CHAPTER XXIII.
The City requisitioned for arms, 25 Aug., 1642.
It was the general opinion of both parties that the war would be a short one. A deputation from both Houses attended a court of Common Council held on the 25th August. It had been decided that an army should at once set out so as not to "prolong or draw out a war," and in order to keep the field of action at a distance from London. But arms were wanted. The City was therefore asked to supply the parliamentary forces with 6,000 muskets and 4,000 pikes.[537] It was difficult to raise this quantity of arms in the city without depriving the trained bands of their weapons, a course which was entirely out of the question. At first the halls of the various companies were ransacked for arms; this having been done and a deficiency still remaining, a house-to-house visitation was resolved on.[538]
Additional forces for the City, Sept., 1642.
It behoved the citizens to look to themselves at this crisis; and accordingly the Common Council resolved early in September to raise two additional regiments of foot, each 1,200 strong, and four troops of sixty horse for the defence of the city. In order to defray the necessary charge parliament was asked to sanction the setting apart of £25,000 out of the money and plate subscribed by the inhabitants for the general defence of the kingdom; and the House, not[pg 171] wishing to run the risk of losing the goose that laid the golden egg, readily gave its assent.[539]
The Committee of Militia of the city.
The Committee of Militia, to whom the defence of the city was entrusted, took care—"with most loyal intentions to his majesty," as they were careful to make known—that the city's force, consisting of forty companies in six regiments, was properly exercised both together and by separate regiments, one regiment "going abroad" weekly for exercise. The action of the committee gave rise to much adverse comment by royalists, and led to two members of the committee, viz., Sir John Gayer and Sir Jacob Garrard, withdrawing from it. At the request of the committee the Common Council agreed that the lord mayor and sheriffs should take the place of the retired members, and at the same time signified their approval of all that the Committee of Militia had done for the defence of the city.[540]
Other measures taken for the defence of the city.
Skippon and other officers were directed (6 Sept.) to take a view of the city and liberties and inspect the gates and posterns, and especially a passage through the Bell Inn into the fields at Temple Bar. They were to consider the advisability of stopping up the less used passages as adding to the city's peril, and of erecting more watch-houses in addition to those about to be made at Moorgate and Bishopsgate. They were further to report anything that might the better conduce to the safety of the city and liberties "in these times of great and eminent danger."[541] Pennington, the new mayor, had previously given orders for the gates and portcullises to be seen to,[pg 172] the city's chains and posts repaired, and the usual precautions to be taken against fire.[542]
Essex puts himself at the head of the parliamentary forces, 9 Sept., 1642.
On the 9th September Essex set out from London to put himself at the head of the parliamentary army which (it was fondly hoped) was to make short work of the royalists. He carried with him, we are told, his coffin and his winding-sheet, together with his funeral escutcheon, in token of his readiness to die in the cause.[543] On the 14th he reviewed his forces, and was soon convinced that they would quickly desert unless promptly paid. Disaffection had appeared in the ranks a week before, the soldiers demanding five shillings a man, which sum had been promised them monthly, and threatening to throw down their arms unless paid.[544]
Desires a loan of £100,000, 13 Sept.
In this strait the earl despatched a letter to the City desiring a loan of £100,000 for the maintenance of the army.[545] This letter having been read to the Common Council (15 Sept.) and well received, the mayor issued his precept to the aldermen of each ward to incite the inhabitants to underwrite the loan.[546]
The trained bands prepare to take the field, 18 Oct.
A month later the Common Council was informed (18 Oct.) that Prince Rupert was expected soon to be on his way towards London. What force would the City be prepared to put in the field in order to stay the advance of the "adverse party"? After due deliberation answer was made to the "Close Committee" of[pg 173] parliament that twelve companies of the trained bands would be prepared to join the forces of the adjacent counties at any place the committee might appoint "for the defence of religion, the king, kingdom, parliament and the city."[547] The aspect of the city at this time was that of a huge military depôt. Everywhere was heard the sound of musket-shot and rattle of drum, besides the noise of the squib or other firework of the frolicsome apprentice. So great and continuous was the din that it had to be restricted by precept of the mayor.[548]
The whole city "either real or constrained Roundheads."
The whole city, as described by a Puritan soldier in a letter to a merchant of London,[549] was now "either real or constrained Roundheads." There were exceptions, however, but these were to be found chiefly among the wealthier and more aristocratic class of citizens. They were stigmatised as "Delinquents" or "Malignants," and as such were committed to prison, and their estates seized to provide means for protecting the city and carrying on the war. Out of thirty-seven "delinquents" imprisoned in Crosby House a month later, three at least were aldermen of the city, viz., Sir William Acton, Sir George Whitmore and Sir John Cordell.[550]
Pennington re-elected Mayor, 29 Sept., 1642.
At Michaelmas Pennington was re-elected mayor,[551] and, as the lord keeper was with the king, Pennington presented himself before the House of Lords for approval of his re-election. He took[pg 174] the opportunity of mentioning a few city matters concerning which he desired their lordships's advice. In the first place he had received the king's writ for proclamation of the adjournment of the next law term, and he wished to know if he was to act upon it. Secondly, there had been recently a riot at St. Paul's, and the rioters had been committed to prison, and he desired to know what proceedings should be taken against them. Lastly, he had to complain of the seditious character of the sermons preached at St. Paul's, the preacher being appointed by the Bishop of London. Indeed, they had been so bad that he and his brother aldermen had ceased to attend. He asked that the appointment of preachers might be vested in the lord mayor, according to a former order of their lordships. On the first two questions an immediate answer was given. As to the proclamation for the adjournment of the term, it had received the sanction of the Lords, and therefore the mayor was at liberty to publish it. Touching the rioters at St. Paul's, they might be proceeded with according to law. The question as to the appointment of preachers at St. Paul's, that was a matter which required further consideration.[552]
The battle of Edge-hill. 23 Oct., 1642.
The first serious conflict between the forces of king and parliament took place at Edge-hill (23 Oct.), when both parties claimed the victory. With Charles, however, rested the more immediate fruits of success, for he had overcome the first obstacle that stood in his way to London. That Charles did not enter London as a conqueror was owing to the[pg 175] determined front shown to his forces by the trained bands of the City, and the energy displayed by the inhabitants at large. If anything were needed to stimulate exertion on the part of the Londoners, they found it in the reports which daily arrived of country houses being despoiled by the royalist soldiery. Few doubted that if allowed to enter the city the wealth of London would be at their mercy. "You see what is threatened you," said the Earl of Holland to the citizens at the Guildhall, soon after the battle, "you must know what to expect and what to trust to; they intend you no lesse (and that is to be believed) than the destroying of the city, your persons and the preying upon your fortunes."[553]
The City raises 4,000 horse.
By the 12th November Charles had made himself master of Brentford. The next day (13th Nov.) was Sunday; nevertheless, the House sat and received a deputation of Londoners, who, "in the name of the Godly and active part of the city," placed their persons, purses and estates at the command of the House to do with them at its pleasure, and declared that they would "man out every man his man and make their own captains and officers, and live and die with the House of Commons, and in defence thereof."[554] An offer made by the citizens of London to raise one thousand light-horse and three thousand dragoons was gladly accepted by both Houses of Parliament.[555] These were placed under the command[pg 176] of Skippon, now promoted to the rank of Serjeant-Major-General in the army under Essex. The citizens were sorry to lose one who had done so much to raise the discipline of the city forces, but there was no withstanding the appeal made to them by the leader of the parliamentary forces.[556]
Charles leaves Brentford for Reading.
The city was ransacked for soldiers, who, by the way, were allowed certain privileges, being charged no more than a penny a night for lodging and three half-pence for a quart of beer, and every available man was ordered to be despatched (18 Nov.) to join Essex at Turnham Green.[557] Charles deemed discretion to be the better part of valour and withdrew from Brentwood, which was immediately occupied by Essex, and made his way to Reading. The golden opportunity thus lost was never regained.
The Houses resolve to levy a tax, 25 Nov., 1642.
Hitherto the parliamentary cause had been supported by loans which were in name, if not in actual fact, voluntary. The spasmodic nature of this method of obtaining a supply of money for the army proved a source of weakness. The Houses therefore resolved to change it for the more effective system of raising money by taxation. The rest of the kingdom would thus bear its share of the burden, which until now had been chiefly borne by the city of London. Inhabitants of the city who had never before contributed to so-called voluntary loans would now be compelled to pay their quota. Those who had not already contributed to the support of the army were now compelled to do so, in money, plate, horse, horsemen or arms. Every man was to be assessed[pg 177] according to his ability, but no one was to be assessed above a twentieth part of his estate. Payment was to be enforced by distress of goods in cases of refusal, and the aid of the trained bands might be invoked if necessary.[558]
A city loan of £30,000.
In the meantime a deputation of members of both Houses attended a meeting of the Common Hall and asked for a loan of £30,000. The mayor forthwith issued his precept for a return to be made of the names of every inhabitant of each ward for the purpose of an assessment.[559]
Petitions to Common Council advocating a peace, 12 Dec., 1642.
The city was becoming more and more agitated by party faction every day. Royalist and parliamentarian openly acknowledged the side he favoured by wearing a distinctive badge,[560] and disturbances were of frequent occurrence. To many the state of affairs had become little less than disastrous, owing to the shutting up of shops and the stoppage of trade. The new parliamentary taxation increased the general dissatisfaction and made the citizens sigh for peace. On the 12th December two petitions were laid before the Common Council. Both petitions advocated peace. One of them was objected to by the court as too dictatorial in tone and as casting an aspersion on parliament. They nevertheless ordered it to be entered on record, "to the end their dislike might the better appear."[561] Whilst these petitions were under[pg 178] consideration in the Council Chamber, which stood almost on the same spot as that on which the present new and handsome structure stands, cries were heard proceeding from an angry crowd in the adjacent hall. On all sides there arose a clamour for peace. The lives of the lord mayor and the unpopular aldermen were even threatened. The few soldiers who happened to be present received some rough handling, and were told to go and spend the money they had received from the State at the tavern, for they should have no more. At last a body of the city trained bands arrived and order was restored. The Common Council continuing its deliberations set aside both petitions, but appointed a committee to draw up on its behalf two other petitions advocating a cessation of hostilities, one to be presented to the king and the other to parliament.[562]
The City's petitions submitted to both Houses, 19 Dec.
On the 19th December these petitions, which had previously been submitted to the Common Council for approval,[563] were laid before both Houses of Parliament, the sheriffs and certain members of the Court of Aldermen and of the Common Council attending at the bar of the House of Commons and publicly disavowing any other petition. Having notified its approval of both petitions the House gave orders that those who had been suspected of taking part in the late tumult at the Guildhall should be committed as prisoners to Lambeth House.[564] A week later (26 Dec.) both Houses were prepared to open negotiations with the king.[565]
The City's petition to the king at Oxford, 2 Jan., 1643.
The king's reply read at a Common Hall, 13 Jan., 1643.
Having obtained the sanction of parliament to present their petition to Charles, the Common Council left it to the mayor to send whom he would to "Mr. Secretary Falkland to learn his majesties pleasure whether certeine citizens might with safety repaire unto his highness" with the City's petition, and in the meanwhile nominated the members of the deputation who should wait upon the king if Falkland's reply to the mayor's messenger proved satisfactory.[566] The reply was favourable, and the deputation set out for Oxford, where Charles had taken up his quarters. On their return they reported the result of their journey to the Common Council.[567] They arrived in Oxford, said they, between one and two o'clock on the afternoon of Monday, the 2nd January (1643), and an hour later waited upon Lord Falkland at his lodgings in New College. At five o'clock the same evening they were admitted into the king's presence and the City's petition was then publicly read. The king professed satisfaction at seeing them, for he could now be sure that certain printed declarations of his would reach those for whom they were intended. He questioned very much the ability of the City to protect his person, seeing that it was unable to preserve peace among themselves. On Wednesday (4 Jan.) the deputation was dismissed with a promise that Charles would send an answer by Mr. Herne (or Heron), one of his own servants, who would accompany them on their return. He asked which was the larger assembly, the Common Council or the Common Hall. On being told that the latter were more numerous he directed that his[pg 180] answer should be read there, as he wished as many as possible to be disabused and to know the truth. Just when the deputation was about to set out from Oxford on its return a printed paper purporting to be the king's answer was handed to Sir George Garrett and Sir George Clark as they sat in their coach. The Common Council having heard the whole story of the mission to Oxford deemed it expedient to inform the House of Commons of the result, and to lay the printed paper in their hands.[568] This was accordingly done on the 11th January, with the result that the House directed the mayor to summon a Common Hall for Friday, the 13th, to hear the king's reply.[569] When the Common Hall met at the appointed time it was only to hear a long diatribe against the heinousness of those who had taken up arms against their king. All good subjects were called upon to throw off their yoke, and to begin by arresting the lord mayor and certain leading citizens who had been guilty of treason. When this had been done, and not before, he would be prepared to return to London without the protection of his army, or, to use the expression of the petitioners themselves, with his "royal," and not his "martial attendance."[570]
His terms rejected by the City.
After this Pym, who attended the Common Hall and heard the king's reply,[571] had no difficulty in convincing the assembly of the king's real mind, and that he had no intention to accept terms of peace. The meeting was all but unanimous for continuing the[pg 181] war rather than submit to the degradation of their mayor. A subsequent attempt by Charles to have his reply circulated among the livery companies was frustrated by an order of the House of Commons (24 Jan.) which granted the sheriffs an indemnity for refusing to execute the king's order.[572]
Speech of Alderman Garway in Common Hall, 17 Jan., 1643.
If the war was to be carried on it was necessary for parliament to face the difficulty of getting a steady supply of money. Up to this moment the new parliamentary taxes had brought in nothing. Many of the wealthier class of citizens absolutely refused to pay. At a Common Hall held on the 17th January Alderman Garway pointed out, in a very strong speech, the danger which would beset merchants trading with foreign parts if the king withdrew his protection from them in consequence of the city contributing to the maintenance of the parliamentary army. His speech was followed by a great tumult, and the meeting broke up amid cries of "No money, no money! peace, peace!"[573]
Alderman Whitmore and the parliamentary tax, 20 Jan.
The payment of the assessment made in November last had been widely refused. The war had already ruined many, and if some refused to pay on principle others refused from sheer inability. Among the former must be reckoned Sir George Whitmore,[574] a royalist alderman of considerable means, who, with Thomas Knyvett, a goldsmith, Paul Pindar, and others preferred[pg 182] imprisonment to pay what was by them considered an illegal tax.[575]
A fresh loan of £60,000 by the City, 18 Feb., 1643.
Nevertheless application was made to the City at this juncture for a loan of £60,000 to keep the army from disbanding. A deputation from both Houses of Parliament attended a court of Common Council held on the 18th February, and assured the citizens that the money would be repaid out of the weekly payments which parliament had resolved to impose upon every county in England.[576] This would be the last time, as they hoped, that a call of this kind would be made upon the city. The council declared its willingness to promote the loan, the members present promising an immediate payment of £6,000. Ministers were recommended to lay the matter before their respective congregations on the following Sunday and exhort them to contribute.[577]
The City's weekly assessment.
A weekly assessment of £10,000 had been imposed on the City, whilst a monthly rebate was allowed of £3,000. The Common Council complained to parliament that the City was over-assessed in comparison with other counties, and suggested that the monthly allowance should be raised to £4,000. They also desired some security for the repayment of the loan of £60,000. These and other proposals were laid before the House as being "encouragements" for the City to make the loan; and the House, in returning thanks to the City for its readiness in the matter of the loan, promised that the "encouragements" should receive favourable consideration.[578]
The propositions of parliament presented to the king, 1 Feb., 1643.
In the midst of their financial difficulties the Commons had been busy elaborating the propositions for peace sent down to them from the Lords. At length these were complete, and on the 1st February were presented to the king. They were, however, received by Charles with little favour, and the rest of the month was consumed by both Houses in an endeavour to arrive at a compromise at once satisfactory to themselves and likely to be acceptable to the king.
Fresh proposals to parliament by the City.
Before fresh terms of compromise were formulated the House was asked (23 Feb.) to consider certain other propositions drawn up by the Common Council of the city. These were three in number. The first desired the reformation of the army. The second demanded an indemnity to the citizens for their adhesion to parliament. The third was a proposal for a religious covenant and association for the defence of religion and liberty in case the negotiations with the king should fall through. To only one of these propositions did the House give an immediate reply, and that was the second. To this the Commons returned answer that in the intended treaty with the king such care would be taken for the indemnity of the City and citizens of London and of the privileges thereof as should secure them and "be a witness to the present and future generations of their fidelity to the king and parliament."[579]
Scheme for the fortification of the city and suburbs, 23 Feb.
That the citizens entertained but little hopes of a peaceful issue to the negotiations with Charles is evinced by their resolving (23 Feb.) to carry out a[pg 184] comprehensive scheme of defence of the city and suburbs.[580] The scheme received the sanction of parliament, which further allowed the civic authorities to call upon the inhabitants of the suburbs as well as of the city proper to contribute to the undertaking.[581] The City had a hard task to get subscriptions in from the outlying districts, and was consequently obliged to advance out of its own Chamber no less than six sums of £2,000 each between the months of March and July lest the work of erecting the necessary fortifications should be brought to a standstill.[582]
An extra monthly allowance of £3,000 to the City for purposes of defence, 1 March, 1643.
In the face of this extraordinary expenditure the City was the more anxious to get its weekly assessment reduced. On the 1st March Colonel Venn, one of the city's members, informed the Common Council that the application to have the assessment reduced had been made too late, but the House would allow the City an additional monthly sum of £3,000 in aid of its defences so long as the ordinance for a weekly assessment should continue in force.[583]
News of Prince Rupert threatening Bristol, 10 March.
On the 10th March a deputation from both Houses, including Pym, informed the Common Council of a message that had recently arrived from the Earl of Essex to the effect that Prince "Robert" (Rupert)[pg 185] had arrived with a large force within four miles of Bristol, and the earl intended forthwith to make an advance. His army, however, was sadly in arrears of payment; he wanted both men and money, and this fact he had desired to be represented to the citizens of London. Pym, therefore, in the name of both Houses desired the Common Council to hasten as far as possible the payment of the residue of the £60,000 already promised, and to furnish such forces as the city could spare.
The City's answer to a request for men and money.
As far as the first part of the request went the council promised its ready assistance.[584] It frankly acknowledged that little more than one-third of the whole amount promised had come in, but there were difficulties in the way of getting it in. A large sum of money—as much as £30,000—which ought to have been repaid to the lenders out of the estates of malignants was still owing, and lenders were thereby discouraged. Men of ability refused to lend, and there were no means of forcing them; whilst divers rich men had left the city, carrying with them what property they could, and leaving their houses empty. Nevertheless, the council assured the deputation that it was well affected to parliament, all but a very few of its members having already contributed, and it would forthwith take steps to get the money in. Touching the furnishing of soldiers, the council remarked that there were but three regiments in the city besides the trained bands, two of which were on active service and the one remaining was on outpost duty.[585]
Volunteer foot and horsemen for the city, March, 1643.
Soon after the outbreak of the war it was seen that the weak point of the parliamentary army lay in its cavalry. Already something had been done towards remedying this defect. Volunteers had offered themselves for the formation of a troop of horse at their own expense, and a "seminary" for cavalry had been established.[586] The news about Rupert urged the citizens to a greater effort. On the 15th March an offer was made to the Common Council to raise no less than ten volunteer regiments, three of which were to consist of cavalry. The men were to receive no pay except when engaged on active service, and only a small sum was asked for, in order to provide colours, drums and other necessaries. The offer was gladly accepted.[587]
A further loan of £40,000, 6 April.
The last loan of £60,000 could scarcely have been subscribed before an order came from the Commons for the city to make a further advance of £40,000 for the support of the army.[588]
Ordnance and arms for defence of the city.
The East India Company was at the same time called upon to lend its ordnance and military store for the defence of the city. In case of refusal both ordnance and provisions were to be seized, on the understanding that the City would restore them in as good condition as it received them or give satisfaction for them. Should any great emergency arise the Commons would supply the company with what was necessary.[589] The livery companies too were exhorted[pg 187] to lend their arms. These were to be stored at Salters' Hall, in Bread Street.[590]
Failure of negotiations followed by Puritan outrages, May, 1643.
A few days later the negotiations between parliament and the king for a cessation of hostilities collapsed, and the parliamentary commissioners at Oxford were ordered to return home (14 April).[591] Irritated at the king's obstinacy, the Puritan party vented its spleen by ordering the wholesale destruction of superstitious or idolatrous monuments in Westminster Abbey and elsewhere. The City followed suit by asking parliament to sanction the removal of Cheapside cross, "in regard of the idolatrous and superstitious figures there about sett and fixed."[592] In 1581 these figures had given cause for offence and were secretly removed,[593] but others had apparently been set up in their place. The demolition of the cross, which took place on the 2nd May amid signs of public rejoicing, was followed (10 May) by the public burning of the "Book of Sports" by the hands of the common hangman in Cheapside.[594] Another measure in the same direction was the placing of the appointment of preachers in St. Paul's Churchyard in the hands of the mayor and aldermen, a proposal which the mayor had formerly suggested to the House of Commons.[595]
The discovery of "Waller's Plot."
Now that all hopes of a peaceful settlement had gone, Charles took measures to gain over as many Londoners as he could to his side. He had previously (16 March) caused a commission of array to be drawn,[pg 188] addressed to Gardiner, who was still Recorder, and others, authorising them to raise a force on his behalf in the city.[596] This commission he had retained at Oxford until he could find an opportunity for conveying it safely to London. It was now entrusted to Lady Daubeny to carry to London. She succeeded in her mission and handed the document over to a city linendraper named Chaloner, who, in his turn, transferred it to Tompkins, a brother-in-law of Waller the poet, who was also implicated in the design which on that account came to be known as "Waller's Plot." Tompkins endeavoured to conceal it in a cellar, but it did not escape the prying eyes of parliamentary searchers. Early in the morning of the 31st May Tompkins was arrested, and in the course of time both he and Chaloner paid the penalty of their rashness by being hanged in front of their own houses, the one in Cornhill and the other in Holborn. Waller was also taken and flung into prison.[597]
Day of thanksgiving, 15 June, 1643.
Thursday, the 15th June, was appointed to be kept as a day of thanksgiving for deliverance from the plot,[598] and on that day the new parliamentary vow or covenant, binding those who took it to support the forces raised in defence of parliament against those raised by the king, was generally accepted in the city.
Royalist successes, June-July, 1643.
In the meantime Essex had besieged and taken Reading (26 April), but his troops became affected with disease, and he made no attempt to advance on Oxford until June. Before his arrival Hampden had[pg 189] received a mortal wound at Chalgrove Field (18 June). On the 5th July the royalist forces under Hopton worsted the parliamentary army under Waller in the west, whilst a similar success was achieved against Fairfax in the north (30 June). The king had reason to be elated as he rode into Oxford (14 July) accompanied by the queen, from whom he had been separated for fifteen months, amid the shouts of men and the ringing of bells.
Scarcity of coal in London.
Newcastle to be reduced if possible, May, 1643.
Parliament and the City, on the other hand, had reason to be dejected. On the 17th July Charles issued a proclamation for seizing all merchandise on its way to London. The trade of the city became paralysed.[599] Nor was this all. For some months past the citizens had been suffering from a scarcity of coal. Ever since the appointment of the Earl of Newcastle as governor of the town of Newcastle in June, 1642,[600] that town had been held for Charles, and a refusal to allow its coal to be supplied to the supporters of parliament had brought the city of London and the eastern counties into great straits.[601] It thus became a matter of prime importance that Newcastle should be captured. How this was to be accomplished was set out in a series of propositions drawn up (25 May, 1643) by the Common Council of the city to be laid before parliament.[602] A monopoly of the trade in coal, salt and glass with the north of England was to be held out as an incentive for persons to adventure their money in the reduction[pg 190] of the town. A committee, of which one-half of its members was to be nominated by the Commons and the rest by the City, was to have charge of all the money subscribed and to direct the undertaking. The propositions were well received (26 May),[603] and on the 10th June the Common Council nominated three aldermen and seven common councilmen to join with a like number to be appointed by parliament in raising a force by sea and land for the reduction of the town.[604]
Royalist cavalry in the neighbourhood of London, July, 1643.
To make matters worse news arrived on the 18th July that royalist cavalry were in the vicinity of London, and that great disaffection to the cause of parliament had manifested itself in the neighbouring counties of Kent and Surrey. The Common Council, recognising the danger, forthwith resolved to raise what money it could at the rate of eight per cent., and to place it at the disposal of the Committee of the Militia of the city.[605]
Dissensions in the city touching the militia.
Waller appointed commander-in-chief of the city's forces, 29 July, 1643.
The danger which threatened London was increased the more by reason of dissensions which sprang up among those whose particular care were the defences of the city. A sub-committee which usually met at Salters' Hall fell out with the Committee of the Militia of London for presuming to get into its hands the sole power over the auxiliary forces which had lately been raised. Another committee was appointed to investigate the cause of dissension, and if possible to suggest a modus vivendi.[606] This was no easy matter to accomplish. It was eventually[pg 191] agreed to lay before parliament a petition that all the forces raised within the city and liberties, as also within the parishes adjacent mentioned in the weekly bill of mortality, might be under the sole command of the Committee of the Militia of the city, under the direction of both Houses of Parliament.[607] On the 18th July a petition to this effect was accordingly laid before the Commons by a deputation of aldermen and common councilmen, and received the approval of the House. The outcome of all this was that the House eventually passed a resolution (29 July) that "Sir William Waller do command in chief all the forces raised within the city of London, and all other forces that are or shall be under the command of the militia of London, subordinate to the lord mayor and militia," and at the same time transferred the custody of the Tower into the hands of the lord mayor and sheriffs.[608]
The Common Council stands by Essex, 1 Aug.
Waller's appointment was a distinct slur upon Essex, about whom some rumours had been spread in order to prejudice him in the eyes of the City. The Common Council took an early opportunity of deprecating strongly these false rumours, and appointed (1 Aug.) a deputation to wait upon "his excellency" to assure him of the good opinion which the court—as the representative body of the city—had of his great care and fidelity in the preservation of the king, parliament, city and kingdom, and to promise him every assistance in recruiting his army. The citizens would stand by his excellency with their lives and fortunes.[609]
The Lords renew propositions for peace.
Opposition of the City, 6 Aug., 1643.
Taking advantage of a split in the parliamentary camp, the Lords renewed their proposals for peace. As soon as the City became aware of this there was great consternation. A Common Council hurriedly met on Sunday afternoon (6 Aug.) and drew up a petition to the Commons praying them to continue the same course they had hitherto pursued and to reject all propositions for peace.[610] This petition was presented to the House on Monday (7 Aug.), when the proposals of the Lords came on again for consideration. The House thanked the City for its care, recommended the lord mayor to take measures to prevent all disorders, and afterwards formally rejected the peace propositions.[611]
Riots at Westminster, 8 and 9 Aug.
Whilst the proposals of the Lords were under consideration the approaches of the Houses had been filled by an angry mob which threatened to return the next day unless matters went as they pleased. On the morning of the 8th August parliament was again besieged. This time it was by a crowd of women with white ribbons in their hats, shouting loudly for peace. The next day they appeared in greater numbers, and having presented a petition for the cessation of the war and received a courteous answer from the Commons, they refused to go home, but pressed on to the door of the House and demanded that the traitors who were against peace might be handed over to them. From words they resorted to stones and brickbats. At length a small body of Waller's horse from the city[pg 193] appeared on the scene, and order was with difficulty restored.[612]
1,000 horse to be raised in the city for Waller, 11 Aug., 1643.
On the 7th a commission had arrived from Essex, in answer to the recommendation of the House, appointing Waller to the command of all the forces to be raised by the city.[613] Four days later (11 Aug.) the Committee of the Militia for the city desired the cooperation of the Common Council in raising 1,000 horse, pursuant to an order of parliament of the 25th July, and on the following day (12 Aug.) Pennington issued a warrant for pressing the number of horses required for delivery to Waller.[614]
Gloucester summoned to surrender by the king, 10 Aug., 1643.
Instead of marching with his main army direct upon London from Bristol, as Charles had originally intended, he resolved to lay siege to Gloucester. On the 10th August he appeared before its gates and formally summoned the town to surrender.[615] The citizens of London were quick to realise the fact that the fall of Gloucester would endanger their own safety, and at once took measures for defending themselves and sending relief to the besieged town.
£50,000 to be raised in the city, 11 Aug.
On the day after Gloucester had been summoned to surrender the Common Council, in view of "the neare approach of the king's forces," resolved to call upon the livery companies to raise the sum of £50,000, for which the City would give bonds at the rate of eight per cent. interest. The companies were to contribute according to their corn assessment. In addition to this every inhabitant of the city, citizen or[pg 194] stranger, was to contribute to the Chamber a sum equal to fifty times the amount of subsidy he had been in the habit of paying, and for this also the City would allow him interest at the rate of eight per cent. after the first six months. This mode of raising the money required subsequently (18 Aug.) received the sanction of both Houses of Parliament, who guaranteed its repayment (24 Aug.).[616] The Merchant Taylors' Company again hesitated before they consented to pay the sum (£5,000) at which they were assessed, whilst the Grocers, on the other hand, displayed the same alacrity as before in contributing their quota (£4,500), resolving to dispose of the remainder of their plate (with the exception of such as was absolutely necessary) for the purpose.[617]
The City's force sent to the relief of Gloucester, 21 Aug., 1643.
Ten days later (21 Aug.) the Committee of the Militia of the city declared its intention of sending a force under the command of Essex to assist in raising the siege of Gloucester, and at once ordered every shop to be closed and all business suspended until Gloucester should be relieved. The regiments to be sent were to be chosen by lot. These consisted of two regiments of the trained bands, two of the auxiliaries, and a regiment of horse; and with them were despatched eleven pieces of cannon and three "drakes."[618]
Essex and the Londoners relieve Gloucester, 5 Sept.
After reviewing his forces on Hounslow Heath in the presence of a large number of members of both[pg 195] Houses, Essex set out on his march (26 Aug.). The troops suffered great privation from lack of food and water by the way. "Such straits and hardships," wrote a sergeant in one of the London regiments, "our citizens formerly knew not; yet the Lord that called us to do the work enabled us to undergo such hardships as He brought us to."[619] By the 5th September every obstacle had been overcome and Essex appeared before Gloucester, only to see, however, the blazing huts of the royalist army already in full retreat. Three days later he entered the city amid the enthusiastic rejoicings of the inhabitants, who, but for his timely arrival, would have been at the mercy of the enemy. The relief of Gloucester, to which the Londoners contributed so much, "proved to be the turning point of the war."[620]
Courage displayed by the trained bands at Newbury, 20 Sept., 1643.
If the Londoners fairly claimed some credit for the part they had taken towards the relief of Gloucester, still more credit was due to them for the bold stand they made a fortnight later (20 Sept.), at Newbury, against repeated charges of Rupert's far-famed cavalry. Again and again did Rupert's horse dash down upon the serried pikes of the London trained bands, but never once did it succeed in breaking their ranks, whilst many a royalist saddle was emptied by the city's musketeers, whose training in the Artillery Garden and Finsbury Fields now served them in good stead. Whilst the enemy's cannon was committing[pg 196] fearful havoc in the ranks of the Londoners they still stood their ground "like so many stakes," and drew admiration even from their enemies for their display of courage. "They behaved themselves to wonder," writes the royalist historian of the civil war, and "were, in truth, the preservation of that army that day."[621] Notwithstanding, however, all their efforts, the day was undecided. Neither party could claim a victory. Essex was glad enough to make his way to Reading, whilst Charles retired to Oxford. On their return to London (28 Sept.) the trained bands received an enthusiastic welcome, the mayor and aldermen going out to meet them at Temple Bar.
Trained bands again called out for the recovery of Reading, 9 Oct., 1643.
Ten days later the services of the trained bands were again required to assist in regaining the town of Reading, which had been occupied by the royalists as soon as Essex had quitted it. Six regiments were to be despatched for the purpose. Two regiments of the city's trained bands were chosen by lot, as before, and the remainder of the force was made up out of the auxiliaries and the trained bands of Southwark and Westminster.[622] Orders were issued that if any member of the appointed regiments failed to appear on parade, his shop should be closed, and he himself expelled beyond the line of fortifications.[623]
Disaffection among the trained bands.
In no long time a mutinous spirit broke out among the trained bands, who, in the midst of an attack on Basing House, the mansion of the Marquis of Winchester, in the following month insisted upon returning home, and the siege had to be abandoned.[pg 197] On the 28th November the sheriffs of London, accompanied by a deputation of aldermen, appeared at the bar of the Commons and boldly desired that the city regiments with Essex might be called home. Alderman Fowke or Foulke, a leading spirit in the city and staunch parliamentarian, was one of the sheriffs at the time, and acted as spokesman. He laid before the House a plain statement as to how matters stood. The fact was that the troops were unpaid, and that no money was forthcoming. If money was found for the trained bands the civic authorities, in consideration of the critical times, promised to do their best to persuade them to remain longer in the field. The House resolved to raise £5,000 for the city's forces on this understanding.[624] A month later (30 Dec.) the Common Council formally approved of a request made by both Houses of Parliament that two or three regiments of the trained bands should be sent to reinforce Waller, who was endeavouring to recapture Arundel.[625]
Discovery of Brooke's plot, 6 Jan., 1644.
The recent signs of disaffection encouraged Charles to make another effort to win over the City, and in this he was promised the support of Sir Basil Brooke. Whilst accepting the services of one who was a warm Catholic, Charles addressed a letter to the mayor and aldermen, in which he assured them of his "constancy in religion." He foolishly imagined that such an assurance would induce the City to break at once with parliament and declare for peace. The letter, as luck would have it, fell into the hands of the Committee of Safety. The plot was discovered, and full particulars of it laid before the Commons (6 Jan., 1644).[626]
The discovery led to stricter precautions being taken to prevent inhabitants of the city leaving the city to join the king at Oxford, as many ill-affected persons had already done. The number of passes was reduced, and the keys of the portcullises of the city's gates were ordered for the future to remain in the custody of the sheriffs.[627]
Banquet to both Houses at Merchant Taylors' Hall, 18 Jan., 1644.
In token of the City's constancy to parliament the Common Council resolved (12 Jan.) to invite both Houses to dinner.[628] The entertainment, which took place at Merchant Taylors' Hall (18 Jan.), was preceded by a sermon preached at Christ Church, Newgate, in favour of union. The preacher, Stephen Marshall, received the formal thanks of the City, besides a "gratification," and was desired to print his sermon. On their way from church to the banquet the Lords and Commons passed through Cheapside, where a pile of crucifixes, pictures and popish relics were in the act of being burnt on the site of the recently destroyed cross.[629] The City afterwards received the thanks of the Commons for the entertainment.
The Committee of Both Kingdoms, 16 Feb.
The day following the banquet the first regiments of the Scottish army crossed the Tweed, driving the royalists of the extreme north of England to take shelter in Newcastle. The mutual understanding between England and Scotland—the result of Pym's policy—necessitated the appointment of some definite authority at Westminster which should control both armies in common. Hence it was that on the 16th[pg 199] February a Committee of Both Kingdoms, composed of members of parliament and commissioners sent from Scotland, was established to take the place of the Committee of Safety.
A weekly meal sacrificed for payment of city troops. Jan., 1644.
Meanwhile the City was busy increasing its defences and raising a force to join in the next campaign. It was found necessary to cut down the pay of both officers and men,[630] and to such straits were the authorities driven for money to pay the troops that they could devise no better method than that the inhabitants of the city should be called upon to set apart the price of one meal every week for the purpose. The idea was at first distasteful to the Common Council, but seeing no other alternative open they eventually applied for and obtained the sanction of parliament to carry it out.[631]
Petition for reforms in the army, 26 Jan.
The council at the same time signified to parliament its regret that those reforms in the army which it had expressed a wish to have carried out, had not been effected, and humbly prayed that Essex might be furnished with a force such as the necessity of the times demanded, that command might be given to officers whose fidelity was beyond suspicion, and that such discipline might be maintained in his excellency's army as might make it a pattern of reformation to all the rest of the armies of the kingdom.[632]
Waller's victory at Cheriton, 29 March.
The spring campaign opened successfully for parliament. When news of Waller's success at Cheriton (29 March) reached London it was received[pg 200] with enthusiastic joy, and, for a time at least, all thoughts of peace were set aside. The City assisted parliament to raise a sum of £20,000 (3 April) and authorised the purchase of 3,000 muskets and 1,000 pikes on the credit of the weekly meal money (3 April).[633] The Commons ordered a public thanksgiving for the victory which had crowned their arms to be kept in London on the 9th April,[634] and the mayor was instructed to summon a Common Hall to meet in the evening of that day for the purpose of hearing proposals from both Houses. All the advantages gained at Cheriton were unfortunately lost by the city's trained bands again insisting upon returning home.
Speeches at a Common Hall, 9 April, 1644.
The Common Hall which was accordingly summoned was addressed by Warwick, Vane, Essex, Pembroke, Hollis and Glyn, the new Recorder.[635] All the speeches were pitched in the same strain. The City was thanked for its past services and exhorted to embrace the opportunity that now offered itself of putting an end to the existing distractions. It was purposed to draw all available forces together to a general rendezvous at Aylesbury by the 19th of the month, and the citizens were desired to offer themselves "as one man," for it was to no purpose "to go by little and little."
Six regiments of auxiliaries to attend the rendezvous at Aylesbury.
Three days later (12 April) the Committee of Militia, which had recently received (8 April) a fresh commission, was instructed to call out six regiments of the auxiliaries. Three of them were to set out[pg 201] immediately to join the parliamentary army, whilst the other three were to be held in reserve.[636] It was to little purpose, however, that the City kept sending out fresh forces, if these were to be continually insisting upon returning home, as those under Waller had recently done for the second time.
Three regiments ready to march, 2 May.
Great delay took place in getting the parliamentary forces into the field. The 19th April, the day appointed for the rendezvous at Aylesbury, arrived and found Essex still unprepared. It was not until the 2nd May that the Committee of the Militia of the city informed the Common Council that three regiments out of the six to be called out were then in readiness to march. The committee asked the sanction of the council before giving orders for the regiments to start because, they said, their powers had been much limited by their last commission (8 April). The council was in favour of the regiments setting out at once towards Uxbridge, according to instructions left behind by Essex, and the committee was directed to draft an ordinance for parliament to the effect that none of the forces might be kept longer abroad or sent further from London than the committee should from time to time think fit, and that the forces should be conducted and commanded by such major-general and other officers of the brigade as the committee should appoint.[637] It was a repetition of the old story. The City always insisted on appointing its own officers over its own men.
Propositions for a peace, April-May, 1644.
The City consulted, 6 May, 1644
In the meantime the Committee of Both Kingdoms had been busy drawing up proposals for peace such as[pg 202] would at once satisfy both Houses as well as be acceptable to Charles. At length the proposals were laid before the Commons and read the first time (29 April). The second reading was appointed for the 1st May. Before any further steps were taken in the matter it was but right that the citizens of London, without whose aid the issue of the struggle between king and parliament might have been very different to what it was, should be consulted. A deputation was therefore appointed (3 May) by the House to wait on the mayor, aldermen and common council of the city and to express to them the willingness of parliament to consider any proposals that they might think fit to make on behalf of the city, and to lay them before the king.[638] The City thanked parliament and referred the matter to a committee.[639]
Suspected persons from Oxford to be expelled from the city, 15 May.
For some time past there had been a flow of dissatisfied royalists from Oxford to London, induced to embrace the parliamentary cause by an offer of pardon made by Essex (30 Jan.) to all who would return to their duty and take the covenant.[640] During 1643 the flow had been in the opposite direction. It now became necessary to see that only genuine converts found their way into the city, and to this end parliament ordered (15 May) the mayor to take steps for the expulsion from the city and lines of communication of all suspicious persons such as had lately come from Oxford, or any other of the king's quarters, all recusants, the wives of recusants and the[pg 203] wives of those who were in arms against the parliament.[641]
Disputes as to re-appointment of Committee of Both Kingdoms.
The City's petition for re-appointment of the committee, 16 May, 1644.
Meanwhile the term of three months for which the Committee of Both Kingdoms had been originally appointed was fast drawing to a close, and considerable difference of opinion had manifested itself between the Lords and Commons as to its re-appointment. The former were in favour of increasing the numbers of the committee, with the view no doubt of giving a larger representation to the peace party, whilst the latter advocated a simple renewal of the powers of the committee as it then stood. At this juncture, when the country seemed likely to be left without any central authority to direct the movements of the parliamentary forces, the City presented a petition (16 May) to the Commons[642] setting forth the danger that was likely to arise from the discontinuance of the committee, and praying that it might speedily be re-established as the present urgency of affairs required. The citizens took the opportunity of praying the Commons to see that the Tower of London, Windsor Castle and Tilbury Fort remained in good hands and were properly supplied with necessaries, and further that none of the members of the House who had returned from Oxford might be readmitted to their seats until they had given satisfactory pledges for their fidelity in the future. The re-admission of these members had been a cause of a long wrangle between the two Houses.
The answer of the Commons to the City's petition, 18 May.
Two days later (18 May) a deputation from the Commons attended at the Guildhall with their answer.[643] They gratefully acknowledged the assistance they had received from the city, without which they would have been unable to achieve what they had done. An ordinance, they said, was being proceeded with for the continuance of the Committee of Both Kingdoms; measures would be taken respecting the Tower, Windsor Castle and Tilbury Fort such as would be for the security and satisfaction of the City; and the House had already passed an ordinance touching the re-admission of members which it would see carried into execution. The answer concluded by again acknowledging the obligation that parliament was under to the City for spending its blood and treasure for the public good, which the House would ever have in remembrance and would endeavour to requite.
The old Committee of Both Kingdoms resume work, 24 May.
Just as matters were coming to a dead-lock the crisis was averted by the happy thought of reviving an old ordinance which had already received the sanction of the Lords, but had hitherto been ignored and laid aside by the Commons. This ordinance, which proposed to confer unlimited powers on the committee, was now taken up and passed by the Commons, and thus the old committee was enabled to meet on the 24th May and continue its work.[644]
Request for a city loan of £200,000 or £300,000, 28 May, 1644.
Parliament was still sadly in need of money, and on the 27th May appointed a committee, of which the Recorder and one or two of the city aldermen were members, to consider how best to raise it, "either by[pg 205] particular securities or companies, or other particular persons beyond seas, or by mortgaging of any lands, or by putting to sale sequestered lands."[645] The civil war appeared to be approaching a crisis. The town of Abingdon had recently been abandoned by the royalists and occupied by Essex, whilst Waller was advancing in the direction of Wantage, to gain, if possible, a passage over the Thames above Oxford, and thus cut off Charles from the west of England. Both generals sent notice of their movements to parliament, and on the 28th their letters (or an abstract of them) were read before the Common Council by a deputation of the recently appointed committee, and a request was made that the City would furnish the House with a sum of £200,000 or £300,000 upon the security of the estates of delinquents. Notwithstanding the difficulty the City was then experiencing in getting in the arrears of the monthly assessment and the weekly meal account, it at once took steps to carry out the wishes of parliament.[646]
Major-General Browne and the siege of Greenland House, June, 1644.
For some time past a royalist garrison in Greenland House, near Henley, had caused considerable annoyance to the country round about it, and had cut off all communication by way of the Thames between London and the west. On the 5th June the Common Council was asked to furnish one or more regiments to assist in reducing the garrison.[647] The council was the more willing to accede to this[pg 206] request for the reason that the force was to be placed under the command of a city alderman, Major-General Browne.[648]
News of Charles having fled from Oxford, 7 June, 1644.
On the 7th June information was brought to the City that Charles had been forced to flee from Oxford, and the Common Council was asked to render assistance in the reduction of the king's stronghold.[649] As long as Charles was at large, not only was the prospect of an end of the war more than ever remote, but the safety of London itself was threatened. It was a time for Essex and Waller to forget all past differences and to strengthen each other in a joint attack upon the royalist army wherever it may be found. Instead of this the two generals went different ways; Essex marched westward, leaving Waller to pursue Charles as best he could. To make matters worse, disaffection again appeared in the ranks of Waller's army.[650]
Disaffection among the trained bands, July, 1644.
That the city trained bands had done good service in their day no one will deny, but the time was fast approaching when it would be necessary to raise an army of men willing to devote themselves to the military life as a profession. For permanent service in the field the London trained bands were not to be relied on. "In these two days' march," wrote Waller (2 July) to the Committee of Both Kingdoms, "I was extremely plagued with the mutinies of the City Brigade, who are grown to that height of disorder that I have no hope to retain them, being[pg 207] come to their old song of Home! Home!" There was, he said, only one remedy for this, and that was a standing army, however small;—"My lords, I write these particulars to let you know that an army compounded of these men will never go through with your service, and till you have an army merely your own, that you may command, it is in a manner impossible to do anything of importance."[651] The junction of his forces with those under Browne, who had been despatched (23 June) to protect the country between London and the royalist army, served only to increase the general discontent. "My London regiments," he wrote (8 July), "immediately looked on his [i.e. Browne's] forces as sent to relieve them, and without expectation of further orders, are most of them gone away; yesterday no less than 400 out of one regiment quitted their colours. On the other side, Major-General Browne's men, being most of them trained band men of Essex and Hertfordshire, are so mutinous and uncommandable that there is no hope of their stay. They are likewise upon their march home again. Yesterday they were like to have killed their Major-General, and they have hurt him in the face.... I am confident that above 2,000 Londoners ran away from their colours."[652] The same spirit of insubordination manifested itself again when Waller threw himself (20 July) into Abingdon. Most of his troops were only too anxious to leave him, whilst the Londoners especially refused to stir "one foot further, except it be home."[653]
City's petition to parliament for payment of debts out of estates of delinquents, 2 Aug., 1644.
All this was not unnatural if unpatriotic. The absence of these men from their counters and shops portended bankruptcy to many. Even those who stayed at home found difficulty in carrying on their commercial pursuits, owing to the war. Credit had been given to persons who at the outbreak of the war threw in their lot with the king. Their estates had thereupon been sequestrated by parliament, and the city merchant, tradesman or craftsman was left to recover his debt as best he could. At length (2 Aug., 1644) the Common Council took the matter up, and agreed to petition parliament that delinquents might be brought to judgment, and that in all cases of sequestration provision might be made for payment of all just debts out of delinquents' estates.[654] Another grievance which the London tradesman had was the large circulation of farthing tokens, which they were unable to get re-changed.[655]
Ordinance for a standing army, 12 July, 1644.
The representations made by Waller as to the untrustworthiness of the trained bands were such as parliament could not disregard. It resolved therefore (12 July) to establish a permanent force amounting in all to 10,000 foot and 3,050 horse, to be levied in the eastern and southern counties, to take their place and form a small standing army.[656] The city of London and the county of Middlesex were called upon to find 200 horse. The city's contingent of 100 horse was reported as being ready early in August, but money was wanted for their pay. The Common Council[pg 209] thereupon authorised the payment of £2,000 out of the weekly meal fund.[657]
The City's propositions laid before the House, 21 Aug., 1644.
The number of propositions ordered to be reduced, 25 Oct.
More than three months had now elapsed since parliament offered to consider any propositions that the municipal authorities might suggest for the good of the city. At length these were ready, and were laid before the House on the 21st August. They were twenty-eight in number.[658] The first six had reference to the appointment of justices of the peace in the city and Southwark, whilst others dealt with the City's right to the conservancy of the Thames, the restitution of the City's Irish estate and the extension of its jurisdiction over the Tower. Parliament was further urged to empower the Common Council to correct, amend or repeal any by-law made or procured by any company or mistery of London, notwithstanding any statute or law to the contrary, and generally to extend the powers of the City. Lastly, it was proposed that, as the city had grown very populous, the citizens should be allowed to send two additional burgesses to parliament. The consideration of these propositions by the Commons was put off until October, when (25th) the House resolved that the City should be desired to reduce the number of propositions and to state specifically a few of the most important and to bring forward the rest in general terms, so that the propositions of the two kingdoms, which had been ready for some time past, might be forwarded to the king without more delay.[659]
The propositions reduced to six, 26 Oct., 1644.
The Common Council met accordingly on the following day (26 Oct.) and reduced the number of propositions to six, viz., (1) that an Act be passed confirming to the City its charters, customs and liberties; (2) that the militia of the city, as well as of the parishes beyond the city, and its liberties, but within the bills of mortality, should be regulated by the Common Council; (3) that the Tower should be under the government of the City; (4) that the City's forces should not be forced to serve outside the city; (5) that an Act might be passed confirming all by-laws and ordinances made or to be made for calling and regulating the Common Council of the city; and (6) that such other propositions as should be made for the safety and good government of the city, with the approval of both Houses, might be confirmed by Act of parliament. These six propositions were ordered to be forthwith presented to parliament by the Recorder and by alderman Pennington (as lieutenant of the Tower), with an humble desire that they might be sent to his majesty with the propositions of the two kingdoms. It was hoped that the rest of the propositions formerly presented by the City to the House of Commons might soon pass both Houses of Parliament.[660]
Surrender of the parliamentary forces in the west, 2 Sept.
Whilst the propositions which were supposed to make for peace were under consideration, the whole of the parliamentary forces under Essex in the west of England, with the exception of the cavalry, had been compelled to surrender to the royalist army. Deserted by their leader, and left by their cavalry to[pg 211] shift for themselves, the foot soldiers were driven to accept such terms as Skippon, who still stuck to his post, was able to obtain, and on the morning of the 2nd September they laid down their arms. News of the disaster created great consternation in the city, and the Common Council resolved (9 Sept.) to petition parliament to take steps to prevent the royalists occupying Reading as they had done before, and to hasten the passing of a measure for raising money for the maintenance of the fortifications and guards of the city.[661]
Fresh forces required to prevent Charles returning to Oxford, Sept., 1644.
Every effort was made to prevent Charles, who was coming up from the west, reaching the garrisons around Oxford, where he would be able to fight to advantage, and the City was asked (13 Sept.) to send a contingent to assist Waller in that design. The Common Council thereupon gave its assent (20 Sept.) to the red and blue regiments of the trained bands being drawn out in conjunction with three other regiments, viz., one of the trained bands of Westminster, one of the trained bands of Southwark, and the auxiliaries of the Hamlets, and a week later (27 Sept.) voted the sum of £20,000 "or thereabouts" for defraying their cost.[662] This sum was afterwards raised to £22,000, of which £17,250 was to be raised in the city and liberties, and the balance within the Tower Hamlets, the city of Westminster and borough of Southwark.[663]
The second battle of Newbury, 27 Oct.
These preparations were of little avail. As the royalist army came on Waller fell back, until at Newbury the opposing armies again tried conclusions (27 Oct.). Notwithstanding some success which attended the parliamentary forces, they failed to attain the main object in view, and Charles was able at the close of the day to continue his march to Oxford, which he entered on the 1st November.
Surrender of Newcastle, 19 Oct., 1644.
In the meantime better news arrived from the north. Newcastle had at last surrendered to the Scots (19 Oct.), and this intelligence gladdened the hearts of the parliamentary soldiers as well as of the citizens of London. The city might now look for a plentiful supply of coal, a commodity which had become so scarce that in July the civic authorities had received permission from parliament to dig for turf and peat, by way of a substitute for coal, wherever they thought fit.[664] Seeing that it was by the aid of the city that a fleet had been maintained off the north coast, that Berwick had been secured for parliament, and that a free passage had thus been kept open for the Scottish army, the civic authorities thought themselves justified in appealing to parliament for repayment of the money formerly advanced by the adventurers.[665] Notwithstanding the surrender of Newcastle the citizens had to pay a high price for coal owing to a heavy impost set upon it by parliament, until, at the earnest request of the municipal authorities, parliament consented to reduce it.[666]
The trade and commerce of the city ruined by the war.
The close of the year (1644) found the trade and commerce of the city in a deplorable condition. Commercial intercourse with the woollen and linen manufacturers of the west of England had been almost entirely cut off, whilst the blockade of the east coast by the royalist navy deprived the city of a great amount of corn, fish, butter, cheese and other provisions. The citizens were greatly opposed to free trade being allowed with those ports and towns which were in the hands of the royalists,[667] but they were still more anxious to have their trade kept open with the west of England, and they petitioned parliament to that end.[668]
The treaty of Uxbridge, 31 Jan.-22 Feb., 1645.
Early in the following year (31 Jan., 1645) a conference was opened at Uxbridge to discuss three propositions for peace which parliament had offered to Charles at Oxford in November last. These propositions involved the abolition of Episcopacy, and the placing the entire command of the army and navy, as well as the future conduct of the war with Ireland, in the hands of parliament. From the outset it appeared very unlikely that Charles would bring himself to accept the terms thus offered. After three weeks' discussion negotiations were broken off and the so-called "Treaty of Uxbridge" fell to the ground.