CHAPTER XXVII.
The Navigation Act, 1651.
The attempt made to cripple the carrying trade of the Dutch by the passing of the Navigation Act (Oct., 1651) found little favour with the merchants of the city. What they of all things desired to see was free trade in the port of London; and to this end they presented a petition to the Council for Trade, and appointed (9 Dec.) a committee to maintain it "with the best reasons they could."[1063]
The war with Holland, 1652-1653.
This Act failed in its purpose, and only led to retaliation and war. In the spring of the following year (1652) the fleet was got ready to put to sea. On the 26th March the Council of State wrote to the mayor and aldermen and Militia Committee of the city[1064] asking that certain brass guns laid up at Gresham College and other places in the city should be forthwith delivered to the ordnance officer, as the guns formerly used in the fleet during the late wars had been dispersed among various garrisons. By way of postscript—as if an afterthought—the council added: "As there is a pretension of right made to such guns on behalf of the city we shall be ready to receive and consider any claim which they shall make to them; and if it appear that they belong to the city we will take care, after the service is past to which[pg 344] they are designed, that they are either restored or satisfaction made according to their value." In May it was found that the store of gunpowder in the Tower was likely to run short owing to a breach of contract, and again application for assistance was made to the City, who were asked to lend such gunpowder as lay in the Companies' halls.[1065] In March of the following year (1653) the request for guns in the City's magazines to be delivered to the ordnance officers for the public service was repeated,[1066] and by November they were all in the custody of the lieutenant of the Tower.[1067] By that time a victory had been gained over the Dutch admirals Tromp and De Ruyter off Portland (18 Feb., 1653) by Blake and Monk, the latter having for a time exchanged land service for the sea. This success was the more welcome inasmuch as Blake had previously suffered a signal defeat (28 Nov., 1652) at the hands of the Dutch admirals and had himself been wounded. Moreover Tromp had been so elated at his victory that in bravado he had fixed a broom to his masthead, in token of his resolution to sweep the sea of English vessels.
Subscriptions opened in the city for wounded soldiers and sailors, 4 March, 1653.
The example set by parliament of opening a subscription for those wounded at sea was followed by the Common Council of the city. Each member of the court was ordered (4 March) to take steps to "collect the benevolence of the inhabitants in money and old linen, for relief of the wounded soldiers and[pg 345] mariners which God hath made instrumental in the late great success of the Commonwealth at sea against the Dutch." In reporting to the court the total amount thus gathered (£1,071 9s. 5d.) Alderman Fowke intimated that it was the express wish of many of the contributors that the widows and children of those that had been killed should share in the charity. To this the court agreed.[1068] The money was despatched to the fleet by the hands of Alderman Tichborne, and gratefully acknowledged by the admirals Deane and Monk in a letter addressed to the lord mayor (2 April).[1069] Two months later Deane was dead, having been killed in another engagement with the Dutch, when the English fleet again came off victorious. For this success a general thanksgiving at St. Paul's was voted by the Court of Aldermen, who were invited to attend the public funeral of the late gallant admiral.[1070]
Conflict between parliament and the city touching elections, Feb.-March, 1653.
A few weeks before the Long Parliament was so rudely "interrupted" by Cromwell (20 April, 1653) it raised the ire of the Common Council of the city by the action of its commissioners, sitting at Haberdashers' Hall, who had prosecuted and fined certain inhabitants of the ward of Farringdon Within for having contravened the Act touching election of officers upon the Treasonable Engagement.[1071] A deputation from the court was ordered to wait upon the[pg 346] commissioners and to get some explanation of their conduct and to report the result of their interview. The commissioners assumed a very haughty tone. They were, they said, entrusted with full powers to deal with such matters by parliament, but expressed their intention to "be tender to passe severe sentence upon any well affected citizen. For that they have power to doe it or not to doe it." This was not at all to the mind of the Common Council, who thereupon resolved (4 March, 1653) to ask parliament to explain who were promoters and abettors of the Treasonable Engagement, and whether the citizens were to be considered as promoters and abettors for having obeyed the orders of the militia authorised by parliament in manning forts and appearing in arms, as they so often had done, in defence of parliament as well as of themselves.[1072] Before any answer was given to this awkward question the Long Parliament had ceased to exist, to be succeeded by another of a very different character.
Barebone's or the "little" parliament, 4 July-12 Dec., 1653.
"Praise-God Barebone, Esquire," who gave a nick-name to the next parliament, was a leatherseller of London, and was summoned by Cromwell to sit as member for the city. "I, as commander-in-chief of the armies of the Commonwealth," wrote Cromwell to him, "summon you ... to appear at the council chamber, Whitehall, on 4th July, and take upon you the said trust for the city of London."[1073] The rest of the members of this Puritan parliament were for the most part also Cromwell's nominees. It was[pg 347] destined to be short lived. It attacked the law and the Church and threatened the universities. To save the last mentioned institutions the city of London intervened and received the thanks of the university of Oxford.[1074] Afraid of their own acts, which they felt were displeasing to Cromwell, they agreed to dissolve parliament and to transfer their powers to the man from whom they had received them. This took place somewhat suddenly and unexpectedly on the 12th December.
Cromwell created Lord Protector, 16 Dec, 1653.
On the 16th Cromwell was solemnly installed as Lord Protector, the lord mayor, the aldermen and the Recorder being invited to be present, and in due course his new title was proclaimed in the city.[1075] The lord mayor, Thomas Vyner, happening to be a goldsmith, the Council of State commissioned him to supply two services of plate for the use of the "Lord Protector and his lady."[1076]
The Lord Protector invited to dine in the city, Feb., 1654.
Having recognised the new order of things and caused the Lord Protector to be proclaimed at the Old Exchange and other places in the city,[1077] the Common Council proceeded to ask him to a banquet to be given in his honour at Grocers' Hall.[1078] The invitation was accepted, and the dinner took place on the 8th February, 1654. The entertainment was given in right royal style, the mayor and his brother aldermen riding out in state to meet his Highness, who[pg 348] exercised the privilege of his new position by knighting the chief magistrate of the city on his departure.[1079]
The first parliament under the Protectorate, Sept., 1654-Jan., 1655.
In July (1654) when there was some talk of sending the city's Recorder, William Steele, to Ireland on affairs of State, the Common Council addressed a petition to the Lord Protector praying him not to deprive the city of the services of so excellent an officer, and one who was likely to prove particularly useful both to the city and the whole Commonwealth in the forthcoming parliament,[1080] the first parliament under the Protectorate and one of the very few parliaments to which the city sent as many as six burgesses.[1081]
Alderman Pack and his "remonstrance," Feb., 1657.
This parliament, like its predecessor, was of short duration, lasting little more than five months. One other parliament and no more was summoned by Cromwell (17 Sept., 1656). It was before this parliament that Alderman Sir Christopher Pack (the only member for the city, so far as we have any authentic record), brought forward (23 Feb., 1657) his famous "remonstrance," desiring the Protector to assume the kingly dignity and to restore the House of Lords. The question whether the "remonstrance" should be read was answered in the affirmative by a majority of[pg 349] nearly 100 after some hours' debate.[1082] Before it was taken into consideration a day was appointed for prayer and fasting and to seek directions from the Lord.[1083] The proposal was particularly obnoxious to the army, and Colonel Pride had no difficulty in obtaining a large number of signatures against it.
After many days' debate, in the course of which the title of the "remonstrance" was changed to that of "petition and advice,"[1084] the document received the assent of the Commons, and on the 31st March a copy of it engrossed on vellum was presented to the Protector at Whitehall in the presence of the whole House. Its main feature was the creation of a second House, the members of which were to enjoy their seats for life and exercise some of the functions of the former House of Lords. Cromwell was asked to assume the title of king with the right of naming his own successor. The kingship after considerable hesitation he declined (8 May): "I cannot undertake this government with the title of king. And that is mine answer to this great and weighty business."[1085] The rest of the terms he accepted, and on the 28th June he was again installed as Lord Protector in the presence of the mayor and aldermen, the mayor to the left of the Protector bearing the civic sword, with the Earl of Warwick to the right bearing the sword of state.[1086] On the 1st July public proclamation was made in the city with great solemnity.[1087]
Some members of Cromwell's House of Lords.
In due course writs were issued to more than sixty persons—many of them members of the House of Commons, whilst others were men of the lower orders, Puritan officers or parliamentary supporters of Cromwell—to form a new House, a "Peerage of fact," not of descent.[1088] Among them was Glyn, the city's late Recorder, now a chief justice; two city aldermen, viz., Christopher Pack, the prime mover in the restoration of the second House, and Robert Tichborne, who, in honour of his promotion, it may be, presented in the following year a silver bason and ewer weighing 110 ozs. to the City for the use of the lord mayor and his successors.[1089] Colonels Pride and Skippon, soldiers of fortune who had done good service both in parliament and on the field, also found seats among Cromwell's new peers, as also did John Hewson, erstwhile a shoemaker and still a member of the Cordwainers' Company, which honoured him with a banquet at which special dishes, we read, were provided for "my lord Hewson."
Dissolution of the second parliament under the Protectorate, 4 Feb., 1658.
The new House was not a success. It soon began to give itself the airs of the hereditary House of Lords and fell foul of the Commons. Cromwell saw no other course open but to dissolve his second Protectorate Parliament, which he did on the 4th February (1658).
Precautions taken against a royalist rising, March, 1658.
On Friday, the 12th March (1658), the civic authorities were sent for to Whitehall, where they were informed by Cromwell that Charles meditated an invasion, and that Ormond had recently been[pg 351] engaged in enlisting support for the royalist cause in and about the city. They were asked to put the city into a state of readiness for the suppression of tumult and disorder if any should arise, and to place the militia in trustworthy hands.[1090] The warning came just in time, for the Common Council had that very day given orders for the sale of broken carriages, guns and other war material stored at Gresham College, the Leadenhall and in the Guildhall Chapel, and for the proceeds to be paid into the Chamber.[1091] On the 15th the Common Council appointed a committee to draw up a representation or petition expressing the City's thanks to the Protector for the favour thus shown to them.[1092] On the 16th the document was presented to the court for approval, and on the following day carried by a deputation to Cromwell. Its terms were very flattering. After alluding to the blessings which had accompanied the Protector's government and the recent news that "the old restless enemy" was preparing to execute his wrath against God, his highness and the nation, the citizens concluded by assuring him that his enemies would be considered the City's enemies and his friends its friends.[1093] The deputation was instructed by the Common Council to disavow to Cromwell a certain petition which had been addressed to him purporting to come from "divers citizens and inhabitants in and about the city of London," and to humbly desire his highness not to look upon any petition as the petition of the city of London[pg 352] except such as came from the Common Council in the name of "the mayor, aldermen and commons of the city of London in Common Council assembled."[1094]
Aldermen Chiverton and Ireton knighted by Cromwell, 22 March, 1658.
So pleased was Cromwell with the City at this critical time that he conferred the honour of knighthood upon the lord mayor (Richard Chiverton) and upon John Ireton, a brother of Henry Ireton, his own son-in-law and fellow campaigner, now deceased.[1095]
The royalist rising in the city of 15 May.
Thanks to the Protector's caution and advice a royalist émeute in the city, in which Dr. Hewet, a preacher at St. Gregory's by St. Paul's, was implicated, and for which he and Sir Henry Slingsby lost their heads, was prevented, the ringleaders being arrested on the eve of the outbreak. It was remarked at the time that the apprentices engaged in this rising were for the most part "sons of cavaliers, or else such debauched fellows that their masters could not rule or govern them."[1096] On the 6th July the mayor, aldermen and sheriffs, with the city's Recorder, Sir Lisleborne Long, waited on the Lord Protector to congratulate him upon "the deliverance of his person, the city and the whole nation" from the dangers of the late conspiracy.[1097]
Death of Cromwell, 3 Sept.
Cromwell's days were fast drawing to a close, although scarce sixty years of age. The death of his favourite daughter in August of this year cast a gloom over his mind and affected his health, and within less than a month he followed her, dying on the 3rd September—his "fortunate day," as he called it—the day of Dunbar and of Worcester. The lord mayor[pg 353] and city officers were allowed each nine yards of mourning cloth, and eighty other persons of the city four yards each, as on the demise of a sovereign.[1098] On the 4th Richard Cromwell was proclaimed in succession to his father at Westminster and in the city, four heralds attending the mayor on that occasion.[1099]
The Rump restored, 7 May, 1659.
After a brief trial of a new parliament (29 Jan.-22 April, 1659) the Rump was restored and its restoration duly proclaimed in the city.[1100] The citizens affected to see a special interposition of Providence in the new order of affairs and lost no time in preparing a petition for the preservation of the privileges and estates as well of corporations as of individuals, for the speedier despatch of business in the courts of law and equity, for greater liberty of religious worship, for protection of universities and schools in their work of education, and for relief from excessive taxation.[1101] No long time elapsed before the old jealous feud between parliament and the army was renewed by the former resolving that all commissions should be received from the Speaker of the House. One of the first desires of the House was to settle the trained bands of London,[1102] for upon the goodwill of the militia of London and its neighbourhood much depended. But although the citizens were zealous in displaying their loyalty to the government,[1103] they had no mind that the services of their trained bands or of cavalry[pg 354] raised in the city should be employed beyond the city's walls, or that they should be placed under the command of any but "persons of quality, freemen and inhabitants of the city."[1104]
Royalist rising in Cheshire supported by a party in the city, Aug., 1659.
Dissension between parliament and the army was for a time hushed by the threat of a common danger. On the 9th August it was reported to the House that the lord mayor had discovered the existence of a party in the city in favour of the rising which had recently occurred in Cheshire with the view of bringing in Prince Charles.[1105] The mayor, aldermen and Common Council were thereupon ordered to attend the Council of State at Whitehall on the following afternoon, when they were formally thanked for the support they had given to parliament and encouraged to continue in the same course.[1106]
Parliament desires the re-election of John Ireton mayor, 2 Sept., 1659.
Opposition of the Common Council.
Nevertheless, when the danger was over the House thought fit to run the risk of alienating the favour of the City by an attempt to force the re-election of John Ireton as mayor for the coming year upon the unwilling citizens. On the 2nd September the House resolved that "John Ireton" [thus ignoring his knighthood], then lord mayor of the city of London, should continue to execute the office of lord mayor for the year ensuing, and ordered "that it be recommended to the city of London to see the[pg 355] same done accordingly."[1107] The Common Council being in no mood to comply with such request drew up a long petition to parliament,[1108] in which the government of the city was shown to depend upon "two strong supports," viz., the customs of the city and its charters, confirmed as they had been by divers Acts of Parliament; that by virtue of these charters and customs the mayor was chosen by the citizens, that he remained in office for no more than one year, and was presented to the supreme power of the nation for approbation. The petition went on to remind the House how on various occasions, and notably on the 13th January, 1644, and the 6th and 18th May of the same year, parliament had formally acknowledged the constant affection and assistance it had received from the city, and concluded by praying the House to lay no restraint upon the free election of their mayor by the citizens nor infringe the ancient customs and charters of the city, a breach of which "would exceedingly hazard, if not totally destroy, the peace, good order and happiness of the most ancient and well governed city" in the nation, if not in the whole world.
Parliament gives way, 28 Sept., 1659.
The House taking this petition into consideration on the 28th September—the day preceding that on which the election was to take place—resolved by thirty-eight votes to thirteen "that the city of London be left at liberty to make choice of their mayor according to their charter, notwithstanding the previous vote of the House of the 2nd September[pg 356] instant."[1109] The citizens thereupon showed their independence by electing Thomas Aleyne.
Parliament invited to dinner at Grocers' Hall, 6 Oct., 1659.
A good understanding or "correspondence" between parliament and the city having thus been arrived at, the Common Council resolved to ask the House to a dinner at Grocers' Hall to commemorate Lambert's defeat of the royalists. The invitation was accepted, and Thursday, the 6th October, named as the day on which the House would be prepared to go to the city to hear a sermon at Christchurch, Newgate, and afterwards dine with the municipal authorities.[1110]
Parliament closed by Lambert, 13 Oct.
On that day week (13th October) the House suffered another indignity at the hands of the army. No sooner had Lambert defeated the royalist insurgents in Cheshire than he and his fellow officers made extraordinary demands of parliament. When these were refused they betook themselves to brute force and sent troops to shut out members from the House.[1111] So arbitrary a proceeding was distasteful to the citizens of London as well as to the nation at large.
Fears of a disturbance in the city on lord mayor's day.
When lord mayor's day came round and Thomas Aleyne was to enter upon his year of office there was some apprehension in the minds of Fleetwood and the Council of Officers, who were now supreme, lest the day should be made an opportunity for display of popular feeling in favour of parliament. It was suggested, therefore, to the Court of Aldermen by Fleetwood that it might be well to omit the usual[pg 357] shows and attendance of the companies on that day. The court, however, thought otherwise, and directed a deputation to wait upon his excellency and acquaint him with the preparations that had already been made, and with the disappointment which the citizens would feel if they had to forego the customary solemnities, which could be carried out, in the opinion of the court, without any risk of disturbance.[1112]
Monk prepares to march southward, Nov., 1659.
Monk, who was in Scotland, disapproved of the action of Lambert and his fellow officers, and prepared to march southward for the purpose (he said) of vindicating the rights of parliament. Whether he had any ulterior motive in view at the time is not known. Every effort was made by the officers of Lambert's army to secure the support of the City before Monk's arrival. On the 4th November and again on the 8th, Fleetwood, Whitelock and others conferred with the civic authorities. On the latter occasion Whitelock did not hesitate to declare that Monk's real design was the king's restoration at the risk of a civil war. "I shewed the danger of it to the city and nation and counselled them to provide for their own safety, and to join for the safety of the whole nation and for preservation of the peace." The Common Council expressed their thanks, and resolved to follow the advice thus given.[1113]
Monk's letter to the City, 23 Nov., 1659.
On the 23rd November the Common Council received a letter from Monk, which Whitelock describes as "not relished well by them."[1114] The letter is not mentioned in the minutes of the court held on that day, which are confined to an order for[pg 358] the repair of the wall of Richmond Park and to the appointment of a day (2 Dec.) for a solemn humiliation with fasting and prayer, that God might bring them through all their "fears, troubles and darkness unto true rest, peace and settlement."[1115]
Rising of apprentices in favour of a free parliament, 5 Dec., 1659.
Whilst matters were yet in a state of suspense the apprentices of the city again took the lead and presented (5 Dec.) a petition to the Common Council on the subject of "how the peace of this city may be preserved." Their petition was referred to a committee for consideration,[1116] but the apprentices brooked no delay. Out into the street they ran, in spite of all precautions to keep them indoors, crying out for a "free parliament." Amid the confusion Hewson appeared on the scene with a regiment of soldiers, and there was some little bloodshed, two men being killed. This brought the army into greater disrepute than ever, and the cry became general that "it was only kept on foot for the murder of citizens." The next day (6 Dec.) the Court of Aldermen sent a deputation to the Committee of Safety to excuse the recent outbreak and to disavow any complicity in it.[1117] The Committee desired to know particulars as to how the men came by their death, and to understand how far the Court of Aldermen would be responsible for the peace of the city. The Committee was told in reply that the recent deaths were under the consideration of the coroner, and that as to the steps about to be taken for the preservation of the peace of the city, further information would shortly be given.[1118]
A committee to confer with Fleetwood for the security of peace and the safety of the city, 8 Dec.
On the 8th December a Court of Aldermen sat and appointed a committee to confer with Fleetwood for preserving the peace and safety of the city and "for a right understanding between the city and army." He was to be desired in the meantime to keep his soldiers within barracks whilst the court of Common Council was sitting, unless the mayor or sheriffs expressed a wish to the contrary, and to cause the removal of certain "granadoes" recently stored at Gresham College and elsewhere in the city, which had caused strange apprehensions among the inhabitants. A petition to the Common Council for a parliament as in 1642 was unfavourably received, and handed back to the petitioners with a request to them not to print it.[1119] Anxious as the citizens were to get rid of the army's ammunition stored in the city, they were not so anxious to part with their own little stock of gunpowder, and hesitated to lodge it in the Tower as requested, lest it should be some day used against themselves. The City Remembrancer was instructed (17 Dec.) to see Fleetwood on the matter, and to represent to him the feeling of the inhabitants, that order might be taken for securing public peace and quiet.[1120]
Fleetwood promises a free parliament.
By the 19th matters were accommodated between Fleetwood and the City. A parliament was to be summoned which should be free from military influence or interference. The Common Council, on hearing of the success of the committee appointed to confer with Fleetwood, were so satisfied with the manner in which it had carried out its duties that they authorised[pg 360] it to continue to confer with his lordship from time to time as it should see cause for prevention of all misunderstandings between the city and the army.[1121] The action of the mayor, the common council and the committee in the matter was much canvassed, however, by a certain section of the community, and they were accused of betraying the rights and liberties of the city. A "declaration" was therefore drawn up in vindication of their conduct.[1122]
A fresh committee appointed, 22 Dec., 1659.
On the 22nd a fresh committee was appointed to consult for the peace and safety of the city as well as to consider what answers should be sent to Monk, to the officers at Portsmouth and to Lawson, who was in command of a squadron in the Thames, all of whom were opposed to the army in London and in favour of a parliament.
Recommendation of the committee, 23 Dec.
No time was lost; on the following day (23 Dec.) the committee reported to the Common Council recommending, among other things, that six regiments of trained bands should be at once called out and placed under the command of officers, whose commissions should be under the common seal of the city; that commissioners should be appointed to confer with Haslerigg, Morley, Walton and Vice-Admiral Lawson touching the safety of the city and the peace and settlement of the nation, and "in due time" to give an answer to General Monk's letter; and that the commissioners should be authorised to propound the convening of a free parliament according to the late "declaration" of the court. These recommendations being approved, commissioners were there[pg 361] and then appointed, and instructions drawn up for their guidance.[1123]
Nomination of officers for the trained bands, 24 Dec., 1659.
The next day (Saturday, 24 Dec.) the Common Council was busy nominating officers of the trained bands. It also ordered the city's chains and posts to be set up in the several precincts, and the gates, portcullises and posterns to be looked to; but the council afterwards changed their minds on this matter, and the order was countermanded before the court rose.[1124]
The royalists' hopes centred in the city.
The revival of the city's militia was a welcome sign to the royalists. "What does the city?" wrote secretary Nicholas from Brussels about this time. "We know they talk of setting up a militia of their own, and that some of them say, as they helped to drive out the father, they will help to bring in the son."[1125] And again, a few days later, "The city should be made to understand how much their interests are concerned to suppress the illegal and boundless authority usurped by the army which cannot be done but by force, and by no force so well as that of the city and counties adjacent; for if the army shall ... get again to be absolute masters in London, no citizen or inhabitant there will be secure of anything they possess longer than it pleases the soldiery, which will soon make the citizens their absolute slaves." Once more, "The city cannot be secure," he repeats, "if the army continue their quarter and soldiers still among them, nor can any[pg 362] parliament be free whilst awed by an army.... Until it [the army] shall be made to obey orders from a power superior to it, there can be no security or peace, either in city or country."[1126]
The Rump again restored, 26 Dec., 1659.
The spirit that had moved Haslerigg, Morley, Walton and Lawson at length moved the rank and file of the army in London. The soldiers placed themselves at the command of their cashiered officers. On the 24th December they marched to Lenthall's house in Chancery Lane, expressed their sorrow for the past, and promised to stand by parliament for the future. On the 26th the Rump was for the second time restored to power.[1127]
Draft petition to the Rump, 28 Dec., 1659.
Presentation of petition postponed, 29 Dec., 1659.
The citizens had obtained their desire to have once more a parliament, but the parliament they got was far from being the free parliament they had been looking for. They wished to take an early opportunity—lest their action should be misinterpreted—to inform the Rump that the measures they had taken for "settling" the trained bands had been taken before "their honors came together this last time." They desired to explain the reasons for undertaking the work, and to show that in so doing the city had only acted within its rights. A petition was accordingly drawn up on the 28th December, setting forth that disorders in the city had increased "by the exorbitant actings of many of those men who at first being appointed by parliament a Committee of Militia within the city of London for their security and safety, have since their last interruption acted by a[pg 363] commission under the Great Seal of England against the same parliament," and that for the prevention of any disorder that might arise they had fallen back upon their ancient rights and usages, and had put themselves in a posture of defence, not for the purpose of acting against parliament, but for it. Whilst offering these explanations the City was anxious that parliament would receive into its House all such members as were still alive and fill up the places of all who were dead. On the 29th the Common Council resolved that this petition should not be laid before the House until further order.[1128] The commissioners appointed by the City to confer with Haslerigg, Morley and Walton at Portsmouth had returned, and their report made to the Common Council on that day may have given rise to the postponement.
The City's reply to Monk's letter, 29 Dec.
Monk's letter to the City, sent in November, had all this time remained unanswered. At last (29 Dec.) a reply was drawn up, and, after receiving the approval of the Common Council, was despatched to the general by the hands of the City Swordbearer.[1129]
A deputation from Parliament to the Court of Aldermen, 31 Dec.
On the last day of the year a deputation from the House, including Lenthall, Haslerigg, Morley and others, waited upon the Court of Aldermen to confer with them about the safety of the city. The erection of the city posts and chains, which apparently had been proceeded with, and the calling out of the trained bands troubled parliament. By the 2nd January Haslerigg was able to satisfy parliament on the first head. It was contrary (he said) to the mind of the lord mayor, aldermen and Common Council to[pg 364] have any posts or chains set up, and those that were set up should be taken down.[1130] Two days later (4 Jan.) the Common Council ordered the settlement of the trained bands to be proceeded with, and nominated a committee to lay before parliament the grounds and reasons for so doing, the committee being instructed to again press for a full and free parliament.[1131] The attitude of the City towards the restored Rump was keenly watched by royalists abroad. "Let me know certainly the Londoners' intentions about the Rump," wrote secretary Nicholas, "and settling their own militia, and also the proceedings of Monk and Lambert, and how each of them approves the restoring of the Rump."[1132]
The citizens decline to pay taxes until parliament be filled up.
The City's anxiety for a return of a full and free parliament in the place of the Rump was occasioned in some degree by the fact that in the existing House they had but a single representative, viz., Alderman Atkin, and without due representation the citizens refused to be subjected to taxation. "They were resolved," Pepys notes in his diary (13 Jan.), "to make no more applications to the parliament, nor to pay any money, unless the secluded members be brought in or a free parliament chosen."
Monk's second letter to the City, 6 Jan., 1660.
A deputation from the City appointed to meet Monk, 19 Jan., 1660.
In the meantime Lambert, who had set out for the north of England with the intention of stopping Monk's passage from Scotland, had been recalled, and by the middle of January Monk and his army were well on their way to London. On the 6th January[pg 365] he had despatched a letter[1133] to the Common Council by the hands of the City Swordbearer, who having handed to the general the city's late missive, was about to return.[1134] As Monk approached London Alderman Fowke and two other commissioners were ordered (19 Jan.) to go out to meet him and thank him for his second letter, and for his cheerful concurrence with the declaration of the Common Council, and to desire the continuance of a good understanding between his excellency and the court for the settlement of the nation and peace of the city. By the 30th they had returned and were able to report to the Common Council the result of their interview.[1135] The nature of their report has not been recorded.
Monk desires the removal of certain regiments from London before he will enter.
Monk enters London, 3 Feb., 1660.
In order to avoid as much as possible the appearance of entering London as a conqueror, Monk brought with him no more than 5,000 men, a force considerably less than that which was quartered in London and Westminster. Having reached St. Albans, he wrote to the Speaker asking that five of the regiments in the capital might be removed to a distance before his arrival lest his troops should become disaffected by intercourse with those who had been so recently engaged in rebellion. The House acquiesced and gave orders to that effect, but the soldiers refused to leave their quarters, swearing that they would not go without their money, and threatening if their pay was not received to "go where they might have it, and[pg 366] that was the city."[1136] A sum of money having been hastily raised to satisfy their demands, they consented to march out, and the next morning (3 Feb.) Monk entered at the head of his force—"in very good plight and stout officers"—and proceeded to the quarters assigned to him at Whitehall recently occupied by Bradshaw.[1137]
A City deputation to Monk, 8 Feb.
Monk was anxious to feel the pulse of the City before committing himself to any definite policy. He had not long to wait before he was assured of its favour. On the 8th February the Common Council agreed to send a deputation to the general to congratulate him upon his coming to London and to thank him for his courtesy to the City's commissioners recently despatched to him, as well as to express a hope that the good understanding which had prevailed between his excellency and the City might continue.[1138]
The Common Council dissolved by order of the Rump, 9 Feb.
The friendly attitude of the City towards Monk, and its recent hostile attitude towards parliament—some of the Common Council, we are told, had been "very high" at the last court, and refused to pay taxes until the House should be filled up[1139]—was so marked that the Rump determined upon dissolving the Common Council, although it commended the "discreet carriage" of the lord mayor in conducting the business of the court.[1140] Not content with this[pg 367] the House went further, and ordered troops to be quartered in the city "for reducing the city to the obedience of the parliament." The city's gates and portcullises, moreover, were to be removed, and eleven citizens, including an alderman, were ordered into custody.[1141]
Monk in the city.
The unenviable task of seeing these orders executed was, by a clever stroke of policy, committed to Monk himself. There was no alternative open to him but to obey, and to carry out the orders of parliament with as little friction to the citizens as was possible. No sooner had he taken up his residence in the city for this purpose than he was asked by the mayor to delay removing the city's gates until the matter should be communicated to the Court of Aldermen.
Monk confers with the Court of Aldermen, 10 Feb.
A special court having been summoned Monk attended in person (10 Feb.) and informed the members of the commands that had been laid upon him by parliament touching the city's gates and portcullises. Being told that the execution of such commands would be "of very ill consequence both to parliament and the city" the general could only reply that the commands of the House were so positive that he could only hold his hand on one condition, and that was that the city should acknowledge the Rump that so he might have ground for writing to and mediating with the House. The court was allowed to consider the matter whilst Monk withdrew. Upon his return he was informed that the Court of Aldermen could not speak on[pg 368] behalf of the whole body of citizens, "and that the Common Council being now disabled to meet, there was none in capacity to do it." But, said his excellency, the Court of Aldermen might declare their own minds? Again Monk withdrew, only to be told, however, on his return that the court was of opinion that their doing so "would not at this time be a service either to the parliament or city."[1142]
Monk's letter to parliament, 11 Feb.
The next day (11 Feb.) the Court of Aldermen again met. Monk, too, was there. He had just despatched a letter to the Speaker of the House complaining of the invidious work he and his soldiers had been set to do—a work which served only to bring them into discredit with the city—and peremptorily demanding that every seat in the House should be filled up by the following Friday (17 Feb.) as a preliminary to the calling together of a new parliament. When the aldermen heard of this letter they were delighted, and ready to accede to anything Monk might suggest. He proposed quartering troops in the city "for a few days." The aldermen raised no objection, but asked his excellency to utilise as far as possible the inns and public victualling houses, "so as may be least offence to the citizens."[1143] They even displayed a readiness to give up their own houses to the use of the general and his officers, and promised that his soldiers should lack nothing.[1144] On his quitting the court such a shout was raised of "God bless your excellency" as had been seldom heard. Bonfires were lighted that evening from Cheapside to Temple Bar, bells were set ringing, and rumps carried in mock[pg 369] procession and solemnly roasted in token of the approaching dissolution of parliament. So great was the hospitality offered to the soldiers that most of them got gloriously drunk.[1145]
Monk attends divine service in the city, 12 Feb., 1660.
The next day being Sunday (12 Feb.) Monk, whose wife had joined him in his lodgings in the city, attended morning service at St. Paul's, and in the afternoon went to a church in Broad Street, probably that of St. Peter le Poor, in the neighbourhood of his lodgings.[1146]
Interview between Monk and the Court of Aldermen at Drapers' Hall, 13 Feb.
On Monday (13 Feb.) he held a conference with the mayor and aldermen at Drapers' Hall, a stone's throw from where he lived, with reference to the peace and safety of the city. Alderman Atkin, a member of parliament, was sent for to be informed of "sundry matters of great danger to the city," of which information had reached the ears of the Court of Aldermen, and which he was to communicate to the House. But particulars are not recorded.[1147]
The Council of State invite Monk to leave the city for Whitehall, 13 Feb.
The Council of State were far from being pleased with Monk for taking up his quarters in the city, and repeatedly urged him to leave the city for Whitehall, where they could keep a better watch on his movements. They particularly desired his company at Whitehall on Tuesday morning for the purpose (they said) of consulting him on matters relating to public safety, and in order that they might have an opportunity of communicating to him the recent proceedings of parliament.[1148]
Monk prepares to quit the city, 15 Feb., 1660.
Monk was in no hurry to quit the city. On Wednesday (15 Feb.) he sent for Alderman Fowke to say that he purposed marching out of the city with his forces on the following afternoon, but that in so doing he had no intention of receding from his promise to secure the safety of the city. He would also endeavour to bring about a right understanding between parliament and the city. Fowke having reported this to the Court of Aldermen there was great alarm, and a deputation was despatched, with Fowke at its head, to beg the general to let his soldiers remain in the city "if it may consist with his trust." Word was brought next day to the court that in the event of his excellency quitting the city he would leave behind two regiments for its safety, and that if the court would give him the names of persons fit to be officers he would endeavour to get two regiments of their own appointed by parliament.[1149]
Monk remains in the city but changes his quarters.
Instead of quitting the city Monk only changed his quarters to the house of William Wale, alderman of the ward of Farringdon Without, whither he caused his goods to be removed from Whitehall, as to a more or less permanent residence.[1150] There he remained, holding frequent interviews with the leading citizens and preparing to carry into effect the project of restoring the king.[1151]
The return of the excluded members to parliament, 21 Feb.
In the meanwhile parliament had been busy completing the bill for the qualifications of electors and candidates for the new parliament, and on the day fixed (17 Feb.) by Monk writs were ready to[pg 371] be issued. According to the qualifications passed by the House, no one could be elected a member of the forthcoming parliament unless pledged to support a republican form of government. As this meant the exclusion of the members shut out by Pride's Purge in 1648 it gave rise to much dissatisfaction, and Monk was appealed to. A deputation of the sitting members met a deputation of the excluded members at Monk's new quarters, when it was decided that the Presbyterian members shut out by Pride's Purge should again be allowed to take their seats. Four days later (21 Feb.) they attended parliament at Monk's invitation and were admitted without opposition.
The day passed off without any disturbance, although it was feared that the "secluded" members might attempt to force their way into parliament. It was also feared that if such an attempt were made it would be backed up by some inhabitants of the city. The council had therefore asked Monk to take precautions for securing the freedom of parliament as well as maintaining peace within the city.[1152]
The Common Council restored, 21 Feb., 1660.
The recent order of parliament dissolving the Common Council of the city was declared null and void, the municipal authorities were allowed to set up the city's gates and portcullises again, and the imprisoned citizens were liberated.[1153] That night was a joyous one in the city. Bells were rung and bonfires were lighted, so that the sky was ablaze with illuminations, "a most pleasant sight to see."[1154]
On the 28th February—a day set apart for public thanksgiving—Monk was invited to an entertainment at Grocers' Hall in honour of the restoration of a full parliament and of the Common Council of the city; but party spirit was so rife that it became necessary to warn the general against receiving anything that he might hear "as the sense of the city."[1155] Bonfires were forbidden to be lighted in the city that night by order of the Council of State, lest some discontented spirits might seize the opportunity to raise a disturbance.[1156]
Parliament desires a loan of £60,000, 22 Feb., 1660.
The day that the Common Council re-assembled (22 Feb.) it received a deputation from the restored House asking for a loan. With little hesitation the court voted a sum of £60,000 on the security of the monthly assessments. It was left to the aldermen, deputies and common councilmen of the wards to raise the money by subscription, and they were further instructed to take the best course they could for raising a sum of £100,000 upon the same account.[1157] It was subsequently (1 March) arranged that the sum of £27,000 should be advanced upon security of the six months' assessment, and in case the same should not be fully collected out of the assessment, the deficit, as well as the cost of repairing and setting up the gates, portcullises, etc., should be secured by Act of Parliament.[1158]
Monk appointed Sergt.-Major-General of the city's forces, 3 March.
The House acceded to the City's request that its militia might be placed in the hands of commissioners[pg 373] of its own choice. Monk himself was nominated by the Common Council (3 March) Sergeant-Major-General of the city's forces, a post which he signified his willingness to accept.[1159] The sooner the militia was settled the sooner would the city be rid of Monk's soldiers, of whose excesses the Common Council had had recent cause to complain.[1160] Armed once more with parliamentary powers, the commissioners for the militia of the city prepared to raise six regiments of auxiliaries and some cavalry, as well as a month's tax at the rate of £35,000 a month over England for their maintenance or "trophies."[1161]
The Long Parliament dissolved, 16 March, 1660.
Having settled the militia of the kingdom as well as that of London, parliament—the Long Parliament, which during its actual or nominal existence for nearly twenty years had experienced every vicissitude of fortune—was at length dissolved (16 March) by its own act, and writs were issued for a fresh parliament to meet on the 25th April.[1162] The new parliament was known as the Convention Parliament on account of its members having been elected without the king's writs.
Application to the City for an advance of £500,000, 26 March.
Ten days after the dissolution of the Long Parliament there came to the Common Council of the city a deputation from the Council of State, in whose hands the sole government of the kingdom then lay, with a proposal to borrow the sum of half a million of money (£500,000) upon the security of a moiety of the excise. The court, after deliberation, agreed (2 April) to lend a sum of money (amount not specified) to[pg 374] the Council of State upon security of the moiety of the excise "and the honour of the said Council of State," and ordered that subscriptions should at once be set on foot in the several wards.[1163]
The king's restoration freely spoken of.
Scarcely had the House broken up before people began to talk freely of the king and his probable restoration, a subject on which they had hitherto dared only to speak in a whisper. So bold indeed did they become that on the very day of the dissolution a man came with a ladder to the Exchange—not "Royal," but "Great" Exchange—in the city and obliterated with a brush the inscription, Exit Tyrannus Regum Ultimus, which had been set up in August, 1650, near the site of the late king's statue, destroyed by order of the then Council of State, as already narrated. Before the end of the month another statue was in course of making to take the place of the one that had been thus destroyed.[1164] As time went on, and Monk's design to bring in Charles became more apparent, the citizens grew yet bolder. The Skinners' Company went so far as to set up again the royal arms in their hall on the occasion of an entertainment given to Monk himself.[1165]
The City's declaration and vindication, 30 April, 1660.
Towards the close of April, when it was evident that the king's restoration was a mere question of time, the Common Council showed an anxiety to place on record an account of the attitude taken up by the City, and to vindicate its action throughout the late troublous times. It appointed (26 April) a committee "to peruse the records of this court and[pg 375] report what of them are fit to be considered of, and their opinions thereupon; and also to prepare a narrative for the vindication of this court and city touching the same." The committee at once set to work, and in four days were ready with a draft of "a declaration and vindication of the lord mayor, aldermen and commons of the city of London in Common Council assembled," which received the approval of the court (30 April), and a printed copy of which was ordered to be sent to every member of parliament and Council of State.[1166]
After expressions of satisfaction at the thought of an end having been put to the distractions of the kingdom by General Monk, and at the hopeful prospect of a return to the old form of government by king, lords and commons, under which the country had so long prospered at home and been respected abroad, this declaration proceeded to disavow the various Acts of the Common Council as established in 1648, when, "in the general deluge of disorder introduced upon these kingdoms" in that year, the government of the city passed into the hands of "men of loose and dangerous principles," who proceeded to pass Acts "tending to the murder of the late king and total extinguishment of kingly government," and who by no means were a fair representation of the city. It set forth various proceedings of the Common Council in connection with parliament and the city's Engagement to guarantee the personal safety of the late king[pg 376] from the 22nd June, 1648, down to the 13th January, 1649, when the lord mayor Reynardson was constrained to leave the council. The terms of this Engagement the City was prepared to carry out, "but it pleased Almighty God to permit their good intentions and endeavours to be frustrated by the destructive counsels and actings of those who had designed to build upp their dominion and fortunes on the ruin of the king and kingdom." The House of Lords was dissolved, and all the best members excluded from the House of Commons. By "pretended ordinances" of parliament, all those worthy citizens who, according to their allegiance and covenant, had engaged to procure and secure a personal treaty with the king, were rendered incapable to be elected into the Common Council or any other office of trust in the city.
What could be expected of a body thus emasculated? They declare themselves unable to find words to express their abhorrence of the proceedings that had taken place in the Common Council of the 13th January, 1649, and "profess their thankful memory of the noble gallant resolutions of the then lord mayor, Alderman Reynardson, and his brethren the aldermen, who so valiantly resisted the turbulent disorders of that mechanicke juncto during many hours' assault and at last prudently retreated and washed their hands from the guilt of those bloody resolves." In conclusion they express a hope and trust that since the recovery of the right of free election the Common Council had manifested an eagerness to act cordially and strenuously with parliament in everything tending towards good government, and[pg 377] that soon, by the aid of the parliament recently convened, they would be put under the protection of the first and fundamental government of hereditary monarchy according to the ancient laws of the nation.
Letter from Charles to the City read before the Common Council, 1 May, 1660.
The City's declaration and vindication was scarcely printed and published before a letter from Charles himself[1167] was brought to the Common Council by Lord Mordaunt and Sir John Grenville (1 May), in which the prince expressed a wish that the City should know how little he desired revenge and how convinced he was that the peace, happiness and security of the kingdom were only to be secured by gaining the hearts and affections of his subjects. He felt that he could count upon the City to assist him in re-establishing those fundamental laws upon which the happiness of the country so much depended, and he avowed a "particular affection" for his native city, the charters of which he was not only ready to renew and confirm, but to grant such new favours as might advance its trade, wealth and honour.
The Declaration of Breda, 4 April.
Enclosed in this letter was a declaration known as the Declaration of Breda, from the place where Charles had signed it on the 4th April (o.s.)[1168] It offered a general pardon to all except those specially exempted by parliament and promised liberty of conscience in matters of religion. Charles further expressed his willingness to leave questions of title to estates acquired during the late troublous times to be decided by parliament. He assured the soldiers of arrears of pay and promised to continue them in his service on the same terms as they then enjoyed.
Thanks of the city for the king's letter and declaration, 1 May, 1660.
The letter and declaration having been read (1 May), the Common Council returned thanks to Charles for his condescension towards the City, and expressed their willingness to submit to his majesty's government, in token of which the arms of the Commonwealth (he was informed) had already been taken down and orders given for those of his majesty to be set up. A committee was appointed to draw up a formal answer in writing for conveyance to Charles by the same hands that had brought his letter, provided parliament would allow the City to return an answer. The late king's statue, which had been removed from the Guildhall chapel, was to be forthwith set up again.[1169]
The Convention Parliament sends to borrow £100,000 of the city, 2 May.
Charles having shrewdly thrown upon parliament the burden of naming the terms on which his restoration was to take place, it became necessary that a parliament should meet forthwith. Another Convention Parliament had accordingly met on the 25th April. The declaration of Breda reached it on the 1st May, and on the following day it sent to borrow £100,000 from the City. The Common Council at once took steps for raising the money.[1170] One half of this sum was destined for the king's own use, and sorely he stood in need of it. Pepys, who had it from an eye-witness, records "how overjoyed the king was when Sir J. Grenville brought him some money; so joyful that he called the Princess Royal and Duke of York to look upon it as it lay in the portmanteau before it was taken out."[1171]
City gifts to the king, the Dukes of York and Gloucester, etc.
The same day (2 May) that the Common Council undertook to raise the loan for parliament it voted on its own account a gift of £10,000 to Charles. It also voted a sum of £2,000 for expenses in sending a deputation to the Hague; but it was subsequently resolved to divide the sum between the Dukes of York and Gloucester, and that the members of the deputation should discharge their own expenses. A further sum of £300 was voted for Lord Mordaunt and Sir John Grenville, the bearers of the king's letters, for the purchase of a ring apiece. The sum of £12,000 was raised among the livery companies on the understanding that this was an exceptional occasion and was not to be drawn into precedent.[1172]
Commissioners to the Hague, May, 1660.
Besides returning an answer by the hands of the king's messengers, the Common Council appointed sixteen commissioners to wait upon the king at the Hague with the City's formal answer.[1173] By the 28th May the commissioners returned and reported the success of their expedition to the Common Council. They had been very graciously received by Charles, who had conferred knighthood upon those who had not already received that honour. The court gave them a hearty vote of thanks for the great pains and charges they had been put to.[1174]
Charles proclaimed in the city, 8 May, 1660.
In the meantime Charles had been publicly proclaimed king in the city by the lord mayor (8 May), who, in honour of the occasion, had been specially provided with a new crimson velvet gown, whilst his Swordbearer in attendance was scarcely less gorgeous in a damask gown of the finest "branch."[1175] The Commons of England joining with them, the lord mayor, aldermen and commons of London unanimously acknowledged and proclaimed that by inherent right the crown had devolved upon Charles II immediately on the decease of his father as next heir.[1176]
Charles enters London, 29 May.
On the 25th May Charles landed at Dover, and four days later entered London, being met at St. George's Fields[1177] by the mayor and aldermen. The City's sword having been offered to the king and returned, Charles conferred the honour of knighthood upon Thomas Aleyne, the lord mayor, and partook of refreshment in the lord mayor's tent, set up for the purpose. From there to Whitehall the journey was one long triumphal procession through streets strewn with flowers and lined with members of the companies in their handsome liveries. Never was there such a restoration, wrote John Evelyn, since the return of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity.[1178]