CHAPTER XXV.
ON CONJUGATION.
[§ 383]. The current statement respecting verbs like sing and fall, &c., is that they are irregular. How far this is the case may be seen from a review of the twelve classes in Mœso-Gothic, where the change of the vowel is subject to fewer irregularities than elsewhere. In the first six conjugations the præterite is replaced by a perfect tense. Consequently, there is a reduplication. Of these the fifth and sixth superadd to the reduplication a change of the vowel.
| Present. | Past.[[55]] | Past Participle. | |||
| Sing. | Plural. | ||||
| 1. | Salta | Sáisalt | Sáisaltum | Saltans | Leap. |
| 2. | Háita | Háiháit | Háiháitum | Háitans | Call. |
| 3. | Hláupa | Hláiláup | Hláiláupum | Hláupans | Run. |
| 4. | Slêpa | Sáizlêp | Sáislêpum | Slêpans | Sleep. |
| 5. | Láia | Láilô | Láilôum | Láilans | Laugh. |
| 6. | Grêta | Gáigrôt | Gáigrôtum | Grêtans | Weep. |
| 7. | Svara | Svôr | Svôrum | Svarans | Swear. |
| 8. | Greipa | Gráip | Gripum | Gripans | Gripe. |
| 9. | Biuda | Báuþ | Budum | Budans | Offer. |
| 10. | Giba | Gab | Gêbum | Gibans | Give. |
| 11. | Stila | Stal | Stêlum | Stulans | Stole. |
| 12. | Rinna | Rann | Runnum | Runnans | Run. |
Exhibited in a tabular form, the changes of the vowels in Mœso-Gothic are as follows:—
[§ 384]. Such is the arrangement of the strong verbs in Mœso-Gothic, with which the arrangement of the strong verbs in the other Gothic languages may or may not coincide.
For a full and perfect coincidence three things are necessary:—1. the coincidence of form; 2. the coincidence of distribution; 3. the coincidence of order.
1. Coincidence of form..—Compared with the Mœso-Gothic rinna, rann, runnum, runnans, the Old High German inflection coincides most rigidly; e.g., rinnu, ran, runnumês, runnanê. The vowel is the same in the two languages, and it is similarly changed in each. It is very evident that this might be otherwise. The Mœso-Gothic i might have become e, or the u might have become o. In this case, the formula for the two languages would not have been the same. Instead of i, a, u, u (see the tabular arrangement), serving for the Old High German as well as the Mœso-Gothic, the formula would have been, for the Mœso-Gothic, i, a, u, u, and for the Old High German e, a, u, u, or i, a, o, o. The forms in this latter case would have been equivalent, but not the same.
2. Coincidence of distribution.—A given number of words in the Mœso-Gothic form their præterites by changing i into a; in other words, a given number of verbs in Mœso-Gothic are inflected like rinna and rann. The same is the case with the Old High German. Now if these words are the same in the two languages, the Mœso-Gothic and the Old High German (as far as the agreement extends) coincide in the distribution of their verbs; that is, the same words are arranged in the same class, or (changing the phrase) are distributed alike.
3. Coincidence of order.—The conjugation to which the Mœso-Gothic words rinna and rann belong is the twelfth. The same is the case in Old High German. It might,
however, have been the case that in Old High German the class corresponding with the twelfth in Mœso-Gothic was the first, second, third, or any other.
Now a coincidence of form, a coincidence of distribution, and a coincidence of order, in all the classes of all the Gothic languages, is more than can be expected. If such were the case, the tenses would be identical throughout.
Coincidence of form is infringed upon by the simple tendency of sounds to change. Hilpa in Mœso-Gothic is helpe in Anglo-Saxon: hulpans in Mœso-Gothic is holfanêr in Old High German, and holpen in Anglo-Saxon. A change, however, of this sort is insufficient to affect the arrangement. Helpan, in Anglo-Saxon, is placed in the same class with spinnan; and all that can be said is, that the Mœso-Gothic i is, in Anglo-Saxon, represented not by i exclusively, but sometimes by i and sometimes by ĕ.
Coincidence of distribution is of great etymological importance. A word may in one stage of a language take the form of one conjugation, and in another that of another. The word climban is, in Anglo-Saxon, placed in the same conjugation with drincan, &c. For this there was a reason; viz., the fact of the i being short. For the i being short there was a reason also. The b preceded the vowel a, and consequently was sounded. This was the case whether the word was divided clim-ban or climb-an. An, however, was no part of the original word, but only the sign of the infinitive mood. As such it became ejected. The letter b then came at the end of the word; but as the combination mb, followed by nothing was unstable, b was soon lost in pronunciation. Now b being lost, the vowel which was once short became lengthened, or rather it became the sound of the diphthong ei; so that the word was no longer called clĭmb, but clime. Now the words that follow the analogy of spin, span ,&c. (and consequently constitute the twelfth class), do so, not because the vowel is i, but because it is a short i; and when the i is sounded like a diphthong, the præterite is formed differently. The Anglo-Saxon præterite of climban was sounded clŏmm, and rhymed to from; the English præterite (when strong) of
climb is sounded clōmbe, rhyming to roam. The word climb, which was once classed with spin and sing, is now to be classed with arise and smite; in other words, it is distributed differently.
Coincidence in the order of the classes is violated when a class which was (for instance) the third in one language becomes, in another language the fourth, &c. In Mœso-Gothic the class containing the words smeita, smáit, smitum, smitans, is the eighth. This is a natural place for it. In the class preceding it, the vowel is the same in both numbers. In the classes that follow it, the vowel is changed in the plural. The number of classes that in Mœso-Gothic change the vowel is five; viz., the eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth. Of these the eighth is the first. The classes where the change in question takes place form a natural subdivision, of which the eighth class stands at the head. Now in Anglo-Saxon the vowel is not changed so much as in the Mœso-Gothic. In words like choose, give, and steal, the vowel remains unaltered in the plural. In Mœso-Gothic, however, these words are, respectively, of the ninth, tenth, and eleventh classes. It is not till we get to the eleventh that the Anglo-Saxon plurals take a fresh vowel. As the presence or absence of a change of vowel naturally regulates the order of the classes, the eighth class in Mœso-Gothic becomes the eleventh in Anglo-Saxon. If it were not so, the classes where a change took place in the plural would be separated from each other.
The later the stage of the language, the less complete the coincidence in the classes.
Of the present arrangement, the twelfth class coincides most throughout the Gothic languages.
In the word climb, a reason was given for its having changed from the twelfth class to the eleventh class. This, in the present state of our knowledge, cannot always be done.
These statements are made lest the reader should expect to find between the English and the Anglo-Saxon classification anything more than a partial coincidence. A detailed exhibition of the English conjugations would form a work of
itself. Moreover, the present classes of the strong verbs must, to a great degree, be considered as provisional.
Observe, that it is the classes of the strong verbs that are provisional. With the great divisions into weak and strong, the case is far otherwise. The general assertions which will be made in p. [333], respecting the strong conjugation, show most cogently that the division is a natural one.
[§ 385]. Preliminary, however, to making them, the reader's attention is directed to the following list of verbs. In the present English they all form the præterite in -d or -t; in Anglo-Saxon, they all form it by a change of the vowel. In other words they are weak verbs that were once strong.
| Præterites. | |||
| English. | Anglo-Saxon. | ||
| Present. | Præterite. | Present. | Præterite. |
| Wreak | Wreaked. | Wrece | Wrǽc. |
| Fret | Fretted. | Frete | Frǽt. |
| Mete | Meted. | Mete | Mǽt. |
| Shear | Sheared. | Scere | Scear. |
| Braid | Braided. | Brede | Brǽd. |
| Knead | Kneaded. | Cnede | Cnǽd. |
| Dread | Dreaded. | Drǽde | Dred. |
| Sleep | Slept. | Slápe | Slep. |
| Fold | Folded. | Fealde | Feold. |
| Wield | Wielded. | Wealde | Weold. |
| Wax | Waxed. | Weaxe | Weox. |
| Leap | Leapt. | Hleápe | Hleop. |
| Sweep | Swept. | Swápe | Sweop. |
| Weep | Wept. | Wepe | Weop. |
| Sow | Sowed. | Sáwe | Seow. |
| Bake | Baked. | Bace | Bók. |
| Gnaw | Gnawed. | Gnage | Gnóh. |
| Laugh | Laughed. | Hlihhe | Hlóh. |
| Wade | Waded. | Wade | Wód. |
| Lade | Laded. | Hlade | Hlód. |
| Grave | Graved. | Grafe | Gróf. |
| Shave | Shaved. | Scafe | Scóf. |
| Step | Stepped. | Steppe | Stóp. |
| Wash | Washed. | Wacse | Wócs. |
| Bellow | Bellowed. | Belge | Bealh. |
| Swallow | Swallowed. | Swelge | Swealh. |
| Mourn | Mourned. | Murne | Mearn. |
| Spurn | Spurned. | Spurne | Spearn. |
| Carve | Carved. | Ceorfe | Cearf. |
| Starve | Starved. | Steorfe | Stærf. |
| Thresh | Threshed. | Þersce | Þærse. |
| Hew | Hewed. | Heawe | Heow. |
| Flow | Flowed. | Flówe | Fleow. |
| Row | Rowed. | Rówe | Reow. |
| Creep | Crept. | Creópe | Creáp. |
| Dive | Dived. | Deófe | Deáf. |
| Shove | Shoved. | Scéofe | Sceáf. |
| Chew | Chewed. | Ceówe | Ceáw. |
| Brew | Brewed. | Breówe | Breáw. |
| Lock | Locked. | Lûce | Leác. |
| Suck | Sucked. | Sûce | Seác. |
| Reek | Reeked. | Reóce | Reác. |
| Smoke | Smoked. | Smeóce | Smeác. |
| Bow | Bowed. | Beóge | Beáh. |
| Lie | Lied. | Leóge | Leáh. |
| Gripe | Griped. | Grípe | Gráp. |
| Span | Spanned. | Spanne | Spén. |
| Eke | Eked. | Eáce | Eóc. |
| Fare | Fared. | Fare | Fôr. |
[§ 386]. The first of the general statements made concerning strong verbs, with a view of proving that the order is natural, shall be the one arising out of the preceding list of præterites.
I. Many strong verbs become weak; whilst no weak verb ever becomes strong.
II. All the strong verbs are of Saxon origin. None are classical.
III. The greater number of them are strong throughout the Gothic tongues.
IV. No new word is ever, upon its importation, inflected according to the strong conjugation. It is always weak. As early as A.D. 1085, the French word adouber=to dubb, was introduced into English. Its præterite was dubbade.[[56]]
V. All derived words are inflected weak. The intransitive forms drink and lie, are strong; the transitive forms drench and lay, are weak.
The fourth statement will again be recurred to. The present object is to show that the division into strong and weak is natural.
[§ 387]. Obsolete forms.—Instead of lept, slept, mowed, snowed, &c., we find, in the provincial dialects and in the older writers, the strong forms lep, step, mew, snew, &c. This is no more than what we expect. Here there are two forms, and each form is of a different conjugation.
[§ 388]. Double Forms.—In lep and mew we have two forms, of which one only is current. In swoll and swelled, in clomb and climbed, and in hung and hanged, we have two forms, of which both are current. These latter are true double forms. Of double forms there are two kinds.
1. Those like swoll and swelled; where there is the same tense, but a different conjugation.
2. Those like spoke and spake; where the tense is the same and the conjugation the same, but where the form is different.
The bearings of these double forms (which, however, are points of general rather than of English grammar) are as follows. Their number in a given language may be very great, and the grammarian of a given language may call them, not double forms of the same tense, but different tenses. Let the number of words like swoll and swelled be multiplied by 1000. The chances are, that, in the present state of etymology, they would be called first præterites and second præterites. The bearing of this remark upon the so-called aorists and futures of the Greek language is evident. I think that a writer in the Cambridge Philological Museum[[57]] indicates the true nature of those tenses. They are the same tense in a different conjugation, and differ from swoll and swelled only in the frequency of their occurrence.
Difference of form, and difference of conjugation, may each simulate a difference of tense.