;
Wetzin andarenoni tucheveti irecheekua;
Ukuareve tucheveti wekua iskire avandaro, na humengaca istu umengave ixu excherendo.
Huchaeveri curinda hanganari pakua intzcutzini yaru;
Santzin wepovacheras huchaeveri hatzingakuareta, izki huchanac wepocacuvanita haca huchàveri hatzingakuaechani;
Ca hastzin teruhtazema teruniguta perakua himbo. Isevengua.

It now becomes convenient to turn to the parts to the east of California, viz.

Utah and New Mexico.

In Utah the philology is simple, all its forms of speech being

1. Athabaskan;
2. Paduca; or
3. Pueblo.

1. The Navaho, along with the Jecorilla of New Mexico, the Hoopah of California, and Apatch of California, New Mexico and Sonora, is Athabaskan.

English.	Navaho.	Apatch.
man	tennai	ailee.
woman	estsonnee	eetzan.
head (my)	hutzeetsin	seezee.
hair (my)	hutzee	seesga.
face (my)	hunnee	streenee.
ear (my)	hutjah	seetza.
eye (my)	hunnah	sleeda.
nose (my)	hutchih	seetzee.
mouth (my)	huzzai	sheeda.
tongue (my)	huttso	sheedare.
tooth (my)	hurgo	sheego.
sky	eeyah	eah.
sun	chokonoi	skeemai.
moon	klaihonoi	clanai.
star	sonh	suns.
day	cheen-go	eeska.
night	klai-go	cla.
light	hoascen-go	skee.
rain	naheltinh	nagostee.
snow	yas	zahs.
hail	neelo	heeloah.
fire	konh	kou.
water	tonh	toah.
stone	tsai	zeyzay.
one	tlahee	tahse.
two	nahkee	nahkee.
three	tanh	tau.

The Utah with its allied dialects is Paduca, i. e. a member of the class to which the Shoshoni, Wihinast, and Cumanch languages belong.

3. The Moqui is one of the languages of

The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico.

The comparative civilization of the Pueblo Indians has always attracted the attention of the ethnologist. Until lately, however, he had but a minimum amount of trustworthy information concerning either their habits or their language. He has now a fair amount of data for both. For philological purposes he has vocabularies for six (probably for all) of them.

Of the Pueblo languages two belong to the drainage of the Rio Colorado and four to that of the Rio Grande. Of these two divisions the former lies the farthest west, and, of the two Colorado Pueblos, the most western is that of

The Moqui.—The Moqui vocabulary was procured by Lieut. Simpson from a Moqui Indian who happened to be at Chelly.

The Zuni country lies in 35° north latitude, to the south and east of the Moqui, and is probably divided by the Sierra de Zuni from

The Acoma, or Laguna, the most southern of the Pueblos of the Rio Grande. North of the Acoma area lies that of

The Jemez, on the San Josef.

The two that still stand over lie on the main stream of the Rio Grande itself. They are—

The Tesuque; and

The Taos or Picuri.—The northern boundaries of the Tesuque seem to be the southern ones of Taos. Connect these Pueblos with the town of Taos, and the Tesuque with Santa Fé, and the ordinary maps give us the geography.

The philological affinities of the Pueblo languages scarcely coincide with the geographical relations. The Moqui lies far west. Laying this then out of the question, the three that, in their outward signs, most strike the eye in tables, as agreeing with each other, are the Laguna, the Jemez, and the Tesuque. The other two that thus outwardly agree are the Taos and the Zuni,—two that are not in the most immediate geographical juxtaposition.

What is meant by the "outward signs that most strike the eye on tables"? This is shown in the following tables:—

English.	Zuni.	Tesuque.
head	oshoquinnee	pto.
hair	tiyahwee	po.
ear	lahjotinnee	oyez.
eye	tonahwee	tzie.
nose	nohahhunee	heu.
mouth	ahwahtinnee	so.
tongue	honinnee	hae.
tooth	oahnahwee	muai.

The following are some of the most patent miscellaneous affinities:—

• English, sun.
• Tesuque, pah.
• Jemez, pah.
• English, moon.
• Tesuque, poyye.
• Jemez, pahah.
• Taos, pannah.
• Moqui, muyah.
• English, man.
• Tesuque, sayen.
• Jemez, tahhanenah.
• English, woman.
• Tesuque, ker.
• Zuni, ocare.
• English, wife.
• Tesuque, naveso.
• Jemez, neohoy.
• English, boy.
• Tesuque, onne.
• Jemez, annoh.
• English, forehead.
• Tesuque, siccovah.
• Laguna, cophay.
• English, face.
• Tesuque, chaay.
• Laguna, kowah.
• English, eye.
• Tesuque, chay.
• Jemez, saech.
• English, teeth.
• Tesuque, muah.
• Taos, moen-nahenhay.
• Moqui, moah = mouth.
• English, chin.
• Tesuque, shabbok.
• Taos, claybonhai.
• English, hand.
• Tesuque, mah.
• Jemez, mahtish.
• Moqui, moktay.
• Moqui, mahlatz = finger.
• English, breast.
• Tesuque, peah.
• Laguna, quaist-pay.
• Taos, pahahkaynaynemay.
• Jemez, pay-lu.
• Utah, pay.
• English, deer.
• Tesuque, pahye.
• Jemez, pahah.
• English, rattlesnake.
• Tesuque, payyoh.
• Taos, pihoown.
• English, cat.
• Tesuque, musah.
• Laguna, mus.
• Taos, museenah.
• Jemez, moonsah.
• Zuni, musah.
• English, fire.
• Tesuque, tah.
• Jemez, twaah.

The Moqui, which is not to be separated from the other Pueblo languages, has, out of twenty-one words compared, eight coinciding with the Utah.

Neither are there wanting words common to the Pueblo languages and those of the Athabaskan Navahos, Jecorillas and Apatches.

• English, deer.
• Navaho, payer.
• Jecorilla, payah.
• Jemez, pahah.
• English, cat.
• Navaho, muse.
• Jecorilla, mussah.
• Tesuque, musah.
• Laguna, &c.[44], mus.
• English, earth.
• Navaho, ne.
• Jecorilla, nay.
• Tesuque, nah.
• English, man.
• Navaho, tennay.
• Jecorilla, tinlay.
• Tesuque, sayen.
• Jemez, tahhanenah.
• English, mouth.
• Navaho, hu-zzay.
• Jecorilla, hu-zzy.
• Tesuque, sho.

Of these the first two may be borrowed. In

Kanzas

the languages are Arapaho, and Shyenne, already noticed; and Cumanch, which is Paduca.

For the Kioway we want specimens. In

Nebraska

they are Sioux, already noticed, and Pawni, allied to the Riccaree. Kanzas leads us to

Texas.

It is convenient in a notice of the languages of the State of Texas to bear in mind its early, as well as its present relations to the United States. In a country where the spread of the population from the other portions of the Union has been so rapid, and where the occupancy is so complete, we are prepared to expect but a small proportion of aborigines. And such, upon the whole, is the case. The displacement of the Indian tribes of Texas has been great. Even, however, when Mexican, Texas was not in the category of the older and more original portions of Mexico. It was not brought under the régime of the missionaries, as we may see by turning to that portion of the Mithridates which treats of the parts west of the Mississippi. The references here are to Dupratz, to Lewis and Clarke, to Charlevoix, to French and English writers rather than to the great authority for the other parts of Spanish America—Hervas. And the information is less precise and complete. All this is because Texas in the earlier part of its history was, in respect to its exploration and description, a part of Louisiana, (and, as such, French) rather than a part of Mexico, and (as such) Spanish.

The notices of Texas, in the Mithridates, taken along with our subsequent data, are to the effect that (a) the Caddo, (b) the Adaize or Adahi, (c) the Attakapa, and (d) the Choktah are the prevailing languages; to which may be added a few others of minor importance.

The details as to the distribution of the subordinate forms of speech over these four leading languages are as follows:—

a. The Nandakoes, Nabadaches, Alich (or Eyish), and Ini or Tachi are expressly stated to be Caddo; and, as it is from the name of the last of these that the word Texas is derived, we have satisfactory evidence that some members, at least, of the Caddo family are truly and originally Texian.

b. The Yatassi, Natchitoches, Adaize (or Adaye), Nacogdoches, and Keyes, belong to the Caddo confederacy, but without speaking the Caddo language.

c. The Carancouas, the Attacapas, the Apelusas, the Mayes speak dialects of the same language.

d. The Tunicas speak the same language as the Choctahs.

Concerning the philology of the Washas, the Bedies, the Acossesaws, and the Cances, no statements are made.

It is obvious that the information supplied by the Mithridates is measured by the extent of our knowledge of the four languages to which it refers.

Of these, the Choktah, which Adelung calls the Mobilian, is the only one for which the Mithridates itself supplies, or could supply, specimens; the other three being unrepresented by any sample whatever. Hence, to say that the Tachi was Caddo, that the Yatassi was Adahi, or that the Carancoua was Attacapa, was to give an instance, in the way of explanation, of the obscurum per obscurius. Since the publication of the Mithridates, however, we have got samples of all three—Caddo, Adahi, and Attacapa—so that our standards of comparison are improved. They are to be found in a tabulated form, and in a form convenient for collation and comparison in both of Gallatin's papers. They were all collected before the annexation of Texas, and they appear in the papers just referred to as Louisiana, rather than truly Texian, languages; being common to the two areas.

Of the works and papers written upon Texas since it became a field of observation for English and American, as opposed to French and Spanish observers, the two on which the present writer, when he treated of the subject in his work on the Varieties of Mankind, most especially, and perhaps exclusively relied, were the well-known work of Kennedy on Texas, and a MS. with which he was favoured by Mr. Bollaert, specially limited to the ethnology of the State. Of this MS. a short abstract is to be found in the Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science for the year 1846, made by Mr. Bollaert himself.

The later the notice of Texas the greater the prominence given to a tribe of which nothing is said in the Mithridates; viz. the Cumanch. As late as 1844 we had nothing beyond the numerals and a most scanty MS. list of words to tell us what the Cumanch language really was. These, however, were sufficient to show that its affinities were of a somewhat remarkable kind, viz. with the Shoshoni, or Snake, tongues of the southern parts of Oregon[45]. In Mr. Bollaert's notice the Cumanches are divided into three sections: (1) the Cumanch or Jetan, (2) the Lemparack, and (3) the Tenuha, and a list of no less than thirty-five other tribes follows this division, some of these being said to be wholly extinct, some partially so; some to be more or less Cumanch, some to be other than Cumanch.

The tendency of the Mithridates is to give prominence to the Caddo, Attacapa, and Adahi tongues, and to incline the investigator, when dealing with the other forms of speech, to ask how far they are connected with one of these three. The tendency of the writers last-named is to give prominence to the Cumanch, and to suggest the question: How far is this (or that) form of speech Cumanch or other than Cumanch?

Working with the Mithridates, the MS. of Mr. Bollaert, and Mr. Kennedy's volume on Texas before me, I find that the list of Texian Indians which these authorities justified me in publishing in 1848, contained (1) Coshattas, (2) Towiachs, Towakenos, Towecas, and Wacos, (3) Lipans or Sipans, (4) Aliche or Eyish, (5) Acossesaws, (6) Navaosos, (7) Mayes, (8) Cances, (9) Toncahuas, (10) Tuhuktukis, (11) Unataquas or Anadarcos, (12) Mascovie, (13) Tawanis or Ionis, (14) Wico,? Waco, (15) Avoyelles, (16) Washitas, (17) Ketchi, (18) Xaramenes, (19) Caicaches, (20) Bidias, (21) Caddo, (22) Attacapa, (23) Adahi; besides the Carankahuas (of which the Cokes are made a branch) classed with the Attacapa, and not including certain Cherokees, Choctahs, Chikkasahs, and Sioux.

A Washita vocabulary, which will be referred to in the sequel, concludes the list of Texian languages known by specimens.

At present, then, the chief question respecting the philology of Texas is one of distribution. Given as centres to certain groups

1. The Choctah,
2. The Caddo,
3. The Adahi,
4. The Attakapa,
5. The Cumanch, and
6. The Washita languages,

how do we arrange the tribes just enumerated? Two works help us here:—1. A letter from the Ex-president Burnett to Schoolcraft on the Indians of Texas. Date 1847. 2. A Statistical Notice of the same by Jesse Stem. Date 1851.

Stem's statistics run thus:—

Tribes.	Numbers.
Towacarros	141	}	293
Wacos	114
Ketchies	38
Caddos	161	}	476
Andarcos	202
Ioni	113
Tonkaways	1152
Wichitas	100
Lipans	500
Comanches	20,000

giving us several of the names that have already appeared; giving also great prominence to the Cumanches—numerally at least.

In Mr. Burnett's Letter the term Caddo is prominent; but whether it denote the Caddo language, or merely the Caddo confederation, is uncertain. Neither can I find from the context whether the statements respecting the Indians of the Caddo connexion (for this is what we must call it at present) are made on the personal authority of the writer, or whether they are taken, either directly or indirectly, from the Mithridates. The term that Burnett uses is stock, his statement being that the Waco, the Tawacani, the Towiash, the Aynic, the San Pedro Indians, the Nabaducho, and the Nacodocheets are all both Texian in origin and Caddo in stock.

His other tribes are—

1. The Ketchi: a small tribe on Trinity River, hated by the Cumanches as sorcerers, and, perhaps, the same as—

2. The Hitchi, once a distinct tribe, now assimilated with their neighbours.

3. The Tonkaways, a separate tribe, of which, however, the distinctive characters are not stated.

Whatever may be the exact details of the languages, dialects, and subdialects of Texas, the general outline is simple.

The Choctah forms of speech are anything but native.

They are of foreign origin and recent introduction. So are certain Sioux and other dialects spoken within the Texian area.

The Cumanch is in the same predicament; though not, perhaps, so decidedly. It belongs to the Paduca class, and its affinities are with the Shoshoni and Wihinast of Oregon.

The Caddo Proper is said to be intrusive, having been introduced so late as 1819 from the parts between the great Raft and the Natchitoches or Red River. I hold, however, that some Caddo forms of speech must be indigenous.

The Witchita is probably one of these:—

English.	Caddo.	Witchita.
head	cundo	etskase.
hair	beunno	deodske.
eye	nockkochun	kidahkuck.
nose	sol	dutstistoe.
mouth	nowoese	hawkoo.
tongue	ockkotunna	hutskee.
tooth	ockkodeta	awk.
one	whiste	cherche.
two	bit	mitch.
three	dowoh	daub.
four	peaweh	dawquats.
five	dissickka	esquats.
six	dunkkee	kehass.
seven	bissickka	keopits.
eight	dowsickka	keotope.
nine	pewesickka	sherchekeeite.
ten	binnah	skedorash.

The Adahi has already been noticed as being a comparatively isolated language, but, nevertheless, a language with numerous miscellaneous affinities.

The Attacapa is one of the pauro-syllabic languages of America, by which I mean languages that, if not monosyllabic after the fashion of the languages of south-eastern Asia, have the appearance of being so. They form a remarkable class, but it is doubtful whether they form a natural one, i. e. whether they are more closely connected with each other in the other elements of philological affinity than they are with the tongues not so characterized. They deserve, however, what cannot be given in the present paper, a special consideration.

For the north-eastern districts of Mexico, New Leon, Tamaulipas, &c., i. e. for the ports between the Rio Grande and Tampico, no language is known to us by specimens. It is only known that the Cumanch dips deeply into Mexico. So does the Apatch.

A tribe, lately mentioned, that of the Lipans, is, perhaps, Apatsh. Burnett states that they agree with the Mescalero and Seratics of the parts about the Paso del Norte. For these, however, we still want vocabularies iis nominibus.

Be the Lipan affinities what they may, it is clear that both the Cumanch and Apatsh languages belong to a class foreign to a great part of the areas over which they are spread—foreign, and (as such) intrusive—intrusive, and (as such) developed at the expense of some native language.

That the original area of the latter is that of the Navahos, Jecorillas, Hoopahs, Umkwas, Tlatskanai, and that these occupy the parts between the Algonkin and Eskimo frontiers—parts as far north as the Arctic circle—has already been stated. No repetition, however, is superfluous that gives definitude and familiarity to the very remarkable phænomena connected with the geographical distribution of the Athabaskans.

Neither are the details of the Paduca area—the area of the Wihinast, Shoshoni, Utah, and Cumanch forms of speech—without interest. To the north of California, the Wihinast, or Western Shoshonis, are separated from the Pacific by a thin strip of Jacon and Kalapuya country, being succeeded in the direction of Utah by the Shoshonis Proper. Then follow the Bonaks and Sampiches; the Shoshoni affinities of which need not be doubted, though the evidence of them is still capable of improvement. The Utah of the parts about Lake Utah is known to us by a vocabulary; and known to be Cumanch or Shoshoni—call it which you will. I call them all Paduca, from a population so named by Pike.

Now, out of twenty-one words common to the Utah and Moqui, eight are alike.

Again, the Shoshoni and Sahaptin have several words in common, and those out of short vocabularies.

Thirdly, the Shoshoni and Wihinast, though spoken within (comparatively) narrow limits, differ from each other more than the several forms of the Cumanch, though spread over a vast tract of land.

The inference from this is, that the Paduca forms of South Oregon and Utah are in situ; those of New Mexico, Texas, and New Leon, &c. being intrusive. In respect to these, I imagine that a line drawn from the south-eastern corner of the Utah Lake to the source of the Red or Salt Fork branch of the River Arkansas, would pass through a country nearly, if not wholly, Paduca; a country which would lie partly in Utah, partly in New Mexico, and partly in Kansas. It would cross the Rocky Mountains, or the watershed between the drainages of the Colorado and the Missouri. It would lie along a high and barren country. It would have on its west the Navaho, Moqui, and Apatsh areas; on its east certain Sioux tribes, and (further south) the Arapahos and Shyennes. It would begin in California and end in the parts about Tampico[46].

Mexico.—Guatimala.

The Cumanches, on the very verge, or within the tropics, vex by their predatory inroads the Mexican states of Zacatecas and Durango. Along with the Lipans they are the sparse occupants of the Bolson de Mapimi. Along with the Apaches they plunder the traders and travellers of Chihuhua.

For the parts about Tampico the language belongs to the Huasteca branch of

The Maya.—The Maya succeeds the language just enumerated on the east. On the west, the Otomi, Pirinda, and Tarasca are succeeded by

The Mexican Proper.—But the Maya and Mexican Proper are languages of such importance, that the present paper will merely notify their presence in Mexico and Central America.

The languages that, from their comparative obscurity, claim the attention of the investigator, are those which are other than Maya and other than Mexican Proper.

Of these, the first succeeds the Huasteca of Huastecapan, or the parts about Tampico; which it separates, or helps to separate, from the northern branches of the Maya Proper, being

The Totonaca of Vera Cruz, of which the following is the Paternoster; the German being that of the Mithridates.

Totonaca.

Unser Vater o	im Himmel steht
Quintlatcané	nac tiayan huil;

gemacht hoch werde	dein Nahme
Tacollalihuacahuanli	ò mi maocxot;

komme	dein (reich?)
Niquiminanin	ò mintacacchi

gethan werde	dein	Wille
Tacholahuanla	ò min pahuat

wie	wie	im	Himmel
Cholei ix cacnitiet	chalchix	nac	tiayan;

unser	Brot,
O quin	chouhcan lacalliya

uns gib	heute
niquilaixquiuh	yanohue;

uns vergib	unsre Sünde
Caquilamatzancaniuh	quintacallitcan

wie	wir	vergeben	unsern	Schuldigern
Chonlei ò	quitnan	lamatzancaniyauh	ò quintalac	allaniyan;

Und	nicht	uns lasse
Ca	ala	quilamactaxtoyauh

damit	wir stehen	in	Versuchung	gethan werde
Nali	yojauh	naca	liyogni	Chontacholacahuanla.

---

The same from Hervas.

Kintaccan ò natiayan huill;
Tacotllali huacahuanla o min paxca maocxot
Camill omintagchi,
Tacholaca huanla ixcagnitiet ot
skiniau chon cholacan ocnatiayan;
Alyanohue nikila ixkiu ki lacali chaocan;
Kilamatzancaniau kintacagllitcan
Kintalacatlanian ochonkinan iclamatzan—
Caniau kintalacatlanian;
Nikilamapotaxtou ala nicliyolau
lacotlanacatalit nikilamapotexto
lamatzon lacacoltana.
Chontacholacahuanla.

Cross the watershed from Vera Paz to Oaxaca, and you come to the area of

The Mixteca.—In the ordinary maps, Tepezcolula, on the boundaries of Oaxaca and Puebla, is the locality for its chief dialect, of which there are several.

Mixteca Paternoster.

Dzutundoo, zo dzicani andihui;
Naca cuneihuando sasanine;
Nakisi santoniisini;
Nacahui ñuuñaihui saha yocuhui inini dzahuatnaha yocuhni andihui;
Dzitandoo yutnaa tasinisindo hiutni;
Dzandooni cuachisindo dzaguatnaha yodzandoondoondi hindo suhani sindoo;
Huasi kihui ñahani nucuctandodzondo kuachi;
Tahui ñahani ndihindo sahañavvhuaka dzahua;
Nacuhui.

The Mixteca succeeds the Mexican Proper, itself being other than Mexican, just as the Totonaca suceeded the Huasteca, which was Maya, the Totonaca being other than Maya.

The Mixteca is the language of Northern,

The Zapoteca that of Southern, Oaxaca.

Hervas writes, that the Zapoteca, Mazateca, Chinanteca, and Mixe were allied. The Mixe locality is the district around Tehuantepec.

South of the areas of the three languages just enumerated comes the main division of the Maya—the Maya of Guatemala and Yucatan, as opposed to the Huasteca of the parts about Tampico. This, however, we pass over sicco pede, for

Honduras and San Salvador.

Limiting ourselves to the districts that undeniably belong to those two States, we have samples of four dialects of

The Lenca language; these being from the four Pueblos of Guajiquiro, Opatoro, Intibucá, and Sirmlaton, those of the last being shorter and less complete than the others. They are quite recent, and are to be found only in the Spanish edition of Mr. Squier's Notes on Central America. The English is without them.

English.	Guajiquiro.	Opatoro.	Intibuca.
man	——	taho	amashe.
woman	——	move	napu.
boy	——	guagua	hua.
head	toco	tohoro	cagasi.
ear	yang	yan	yangaga.
eye	saing	saringla	saring.
nose	napse	napseh	nepton.
mouth	ingh	ambeingh	ingori.
tongue	nafel	navel	napel.
teeth	nagha	neas	nigh.
neck	ampsh	ampshala	cange.
arm	kenin	kenin	kening.
fingers	lasel	gualalasel ——
foot	guagi	quagi	guaskaring.
blood	uahug	uah	quch.
sun	gasi	gashi	gashi.
star	siri	siri	——
fire	uga	'ua	yuga.
water	guass	uash	guash.
stone	ca	cah	tupan.
tree	ili	ili	ili.
one	ita	ita	itaska.
two	naa	——	——
three	lagua	——	——
four	aria	——	——
five	saihe	saihe	——
six	huie	hue	——
seven	huis-ca	——	——
eight	teef-ca	——	——
nine	kaiapa	——	——
ten	isis	issis	——

As Mr. Squier is the sole authority for the Lenca of San Salvador and Honduras, so he is for

Nicaragua.

Limiting ourselves to the undoubtedly Nicaraguan area, and taking no note of the Mexican Proper of more than one interesting Mexican settlement, the three forms of speech for which we have specimens are—

1. The Choretega;
2. The Nagranda; and
3. The Wulwa, of the Chontal district.

And now we pass to the Debateable Ground. The language of

The Moskito Country

gives us a fourth form of speech; at least (I think) as different from the Choretega, Nagranda, Wulwa and Lenca, as they are from each other. This is—

The Waikna of the Indians of the coast, and, probably, of several allied tribes inland.

Of the Waikna, Wulwa, Nagranda, and Choretega, samples may be found either in Squier's Nicaragua, or vol. iii. of the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society.

English.		Nagranda.	Choretega.
man		rahpa	nuho.
woman		rapa-ku	n-ahseyomo.
boy		sai-ka	n-asome.
girl		sai-kee	n-aheyum.
child		chichi	n-aneyame.
father		ana	goo-ha.
mother		autu	goo-mo.
husband		a'mbin	'mhohue.
wife		a'guyu	nume.
son		sacul-e	n-asomeyamo.
daughter		saicul-a	n-asayme.
head	{	a'cu	goochemo.
		edi	——
hair		tu'su	membe.
face		enu	grote.
forehead		guitu	goola.
ear		nau	nuhme.
eye		setu	nahte.
nose		ta'co	mungoo.
mouth		dahnu	nunsu.
tongue		duhu	greuhe.
tooth		semu	nahe.
foot		naku	graho.
sky		dehmalu	nekupe.
sun		ahca	numbu.
star		ucu	nuete.
fire		ahku	nahu.
water		eeia	nimbu.
stone	{	esee	nugo.
		esenu	——
I		ic-u	saho.
thou		ic-a	sumusheta.
he		ic-a	——
we		hechel-u	semehmu.
ye		hechel-a	——
they		icanu	——
this		ca-la	——

For the Waikna there are other materials. The Wulwa specimens are few. Hence it may be doubtful whether the real difference between it and the Waikna be so great as the following table suggests.

English.		Wulwa.	Waikna.
man		all	waikna.
woman		y-all	mairen.
son		pau-ni-ma	lupia-waikna.
daughter		pau-co-ma	lupia-mairen.
head		tunni	let.
eye		minik-taka	nakro.
nose		magni-tak	kamka.
mouth		dinibas	bila.
blood		anassca	tala.
all		duwawa	semehmu.
drink		mahuia	bo-prima.
run		dagalnu	bo-tupu.
leap		masiga	bo-ora.
go	{	aiyu	pa-ya.
		icu	——
sing		nagamo	pa-coondamu.
sleep		ami	pa-yacope.

Costa Rica.

The following is from a vocabulary of Dr. Karl Scherzers of the languages of the Blanco, Valiente, and Talamenca Indians of Costa Rica, occupants of the parts between the River Zent and the Boca del Toro. We may call it a specimen of

The Talamenca.—It seems to be, there or thereabouts, as different from the preceding languages as they are from each other.

English.	Talamenca.
ear	su-kuke.
eye	su-wuaketei.
nose	su-tshukoto.
mouth	su-'kuwu.
tongue	es-kuptu.
tooth	sa-ka.
beard	sa-karku mezili.
neck-joint?	tzin.
arm	sa-fra.
hand	sa-fra-tzin-sek.
finger	fra-wuata.
nail	sa-krasku.
sun	kanhue.
moon	tulu.
star	bewue.
fire	tshuko.
water	ditzita.
one	e-tawa.
two	bo-tewa.
three	magna-tewa.
four	ske-tewa.
five	si-tawa.
six	si-wo-ske-le.
seven	si-wo-wora.
eight	si-wo-magnana.
nine	si-wo-ske-tewa.
ten	sa-flat-ka.

The same volume of the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society that supplies us with Mr. Squier's vocabularies for Nicaragua supplies us with Dr. Seeman's for

Veragua.

These being for

• The Bayano;
• The Savaneric; and
• The Cholo.

The Cholo is the same as Dr. Cullen's Yule, and also the same as Cunacuna and Darien of Balbi and the Mithridates.

English.	Cunacuna.	Darien.
one	quensa-cua	conjungo.
two	vo-cua	poquah.
three	paa-cua	pauquah.
four	paque-cua	pake-quah.
five	atale	eterrah.
six	ner-cua	indricah.
seven	cugle	coogolah.
eight	vau-agua	paukopah.
nine	paque-haguc	pakekopah.
ten	ambegui	anivego.

It is also the same as some short specimens of the Mithridates; where

• water = dulah.
• moon = nu.
• father = tautah.
• mother = naunah.
• brother = rupah.
• sister = ninah.
• wife (woman) = poonah.

The Cholo leads us into South America, where for the present; we leave it.

---

ADDENDA.

I will now add two notes, which may possibly save some future investigator an unremunerative search.

First, concerning a language called Mocorosi.—In Jülg, this is made a language of Mexico. It is really the Moxa of South America under an altered name.

English.	Mokorosi.	Moxa.
I	nùti	nuti.
thou	pìti	piti.
he	ema	ema.
this	màca	maca.
that	màena	maena.
that you	màro	maro.
she	esu	esu.
my	nuyee	nuyee.
thy	piyee	piyee.
his	mayee	mayee.
one	eto	eto.
two	api	api.
three	mopo	mopo.

This is from an Arte y vocabulario de la Lengua Mocorosi, compuesto por un padre de la compañia de Jesus missionero de la Provincias de los Moxos dedicado a la Serenissima Reyna de los Angeles siempre Virgen Maria, Patrona de estas Missiones; en Madrid, año de 1699.

A Lima edition A.D. 1701 differs from this in omitting the name Mokorosi, and being dedicated to a different patron. In other respects the two works agree verbatim et literatim.

Secondly, in respect to a language called Timuacuana—For this we have a Catechismo y examen para los que comulgan ex lengua Castellana y Timuquana, por el Padre Fr. Francisco Pareja; and y Padre de la Provincia de Santa Elena de la Florida, &c. Mexico, 1627.

Also, the following numerals in Balbi, perhaps, taken from the above:—

English.	Timuacuana.
one	minecotamano.
two	nauchamima.
three	nahapumina.
four	nacheketamima.
five	namaruama.
six	napikichama.
seven	napikinahuma.
eight	napekechetama.
nine	natumama.

---

[ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA]

(1859).

P. [252].—"Is not this Mozino's?"—No. For a further notice see p. [388].

P. [258].—"Kawichen and Tlaoquatch."—The Kawichen is nearer to the Nusdalum, Squallyamish, and Cathlascou than it is to the Tlaoquatch. This may be seen in Buschmann p. 649. At the same time it is more Tlaoquatch than Buschmann makes it.

P. [259].—"The Athabascan languages are undoubtedly Eskimo."—Between the notice contained in p. [299] and the paper which precedes it there is an interval of no less than five years. There is also one of three years between it and the paper which follows.

Now up to 1850 I gave the term Eskimo a power which I afterwards found reason to abandon. I gave it the power of a generic name for a class containing not only the Eskimo Proper, but the Athabascan, and the Kolooch. The genus, though in a modified form, I still believe to exist; I have ceased, however, to think that Eskimo is the best name for it. Hence, expressions like "the Athabascan languages are, undoubtedly, Eskimo—and the Kolooch languages are equally Eskimo with the Athabascan" must be read in the sense of the author as expressed in p. [265]—"that the line of demarcation between the Eskimo and the Indian races of America was far too broad and trenchant."

Whether certain forms of speech were not connected with the Eskimo Proper—the Eskimo in the limited and specific meaning of the term—is another question. The Ugalents was so treated. The Kenay—until the publication of Sir T. Richardson's Loucheux specimens—was made both too Eskimo and too Kolooch. On the other hand, however, both the Eskimo and the Koluch were divisions of the same order. The actual value of the term Kolooch is even now uncertain.

P. [276].—"The Ahnenin etc."—A reference to the word Arrapahoes in Ludwig's Bibliotheca Glottica (both in the body of the work and the Addenda) suggests a doubt as to the accuracy of the form Ahnenin. Should it not be Atsina?

Turner remarks that "there is no evidence that Dr. Latham collated" Mackenzie's vocabulary—which, as far as the text of Ludwig goes, is true enough. I had, however, vivâ voce, informed Ludwig's Editor that I had done so. As Turner knew nothing of this his remark was a proper one. The main question, however, touches the form of the word. Is Ahnenin or Atsina right? I can not make out the later history of the MS. In my own part, I copied, collated, and returned it; and I imagine that it still be amongst either Prichard's or Gallatin's papers. I have the transcript before me at this moment; which runs thus. "The vocabularies of the Blackfeet, of the Crows or Upsarokas, and of the Grosventre, Rapid, or Fall Indians who call themselves Ahnenin; by D. M. M'Kenzie of the St Louis American Furr Comp. They appear to belong to three distinct families. But the Crows speak a dialect clearly belonging to the same language as that of the sedentary Minitares and Mandans, which is Sioux."

English.	Ahnenin.
ax	hanarse.
awl	bay.
American	basseway.
Assineboin	attinene.
blue	wahtaniyo.
blanket	nehatiyo.
brandy	kinatlyo.
balls	kutchemutche.
buttons	hahkeatta.
berries	bin.
blood	barts.
bull buffalo	nican.
cow buffalo	etanun.
bear	wussa.
bad	wahnattha.
Blackfoot Indian	wahtanetas.
Blood Indian	cowwenine.
comb	ehattiya.
cord	ahthauatz.
cup	anah.
coat	beethintun.
calf	wo.
cheat	chahhawdo.
Crow Indian	owwenin.
coming, I am	kitowats.
dog	ahttah.
deer	nosik.
drink	nahbin.
ear-rings	iyand.
ears	etah.
eyes	araithya.
elk	wussea.
eat	ahbeetse.
foot	nahatta.
friend, my	beneche.
gun	kutcheum.
good	etah.
Gros Ventres Indian	ahnenin.
girl (young)	wahtha.
god (sun)	esis.
going (I am)	nehichauch.
—— (where are you)	takahah.
going away	nehahtha.
give me	tsikit.
—— him	binenah.
horse	wasahhun.
hair	betaninita.
hand	ikickan.
hungry	asinun.
iron	bachit.
key	tanaga.
knife	wahata.
kettle	busetanah.
kill	paahun.
leg	nanaha.
leggings	nattah.
lodge	neahnun.
—— poles	ahearsum.
love	abathatta.
lice	bettabin.
meat, fresh	ahhan.
——, dry	ahhthan.
——, fat	netun.
mouth	ochya.
me	}	nistow.
mine
man, white	nehato.
——, black	awtamahat.
many	akaka.
nose	huse.
now	wahne.
no	chieu.
none, I have	ichscho.
gun-powder	keatah.
pan	basiana.
pipe	einpssah.
poor	ahtabinou.
quit	nannan.
scarletcloth	benatiyo.
spoon	abiyon.
salt	ekiowa.
sugar	nahattobin.
sleep	nuckcoote.
strike	towwonah.
sun	esis.
still be	owwahtatz.
tobacco	kichtahwan.
teeth	etchit.
thigh	neteto.
to-day	wanaki.
to-morrow	nacah.
take it	etanah.
vermillion	nehatto noven.
understand, do you!	ahnetan.
——, I do not	hachinetou.
wood	bess.
rock	hannike.
ribs	netzsun.
robe	tovau.
run	nunahho.
roast	estan.
river	natcha.
wolf	kiadah.
water	nitsa.
whisky	nahattonuche.
wife	etha.
fingers	naha.
—— nails	hussa.
you	ahnan.
yes	aha.
I don't want it	natah.
sit down	kannutz.
get up	kayhatz.
where is it	tahto.
there it is	nayyo.
two	nethiyau.
four	yahnayau.
six	nekitukiyau.
ten	netassa.

As the MS. was written with unusual clearness and distinctness I have no doubt as to Ahnenin having been the word. That Prichard read it so is evident; for the foregoing explanation has made it clear that he and I are independent witnesses. If error, then, exists it is in the MS.

The Blackfoot and Crow (which having also transcribed, I have by me) are as follows:—

English.	Blackfeet.		Crow.
sun	nawtoas
little old foot			sakahbooatta.
spirit	eishtom
bad spirit			appanahhe.
man (vir)	nayshetappe		bettse.
Indian	nayshetappe		absarroka[47].
woman	ahkeya		meyakatte.
boy	sacoomahpa		skakkatte.
girl	ahkaquoin		meyakatte.
child	po`kah		bakkatte.
father	onwa		menoomphe.
mother	ochrist		ekien.
husband	ohmah		batchene.
wife	ohtoohkamah		mooah.
son	nohcoah		menarkhatte.
daughter	netan		menarkmea.
brother	nausah		boocouppa, see child.
sister	niskan		boocoupmea.
head	otoquoin		marshun.
hair	otoquoin		mishiah.
—— of animal	ohqueiz
face	ostokais		sa
forehead	ohnez		hhea.
ear	ohtokeis		uppa.
eye	ohwappispe		meishta.
nose	ohkissis		buppa.
mouth	mauihhe		e'a—teeth.
tongue	matzsinne		dayszske.
teeth	ohpaykin		ea—mouth.
beard	emoooye		eshaesha.
neck	ohkokin		shuah.
arm	ohtsis		barre.
hand	ohkittakes		buschie.
nail	owatanokitz		muhhpe.
body	ostome		boohhooah.
belly	ohkoin		ba're.
leg	oheat		buchoope.
feet	oaksakah		busche.
toes	oakkitteaks		itshearababi.
bone	ohkinnah		hoore.
heart	ohhskitzpohpe		nasse.
blood	ahhahpanna		eda.
town	ahkawkimne		ashchen.
chief	nenah		bettsetsa—see next
warrior			nassabattsats.
war-party	soohah
friend	netakka		skeah.
house	nappenweeze		assua.
kettle	eske		baruhhea.
arrow	apse		ahnaitz.
bow	espickanawmi		bistuheah.
hatchet	anahcokaksakkin		matchepa—knife.
knife	estowine		mitsa—hatchet.
canoe	ahkeosakis		maheshe.
shoes	ahtsakin		hoompe.
bread	ksahquonats		hohhazzsu.
pipe	ahcooiweman		impsa.
tobacco	pistahkaw		hopa.
sky	espoht		ahmahho.
sun	nawtoas		ahhhizu.
moon	nautoas		minnatatche.
star	cakatous		ekieie.
day	christocooe		maupa.
night	coocooe		oche.
light	christecoonatz		thieshe,
darkness	eskenutz		chippusheka,
morning	eskanattame		chinnakshea.
evening	ahtakkote		appah.
spring	motse		meamukshe.
summer	napoos		meamukshe.
autumn	motose		bisse.
winter	stooya		mannees.
wind	supooa		hootsee.
thunder	christecoom		soo.
lightening	christecoom		thaheshe.
rain	soatah		hannah.
snow	ohpootah		biah.
hail	sahco		makkoopah.
fire	esteu		bidah.
water	ohhkeah		minne.
ice	sacoocootah		beroohke.
earth	ksahcoom		amma.
river	neekkittiz		ahesu.
lake	omahsekame		minneeteekah.
island	mane		minnepeshu.
valley	kinekime		ahrachuke.
hill	natoom		mahpo.
mountain	mastake		ahmahabbe.
stone	ohcootoke		mi.
copper	ohtaquinnakeskin		ommattishe.[48]
iron	nakeshin		omatte.
sea	motohkin		minneetskishah.
tree	masetis		bahcoo.
bark	ohtokeskissase		eshe.
grass	mahtoyasc		beka.
maize	eskatah		hohhartzhee.
oak	cahpokesa		dachpitseesmoney.
pine	pahtoke		bartehe.
wood	masetis		money.
fire-wood	mamase		——
leaf	soyapoko		moneyahpe.
meat	akesequoiu		arookka.
beaver	kakestake		beruppe.
elk	poonahkah		eitchericazzse.
deer	ahnakkas		ohha.
bullbuffalo	estumeek		——
cowbuffalo	skain		——
buffalo			bisha.
herd of buffaloes	enaho		——
bear	keiyo		duhpitsa.
wolf	mahcooya		chata.
dog	emittah		biska.
squirrel	omahcookahte		ishtadaze—rabbit.
rabbit	}	ahtetah	ishta.
hare
fox	ohtahtooya		cheesuptedahha.
snake	patrakesema		eanhassa.
bird	pakesa		dickkappe.
egg	ohwas		eikkieu.
goose	emahkiya		mena.
pigeon	pispistsa		mainpituse.
partridge	katokin		chitchkekah.
turkey			dickkekskocke.
duck	siakes		mehhaka.
fish	mamea		booah.
white	ksiksenum		chose.
black	sikksenum		shupitkat.
red	mohesenum		hishekat.
blue	comona		shuakat.
yellow	ohtahko		shirekat.
great	ohmohcoo		esah.
small	enahcootse		ecat.
strong	miskappe		bassats.
old	nahpe		carraharra.
good	ahse		itsicka.
bad	pahcaps		kubbeek.
handsome	mahtsoapse		esissa.
ugly	pahcapse		eishkubbeek.
alive	sakatappe		itchasa.
dead	aadne		carrashe.
cold	stooyah		hootshere.
warm	kasetotzu		ahre.
I	nisto		bé.
thou	christo		de.
he	ootowe		na.
we	nistonan		bero.
you	christo		dero.
they	ostowawah		mihah.
this	kanahka		kinna.
that	kanahka		ahcooka.
all	atesinekah		hooahcasse.
many	akkiom		ahhook.
who	sakayitz		sippe.
what			sappah.
to-day	ahnookchusequoix		hinnemaupa.
yesterday	mahtone		hooriz.
to-morrow	ahpenacose		shinnakshare.
yes	ah		hotah.
no	sah		barretkah.
to eat	oyeatz		bahbooshmeka.
to drink	semate		smimmik.
to run	ohmahkoit		akharoosh.
to dance	pascah		dishshe.
to go	eestappote		dah.
to sing	anihkit		munnohe.
to sleep	okat		mugghumme.
to speak	apooyatz		bidow.
to see	ahsappatz		ahmukkah.
to love	tahcoomatzeman		ahmutcheshe.
to kill	enikke		bahpake.
to walk	ahwahocat		nene.
1	sa		ahmutcat.
2	nahtoka		noomcat.
3	nahhoka		namenacat.
4	nasowe		shopecat.
5	nesitto		chihhocat.
6	nowwe		ahcamacat.
7	akitsekum		sappoah.
8	nahnissowe		noompape.
9	pakeso		ahmuttappe.
10	kepo		perakuk.
11	makesikepoto		ehpemut.
12	nahsikepoto		ehpenoomp.
20	nahsikpo		noompaperruka.
30	nehapepo		namenaperruka.
100	kapippooe		peereeksah.
1000	kapippippooe		peereeksahperaka.

The Italics are the present author's. They draw attention to either a coincidence between the two languages, or the compound character of the word.

II.—The Sioux group.—For a remark on the affinities between the Pawni and Caddo, see p. [400].

The following coincidences are the result of a very limited collation.

(1).
Cherokee and Caddo.

English	man.
Cherokee	askaya.
Caddo	shoeh.
English	woman.
Cherokee	anigeyung.
Seneca	wenneau.
English	skin.
Cherokee	kanega.
Mohawk	kernayhoo.
English	ox.
Cherokee	wakakanali.
Caddo	wakusyeasa.
English	cow.
Cherokee	wakaagisi.
Caddo	wakus.
English	thief.
Cherokee	kanawskiski.
Caddo	kana.
English	day.
Cherokee	kata.
Caddo	kaadeh.
English	great.
Cherokee	equa.
Caddo	hiki.
English	eagle.
Cherokee	awawhali.
Caddo	eeweh.
English	thick.
Cherokee	uhaketiyu.
Caddo	hiakase.

(2).
Cherokee and Iroquois.

English	enemy.
Cherokee	agiskaji.
Seneka	ungkishwauish.
English	mouth.
Cherokee	sinungtaw.
Seneka	swanetaut.
English	something.
Cherokee	kawhusti.
Seneka	gwustah.
English	nothing.
Cherokee	tlakawhusti.
Seneka	tataqwhista.
English	far.
Cherokee	inung.
Mohawk	eenore.
English	conjurer.
Cherokee	atawniski.
Mohawk	ahtoonitz.
English	aunt.
Cherokee	etsi.
Seneka	ahhi.
English	my right hand.
Cherokee	tsikatesixquoyeni.
Mohawk	gowweeintlataquoh.
English	a corn.
Cherokee	kuli.
Seneka	uhkuah.
English	walnut.
Cherokee	sawhi.
Mohawk	oosoquah.
English	horn.
Cherokee	uyawnung.
Seneka	konnongguh.

IV. The Athabaskan group.—I find that the affinity between the Loucheux and the Kenay languages is given by Prichard, who, at the same time, separates both from the Athabaskan. "Mr. Gallatin says that the similarity of languages amongst all these" (i. e. the Athabaskan) "tribes is well-established. The Loucheux are excepted. This language does not appear to have any distinctly marked affinities except with that of the Kenay."—Vol. V. p. 377.

I believe that Dr. Prichard's informant on this point was the same as my own i. e. Mr. Isbister.

Scouler also suggests the same relationship.

That Buschmann has arrived at the results of his Athabaskische Sprachstamm through a series of independent researches I readily believe. Whether, after taking so little trouble to know what had been done by his predecessors, he is right is saying so much about his discoveries is another question.

That the Pinaleno is in the same category with the Navaho is shewn by Turner, who gives a vocabulary of the dialect.

English.	Navaho.	Pinaleno.
man	husttkin	payyahnah.
woman	estsanni	etsunni.
head	betsi
hair	tchlit	setzezil.
ear	tshar	sitzchar.
eye	ninnar	tshindar.
nose	nitchi	chinchi.
hand	shilattaete	chicon.
feet	t'ki	sitzkay.
sun	dacos	yaheye.
moon	'tsadi	ílsonsayed.
star	olcheec	ailsonsatyou.
fire	'tchou
water	'thu	to.
earth	klish	tlia.
stone	tseek	tshaier.

V. The Kitunaha language.—The Kitunaha, Kútani, or Cootanie vocabulary of Mr. Hall was obtained from a Cree Indian, and is not to be depended on. This being the case it is fortunate that it is not the only specimen of the language. There is an earlier one of Mr. Howse's, published in the Transactions of the Philological Society. It is as follows.

English.	Kútani.
one	hook cain.
two	ass.
three	calle sah.
four	had sah.
five	yea co.
six	in ne me sah.
seven	whist taw lah.
eight	waw ah sah.
nine	ky yie kit to.
ten	aye to vow.
an Indian	ah quels mah kin nic.
a man	te te calt.
a woman	balle key.
a shoe	cath lend.
a gun	tah vow.
I	cah min.
thou	lin coo.
he	nin co is.
we (thou and I)	cah min nah lah.
this Indian	in nai ah quels mah kin nic.
that Indian	co ah quels mah kin nic.
these Indians	wai nai ah quels mah kin nic nin tie.
which man?	cath lah te te calt?
which Indians?	cah lah ah quels mah kin nic nin tie.
which gun?	cah lah tah vow?
who	cath lah.
my son	cah mah hat lay.
his son	hot lay is.
he is good	sook say.
it is good	sook kin nai.
he is arrived	swan hah.
I love him	hones sclah kilt.
he loves me	sclah kilt nai.
I see him	hones ze caught.
I see his son	hones ze caught ah calttis.
he sees me	ze caught tene.
he steals	i in ney.
I love him	hones sclah kilt ney.
I do not love him	cah sclah kilt nai.
my husband	can no claw kin nah.
he is asleep	come ney ney.
I am a man	te te calt ne ne.
I am a woman	balle key ne ne.
where?	cass kin?
where is my gun?	cass kin cah tah vow?
where is his gun?	cass kin tah vow is?
a lake	ah co co nook.
how much?	cack sah?
it is cold weather	kis caw tit late.
a tent	ah caw slah co hoke.
my tent	cah ah kit lah.
thy tent	ah kit lah nis.
his tent	ah kit lah is.
our (thy and my) tent	cah ah kit lah nam.
yes	ah ah.
no	waw.
men	te te calt nin tie.
women	balle key nin tie.
girl (in her teens)	nah oh tit.
girls (in their teens)	nah oh tit nin tie.
boy	stalt.
boys	stalt nin tie.
little boy	stalt nah nah.
child	cah mo.
children	cah mo nin tie.
father (by the sons)	cah de doo.
father (by the daughters)	cah sous.
mother	cah mah.
brother, eldest	cah tat.
brother, youngest (by brothers)	cats zah.
brother, youngest (by sisters)	cah ze ah.
sister, eldest	cats sous.
sister, youngest	cah nah nah.
uncle	cath ah.
aunt	cah tilt tilt.
grandfather	cah papa.
grandmother	cah de de.
thy husband	in claw kin nah nis.
my wife	cah tilt nah mo.
thy wife	tilt nah mo nis.
son	can nah hot lay or ah calt.
daughter	cass win.
come here	clan nah.
go away	cloon no.
take care	ill kilt we ín.
get out of the way	you vaw.
come in	tie cath ah min.
go out	sclah nah ah min.
stop	mae kaek.
run	sin nack kin.
slowly	ah nis cah zin.
miserly	o per tin.
beggarly	coke co mae kah kan.
I give	hone silt ah mah tie sis ney.
thou givest	kin nah mah tie zey.
he gives	selah mah tie zey.
he gave	cah mah tie cates.
I beat	hone cah slah tea.
thou beatest	kin cah slah leat.
he beats	kis kilt cone slah leat.
give me	ah mah tie kit sous.
he gave me	nah mah tie kit sap pe ney.
I love you	hone selah kilt ney.
he loves	selah kilt.
do you love me?	kin selah slap?
I hate you	hone cah selah kilt ney.
thou hatest	kin cah selah kilt.
he hates	cah selah kilt.
I speak	hones ah ney.
thou speakest	kins ah.
he speaks	kates ah.
we speak	hones ah nah slah.
you speak	talk e tea leat.
they speak	seals ah.
I steal	hone i he ne.
I sleep	hone come ney ney.
we sleep	hone come ney nah lah ney.
I die	hones alt hip pe ney.
thou diest	kins alt hip.
we die	hone ah o co noak nah slah ney.
give me to eat	he shoe.
eat	he ken.
my gun	cah tah vow.
thy gun	tah vow nis.
his gun	tah vow is.
mountain	ac co vo cle it.
rocky mountain	ac co vo cle it nook key.
snowy mountain	ac co vo cle it ac clo.
road or track	ac que mah nam.
large river	cath le man me took.
small river	hah cack.
creek	nis cah took.
large lake	will caw ac co co nook.
small lake	ac co co nook nah nah.
rapid	ah cah hop cle it.
fall	wheat taw hop cle it.
shoals	ah coke you coo nook.
channel	hah cath slaw o weak.
wood or trees	ah kits slah in.
red pine	he mos.
cedar	heats ze natt.
poplar	ac cle mack.
aspin	ac co co zle mack.
fire	ah kin ne co co.
ice	ah co wheat.
charcoal	ah kits cah kilt.
ashes	ah co que me co.
kettle	yeats skime.
mat tent	tah lalt ah kit lah nam.
head	ac clam.
eyes	ac cack leat.
nose	ac conn.
mouth	ac cait le mah.
chin	ac cah me zin ne cack.
cheeks	ac que ma malt.
hair	ac coke que slam.
body	ac co no cack.
arms	ac sglat.
legs	ac sack.
belly	ac co womb.
back	ac cove cah slack.
side	ac kin no cack.
ears	ac coke co what.
animals	yah mo.
horse	kilt calt law ah shin.
stallion	cass co.
mare	stougalt.
bull	neel seek.
cow	slouke copo.
calf	ah kin co malt.
tiger	s'vie.
bears of all kinds	cap pe tie.
black or brown bears	nip pe co.
grizzle bear	kit slaw o slaw.
rein deer	neats snap pie co.
red deer	kilt caw sley.
moose deer	snap pe co.
woolvereen	ats po.
wolf	cack kin.
beaver	sin nah.
otter	ah cow oh alt.
mink	in new yah.
martin	nac suck.
musquash	an co.
small grey plain wolf	skin koots.
birds	to coots cah min nah.
blue jay	co quis kay.
crow	coke kin.
raven	nah nah key.
snakes (rattlesnake)	wilt le malt.
garter snake	ah co new slam.
roots (camass)	hap pey.
bitter root	nah cam me shou.
tobacco root	mass mass.
sweet potatoes	ah whis sea.
moose berry	ac co mo.
strawberry	ac co co.
pipe	couse.
pipe stem	ac coot lah.
axe	ah coot talt.
tobacco	yac ket.
flesh	ah coot lack.

VI. The Atna group.—The numerous vocabularies that represent the dialects and sub-dialects of this large class are the following—Atna Proper or Shushwap, Kullelspelm (Pend d'oreilles), Spokan, Kettlefall dialects of the Selish; Okanagan; Skitsuish (Cœur d'alène); Piskwaus; Nusdalum; Squallyamish; Kawichen; Cathlascou; Cheeheeli; Tsihaili; Kwaintl; Kwenaiwitl; Kowelitz; Nsietshawus or Killamuk. To this, the present writer adds the Billechúla.

XI. The query as the likelihood of the Straits of Fuca vocabulary having been Mozino's finds place here. The two are different: though both may have been collected by Mozino. Each is to be found in Buschmann, who, exaggerating the isolation of Wakash, Nútka, and Tlaoquatch forms of speech, separates them too decidedly. Out of nineteen words compared nine are not only alike but admitted by him to be so.

The Billechula.—This lies intermediate to the Hailtsa and Atna groups; being (apparently) more akin to the latter than the former. Of the Atna dialects, it seems most to approach the Piskwaus.

The Chinuk.—The Chinuk of which the Watlala of Hale is variety is more like the Nsietashawus or Killamuk than aught else.

The Kalapuya.—The harshness of the Kalapuya is an inference from its orthography. It is said, however, to be soft and flowing i. e. more like the Sahaptin and Shoshoni in sound than the Chinuk, and Atna.

The Jakon.—This has affinities with the Chinuk on one side, and the Lutuami on the other; i. e. it is more like these two languages than any other. The likeness, however, is of the slightest.

Miscellaneous affinities.

English	man.
Jakon	kalt.
Selish	skalt-amekho.
Skitsuish	skailt-emukh.
Piscous	skaltamikho.
English	woman.
Jakon	tklaks.
Wallawalla	tilaki.
Watlala	tklkakilak.
Chinook	tklakel.
Cayoose	pin-tkhlaiu.
Molele	longi-tklai.
Killamuk	sui-tklats.
Shushwap	somo-tklitçk.
Cootanie	pe-tklki.
English	boy.
Jakon	tklom-kato.
Kizh	kwiti.
Cowelitz	kwaiitkl.
English	girl.
Jakon	tklaaksawa.
Kizh	takhai.
Satsikaa	kokwa.
Watlala	tklaleq.
Chinook	waleq.
Chickaili	khaaq.
Skwale	stkllatkl-adai.
Muskoghe	okulosoha.
English	child.
Jakon	mohaite.
Shahaptin	miaots.
English	mother.
Jakon	tkhla.
Chinook	tkhlianaa.
English	husband.
Jakon	sonsit.
Chikaili	çineis.
Cowelitz	skhon.
Killamuck	ntsuon.
Umpqua	skhon.
— do.	çhanga.
English	wife.
Jakon	sintkhlaks.
Cayuse	intkhlkaio.
Molele	longitkhlai.

The Sahaptin.—The Sahaptin, Shoshoni and Lutuami groups are more closely connected than the text makes them.

The Shoshoni (Paduca) group.—The best general name for this class is, in the mind of the present writer, Paduca; a name which was proposed by him soon after his notification of the affinity between the Shoshoni and the Comanch, in A.D. 1845. Until then, the two languages stood alone; i. e. there was no class at all. The Wihinast was shewn to be akin to the Shoshoni by Mr. Hale; the Wihinast vocabulary having been collected by that indefatigable philologue during the United States Exploring Expedition. In Gallatin's Report this affinity is put forward with due prominence; the Wihinast being spoken of as the Western Shoshoni.

In '50 the Report of the Secretary at War on the route from San Antonio to El Paso supplied an Utah vocabulary; which the paper of May '53 shews to be Paduca.

In the Report upon the Indian Tribes &c. of '55, we find the Chemehuevi, or the language of one of the Pah-utah bands "for the first time made public. It agrees" (writes Professor Turner) "with Simpson's Utah and Hale's East Shoshoni."

Carvalho (I quote from Buschmann) gives the numerals of the Piede (Pa-uta) of the Muddy River. They are nearly those of the Chemehuevi.

English.	Piede.
one	soos.
two	weïoone.
three	pioone.
four	wolsooing.
five	shoomin.
six	navi.
seven	navikavah.
eight	nanneëtsooïn.
nine	shookootspenkermi.
ten	tomshooïn.

For the Cahuillo see below.

Is the Kioway Paduca? The only known Kioway vocabulary is one published by Professor Turner in the Report just alluded to. It is followed by the remark that "a comparison of this vocabulary with those of the Shoshoni stock does, it is true, show a greater degree of resemblance than is to be found in any other direction. The resemblance, however, is not sufficient to establish a radical affinity, but rather appears to be the consequence of long intercommunication."

For my own part I look upon the Kioway as Paduca—the value of the class being raised.

English.	Kioway.
man	kiani.
woman	mayi.
head	kiaku.
hair	ooto.
face	caupa.
forehead	taupa.
ear	taati.
eye	taati.
nose	maucon.
mouth	surol.
tongue	den.
tooth	zun.
hand	mortay.
foot	onsut.
blood	um.
bone	tonsip.
sky	kiacoh.
sun	pai
moon	pa.
star	tah.
fire	pia.
water	tu.
I	no.
thou	am.
he	kin.
we	kime.
ye	tusa.
they	cuta.
one	pahco.
two	gia.
three	pao.
four	iaki.
five	onto.
six	mosso.
seven	pantsa.
eight	iatsa.
nine	cohtsu.
ten	cokhi.

XIII. The Capistrano group.—Buschmann in his paper on the Netela and Kizh states, after Mofras, that the Juyubit, the Caguilla, and the Sibapot tribes belong to the Mission of St. Gabriel. Turner gives a Cahuillo, or Cawio, vocabulary. The district from which it was taken belonged to the St. Gabriel district. The Indian, however, who supplied it had lived with the priests of San Luis Rey, until the break-up of the Mission. Whether the form of speech he has given us be that of the Mission in which he lived or that of the true Cahuillo district is uncertain. Turner treats it as Cahuillo; at the same time he remarks, and shews, that it is more akin to the San Luis Rey dialect than to any other.

But it is also akin to the Chemeuevi, which with it is tabulated; a fact which favours the views of Hale respecting its San Capistrano affinities rather than those of Buschmann—Hale making them Paduca.

A vocabulary, however, of the unreclaimed Cahuillo tribes—the tribes of the mountains as opposed to the missions—is still wanted.

English.	Chemuhuevi.	Cahuillo.
man	tawatz	nahanes.
woman	maruqua	nikil.
head	mutacowa	niyuluka.
hair	torpip	piiki.
face	cobanim	nepush.
ear	nancaba	nanocka.
eye	puoui	napush.
nose	muvi	nemu.
mouth	timpouo	netama.
tongue	ago	nenun.
tooth	towwa	netama.
hand	masiwanim	nemohemosh.
foot	nampan	neik.
bone	maiigan	neta.
blood	paipi	neo.
sky	tuup	tuquashanica.
sun	tabaputz	tamit.
moon	meagoropitz	menyil.
star	putsih	chehiam.
fire	cun	cut.
water	pah	pal.
one	shuish	supli.
two	waii	mewi.
three	paii	mepai.
four	watchu	mewitchu.
five	manu	nomequadnun.
six	nabai	quadnunsupli.
seven	moquist	quanmunwi.
eight	natch	quanmunpa.
nine	uwip	quanmunwichu.
ten	mashu	nomachumi.

P. [353]. Now comes the correction of a statement in p. [353]—"the language of San Luis El Rey which is Yuma, is succeeded by that of San Luis Obispo, which is Capistrano."—This is an inaccuracy; apparently from inadversion. A reference to the Paternosters of pp. [304]-[305] shews that the San Luis Rey, and the San Juan Capistrano forms of speech are closely allied. Meanwhile, the San Fernando approaches the San Gabriel, i. e. the Kizh.

See also Turner, p. 77—where the name Kechi seems, word for word, to be Kizh. The Kizh, however is a San Gabriel form of speech.

XIV. The Yuma group.—Turner gives a Mojave, or Mohavi vocabulary; the first ever published. It is stated and shewn to be Yuma. The Yabipai, in the same paper, is inferred to be Yuma; containing, as it does, the word

hanna	= good	= hanna,	Dieguno.
n'yatz	= I	= nyat,	do.
pook	= beads	= pook,	Cuchan.

The Mohave vocabulary gives the following extracts,

English.	Mohave.	Cuchan.	Dieguno.	Cocomancopa.
man	ipah	ipatsh	aykutshet	ipatshe.
woman	sinyax	sinyak	sín	sinchayaixhutsh.
head	cawawa	umwhelthe	estar	——
hair	imi	ocono	——	——
face	ihalimi	edotshe	wa	——
forehead	yamapul	iyucoloque	——	——
ear	esmailk	smythl	hamatl	——
eye	idotz	edotshii	awuc	ayedotsh.
nose	ihu	ehotshi	hu	yayyayooche.
mouth	ia	iyuquaofe	ah	izatsh.
tongue	ipailya	epulche	——	——
tooth	ido	aredoche	——	——
hand	——	isalche	sithl	——
arm	isail	——	——	——
foot	imilapilap	imetshshpaslapyah	hamilyah	——
blood	niawhut	awhut	——	——
sky	amaiiga	ammai	——	——
sun	nyatz	nyatsh	nyatz	——
moon	hullya	huthlya	hullash	——
star	hamuse	klupwataie	hummashish	——
		hutshar
fire	awa	aawo	——	ahúch.
water	aha	aha	aha	——
I	nyatz	nyat	nyat	inyatz.
thou	mantz	mantz	——	mantz.
he	pepa	habuisk	pu	——
one	setto	sin	hini	——
two	havika	havik	hawuk	——
three	hamoko	hamok	hamuk	——
four	pinepapa	chapop	chapop	——
five	serapa	serap	serap	——
six	sinta	humhúk	——	——
seven	vika	pathkaie	——	——
eight	muka	chiphuk	——	——
nine	pai	hummamuk	——	——
ten	arapa	sahhuk	——	——

We leave California with the remark that in Ludwig's Literature of the American Aboriginal Languages Mr. Bartlett's vocabularies for California bear the following titles.

1.	Dieguno or Comeyei,
2.	Kechi,
3.	San Luis Obispo,
4.	H'hana	from the drainage of the Sacrament,
5.	Tehama	from the drainage of the Sacrament,
6.	Coluz	from the drainage of the Sacrament,
7.	Noana	from the drainage of the Sacrament,
8.	Diggers	from the drainage of the Sacrament,
9.	Diggers of Napa Valley.
10.	Makaw of Upper California.

See Californians.

There is also a Piros vocabulary for the parts about El Paso: also a notice (under the word) that the Mutsunes Indians speak a dialect of the Soledad.

Old California.—As a general rule, translations of the Pater Noster shew difference rather than likeness: in other words, as a general rule, rude languages are more alike than then Pater Nosters make them. The reasons for this lie in the abstract nature of many of the ideas which it is necessary to express; but for the expression whereof the more barbarous forms of speech are insufficient.

This creates the necessity for circumlocutions and other expedients. In no part of the world is this more manifest than in Old California; a district for which our data are of the scantiest. I think, however, that they are sufficient to shew that the Northern forms of speech, at least, are Yuma.

English.	O. Californian.	Yuma.
man (homo)	tama	epatsh.
man (vir)	uami	——
woman	wuctu	seenyack.
——	wakoe	sinyax.
——	huagin	seen.
child	whanu	hailpit.
——	wakna	——
father	iham	lothmocul.
——	kakka	niquioche.
——	keneda	nile.
——	kanamba	——
mother	nada	tile.
son	uisaiham	homaie.
sister	kenassa	amyuck.
head	agoppi	estar.
eye	aribika	ayon.
tongue	mabela	ipailya—Mohave.
hand	nagana	sith'l
foot	agannapa	hameelyay.
sky	ambeink	ammaya—Mohave.
earth	amet	omut—Cuchan.
——	——	ammartar—Mohave.
water	kahal	aha—Dieguno.
——	——	ahha—Mohave.
fire	usi	house—Cocomaricopa.
sun	ibo	nyatz.
day	ibo	nomasup.
moon	gomma	hullya.
——	ganehmajeie	——

The Pima group.—One of Mr. Bartlett's vocabularies is of the Opata form of speech. (Ludwig.)

Tequima, according to the same authority is another name for the same language: in which there is a vocabulary by Natal Lombardo; Mexico. 1702, as well as an Arte de la Lengua Tequima, vulgarmente llamada Opata.

A Vocabulario de las Lenguas Pima, Eudeve, y Seris is said, by De Souza, to have been written by Fr. Adamo Gilo a Jesuit missionary in California.—Ditto—v. Pima.

Exceptions, which the present writer overlooked, are taken in the Mithridates to the statement that the Opata and Eudeve Pater-nosters represent the Pima Proper. They agree with a third language from the Pima country—but this is not, necessarily, the Pima. Hence, what applies to the Pimerian may or may not apply to the Pima Proper.

Nevertheless, the Pima belongs to the same class—being, apparently, more especially akin to the Tarahumara. I have only before me the following Tarahumara words (i. e. the specimens in the Mithridates) through which the comparison can be made. They give, however, thus much in way of likeness and difference.

English.	Tarahumara.	Pima.
man	rehoje	orter.
——	tehoje	cheeort.
——	——	huth.
woman	muki	oo-oove.
——	——	hahri.
wife	upi	oo-if.
head	moóla	mouk.
eye	pusiki	oupewe.
tongue	tenila	neuen.
hair	quitshila	moh.
——	——	ptmuk.
foot	tala	tetaght.
fire	naiki	tahi.
sun	taiea	tahs.
——	——	tasch.
moon	maitsaca	mahsa.
——	——	massar.
I	nepe	ahan.
two	guoca	coka.
——	oca	kuak.

Buschmann connects the Pima with the Tepeguana.

Another complication.—In Turner's Extract from a MS. account of the Indians of the Northern Provinces of New Spain I find that Opa (Opata?) is another name for the Cocomaricopas whose language is that of the Yuma. This is true enough—but is the Opata more Yuma than the text (which connects it with the Hiaqui &c.) makes it?

The Pima, Hiaqui, Tubar, Tarahumara, and Cora as a class.—An exception to the text is indicated by the footnote of page 357. The Mithridates connects the Cora and Tarahumara with the Astek and with each other. The Astek elements of the Hiaqui, as indicated by Ribas are especially alluded to. So are the Tarahumara affinities of the Opata. All this is doing as much in the way of classification as is done by the present author—as much or more.

As much, or more, too is done by Buschmann; who out of the Cora, Tarahumara, Tepeguana and Cahita (the latter a representation of the section to which the Yaqui belongs) makes his Sonora Class—Sonorischer Sprachstamm. As a somewhat abnormal member of this he admits the Pima.

Of the Guazave there is a MS. Arte by P. Fernando Villapane—Ludwig.

That the data for the Tepeguana are better than the text makes them has already been suggested. Buschmann has used materials unknown to the present writer.

See Ludwig in voc. Tepeguana.

Pirinda and Tarasca.—The statement that there is a Pirinda grammar is inaccurate. There is one of the Tarasca; to which the reader is referred.

But this is not all. Under the title Pirinda in Ludwig we find that De Souza says of Fr. Juan Bravo, the author of a grammar of the Lengua Tarasca "fue maestro peritissimo de la lengua Pirinda llamada Tarasca." This makes the two languages much more alike than the present paper makes them. The present paper, however, rests on the Pater-nosters. How inconclusive they are has already been indicated.

⁋ The following table, the result of a very limited collation gives some miscellaneous affinities for the Otomi.

English	man.
Otomi	nanyehe.
Maya &c.	uinic.
Paduca	wensh.
English	woman.
Otomi	danxu.
Maya	atan=wife.
English	woman.
Otomi	nsu.
Talatui	essee.
English	hand.
Otomi	ye.
Talatui	iku.
English	foot.
Otomi	qua.
Maya &c.	oc.
English	blood.
Otomi	qhi.
Maya &c.	kik.
English	hair.
Otomi	si.
S. Miguel	te-asa-kho.
English	ear.
Otomi	gu.
S. Miguel	tent-khi-to.
English	tooth.
Otomi	tsi.
Attacapa	ods.
English	head.
Otomi	na.
Sekumne	ono=hair.
English	fire.
Otomi	tzibi.
Pujune	ça.
English	moon.
Otomi	tzona.
Kenay	ssin=star.
English	stone.
Otomi	do.
Cumanch	too-mepee.
English	winter.
Otomi	tzaa.
Cumanch	otsa-inte.
S. Gabriel	otso.
English	fish.
Otomi	hua.
Maya &c.	cay.
English	bird.
Otomi	ttzintzy.
Maya &c.	tchitch.
English	egg.
Otomi	mado.
Poconchi	molo.
English	lake.
Otomi	mohe.
Pima	vo.
English	sea.
Otomi	munthe.
U. Sac. &c.	muni=water.
English	son.
Otomi	tsi.
——	ti.
——	batsi.
——	iso.
Natchez	tsitsce=child.
English	meat.
Otomi	nhihuni.
——	ngoe=flesh.
Mexican	nacatl=flesh.
English	eat.
Otomi	tsa.
Talatui	tsamak.
English	good.
Otomi	manho.
Sekumne	wenne.
English	rabbit.
Otomi	qhua.
Huasteca	coy.
English	snake.
Otomi	qqena.
Maya	can.
English	yes.
Otomi	ha.
Cumanch	haa.
English	three.
Otomi	hiu.
Mexican	yey.
Huasteca	okh.

The other two are as follows.

(2.)
The Otomi with the languages akin to the Chinese en masse.

English	man.
Otomi	nanyche.
Kuanchua	nan.
Canton	nam.
Tonkin	nam.
English	woman.
Otomi	nitsu.
——	nsu.
Kuanchua	niu.
Canton	niu.
Tonkin	nu.
English	son.
Otomi	batsi.
——	iso.
Kuanchua	dsu.
Canton	dzi.
Mian	sa.
Maplu	possa.
Play	aposo.
——	naputhœ.
Passuko	posaho.
English	hand.
Otomi	ye.
Siuanlo	he.
Cochin China	ua=arm.
English	foot.
Otomi	gua.
Pey	ha=leg.
Pape	ha, ho=do.
Kuanchua	kio.
Canton	koh.
Moitay	kcho.
English	bird.
Otomi	ttzintey.
Maya	chechetch.
Tonkin	tcheni.
Cochin China	tching.
English	sun.
Otomi	hiadi.
Canton	yat.
English	moon.
Otomi	rzana.
Siuanlo	dzan.
Teina	son.
English	star.
Otomi	tze.
Tonkin	sao.
Cochin China	sao.
Maplu	shia.
Play	shâ.
——	sha.
Passuko	za.
Colaun	assa.
English	water.
Otomi	dehe.
Tibet	tchi.
Mian	zhe.
Maplu	ti.
Colaun	tui.
English	stone.
Otomi	do.
Cochin China	ta.
Tibet	rto.
English	rain.
Otomi	ye.
Chuanchua	yu.
Canton	yu.
Colaun	yu.
English	fish.
Otomi	hua.
Chuanchua	yu.
Canton	yu.
Tonkin	ka.
Cochin China	ka.
Play	ya.
Moan	ka.
English	good.
Otomi	manho.
Teilung	wanu.
English	bad.
Otomi	hing.
——	hio.
Chuanchua	o.
Tonkin	hu.
Play	gyia.
English	great.
Otomi	nah.
——	nde.
——	nohoc.
Chinese	ta, da.
Anam	dai.
Play	do, uddo.
Pey	nio.
English	small.
Otomi	ttygi.
Passuko	tcheka.
English	eat.
Otomi	tze tza.
Chinese	shi.
Tibet	shie.
Mian	tsha.
Myamma	sa.
English	sleep.
Otomi	aha.
Chuanchua	wo, uo.

(2.)
The Maya, with the languages akin to the Chinese en masse.

English	son.
Maya	lakpal.
——	palal=children.
Myamma	lugala.
Teilung	lukwun.
English	head.
Maya	pol, hool.
Kalaun	mollu.
English	mouth.
Maya	chi.
Chuanchua	keu.
Canton	hou.
Tonkin	kau.
Cochin China	kau.
Tibet	ka.
English	hand.
Maya	cab.
Huasteca	cubac.
Maplu	tchoobah=arm.
Play	tchoobah=do.
Passuko	tchoobawh=do.
English	foot.
Maya	uoc, oc.
Chuanchua	kio.
Canton	kon.
Moitay	cho.
English	sun.
Maya	kin.
Colaun	koni.
Moan	knua.
Teiya	kawan.
Teilung	kangun.
Pey	kanguan.
English	moon.
Maya	u.
Chuanchua	yue.
English	star.
Maya	ek.
Mean	kie.
Miamma	kyi.
English	water.
Maya	ha.
Miamma	ya.
English	rain.
Maya	chaac.
Maplu	tchatchang.
Passuko	tatchu.
English	small.
Maya	mehen.
Tonkin	mon.
English	eat.
Maya	hanal.
Tonkin	an.
Play	ang.
English	bird.
Maya	chechitch.
Tonkin	tchim.
English	fish.
Maya	ca.
Tonkin	ka.
English	great.
Maya	noh.
Pey	nio.

The Acoma.—Two vocabularies from a tribe from the Pueblo of San Domingo, calling themselves Kiwomi, and a third of the Cochitemi dialect, collected by Whipple, are compared, by Turner, with the Acoma, of which they are dialects. Turner proposes the names Keres for the group. Buschmann, writing after him, says, "I name this form of speech Quera"—"ich nenne dies Idiom Quera."

The notice of the "outward signs" is not so clear as it should be. It means that two of the languages, the Taos and Zuni, run into polysyllabic forms—probably (indeed almost certainly) from composition or inflexion; whereas the Tesuque (which is placed in contrast with the Zuni) has almost a monosyllabic appearance. This phenomenon appears elsewhere; e. g. in the Attacapa, as compared with the tongues of its neighbourhood. Upon the whole, the Zuni seems to be most aberrant of the group—saving the Moqui, which has decided Paduca affinities. They are all, however, mutually unintelligible; though the differences between them may easily be over-valued.

English.	Acoma.	Cochetime.	Kiwomi.
man	hahtratse	hachthe	hatshthe.
woman	cuhu	coyoni	cuyauwi.
hair	hahtratni	——	hatre.
head	nushkaine	——	nashke.
face	howawinni	——	skeeowa.
eye	hoonaine	——	shanna.
nose	ouisuine	——	wieshin.
mouth	ouicani	——	chiaca.
tongue	watchhuntni	——	watshin.
one	——	ishka	isk.
two	——	kuomi	'tuomi.
three	——	chami	tshabi.
four	——	kiana	kiana.
five	——	tama	taoma.
six	——	chisa	chisth.
seven	——	maicana	maichana.
eight	——	cocomishia	cocumshi.
nine	——	maeco	maieco.
ten	——	'tkatz	cahtz.

Texas.—p. [101].—"Ini and Tachi are expressly stated to be Caddo, &c. as it is from the name of the last that the word Texas is derived &c."—The name Teguas is a name (other than native) of the population which calls itself Kiwomi. Word for word, this may (or may not) be Taos. It is only necessary to remember the complication here indicated. The exact tribe which gave the name to Texas has yet to be determined.

The Witshita.—Allied to one another the Kechis and Wacos (Huecos) are, also, allied to the Witshita.—See Turner, p. 68.

English.	Kichai.	Hueco.
man	caiuquanoquts	todekitz.
woman	chequoike	cahheie.
head	quitatso	atskiestacat.
hair	itscoso	ishkesteatz.
face	itscot	ichcoh.
ear	atikoroso	ortz.
eye	quideeco	kidik.
nose	chuscarao	tisk.
mouth	hokinnik	ahcok.
tongue	hahtok	hotz.
tooth	athnesho	ahtk.
hand	ichshene	ishk'ti.
foot	usinic	os.
fire	yecenieto	hatz.
water	kiokoh	kitsah.
one	arishco	cheos.
two	chosho	witz.
three	tahwithco	tow.
four	kithnucote	tahquitz.
five	xs'toweo	ishquitz.
six	nahitow	kiash.
seven	tsowetate	kiowhitz.
eight	naikinukate	kiatou.
nine	taniorokat	choskitte.
ten	x'skani	skittewas.

Turner makes these three languages Pawni. In the present text the Witshita is made Caddo. It is made so on the strength of the numerals—perhaps overhastily.

That a language may be Pawni without ceasing to be Caddo, and Caddo without losing its place in the Pawni group is suggested in the beginning of the paper. Turner's table (p. 70), short as it is, encourages this view.

The truth is that the importance of the Caddos and Pawnis, from an ethnological point of view, is inordinately greater than their importance in any other respect. They are, however, but imperfectly known.

In Gallatin's first paper—the paper of the Archæologia Americana—there is a Caddo vocabulary and a Pawni vocabulary; and all that be said of them is that they are a little more like each other, than they are to the remaining specimens.

When the paper under notice was published the Riccaree was wholly unknown. But the Riccaree, when known, was shewn to be more Pawni than aught else. This made the Pawni a kind of nucleus for a class.

⁋ Somewhat later the Caddo confederacy in Texas took prominence, and the Caddo became a nucleus also.

The true explanation of this lies in the highly probable fact that both the Caddo and Pawni are members of one and the same class. At the same time I am quite prepared to find that the Witshita (though compared with the Caddo by myself) is more particularly Pawni.

That the nearest congeners of the Caddo and Pawni class were the members of the Iroquois, Woccoon, Cherokee, and Chocta group I believed at an early period of my investigations; at a time (so to say) before the Riccarees, and the Californian populations were invented. If this doctrine were true, the Caddo (Pawni) affinities would run eastwards. They may do this, and run westwards also. That they run eastwards I still believe. But I have also seen Caddo and Pawni affinities in California. The Caddo numeral one = whiste; in Secumne and Cushna wikte, wiktem. Again the Caddo and Kichie for water = koko, kioksh. Meanwhile kik is a true Moquelumne form. This I get from a most cursory inspection; or rather from memory.

Upon the principle that truth comes out of error more easily than confusion I give the following notice of the distribution or want of distribution of the numerous Texian tribes.

1. *Coshattas—Unknown.
2. Towiach—Pawni (?).
3. Lipan—Athabaskan (?).
4. *Alish, or Eyish—Caddo (?).
5. *Acossesaw—Unknown.
6. Navaosos—Navahos (?).
7. *Mayes—Attacapa (?).
8. *Cances—Unknown.
9. Toncahuas—Are these the Tonkaways, amounting, according to Stem, to 1152 souls? If so, a specimen of their language should be obtained. Again—are they the Tancards? Are they the Tunicas? If so, they may speak Choctah.
10. Tuhuktukis—Are these the Topofkis, amounting to 200 souls? If so a specimen of their language, eo nomine, is attainable.
11. Unataquas, or Andarcos—They amount, according to Stem, to 202 souls. No vocabulary, eo nomine, known. Capable of being obtained.
12. Mascovie—Unknown.
13. Iawani or Ioni—Caddo? Amount to 113 souls. Specimen of language, eo nomine, capable of being obtained.
14. Waco—Wico?—Pawni.
15. *Avoyelle—Unknown.
16. 17. Washita—Kiche—Pawni.
17. *Xaramene—Unknown.
18. *Caicache—Unknown.
19. *Bidias—Unknown.
20. Caddo—Caddo.
21. Attacapa—Attacapa.
22. Adahi—Adahi.
23. Coke—Carackahua.
24. Carankahua—Attacapa (?).
25. Towacano—Numbering 141 souls. Is this Towiach?
26. Hitchi—Kichi (?).
27. *Nandako.—Caddo (?).
28. *Nabadaches.—Caddo (?).
29. *Yatassi.
30. *Natchitoches.—Adahi (?).
31. *Nacogdoches.—Adahi (?).
32. Keyes.—Adahi (?).

These last may belong as much to Louisiana as to Texas—as, indeed, may some of the others. Those marked * are apparently extinct. At any rate, they are not found in any of the recent notices.

Finally, Mr Burnett mentions the San Pedro Indians.

The previous list shews that the obliteration of the original tribes of Texas has been very great. It shews us this at the first view. But a little reflection tells us something more.

Like Kanzas and Nebraska, Texas seems to have scarcely any language that is peculiar to itself; in this respect standing in strong contrast to California. The Caddo belongs to the frontier. The Pawni forms of speech occur elsewhere. The Adahi is probably as much the property of Louisiana as of Texas. The Cumanch, Chocta &c. are decidedly intrusive. The nearest approach to a true Texian form of speech is the Attacapa. No wonder it is isolated.

The Adahi, is has, at least the following affinities.

English	man.
Adahi	haasing.
Otto	wahsheegae.
Onondago	etschinak.
Abenaki	seenanbe = vir.
Abenaki	arenanbe = homo.
English	woman.
Adahi	quaechuke.
Muskoge	hoktie.
Choctah	hottokohyo.
Osage	wako.
Sack and Fox	kwyokih.
Ilinois	ickoe.
Nanticoke	aequahique.
Delaware	okhqueh.
Algonkin. &c.	squaw.
Taculli	chaca.
English	girl.
Adahi	quoâtwistuck.
Chikkasaw	take.
Choctah	villa tak.
Caddo	nuttaitesseh.
Oneida	caidazai.
Micmac	epidek.
English	child.
Adahi	tallahening.
Adahi	tallahache = boy.
Omahaw	shinga shinga.
Otto	cheechinga.
Quappa	shetyïnka.
English	father.
Adahi	kewanick.
Chetimacha	kineghie.
Chikkasaw	unky.
Choctah	aunkke.
English	mother.
Adahi	amanic.
Caddo	ehneh.
Sioux	enah, eehong.
Tuscarora	ena.
Wyandot	aneheh.
Kency	anna.
Eskimo	amama.
English	husband.
Adahi	hasekino.
Chetimacha	hichehase.
Winebago	eekunah.
Taculli	eki.
Tchuktchi	uika.
English	wife.
Adahi	quochekinok.
Adahi	quaechuke = woman.
Tuscarora	ekening = do.
Cherokee	ageyung = woman.
Chetimacha	hichekithia.
Chetimacha	hichehase = man.
English	son.
Adahi	tallehennie.
Caddo	hininshatrseh.
Omahaw	eeingyai.
Minetare	eejinggai.
Winebago	eeneek.
Oneida	yung.
English	brother.
Adahi	gasing.
Salish	asintzah
Ottawa	sayin = elder.
Ojibbeway	osy aiema.
English	head.
Adahi	tochake.
Caddo	dachunkea = face.
Caddo	dokundsa.
English	hair.
Adahi	calatuck.
Chippewyan	thiegah.
Kenay	szugo.
Miami	keelingeh = face.
English	face.
Adahi	annack.
Chetimacha	kaneketa.
Attacapa	iune.
Eskimo	keniak.
English	ear.
Adahi	calat.
Cherokee	gule.
Passamaquoddy	chalksee.
English	nose.
Adahi	wecoocal.
Montaug	cochoy.
Micmac	uchichun.
English	beard.
Adahi	tosocat.
Attacapa	taesh = hair.
Natchez	ptsasong = hair.
Chetimacha	chattie.
English	arm.
Adahi	walcat.
Taculli	olâ.
Chippewyan	law.
English	nails.
Adahi	sicksapusca.
Catawba	ecksapeeah = hand.
Natchez	ispehse = hand.
English	belly.
Adahi	noeyack.
Winebago	neehahhah.
Eskimo	neiyuk.
English	leg.
Adahi	ahasuck = leg.
Chetimacha	sauknuthe = feet.
Chetimacha	saukatie = toes.
Chetimacha	sau = leg.
Osage	sagaugh.
Yancton	hoo.
Otto	hoo.
Pawnee	ashoo = foot.
Sioux	see, seehuh = do.
Nottoway	saseeke = do.
Dacota	seehukasa = toes.
Nottoway	seeke = do.
English	mouth.
Adahi	wacatcholak.
Chetimacha	cha.
Attacapa	katt.
Caddo	dunehwatcha.
Natchez	heche.
Mohawk	wachsacarlunt.
Seneca	wachsagaint.
Sack and Fox	wektoneh.
Mohican	otoun.
English	tongue.
Adahi	tenanat.
Chetimacha	huene.
Uché	cootincah.
Choctah	issoonlush.
Knistenaux	otayenee.
Ojibbeway	otainani.
Ottawa	tenanian.
English	hand.
Adahi	secut.
Adahi	sicksapasca=nails.
Choctah	shukba=his arm.
Chikkasaw	shukbah=do.
Muskoge	sakpa=do.
Kenay	skona.
Attacapa	nishagg=fingers.
Omahaw	shagai.
Osage	shagah.
Mohawk	shake.
Yancton	shakai=nails.
Otto	shagai=do.
English	blood.
Adahi	pchack.
Caddo	baaho.
Passamaquoddy	pocagun.
Abenaki	bagakkaan.
Mohican	pocaghkan.
Nanticoke	puckcuckque.
Miami	nihpeekanueh.
English	red.
Adahi	pechasat.
Natchez	pahkop.
English	feet.
Adahi	nocat.
Micmac	ukkuat.
Miami	katah.
Taculli	oca.
Chippewyan	cuh.
Ilinois	nickahta=leg.
Delaware	wikhaat=do.
Massachusetts	muhkout=do.
Ojibbeway	okat=do.
English	bone.
Adahi	wahacut.
Otto	wahoo.
Yancton	hoo.
Dacota	hoohoo.
Ojibbeway	okun.
Miami	kaanih.
Eskimo	heownik.
Eskimo	oaecyak.
English	house.
Adahi	coochut.
Nachez	hahit.
Muskoge	chookgaw.
Choctah	chukka.
Catawba	sook.
Taculli	yock.
English	bread.
Adahi	okhapin.
Chetimacha	heichepat chepa.
English	sky.
Adahi	ganick.
Seneca	kiunyage.
English	summer.
Adahi	weetsuck.
Uché	waitee.
English	fire.
Adahi	nang.
Caddo	nako.
Eskimo	ignuck.
Eskimo	eknok.
Eskimo	annak.
English	mountain.
Adahi	tolola.
Taculli	chell.
English	stone, rock.
Adahi	ekseka.
Caddo	seeeeko.
Nachez	ohk.
English	maize.
Adahi	ocasuck.
Nachez	hokko.
English	day.
Adahi	nestach.
Muskoge	nittah.
Chikkasaw	nittuck.
Choctah	nittok.
English	autumn.
Adahi	hustalneetsuck.
Choctah	hushtolape.
Chikkasaw	hustillomona.
Chikkasaw	hustola=winter.
English	bird.
Adahi	washang.
Choctah	hushe.
Sack and Fox	wishkamon.
Shawnoe	wiskiluthi.
English	goose.
Adahi	nickkuicka.
Chetimacha	napiche.
Ilinois	nicak.
Ojibbeway	nickak.
Delaware	kaak.
Shawnoe	neeake.
English	duck.
Adahi	ahuck.
Eskimo	ewuck.
English	fish.
Adahi	aesut.
Cherokee	atsatih.
English	tree.
Adahi	tanack.
Dacota	tschang.
Ilinois	toauane.
Miami	tauaneh=wood.
English	grass.
Adahi	hasack.
Chikkasaw	hasook.
Choctah	hushehuck.
Uché	yahsuh=leaf.
Chikkasaw	hishe=do.
English	deer.
Adahi	wakhine.
Uché	wayung.
English	squirrel.
Adahi	enack.
Sack and Fox	aneekwah.
Nanticoke	nowekkey.
Abenaki	anikesses.
Knistenaux	annickochas.
English	old.
Adahi	hansnaie.
Caddo	hunaisteteh.
Nottoway	onahahe.
English	good.
Adahi	awiste.
Dacota	haywashta.
Yancton	washtai.
English	I.
Adahi	nassicon.
Cherokee	naski.
English	kill.
Adahi	yoeick.
Caddo	yokay.
Catawba	eekway.
English	two.
Adahi	nass.
Algonkin, &c.	nis, ness, nees.

Mexico-Guatemala.—The details of the languages of Mexico and Guatemala that are neither Mexican Proper (Astek) or Maya are difficult. Availing myself of the information afforded by my friend Mr. Squier, and the bibliographical learning of Ludwig, I am inclined to believe

1. That all the following forms of speech are Maya; viz. Chiapa, Tzendal (Celdal), Chorti, Mam, Pocoman (Poconchi), Populuca, Quiche, Kachiquel, Zutugil (Yutukil), Huasteca.

2. That the Zoque, Utlateca, and Lacondona may or may not be Maya.

3. That the Totanaca; and

4. The Mixteca are other than Maya.

5. That, if the statement of Hervas be correct, the Zapoteca, the Mazateca, the Chinansteca, and the Mixe are in the same category.

The Tlapaneka according to Humboldt is a peculiar language.—Ludwig in voc.

I have done, however, little or nothing, in the way of first hand work with the languages to the South of Sinaloa and the West of Texas. I therefore leave them—leave them with a reference to Ludwig's valuable Bibliotheca Glottica, for a correction of my statement respecting the non-existence of any Indian forms of speech in New Grenada. The notices under v. v. Andaquies, Coconucos, Correquajes, Guaques, Inganos, will shew that this is far from being the case.

The present paper has gone over so large a portion of North America that it is a pity not to go over the remainder. The ethnology of the Canada, and the British possessions akin to Canada contains little which is neither Eskimo or Algonkin, Iroquois or Athabaskan. Of new forms of speech like those of which Oregon and California have given so many instances it exhibits none. Everything belongs to one of the four above-named classes. The Bethuck of Newfoundland was Algonkin, and so were the Blackfoot, the Shyenne and Arrapaho. Indeed, as has been already stated, the Eskimo and Athabaskan stretch across the Continent. The Blackfoot touches the Rocky Mountains. Of the Sioux class the British possessions shew a sample. The Red River district is Assineboin; the Assineboins being Sioux. So are a few other British tribes.

Upon the whole, however, five well-known families give us all that belong to British America to the East of the Rocky Mountains. As the present paper is less upon the Algonkin, Sioux and like classes than upon the distribution of languages over the different areas of North America this is as much as need be said upon the subject.

For the Northern two-thirds of the United States, East of the Mississippi, the same rule applies. The Sioux area begins in the West. The Algonkin class, of which the most Northern branch belongs to Labrador, where it is conterminous with the Eskimo, and which on the west contains the Blackfoot reaches as far south as South Carolina—the Nottoways being Algonkin. The enormous extent of this area has been sufficiently enlarged on. Meanwhile, like islands in an Ocean, two Iroquois district shew themselves. To the north the Iroquois, Hurons and others touch the Lakes and the Canadians frontier, entirely separated from the Tuscaroras who give a separate and isolated area in California. Whether the Iroquois area, once continuous, has been broken-up by Algonkin encroachments, or whether the Iroquois &c. have been projected into the Algonkin area from the South, or, whether vice versa, the Tuscaroras are to be considered as offsets from the North is a matter for investigation. The present writer believes that south of N. L. 45. (there or there about) the Algonkins are intrusive.

N. L. 35. cuts the Cherokee, the Woccoon, the Catawba, and the Chocta area—to the west of which lies of the Mississippi.

Between the frontier of Texas, the aforesaid parallel, and the Ocean we have Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana.

Now here the displacement has been considerable. The part played by the Algonkins, Iroquois, and (it may be added) the Sioux is here played by the Cherokees, the Choctahs, and the Creeks. Whatever is other than Creek, Choctah, and Cherokee is in a fragmentary form. The details of what we know through vocabularies are as follows:—

1. The Woccon—extinct, and allied to——
2. The Catawba—also extinct. These belonged to the Carolinas. The Woccon and Catawba vocabularies are mentioned in the Mithridates.
3. The Tinqua—see Ludwig.
4. The Timuacuana—see p. [377].
5. The Uche—of this we find a specimen in the Archæologia Americana. The tribe belongs to the Creek confederacy and must be in a very fragmentary state.
6. The Natchez—on the Mississippi, facing the Caddos, Adahi.
7. The Chetimacha.—In Louisiana. Vocabulary in Archæologia Americana.

In the way of internal evidence (i.e. the evidence of specimens of language) this is all we have what may be called the fragmentary languages of the South Eastern portion of the United States. Of the Choctah, Creek, Chikkasah, and Cherokee we have an abundance, just as we have of the Algonkin and Eskimo. It is, however, the fragmentary tribes, the probable representatives of the aboriginal population, which we more especially seek.

As may be expected the fragmentary languages are (comparatively speaking) isolated. The Woccon and Catawba, indeed, are thrown into the same class in the Mithridates: but the Natchez and Uche are, by no means, closely akin. Why should they be? Such transitional forms as may once have existed have been obliterated. Nevertheless, both have miscellaneous affinities.

So much for the languages represented by specimens. In the way of external evidence I go no further than the Mithridates, and the Archæologia.

With the exception of the Woccons the Catawba and a few words from the Timuacana, the Mithridates, gives no specimens—save and except those of the Choctah, Cherokees, and Chikkasah. These two last it looks upon as the representative languages and calls them Mobilian from Mobile. Hence, the question which was put in Texas is, mutatis mutandis, put in Florida. What languages are Mobilian? What other than Mobilian?

The Woccons are either only or chiefly known through a work of Lawson's. They were conterminous with the Algonkin Pamticoughs (intrusive?), and the Cherokees.

The Catawba lay to the south of the Woccon. Their congeners are said to be

1. The Wataree;
2. The Eeno—Compare this name with the Texian Ini;
3. The Chowah, or Chowan;
4. The Congaree;
5. The Nachee—Compare with Natchez; word for word;
6. The Yamassee;
7. The Coosah—Compare (word for word) Coosada, and
8. Coshatta.

In the South lay the Timuacana—of which a few words beyond the numerals are given.

In West Florida and Alabama, the evidence (I still follow the Mithridates) of Dr. Pratz scarcely coincides with that of the account of Alvaz Nuñez de Vaca. This runs thus.

In the island of Malhado were spoken languages of

• 1. The Caoques;
• 2. The Han.

On the coast—

• 3. The Choruico—Cherokee?
• 4. The Doguenes.
• 5. The Mendica.
• 6. The Quevenes.
• 7. The Mariames.
• 8. The Gualciones.
• 9. The Yguaces.
• 10. The Atayos—Adahi? This seems to have been a native name—"die sich Atayos nennen."
• 11. The Acubadaos.
• 12. The Quitoles.
• 13. The Avavares—Avoyelles?
• 14. The Muliacone.
• 15. The Cutalchiche.
• 16. The Susola.
• 17. The Como.
• 18. The Camole.

Of migrants from the East to the West side of the Mississippi, the Mithridates gives—

1. The Pacana, conterminous with the Attacapas.
2. The Pascagula.
3. The Biluxi.
4. The Appalache.

The Taensa are stated to be a branch of the Natchez.

The Caouitas are, perhaps, word for word the Conchattas; also the Coosa, Coosada, Coshatta.

The Stincards are, word for word, the Tancards=Tuncas=Tunicas.

Dr. Sibley gives us Chetimacha as a name; along with specimens of the Chetimacha, Uche, Natchez, Adahi, and Attacapa as languages.

Word for word, Chetimacha seems to Checimeca; Appelusa, Apalach; Biluxi (perhaps the same); Pascagoula, Muscogulge. How, however, did Chichimeca get so far westwards?

We are scarcely, in the condition to speculate much concerning details of the kind. It is sufficient to repeat the notice that the native languages of the parts in question are in a fragmentary condition; the Uche being the chief representative of them. Whether it were Savaneric[49], or not, is uncertain. It is, certainly, not Shawanno, or Shawno, i. e. Algonkin. On the contrary it is, as is to be expected, from the encroachments and displacements of its neighbourhood a very isolated language—not, however without miscellaneous affinities—inter alia the following.

English	sky.
Uche	haipoung.
Chiccasaw	abbah.
Catawba	wahpeeh.
English	day.
Uche	uckkah.
Attacapa	iggl.
Cherokee	ikah.
Muskoje	hiyiaguy=light.
Cherokee	egah=do.
Catawba	heakuh=do.
Delaware	wakheu=do.
Narrag	wequai=do.
Mapach	do=do.
English	summer.
Uche	waitee.
Adaize	weetsuck.
English	winter.
Uche	wishtuh.
Natchez	kwishitsetakop.
Chiccasaw	hustolah.
Seneca	oushat.
English	wind.
Uche	ahwitauh.
Caddo	houeto.
Muskoje	hotalleye.
English	rain.
Uche	chaah.
Chetimacha	kaya.
Attacapa	caucau.
Caddo	cawiohe.
English	river.
Uche	tauh.
Salish	saiulk.
Catawba	eesauh.
English	tree.
Uche	yah.
Caddo	yako.
Attacapa	kagg.
Catawba	yup.
Quappa	yon.
Esquimaux	keiyu=wood.
Yancton	cha=wood.
Catawba	yay=oak.
English	leaf.
Uche	yahsuh.
Muskoghe	ittohise=hair of tree=itta tree.
Chiccasaw	hoshsha.
Choctah	itte hishe.
English	deer.
Uche	wayung.
Adahi	wakhine.
Cherokee	ahwhih.
English	bear.
Uche	ptsaka.
Natchez	tsokohp.
English	bird.
Uche	psenna.
Caddo	bunnit.
Tuscar	tcheenuh.
Ilinois	pineusen.
Ottawa	bennaisewug.
Ojibbwa	pinaisi.
English	fish.
Uche	potshoo.
Caddo	batta.
Minetari	boa.

Such our sketch of the details. They give us more affinities than the current statements concerning the glossarial differences between the languages of the New World suggest. It is also to be added that they scarcely confirm the equally common doctrine respecting their grammatical likeness. Doing this, they encourage criticism, and invite research.

There is a considerable amount of affinity: but it is often of that miscellaneous character which baffles rather than promotes classification.

There is a considerable amount of affinity; but it does not, always, shew itself on the surface. I will give an instance.

One of the first series of words to which philologues who have only vocabularies to deal with have recourse, contains the numerals; which are, in many cases, the first of words that the philological collector makes it his business to bring home with him from rude countries. So generally is this case that it may safely be said that if we are without the numerals of a language we are, in nine cases out of ten, without any sample at all of it. Their value as samples for philological purposes has been noticed in more than one paper of the present writer's here and elsewhere; their value in the way of materials for a history of Arithmetic being evident—evidently high.

But the ordinary way in which the comparisons are made between the numerals gives us, very often, little or nothing but broad differences and strong contrasts. Take for instance the following tables.

English.	Eskimo.	Aleutian.	Kamskadale.
one	atamek	attakon	kemmis.
two	malgok	alluk	nittanu.
three	pinajut	kankun	tshushquat.
four	istamat	thitshin	tshashcha.
five	tatlimat	sshang	koomdas.

No wonder that the tongues thus represented seem unlike.

But let us go farther—in the first place remembering that, in most cases, it is only as far as five that the ruder languages have distinct numerals; in other words that from six onwards they count upon the same principle as we do after ten, i. e. they join together some two, or more, of the previous numerals; even as we, by adding seven and ten, make seven-teen. The exact details, of course, differ; the general principle, however, is the same viz.: that after five the numerals become, more or less, compound, just as, with us, they become so after ten.

With this preliminary observation let us ask what will be the Kamskadale for seven when nittanu=two, and kumdas=five. The answer is either nittanu-kumdas or kumdas-nittanu. But the Kamskadale happens to have a separate word for six, viz. kiekoas. What then? The word for seven may be one of two things: it may be either = 6 + 1, or 5 + 2. The former being the case, and kemmis=one, the Kamskadale for seven should be either kemmis-kilkoas or kilkoas-kemmis. But it is neither one nor the other. It is ittakh-tenu. Now as eight=tshok-tenu we know this word to be compound. But what are its elements? We fail to find them amongst the simpler words expressive of one, two, three, four, five. We fail to find them amongst these if we look to the Kamskadale only—not, however, if we go farther. The Aleutian for one=attak-on; the Aleutian for six=attu-on. And what might be the Aleutian for seven? Even attakh-attun, little more than ittakh tenu in a broader form.

The Jukahiri gives a similar phenomenon.

Such is the notice of the care with which certain comparisons should be made before we venture to commit ourselves to negative statements.

There is an affinity amongst the American languages, and (there being this) there are also the elements of a classification. The majority, however, of the American languages must be classified according to types rather than definitions. Upon the nature of this difference, as well as upon the cause I have written more fully elsewhere. It is sufficient for present purposes to say that it applies to the languages of North America in general, and (of these) to those of the parts beyond the Rocky Mountains more especially. Eskimo characteristics appear in the Athabaskan, Athabaskan in the Koluch forms of speech. From these the Haidah leads to the Chimmesyan (which is, nevertheless, a very outlying form of speech) and the Hailtsa, akin to the Billechula, which, itself, leads to the Atna. By slightly raising the value of the class we bring in the Kutani, the Nutkan and the Chinuk.

In the Chinuk neighbourhood we move via the Jakon, Kalapuya, Sahaptin, Shoshoni, and Lutuami to the languages of California and the Pueblos; and thence southwards.

In American languages simple comparison does but little. We may test this in two ways. We may place, side by side, two languages known to be undoubtedly, but also known to be not very closely, allied. Such, for instance, are the German and Greek, the Latin and Russian, the English and Lithuanic, all of which are Indo-European, and all of which, when placed in simple juxta-position, by no means show themselves in any very palpable manner as such. This may be seen from the following table, which is far from being the first which the present writer has compiled; and that with the special view of ascertaining by induction (and not a priori) the value of comparisons of the kind in question.

English.	Latin.	Cayuse.	Willamet.
man	homo	yúant	atshánggo.
woman	mulier	pintkhlkaiu	pummaike.
father	pater	píntet	sima.
mother	mater	penín	sinni.
son	filius	wái	tawakhai.
daughter	filia	wái	tshitapinna.
head	caput	talsh	tamutkhl.
hair	crinis	tkhlokomot	amutkhl.
ear	auris	taksh	pokta.
eye	oculus	hăkamush	kwalakkh.
nose	nasus	pitkhloken	unan.
mouth	os	sumkhaksh	mandi.
tongue	lingua	push	mamtshutkhl.
tooth	dens	tenif	púti.
hand	manus	epip	tlakwa.
fingers	digiti	épip	alakwa.
feet	pedes	tish	puüf.
blood	sanguis	tiweush	méëuu.
house	domus	nisht	hammeih (—fire).
axe	securis	yengthokinsh	khueshtan.
knife	culter	shekt	hekemistāh.
shoes	calcei	taitkhlo	ulumóf.
sky	cœlum	adjalawaia	amiank.
sun	sol	huewish	ampiun.
moon	luna	katkhltóp	utap.
star	stella	tkhlikhlish	atuininank.
day	dies	eweiu	umpium.
night	nox	ftalp	atitshikim.
fire	ignis	tetsh	hamméih.
water	aqua	iskkainish	mampuka.
rain	pluvia	tishtkitkhlmiting	ukwíï.
snow	nix	poi	nukpeik.
earth	terra	lingsh	hunkhalop.
river	rivus	lushmi	mantsal.
stone	lapis	ápit	andi.
tree	arbor	lauik	huntawatkhl.
meat	caro	pithuli	umhók.
dog	canis	náapang	mantal.
beaver	castor	pieka	akaipi.
bear	ursa	limeaksh	alotufan.
bird	avis	tianiyiwa	pōkalfuna.
great	magnus	yaúmua	pul.
cold	frigidus	shunga	pángkafiti.
white	albus	tkhlaktkhláko	kommóu.
black	niger	shkupshkúpu	maieum.
red	ruber	lakaitlakaitu	tshal.
I	ego	ining	tshii.
thou	tu	niki	máha.
he	ille	nip	kak.
one	unus	na	wáän.
two	duo	leplin	kéën.
three	tres	matnin	upshin.
four	quatuor	piping	táope.
five	quinque	táwit	húwan.
six	sex	nóiná	taf.
seven	septem	nóilip	pshinimua.
eight	octo	nōimát	kĕëmúa.
nine	novem	tanáuiaishimshin	wanwaha.
ten	decem	ningitelp	tínifia.

Again—the process may be modified by taking two languages known to be closely allied, and asking how far a simple comparison of their vocabularies exhibits that alliance on the surface, e. g.:—

English.	Beaver Indian.	Chippewyan.
one	it la day	ittla hĕ.
two	onk shay day	nank hay.
three	ta day	ta he.
four	dini day	dunk he.
five	tlat zoon e de ay	sa soot la he.
six	int zud ha	l'goot ha hé.
seven	ta e wayt zay	tluz ud dunk he.
eight	etzud een tay	l'goot dung he.
nine	kala gay ne ad ay	itla ud ha.
ten	kay nay day	hona.
a man	taz eu	dinnay you.
a woman	iay quay	tzay quay.
a girl	id az oo	ed dinna gay.
a boy	taz yuz é	dinnay yoo azay.
interpreter	nao day ay	dinnay tee ghaltay.
trader	meeoo tay	ma kad ray.
moose-deer	tlay tchin tay	tunnehee hee.
rein-deer	may tzee	ed hun.
beaver	tza	tza.
dog	tlee	tlee.
rabbit	kagh	kagh.
bear	zus	zus.
wolf	tshee o nay	noo nee yay.
fox	e yay thay	nag hee dthay.

The difference is great: but the two forms of speech are mutually intelligible. On the other hand, the Cayuse and Willamet are more alike than the English and Latin.

Next to the details of our method, and the principles of our classification, the more important of the special questions command attention. Upon the relations of the Eskimo to the other languages of America I have long ago expressed my opinion. I now add the following remarks upon the prevalence of the doctrine which separated them.

Let us imagine an American or British ethnologist speculating on the origin and unity of the European populations and arriving, in the course of his investigations, at Finmark, or any of those northern parts of Scandinavia where the Norwegian and Laplander come in immediate geographical contact. What would be first? Even this—close geographical contact accompanied by a remarkable contrast in the way of the ethnology: difference in habits, difference in aptitudes, difference in civilisation, difference of creed, difference of physical form, difference of language.

But the different manner in which the southern tribes of Lapland comport themselves in respect to their nearest neighbours, according as they lie west or east, illustrates this view. On the side of Norway few contrasts are more definite and striking than that between the nomad Lap with his reindeer, and reindeer-skin habiliments and the industrial and highly civilized Norwegian. No similarity of habits is here; no affinity of language; little on intermixture, in the way of marriage. Their physical frames are as different as their moral dispositions no and social habits. Nor is this difficult to explain. The Norwegian is not only a member of another stock, but his original home was in a southern, or comparatively southern, climate. It was Germany rather Scandinavia; for Scandinavia was, originally, exclusively Lap or Fin. But the German family encroached northwards; and by displacement after displacement obliterated those members of the Lap stock whose occupancy was Southern and Central Scandinavia, until nothing was left but its extreme northern representatives in the most northern and least favored parts of the peninsula. By these means two strongly contrasted populations were brought in close geographical contact—this being the present condition all along the South Eastern, or Norwegian, boundary of Lapland.

But it is by no means the present condition of those parts of Russian Lapland where the Lap population touches that of Finland Proper.

Here, although the Lap and Fin differ, the difference lies within a far narrower limit than that which divides the Lap from the Norwegian or the Swede. The stature of the Lap is less than that of the Fin; though the Fin is more short than tall, and the Lap is far from being so stunted as books and pictures make him. The habits, too, differ. The reindeer goes with the Lap; the cow with the Fin. Other points differ also. On the whole, however, the Fin physiognomy is Lap, and the Lap Fin; and the languages are allied.

Furthermore—the Fin graduates into the Wotiak, the Zirianean, the Permian; the Permian into the Tsheremiss, the Mordvin &c. In other words, if we follow the Lap eastwards we come into a whole fancy of congeners. On the west, however, the further we went, the less Lap was everything. Instead of being Lap it was Norwegian, Swedish, Danish, or German. The last of those, however, would lead us into the Sarmatian family, and this would bring us round to the Fins of South Finland. The time, however, may come when Russia will have so encroached upon the Fin populations to the south of the Arctic Circle as for the Lap and Slave to come in immediate contact; and when this contact is effected there will be contrast also—contrast less strong, perhaps, than that between the Lap and Swede, but still contrast.

Mutatis mutandis—this seems to have been the case with the Eskimo and the North American Indians as they are popularly called—popularly but inaccurately; inasmuch as the present writer considers the Eskimo to be as truly American as any other occupants of the soil of America. On the East there has been encroachment, displacement, and, as an effect thereof, two strongly contrasted populations in close geographical contact—viz.: the Eskimos and the northern members of the Algonkin family. On the west, where the change has been less, the Athabaskans, the Kolutshes, and the Eskimos graduate to each other, coming under the same category, and forming part of one and the same class; that class being by no means a narrow, though not an inordinately, wide one.

Another special question is that concerning the origin of the Nahuatl, Astecs, or Mexicans. The maritime hypothesis I have abandoned. The doctrine that their civilisation was Maya I retain. I doubt, however, whether they originated anywhere. By this I mean that they are, though not quite in situ, nearly so. In the northermost parts of their area they may so entirely. When I refined on this—the common sense—view of them I was, like many others, misled by the peculiar phonesis. What it is may be better seen by an example than explained. Contrast the two following columns. How smoothly the words on the right run, how harshly sound (when they can be sounded) those of the left. Not, however, that they give us the actual sounds of the combination khl &c. All that this means is that there is some extraordinary sound to be expressed that no simple sign or no common combination will represent. In Mr. Hale's vocabularies it is represented by a single special sign.

English.	Selish.	Chinuk.	Shoshoni.
man	skaltamekho	tkhlekala	taka.
woman	sumaăm	tkhlākél	kwuu.
boy	skokosea	tklkaskus	natsi.
girl	shautum	tklalekh	naintsuts.
child	aktult	etshanúks	wa.
father	luáus	tkhliamáma	ápui.
mother	skúis	tkhlianáa	pia.
wife	makhonakh	iuakhékal	wépui.
son	skokosea	etsokha	natsi.
daughter	stumtshäălt	okwukha	nanai.
brother	katshki (elder)	kapkhu	tamye.
sister	tklkikee	tkhliau	namei.

Now if the Astec phonesis be more akin to the Selish and its congeners than to the Shoshoni and other interjacent forms of speech, we get an element of affinity which connects the more distant whilst it separates the nearer languages. Overvalue this, and you may be misled.

Now, not to mention the fact of this phonesis being an overvalued character, there is clear proof in the recent additions to the comparative philology of California that its distribution is, by no means, what it was, originally, supposed to be. This may be seen from the following lists.

From the North of California.

(1.)

English.	Wish-osk.	Wiyot.
boy	ligeritl	kushama.
married	wehowut'l	haqueh.
head	wutwetl	metwet.
hair	pah'tl	paht'l.
face	kahtsouetl	sulatek.
beard	tseh'pl	cheh'pl.
body	tah	hit'l.
foot	wehlihl	wellih'tl.
village	mohl	katswah'tl.
chief	kowquéh'tl	kaiowuh.
axe	mahtl	mehtl.
pipe	maht'letl	mahtlel.
wind	rahtegut'l	ruktagun.
duck	hahalitl	hahahlih.

(2.)

English.	Hupah.	Tahlewah.
neck	hosewatl	——
village	——	wah'tlki.
chief	——	howinnequutl.
bow	——	chetlta.
axe	mehlcohlewatl	——

In the South of California.

English.	Duguno.		Cuchan.
leg	ewith'l		misith'l.
to-day	enyat'l		——
to-morrow	matinyat'l		——
bread	meyut'l		——
ear	hamat'l		smyth'l.
neck	——		n'yeth'l.
arm	}	selh	iseth'l.
hand
friend	——		nyet'l.
feather	——		sahwith'l.

I cannot conclude without an expression of regret that the great work of Adelung is still only in the condition of a second, or (at best) but a third edition. There is Vater's Supplement, and Jülg's Supplement to Vater. But there is nothing that brings it up to the present time.

Much might be done by Buschmann and perhaps others. But this is not enough. It requires translation. The few French writers who treat on Ethnological Philology know nothing about it. The Italians and Spanish are, a fortiori, in outer darkness as to its contents. The Russians and Scandinavians know all about it—but the Russians and Scandinavians are not the scholars in whose hands the first hand information falls first. The Americans know it but imperfectly. If Turner has had easy access to it, Gallatin had not: whilst Hales, with great powers, has been (with the exception of his discovery of the Athabaskan affinities of the Umkwa and Tlatskanai, out of which Turner's fixation of the Apatch, Navaho, and Jecorilla, and, afterwards, my own of the Hoopah, seems to have been developed,) little more than a collector—a preeminent great collector—of raw materials. Nevertheless, the Atna class is his.

However, the Mithridates, for America at least, wants translation as well as revision. It is a work in which many weak points may be (and have been) discovered. Klaproth, himself a man who (though he has saved many an enquirer much trouble) has but few friends, has virulently attacked it. Its higher classifications are, undoubtedly, but low. Nevertheless, it is not only a great work, but the basis of all others. Should any one doubt its acumen let him read the part which, treating on the Chikkasah, demurrs to the identification of the Natchez with that and other forms of speech. Since it was written a specimen of the Natchez language has shewn its validity.

I think that the Natchez has yet to take its full importance. If the language of the Taensas it was, probably, the chief language of Tennessee. But the Creek, or Muscogulge, broke it up. Meanwhile the fragmentary Catawba, with which I believe that the Caddo was connected had its congeners far to westward.

I also think that the Uche represents the old language of Florida—the Cherokee being conterminous with the Catawba. If so, the doctrine of the fundamental affinity between the Pawni, Caddo, Catawba, and Cherokee gains ground.

The Uche demands special investigation. The Tinquin and Timuacana should be compared with it. Then why are they not? Few works are more inaccessible than a Spanish Arte, Diccionario, or Catecismo. The data for these enquiries, little known, are still less attainable. Without these, and without a minute study, of the first-hand authorities we can do but little but suggest. All that is suggested here is that the details of Florida (in its widest sense) and Louisiana must be treated under the doctrine that the aborigines are represented by the congeners of the Woccon, Catawba, Uche, Natchez, Tinquin, and Timuacana, inordinately displaced by the Cherokees and Creeks; who (for a great extent of their present area) must be considered as intrusive.

---

[CONTENTS.]

I. Pædeutica	Page.
Inaugural Lecture	[1]
On the study of Medicine	[15]
On the study of Language	[27]
II. Logica
On the word Distributed	[39]
III. Grammatica
On the reciprocal Pronouns, and the reflective Verb	[45]
On the connexion between the Ideas of Association and Pluralityas an influence in the Evolution of Inflection	[57]
On the word cujum	[60]
On the Aorists in KA	[64]
IV. Metrica
On the Doctrine of the Cæsura in the Greek senarius	[68]
On the use of the signs of Accent and Quantity as guidesto the pronunciation of words derived from the classicalLanguages	[74]
V. Chronologica
On the Meaning of the word [a]ΣΑΡΟΣ]	[81]
VI. Bibliographica
Notice of works on the Provincialisms of Holland	[85]
VII. Geographica
On the Existence of a nation bearing the name of Seres	[89]
On the evidence of a connection between the Cimbri andthe Chersonesus Cimbrica	[93]
On the original extent of the Slavonic area	[108]
On the terms Gothi and Getae	[129]
On the Japodes and Gepidae	[131]
VIII. Ethnologica
On the subjectivity of certain classes in Ethnology	[138]
General principles of philological classification and the valueof groups, with particular reference to the Languagesof the Indo-European Class	[143]
Traces of a bilingual town in England	[152]
On the Ethnological position of certain tribes on the Garrowhills	[153]
On the transition between the Tibetan and Indian Familiesin respect to conformation	[154]
On the Affinities of the Languages of Caucasus with themonosyllabic Languages	[156]
On the Tushi Language	[168]
On the Name and Nation of the Dacian king Decebalus,with notices of the Agathyrsi and Alani	[175]
On the Language of Lancashire under the Romans	[180]
On the Negrito Languages	[191]
On the general affinities of the Languages of the oceanicBlacks	[217]
Remarks on the Vocabularies of the Voyage of the Rattlesnake	[223]
On a Zaza Vocabulary	[242]
On the Personal Pronouns and Numerals of the Mallicolloand Erromango Languages, by the Rev. C. Abraham	[245]
On the Languages of the Oregon Territory	[249]
On the Ethnography of Russian America	[266]
Miscellaneous contributions to the Ethnography of NorthAmerica	[275]
On a short Vocabulary of the Loucheux Language, by J.A. Isbister	[298]
On the Languages of New California	[300]
On certain Additions to the ethnographical philology ofCentral America, with remarks on the so-called AstekConquest of Mexico	[317]
Note upon a paper of the Hon. Captain Fitzroy on the Isthmusof Panama	[323]
On the Languages of Northern, Western and Central America	[326]

---