ABSTRACT OF INQUIS. P.M., 45 ELIZ., pars. 1, No. 71.

Inquisition taken at Maidstone, 2 Dec. [1602], after the death of Reginald Scot, generosus.

He was seised of a tenement and 20 acres of land called Graynecourtte, held of Th. Scott, Esq., as of his manor of Brabourne, a tenement called Essex, and 20 acres of land in two parcels in Allington [Aldington], held of Edw. Hall, as of his manor of Pawlson. One parcel of land called Haythorne field, containing 20 acres in Bonington, held of the Queen in capite, and a tenement and one parcel of land lying in Barefield, containing two acres in Brabourne, tenure unknown, and one acre in Brabourne and 5 acres in Brabourne, and two parcels in Smeeth, and 30 acres of marsh called Gatesleaf, in Newchurch, held of Martin Barneham, Esq., as of his manor of Bylsyngton.

He died 9 Oct., 41 Eliz. [1599], at Smeeth.

Elizabeth, wife of Sackville Turner, gent., is his daughter and next heir, and was 28 years of age and more at his death.

Alice, his widow, has received the rents since his death.

[Elizabeth was the next heir to his own property, but that which was his own through his wife Alice, he specially devised “to her and to her heirs”.]

The Cause and History of the Work.—That is, what induced Scot to write it, and why did he set it forth as he did? inquiries which involve, among other matters, a short notice of the position then and previously held by witchcraft in England. His Hoppe-garden shows him to us as a man of intelligence, foresighted and reflective of thought, and desirous of improving the state of his country and countrymen. It shows him also as one who could not only seize a thought and commend it to others, but as one who had perseveringly put his idea into practice, found it feasible, and then so learnt the processes necessary for growing the plant, and preparing its catkins and storing them for use, that a priori one would suppose that he had done what he did not, namely, visited Holland and learnt the processes on the spot. The same qualities are seen in his Witchcraft, as is also his independence of thought. No sooner had his suspicions been aroused than he proceeded, as shown by the work and its references, to investigate the matter thoroughly and perseveringly. To this also he was encouraged, or rather led, by yet other two qualities, his straightforwardness or honesty of purpose, and his compassion, for these taught him that he was engaged in a righteous work, that of rescuing feeble and ignorant, though it may be too pretentious and shrewish, old women from false charges and a violent death, and in a noble work in endeavouring to stem the torrent of superstition and cruelty which was then beginning to overflow the land.

Nor was this the result in any way of a mind sceptically inclined. His book shows that he accepted the opinions of his day, unless he had been led to inquire into them, and either re-receive them as facts or discard them. Led doubtless by his academic training, it is abundantly clear that he had inquired into the grounds of his belief in the Established Church, and into the additions that had been made to its faith in the course of illiterate ages by the Popish Church. He had read Plotina, who taught him that the so-called vicars of Christ and his vice-gerents on earth were often devils incarnate and standard-bearers of vice, and that the system which did now and again produce a St. Francis d’Assis—all reverence to his name—produced also the congeners of Loyola, and Loyola himself, whose followers, while assuming to themselves the holy name of Socii Jesu, made that name famous and infamous, and their tenets execrated throughout the civilised world. But he accepted with some doubting, having, as he thought, great authority for it and no means of investigation, the story of the Remora; and accepted without doubting the beliefs that the bone of a carp’s head, and none other, staunched blood, the value of the unicorn’s horn, and the like, and—notwithstanding his disbelief in astrology—that seed-time and springing were governed by the waxing and waning of the moon. He also believed that precious stones owed their origin to the influences of the heavenly bodies; and besides his credulous beliefs as to certain waters, narrated at the commencement, he in the next chapter gives the absurdly wonderful virtues of these stones, some, as he says, believed in by him, “though many things most false are added”.

How then came he to inquire into and write so strongly against witchcraft? Before the time of the eighth Henry, sorcerers were dealt with by the ecclesiastical law, which punished them as heretics. Moreover, their supposed offences against the person seem, chiefly at least, to have been taken notice of when they were supposed to interfere with high or state matters or persons, as in the cases of Joan of Arc or Dame Eleanor Cobham. But in Henry’s time, probably through the extension of continental ideas, aided, it may be, by a desire to restrain the ecclesiastical power, c. 8 of the thirty-third year of his reign was passed. By this it was enacted, that witches, etc., who destroyed their neighbours, and made pictures [images] of them for magical purposes, or for the same purposes made crowns, swords, and the like, or pulled down crosses, or declared where things lost or stolen were become, should suffer death and loss of lands and goods, as felons, and lose the privileges of clergy and sanctuary. Afterwards, by 1 Edw. I, c. 12, this and other offences first made felonies in Henry’s time were no longer to be accounted such. Thirdly, in the fifth year of Elizabeth, Parliament, by its twelfth chapter, enacted, that whereas many have practised sorceries to the destruction of people and their goods, those that cause death shall suffer as was declared by 33 Henry VIII, c. 8, except that their wives and heirs shall not have their rights affected by such attainder. But that when a person was only injured, or their goods or cattle destroyed, the offenders should for the first offence suffer a year’s imprisonment, and once a quarter be exposed in the pillory in a market town for six hours, and there confess their offences; and for the second offence suffer death as felons, with the exceptions before rehearsed. While any who seek treasure, or would bring about unlawful love, or hurt anyone in his body or goods, should for a first offence be imprisoned and suffer as before, and for a second be imprisoned for life and forfeit his goods and cattle. This, so far as humanity is concerned, is a distinct advance on Henry’s enactment, though an apparent going back from that of Edward. Perhaps, as before, it arose from a desire to remove the offences from the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical law, which would have burnt them, nor, as evidenced by its little results, does it seem to have been made through any mania or scare in the matter. This came on later, when, as we are told by Brian Darcie in 1582, at what time, under pie-crust promises of favour, he was endeavouring to get women to confess, and then be hanged,—“there is a man of great learning and knowledge come over lately into our Queenes Majestie, which hath advertised her what a companie and numbers of Witches be within Englande: whereupon I and other of her Justices have received Commission for the apprehending of as many as are within these limites.” Alas, this man of great learning and knowledge seems to have been none other than that otherwise light of the English Church, the great, good, and pious Bishop Jewel, who, having returned from a forced residence abroad, was speedily promoted by her Majesty, and in a sermon preached before her, in 1572, brought in the subject as follows:—

“Heere perhaps some man will replie, that witches, and conjurers often times chase away one Divell by the meane of another. Possible it is so; but that is wrought, not by power, but by Collusion of the Divels. For one Divell, the better to attaine his purpose, will give place, and make as though he stood in awe of another Divell. And by the way to touch but a word or two of this matter for that the horrible using of your poore subjects inforceth thereunto. It may please your Grace to understand, that this kind of people, I meenes witches and sorcerers, within these few last yeeres, are marvellously increased within this your Grace’s realme. These eies have seene most evident and manifest marks of their wickednesse. Your Grace’s subjects pine away even unto the death, their collour fadeth, their flesh rotteth, their speech is benummed, their senses are bereft.”

“Wherefore, your poore subjects most humble petition unto your Highnesse, is, that the lawes touching such malefactours, may be put in due execution. For the shole of them is great, their doings horrible, their malice intollerable, the examples most miserable. And I pray God, they never practise further, then upon the subject. But this only by the way, these be the scholers of Beelzebub the chief captaine of the Divels.”

The plantings of the Queen in the commissions of her Justices thus instigated and encouraged, produced an abundant crop. According to the Dedications of Scot, Sir Roger Manwood, Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, had had “in these causes such experience”, [A ii. v]., while Sir Thomas Scot, as Justice of the Peace, had also had “manie poore old women convented before him for ... witchcraft”, [A. vi]. Various booklets also, presently to be spoken of more at large, excited still more the imaginations of a credulous people, and it had been supposed, before Scot wrote, as will be seen on [p. 473], and in my note on that page, that the Queen’s person had been aimed at in that way.

It thus appears that though Scot may have been brought up in a traditional but little-regarded belief in witchcraft, he, when he was at least thirty-four, was not only unprepared, but startled, to witness and take part in this new departure from justice and mercy. Witchcraft, chiefly looked on as useful in discovering things lost, or in bringing a wished-for sweetheart to return the love of the seeker, or in curing ailments simple or grievous, became feared, reviled, and sought out: sought out by Commission of the Queen, sought out by the people as a great and fearful evil rapidly overspreading the land, and able and willing, like the Plague and Black Death, to count its victims by thousands, and from the cottage to the throne itself. He, a man both intelligent and compassionate, sees poor, old, decrepit creatures eking out a miserable livelihood by begging an occasional dole from their better off neighbours; ill-tempered by age and condition, and therefore abusive when refused such dole, or on slighter causes, sometimes perhaps through old knowledge or superstition, but probably more often for the sake of gain, pretending to be wise above what is known; he sees these accused of selling their souls for the sake of such a position in the world, he hears them accused sometimes of foul, more frequently of unlikely, crimes and acts, nay, such as an unprejudiced common sense must laugh at, while the evidence is nearly always so faulty that, were the accusation a different one, it would be at once turned inside out and thrown aside. Unfortunately, too, some of these old women being more or less mad, and others driven through fear on the one hand, or through promised favour on the other, confess themselves capable of doing these things, though any man of sense and observation could detect their state or motives. Luckily, too, he had had close to him, and in his wife’s family, the known and talked-of imposture of the Holy Maid of Kent; and in his own time and close to his own door, the case of the Pythonist of Westwell, at first carried out triumphantly, and then, on her own confession and her re-acted acts, branded as an impostor, like the Holy Maid. The Dutchman, too, at Maidstone, after being set forth as a worker of miracles and an exorcist, was found to be a rogue; and “manie other such miracles had beene latelie printed, whereof diverse had beene bewraied.” He had taken part also—apparently as one engaged for the defence—in that piece of folly called the trial of Margaret Simons, and knew the history of Ade Davie, and of her restoration to sanity without exorcism, hanging, or burning.

Is it not natural that his suspicions, and more than suspicions, should have been aroused, and that he should have been thus led to take up the whole subject seriously? One who had given himself up, as Wood says, to reading and thought as well as to healthy and useful exercise, must have sought for and obtained books on either side of the subject, and in especial the known book of Wier; and thoughtful reading of these, and meditation must have led him to extend his views, and gather them into a harmonious and consistent whole. Meanwhile, however, the bloodthirsty superstition daily increased, and there were published first, the mad book or books of Richard Gallis—spoken of in [pp. 132–3]—of the witches at Windsor, now, I believe, unfortunately lost, where, among other things, he narrates how, at a Sabbath meeting, he had a hand-to-hand encounter with the devil, and wounded him so sore that he stank of brimstone; and in 1582, there took place the wholesale condemnation of the poor old women of St. Osees, thirteen I believe of whom were hanged. There had been no such condemnation before in England. It is not unlikely that he himself witnessed their condemnation—see [pp. xxv–vi]. So unusual was it, that—as I cannot but believe on other evidence, as stated in my noting on Macbeth—a ballad was written on it, which became very commonly known, and was remembered as late as 1606. This same unusual breadth of punishment also created so much attention that Justice Brian Darcie thought it worth while to set forth in print, not the trial, but the depositions taken before him, and thus inform a too ignorant public that he and he alone was the primary cause of such a purification.

These facts, and especially this last, aroused, I believe, Scot’s compassion and indignation, and made both find vent in printed words. And besides these likelihoods, including that of date, there are two at first sight seemingly contradictory facts, which made themselves manifest to me when I first carefully read the book, and before I had formed any opinion on their causes, and which are on this view reconciled. These facts are, that while the plan which he has adopted, and his facts and conclusions, seem to have been deliberately sought out, thought over, and canvassed, there are evidences throughout of a feverous haste of composition, such feverous haste as the above spoken of emotions would excite in a man like Scot, who had witnessed so horrible and so bloody a perversion of justice. The proof of the first fact I leave to be observed by the intelligent reader; but while the second must also be observed by him, it is needful, to the full exposition of my argument, that I should collect in one view most at least of the details. This haste is evidenced in some of his corrected errata, but more in those that he did not correct. Thus we have, on [p. 174], a curious slip, by which Pharaoh becomes a Persian, and Nebuchadnezzar takes Pharaoh’s place as an Egyptian king, for other parts of the book prove conclusively that this was an unintentional lapsus, and one a second time overlooked when the book was re-read before the title-page and the preliminary leaves were set up. Similar are his errors as to Haias and Sedaias, for at one time he speaks of Rabbi Sedaias Haias, repeating it also at the last when he gives his “forren authors” consulted, and between these speaks of them as two persons, as they were. More especially would I call attention to his blunders as to Argerius Ferrerius. He quotes him—yet he is always Ferrarius—five times in his text, twice in his table of contents, and once in his “authors used”. So in his translation from him, the “s” of “verbis” being indistinct in some copies, he read the word as “verbi”, and thereby translated the sentence into such unmistakable nonsense that this alone should have shown him his error. So, also, we have the senseless, because careless, rendering of the sword in hand passage, [p. 257]; and with these may be classed his adoption of T. R.’s curious mistranslations from Wier’s Pseudomonarchia, or from another copy of the Empto. Salomonis, for a moment’s consideration would have shown him their absurdity, and led him to turn to Wier. In [p. 19] also, we find “infants” where, as stated in my note, all the editions of the Mal. Malef. in the British Museum have “infames”; and this, though a slip of memory, betokens, when taken with the rest, overhaste. These slips, in an ordinary writer, would lead to another conclusion, but not in this case, where we have evidence of both ordinary and recondite knowledge, of conclusions tried by actual experiment, of a quick and intelligent perception, and of what may be called, in a good sense, a ready and acute subtlety in refuting or retorting allegations or objections.

Our author’s indebtedness to Cornelius Agrippa and to Wier has, in a great measure, been anticipated in what has been said; but a few words may here be added. Casually coming across their books when he became a reader of out-of-the-way works, he did not become a follower of theirs, and then write a book, as the disciples of Pythagoras wrote books to expound and hand down the doctrines of their master. Wier had written a book against witchcraft, and a clear and comprehensive book. But while Scot certainly followed Wier in point of time, and as certainly was much indebted to him for the perfecting of his book, yet, as I have said, Scot seems to have taken up his belief against the reality of witchcraft from what he in his own experience had witnessed; and my view, that he was then led to read Wier and Cornelius Agrippa, and the writers on the other side, seems to me confirmed by what we find as to his indebtedness to Wier. The “Notings on Wier” show that, while he copied him in some other instances, he borrowed from him mainly a long list of illustrations, some of which even he may have drawn independently from the same sources as did Wier.

Bibliography.—We do not find an entry of Scot’s Hoppe-garden in the Stationers’ Registers, because the entries about 1574 are wanting. But why do we not find so large and important a book as the Witchcraft of 1584 so entered, the writer being of a family of no mean repute, and the head of his house, Sir Th. Scot, being in those days a man of some mark? The answer, after what has been said, is simple. He upheld and defended a heresy, the existence and diabolical powers and practices of witches being believed in and guarded against, by the Queen, the bishops, and the people. Hence the reply of the Stationers’ Company would most certainly have been—the same as in more trifling cases—“provided he shall get the bishop of London his alowance to yt”, words which, under the circumstances, would have been a refusal, and a refusal which, had any steps been taken against him after its publication, would have told against him. Hence he resolved to print it, taking all the blame and responsibility on his own shoulders, no stationer’s name being connected with it, and the name of the printer appearing only at the end of the book, without date or place of address—“Imprinted at London by | William Brome.” And here, by the way, it may be mentioned that though called in catalogues a quarto, its signatures are in eights. As before stated, both Thomas Ady and Anthony à Wood tell us that it “did for a time make great impressions on the Magistracy and Clergy”, and that it did so generally is shown by the appearance of Webster’s, Ady’s, and other books on the same side, and those of Gifford, Perkins, and others, on the other, including King James, who, in 1597, issued his Dæmonologie specially against it. Whether Elizabeth or the authorities under her took any notice of it is doubtful, for, as I have said, he was still an Esquire in 1587; and the last words of his will, “for greate is the trouble my poor wief hath had with me, and small is the comforte she hath receyved at my hands”, and his designation of himself as “gent.”, point rather to a voluntary surrender of his office, through weakness and ill-health, than to a dismissal.

But zeal for the truth, as he believed it, combined with his fears for himself, for he believed that he had been the object of witchcraft and of the machinations of the evil powers more than once, though luckily in vain, led the royal author on the other side to cause Scot’s book to be burned by the common hangman; and, as is also said by Cole, not one copy alone, as significant of its character, and of its being a liber prohibitus in the eyes of this Protestant Pope, but as many as could be laid hands upon. While, too, I have as yet found no direct proof of this latter statement, it is perhaps in some degree confirmatory of it, that no copies of the book exist in the library of St. Paul’s Cathedral, nor in that of Lambeth Palace, nor in that of Sion College. To the same cause is most likely due the exceedingly neat copy of various chapters, and parts of chapters, contained in the Sloane MS., ff. 2189, in the British Museum, its date according to the experts there being circa 1620. At one time I had suspected that these extracts had been made with the intent of writing a book either for or against the truth of witchcraft; but the methodical neatness of all but the first two or three pages, the manner in which the typographical form of the book is followed, the consecutive, though broken manner, in which the extracts follow one another, the absence of any word or any sign of remark or comment throughout, now cause me to hold that it was a copy made by or for one who took such portions as he wished from a book otherwise inaccessible.

Turning back to this burning, I would say also that I have not come across any English contemporary, or even early statement as to it, much less as to its date. Perhaps, however, without much fear of error, we may suppose it to have been done immediately after the Act against witches, passed in the first year of James’s reign. By it the Act 5 Eliz. was repealed, and any conjuration, etc., of an evil spirit was made a crime punishable by death as a felon, the culprit losing all benefit of clergy and sanctuary. The finding of treasure by magical means, provoking to unlawful love, or destroying of cattle, was for the first offence to bring with it imprisonment for one year, standing in the pillory once a quarter for six hours, and confessing his crime, as in the Act repealed; and for the second offence death as a felon, though the dowry and the heirship were not attainted. This Act itself shows how strong were James’s convictions in the matter, as does the publication in London of his Dæmonologie in the same year, it being entered on the Stationers’ Registers on the 3rd April 1603. Scot’s book was therefore against James’s belief, and the esteem in which it was held against his own powers as a reasoner and author. While, however, so far as I can find, we owe the knowledge of this burning to a German source, its extreme likelihood is corroborated by what I have said, that James’s belief in witchcraft was with him an undoubted Article of Faith, and by the fact that various books, known and unknown, were at different times publicly burnt during his reign, though no official records of these burnings have been preserved.

Cole, as quoted in Bliss’s edition of the Athen. Oxon., gives the account as made by Thomasius de crimine magiæ, a book which I believe does not exist. There is a Thesis inaugaralis de crimine magiæ submitted in 1701 by Johan Reiche to the Regia Academia Fredericiana ... præside D. Christiano Thomasio. But Reiche refers to an earlier writer—“Gisberti Voetii | Theologiæ in Acad. Ultrajectina Professoris | Selectarum | Disputationum | Theologicarum, | Pars Tertia. | .... | Ultrajecti, | Ex Officina Johannis à Waesberge, | Anno CIↃ IↃ C LIX, |” which says, p. 564:

“... Reginaldus Scot nobilis Anglus magiæ crimen aperte negavit, & ex professo oppugnavit, omnes ejus mirabiles effectus aut ad melancoliam, aliosve naturales morbos, aut ad artem, industriam, & agilitatem hominum figmentis & præstigiis suis illudentium, aut ad stolidas imaginationes, dictorum magorum, aut ad vanas nugas & fictiones eorundem magorum referens. Ejus liber tit. Discoverie of Withcraft [sic] in Anglia combustus est; quem nominatim etiam perstringit Sereniss. Magnæ Briantniæ [sic] Rex Jacobus in Dæmonologia, eumque tangit diffusissimæ eruditionis Theologus Johannes Raynoldus, in cens. lib. Apocryph. tom. 2 prælect. 169. In eundem, sed innominatum calamum strinxit eximius & subacti judicii Theologus, Guilelm. Perkinsus in tractatu de Bascanologia. Pars libri istius Reginaldi Scot elenctica (nam reliqua in editione Anglicana conjurationes continebat,) in Belgicum idioma translata est, ante annos aliquot Lugd. Batav. per Thomam Basson: ex illius libri lectione, seu fonte perenni, non pauci ab illo tempore docti & indocti in Belgio fluctuare, & de Magia σκεωτικιζειν ac λιβερτινιζειν (ut Libertinis & Semilibertinis infesta est patria nostra) quin eo ignorantiæ sæpe prolabi, ut non iniquè illis applicari potuerit, quod Sereniss. Rex Jacobus in Dæmonologiâ subdito suo Reginaldo Scot: esse quasi novos Sadduccæos: cum omnes diabolorum operationes & apparitiones suaviter exibilant: tanquam anicularum, aut superstitionis meticulosæ phantasmata ac sabellas. Sunt & alii, sed pessimi magiæ patroni, qui ad Deum & divina charismata seu gratias gratis datas, aut ad angelos bonos, operationes magicas referunt.”

Dr. W. N. du Rieu, Librarian of the University of Leyden, kindly informs me, that a translation into Dutch, “omitting some formulæ of malediction and other matters which would more interest English readers,” was made and edited by Th. Basson, an English stationer living at Leyden in 12mo in 1609. It was undertaken at the instigation of the professors of law and history, and its dedication, dated 10th January 1609, was to the Curators of the University, and to the burgomasters of Leyden. A second and corrected edition, published by his son, G. Basson, was also printed at Leyden in 1637, though the dedication is dated 8th May 1637, Amsterdam.

Though in various of the notes the passages have been spoken of, yet to call attention to the matter, and in the hope that others may be more successful, I would add that I have not discovered the principle on which he went, nor his authorities, for his Scripture readings. In his Latin quotations he generally quotes the Vulgate, twice or thrice Beza, or Beza varied, while at other times he goes by some other translation, or possibly makes it himself. So his long English quotation, [p. 284], is not taken from Wycliffe’s, Tyndale’s, Cranmer’s, Coverdale’s, Matthews’, or from the Genevan, Bishops’, or Rheims versions, though more like the Genevan, while, curiously enough, it precedes the one of 1611 by one or two verbal coincidences. Hence, I believe that he varied the Genevan version according to his own views and taste, and am the more inclined to this in that the passage is not in Italics, the then type and mark of quotations, but in Romans.

Notwithstanding, however, the decree that had gone forth, and, notwithstanding the strange Sadducean assertion, not argument, set forth by James, and followed by John Rainolds, D.D., in his work on the Apocrypha (tom. ii, 1032), and by Gisbert Voet, the book’s inherent excellency, as reported by Ady, and as evidenced by the notices of it in the various books on either side that afterwards came forth, and in part, perhaps, through that decree itself, called for its reproduction; and in 1651 it was issued with a new title-page, though naturally it was again not entered on the Stationers’ Registers. This time it was really—as evidenced by the signatures—a quarto. The text was one and the same with that printed off by Richard Cotes; but there were three issues, and three slightly different title-pages. The first bears—LONDON | Printed by Richard Cotes. 1651. The second has—Printed by R. C. and are to be sold by Giles Calvert, dwelling at the | Black Spread-Eagle at the West-end of Pauls. 1651. And except for these final words, separated on both title-pages by a line from the rest, both are word for word, and even to the misprint “superstions” identical. The explanation, in all probability, if not certainty, being that my “first” one was the first issue, when the publisher thought it more prudent to withhold his name; the other, a second issue of copies still called for, when, finding no ill results, he had become bolder. The third has below the line spoken of: London | Printed by E. [not R.] Cotes and are to be sold by Thomas Williams at the | Bible in Little Britain 1654. In this “Scots” is printed without the apostrophe, “men”, “women”, and “children”, as also “treatise”, have capital initials; on both occasions it has “Devils”, not “Divels”; and the last line but one above the dividing line ends “De-” not “Divels”, and “superstions” is rightly printed “superstitions”. These variations in the title-page, and the exact conformity of the text as to the various peculiarities of the letters, words, and sizes of the punctuation, show that Williams had come into possession of Calvert’s remainder, or of his set-up type, and had issued these sheets, prefixing a new title-page of his own, printed by E. Cotes.

There is not the slightest evidence of a copy of the 1584 edition having been prepared for the press, beyond the new title-page, and on two occasions the translation of Latin, that Scot had not—as he had done in similar instances—translated. The Latin-named ingredients on [p. 184] are Englished, and I have thus been enabled to give them in my notings with the more probability that they are correct. The second instance is, as stated in my margin, on [p. 416]. Two or three press errors are corrected, one of them not a certain emendation, and all within the competency of an ordinary compositor or reader; but no others, not even that of “increase” for “incense”, [p. 446], while fresh errors, indicative of a careless “reader”, are made.

What has been thus said as to the character of this second reprint, goes to prove that it was a publisher’s venture based upon the demand for the book, and, therefore, for gain, and one which he carried out spite of its having been burnt, and placed among the “prohibited books”. In like manner, and for the like purpose, and as before, without entry in the Stationers’ Registers, there was brought out the third, and so-called folio edition of 1665, though the sheets are in sixes. All but the title-page, which, curiously enough, was again re-written, though still bearing, like the second, the words, “By Reginald Scot Esquire”; it is a careless reprint of that second, with all its errors, and new ones superadded. But as a novelty and inducement to buy, nine chapters, commencing the fifteenth book, and a second book of the “Discourse on Devils and Spirits”, were added by an anonymous author. Who this anonymity was, I have uselessly spent some little time in inquiring, time that might have been better employed, even had I found him. But it goes to prove that these additions were merely made for novelty’s sake, and its glamour and gain, in that the writer was a believer in, and not improbably, from his minute directions, as well as from his reticence, a practiser of witchcraft, or of what he thought to be witchcraft. He also, and I give this as one possible clue, was a strong believer in the perishable Astral spirit of a man, as well as of Astral spirits in general, and much of his “Discourse” is taken up with remarks on these.

I may here add, as showing the carelessness with which these second and third editions were edited, a note of the errata marked in the first and not corrected in them.

[75], 21. “We,” so the second; in the third the (,) is rightly placed after “years”. A correction that could have been made by the least intelligent of “readers”.

[168], 31. “Earth read firmament.” Not corrected.

[247], 29. “Write add it.” Not corrected.

[269], 16. “If there be masses delete If.” Retained, but the second attempts to correct by inserting “no” before “masses”, and the third follows suit, though it is as nonsensical as before.

[463], 16. “Their business read that business.” Not corrected.

Beyond these, the limited edition now printed is the only other known to me. As stated in the preface, it is a reprint of the first edition, with some slight alterations in the lettering, but not in the spelling. Besides the few errata that have been found and recorded, the small heading on its left hand pages up to [p. 24] is “Chap. —”, like that on the right hand, instead of being “1 or 2 Booke”. So also in the earlier pages, the marginal references, though correct, are not printed line for line with the original. The pictorial initial letters of the first chapter of each book occupy in the original almost a third of the page. The first word of a chapter has only its first two letters—including its pictorial letter—in capitals, but the remainder, as well as the rest of the first line, is in larger type than the rest. The original being also in black letter was enabled to use both Romans and Italics as variants, whereas the reprint could only use Italics. The rule of the original is, however, in general very simple. “The — Chapter”, the contents of the chapter and proper names are in Romans; “The — Booke” and quotations in Italics; the translations of quotations in Romans. Wherever there can be any doubt the type of the original is marked in the margin, as are occasional uses by the author of [] to distinguish them from the editor’s use of the same. It may be added that “The — Chapter”, and the contents of the chapter, have been transposed. The V like arrangement of the lines at the end of a chapter have not been followed, but been imitated according to the spirit in which they were employed; for, after an investigation made for the purpose, it was found that they do not indicate a division of the text or matter, but were simply compositors’ devices to fill up a page when that page either ended a book, or when its blank space did not allow of the commencement of a new chapter. Similarly, on one page, a (∵) was added to complete the page. And, in like manner, if there was still space at the end of a book, an engraving was inserted. I would add that all the page references that I make are to the pages of the 1584 edition.

I had collected for an appendix various grammatical peculiarities of the age; but they increased the number of pages, and therefore the price of the book, without, as seemed to me, sufficient cause, more especially as the reader can readily consult Dr. Abbot’s Shakesperian Grammar, as well as notices in other books. One point, however, ought to be attended to. Though an educated and University man, accustomed to Latin and Greek, he, like all of his time, followed the then frequent habit of using singular verbs after plural nominatives not immediately preceding them. A close examination of these, both in Scot and Greene, another literate and Utriusque Academiæ in Artibus Magister; and one notable one in Ben Jonson, who elsewhere, so far as I know, avoids this error; as well as those in Shakespeare and others, have shown me that they cannot be explained as is sought in Dr. Abbot’s Shakesperian Grammar, § 333, where the form of the verb is held to be a remnant of the northern early English third person plural in “s”. The instances alone of the auxiliary verbs so used set this theory aside, and show that the custom was due to carelessness, habit, the remoteness or after position of the true nominatives, and to the nearness of another word, sometimes even to a transposed objective; or of a “that” or “which” that had the look of a singular, or in the case of a double nominative, to both words being considered as implying one thought, as indeed they often did, being merely synonyms. Our Elizabethan ancestors would have said: “Pity and compassion moves me,” because they held pity and compassion were one and the same; and the habit of using Saxon and Latin, or other synonyms, led them to use the same construction when the meanings were but allied. This seems to me the more likely explanation: but the reader may prefer this—that our ancestors took the phrase to be elliptical, and that the verb really employed after both substantives was to be understood after the first and before the “and”.

Contemporary Notices of Scot.—Of strictly contemporary notices, I know of but two. In Nash’s Four Letters Confuted, 1593, he asks, ed. Grosart, ii, 252: “How is the Supplication a diabolicall Discourse, otherwise than as it intreats of the diverse natures and properties of Divels and spirits? in that far fetcht sense may the famous defensative against supposed Prophecies, and the Discoverie of Witchcraft be called notorious Diabolicall discourses, as well as the Supplication, for they also intreate of the illusions and sundrie operations of spirits.” The second is in Gabriel Harvey’s Pierce’s Supererogation, 1593, ed. Grosart, ii, 291: “Scottes discoovery of Witchcraft, dismasketh sundry egregious impostures, and in certaine principall Chapters, & speciall passages, hitteth the nayle on the head with a witnesse: howsoever I could have wished, [G. H. is nothing if he be not quasi-critical and emending] he had either dealt somewhat more curteously with Monsieur Bodine, or cōfuted him somewhat more effectually.”

Of course, various of the after-writers on witchcraft, whichever side they took, either spoke of him explicitly, or alluded to him; Webster, Wagstaffe, Ady, and others, on the same side as Scot, and Meric Casaubon, Cotta, etc., ending with Glanvil on the other. But these, the really curious in such matters may be left to search out for themselves. Only I would like to mention John Deacon’s and John Walker’s Dialogicall Discourses of ... Devils [etc.], 1601, both because they, being clergymen, had the boldness—besides adding new arguments of their own, and though their wording is somewhat less decided than their own evident belief—out of three explanations of the case of the Witch of Endor which they set before the reader, to plainly prefer Scot’s view of her ventriloquism, both naming him in the text, and giving the reference to his page in their margin; and secondly, because so far as a hasty look enables one to give an opinion, they spoke more rationally on magical and other points than one would at that date expect. They also quote the opinion of Hippocrates on magical cures, as given by Scot, p. 450, and show that they take it, though not literally, from him, and not from Hippocrates directly, by giving a reference to Scot in the margin. Afterwards they published in 1603, a second large work, A summarie[?] answer to John Darrell, the first work having been also suggested by the same impostor, and his setting forth of himself as a caster out of devils.

I have said on [p. xxii] that the discovery of Scot’s name in the Subsidy Rolls for 1586 and 1587 with the affix of “Armiger” was for me an important find. And now I would explain that it was so, inasmuch as it set my mind at rest as to the oneness of the Raynold of the Hoppe-garden with the Reginald Scot Esquire, of the Witchcraft. Aware that Reynold and Reginald were variants of one name, used of and by the same person, the following facts hindered me for a long time from accepting the common belief that the Raynold and Reginald of these two works were one and the same. First, the author of the Hoppe-garden in each of his signatures to the editions of 1574–6–8, three in each, appears as Raynold. In the marriage entry, in the pay-account of the Kent forces, in the Muster-roll, and in the Will, it is also Raynold. But in 1584, throughout the Witchcraft, that is, four times in all, the name appears as Reginald. Secondly, in the Will of 1599, in accordance with the want of any title on the title-page of the Hoppe-garden, he describes himself as “gent”, and in the Inquisitio p. m., though he is called Reginald, the document being in Latin, he is, as in his Will, “generosus”. But in the title-page of the Witchcraft, he is Reginald Scot Esquire. The finding no evidence of the separate existence of a Raynold and a Reginald, the frequent references to the Scriptures in the Witchcraft, and the very frequent references to the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, in the “Address to the Reader” of the Hoppe-garden, the use in both works, as already quoted, of certain legal phrases, and the occurrence in the prefatory part of the Hoppe-garden of “with the licour (or rather the lucre)”, and “condemne the man, or rather the mynde”, a trick of language not unfrequently repeated in the Discoverie, a trick resulting from his love of irony, shook my doubts. But there were still, the want of any title after the name in the Hoppe-garden, the “gent” of the Will, and the “generosus” of the Inquisitio, as against the “Esquire” of the Discoverie. First, however, Hunter’s suggestion, that his esquireship was due to his having been appointed a Justice of the Peace, and then the discovery of armiger after his name, have removed all reasonable doubts; and to turn our belief to a positive certainty, it only remains to discover that he was a Justice of the Peace.

Possibly the reader may now expect some pages on Scot’s style as a writer, and on his claim—his claim, yet not one made by himself—to be considered an English classic. But, besides that, I am not “greatly æsthetic”, and besides having expressed my opinions in more than one place in this Introduction, I think that any reader, with any appreciation of style, and of the manner in which an argument ought to be carried out, can come to but one conclusion. Such belief, I may add, is strengthened by this, that most writers whom I have consulted are of this opinion: and I would conclude with three quotations, chiefly regarding the way in which he carried out his argument. The Rev. Jos. Hunter, in his MS. Chorus Vatum, ch. v, says: “In fact, I had no notion of the admirable character of this book till I read it this September 1839. It is one of the few instances in which a bold spirit opposes himself to the popular belief, and seeks to throw protection over a class of the defenceless. In my opinion, he ought to stand very prominent in any catalogue of Persons who have been public benefactors.”

“To answer his argument was wholly impossible, and though the publication of his book did not put an end to the notion which continued very prevalent for a century afterwards [though we know from Ady that it greatly checked the belief for a time], yet it had, I have no doubt, much to do with the silent and gradual extinction of it.”

So D’Israeli, in his Amenities of Literature, has these words: “A single volume sent forth from the privacy of a retired student, by its silent influence may mark an epoch in the history of the human mind.”

“Such a volume was The Discoverie of Witchcraft, by Reginald Scot, a singular work, which may justly claim the honour in this country of opening that glorious career which is dear to humanity and fatal to imposture.”

Thirdly, Professor W. T. Gairdner, M.D. and LL.D., thus speaks, in his address on “Insanity: Modern Views as to its Nature and Treatment”, read before the Glasgow Medico-Chirurgical Society: “But I cannot leave it [witchcraft] ... without expressing, more strongly than even Mr. Lecky does, the unqualified admiration and surprise which arise in the mind on finding that in 1584 ... there was at least one man in England ... who could scan the whole field of demonology, and all its terrible results in history, with an eye as clear from superstition, and a judgment as sound and unwavering in its opposition to abuses, as that of Mr. Lecky himself. There is only one book, so far as I know, in any language, written in the sixteenth or even the seventeenth century, that merits this praise: and it is a book which, notwithstanding its wide human interest, its great and solid learning, and a charming English style that makes it most readable, even at the present day, has never been reprinted for two hundred years, and is therefore extremely inaccessible to most readers. Reginald Scot’s Discoverie of Witchcraft ... stands brightly out amid the darkness of its own and the succeeding age, as a perfectly unique example of sagacity amounting to genius.” He adds: “Nothing, however, is more evident than that Scot, however indebted to Wier (and both of them, probably, to Cornelius Agrippa ...), was far in advance of either in the clearness of his views and the unwavering steadiness of his leanings to the side of humanity and justice.”

Note.—The italic numerals in the side margins
denote the pages of the first, the ordinary numbers
those of the second edition.

The diſcouerie
of witchcraft,
Wherein the lewde dealing of witches
and witchmongers is notablie detected, the
knauerie of coniurors, the impietie of inchan-
tors, the follie of ſoothſaiers, the impudent falſ-
hood of couſenors, the infidelitie of atheiſts,
the peſtilent practiſes of Pythoniſts, the

curioſitie of figurecaſters, the va-
nitie of dreamers, the beggerlie
art of Alcu-
myſtrie,

of Legierdemaine and iuggling are deciphered:
and many other things opened, which
haue long lien hidden, howbeit
verie neceſſarie to
be knowne.

nature and ſubſtance of ſpirits and diuels,
&c: all latelie written
by Reginald Scot
Eſquire.
1. Iohn. 4, 1.

Beleeue not euerie ſpirit, but trie the ſpirits, whether they are
of God; for manie falſe prophets are gone
out into the world, &c.
1584

SCOT’S
Diſcovery of VVitchcraft:
PROVING
The common opinions of Witches con-
tracting with Divels, Spirits, or Familiars; and

their power to kill, torment, and conſume the bodies of
men women, and children, or other creatures by diſeaſes
or otherwiſe; their flying in the Air, &c. To be but imaginary
Erronious conceptions and novelties;

WHEREIN ALSO,

melancholy, ignorant, and ſuperſtious people in extorting confeſſions,
by inhumane terrors and tortures is notably detected.

ALSO

{

The knavery and confederacy of Conjurors. The impious blaſphemy of Inchanters. The impoſture of Soothſayers, and Infidelity of Atheiſts. The deluſion of Pythoniſts, Figure-caſters, Aſtrologers, and va-
nity of Dreamers. The fruitleſſe beggerly art of Alchimiſtry. The horrible art of Poiſoning and all the tricks and convey-
ances of juggling and Liegerdemain are fully deciphered.

and Juries, and for the preſervation of poor, aged, deformed, ignorant
people; frequently taken, arraigned, condemned and executed for
Witches, when according to a right underſtanding, and a good
conſcience, Phyſick, Food, and neceſſaries should be
adminiſtred to them.

Whereunto is added, a treatiſe upon the nature, and ſubſtance of Spirits and Divels,
&c. all written and publiſhed in Anno 1584. by Reginald Scot, Eſquire.

Size, Fol., 10¼ in. × 6⅛.

THE
Diſcovery of Witchcraft:
PROVING,
That the Compacts and Contracts of Witches

with Devils and all Infernal Spirits or Familiars, are but
Erroneous Novelties and Imaginary Conceptions.

Alſo diſcovering, How far their power extendeth, in Killing, Tormenting,
Conſuming, or Curing the bodies of Men, Women, Children, or Animals,
by Charms, Philtres, Periapts, Pentacles, Curſes, and Conjurations.

WHEREIN LIKEWISE

The Unchriſtian Practices and Inhumane Dealings of

Searchers and Witch-tryers upon Aged, Melancholly and Superſtitious
people, in extorting Confeſſions by Terrors and Tortures,
and in deviſing falſe Marks and Symptoms, are notably Detected.

And the Knavery of Juglers, Conjurers, Charmers, Soothſayers, Figure⸗Caſters,
Dreamers, Alchymiſts and Philterers; with many other things
that have long lain hidden, fully Opened and Deciphered.

ALL WHICH

Are very neceſſary to be known for the undeceiving of Judges, Juſtices,
and Jurors, before they paſs Sentence upon Poor, Miſerable and Ignorant People;
who are frequenly Arraigned, Condemned, and Executed for Witches and Wizzards.

IN SIXTEEN BOOKS.

By Reginald Scot Eſquire.

Whereunto is added
An excellent Diſcourse of the Nature and Subſtance
of
DEVILS and SPIRITS,
IN TWO BOOKS:
The Firſt by the aforeſaid Author: The Second now

added in this Third Edition, as Succedaneous to the former,
and conducing to the compleating of the Whole Work:
With Nine Chapters at the beginning of the Fifteenth.[*] Book
of the DISCOVERY.

LONDON:

Printed for A. Clark, and are to be ſold by Dixy Page at the Turks-Head
in Cornhill near the Royall Exchange, 1665.

[*] [Sic.]

The Epistle

To the Honorable, mine especiall good A. ii. A.
Lord, Sir Roger Manwood Knight, Lord
cheefe Baron of hir Majesties Court
of the Eschequer.

NSOMUCH as I know that your Lordship is by nature whollie inclined, and in purpose earnestly bent to releeve the poore, and that not onlie with hospitalitie and almes, but by diverse other devises and waies tending to their comfort, having (as it were) framed and set your selfe to the helpe and maintenance of their estate; as appeareth by your charge and travell in that behalfe. Whereas also you have a speciall care for the supporting of their right, and redressing of their wrongs, as neither despising their calamitie, nor yet forgetting their complaint, seeking all meanes for their amendement, and for the reformation of their disorders, even as a verie father to the poore. Finallie, for that I am a poore member of that commonwelth, where your Lordship is a principall person; I thought this my travell, in the behalfe of the poore, the aged, and the simple, might be/ A. ii. v. verie fitlie commended unto you: for a weake house requireth a strong staie. In which respect I give God thanks, that hath raised up unto me so mightie a freend for/A. v. them as your Lordship is, who in our lawes have such knowledge, in government such discretion, in these causes such experience, and in the commonwealth such authoritie; and neverthelesse vouchsafe to descend to the consideration of these base and inferior matters, which minister more care and trouble, than worldlie estimation.

And in somuch as your Lordship knoweth, or rather exerciseth the office of a judge, whose part it is to heare with courtesie, and to determine with equitie; it cannot but be apparent unto you, that when punishment exceedeth the fault, it is rather to be thought vengeance than correction. In which respect I knowe you spend more time and travell in the conversion and reformation, than in the subversion & confusion of offenders, as being well pleased to augment your owne private paines, to the end you may diminish their publike smart. For in truth, that commonwealth remaineth in wofull state, where fetters and halters beare more swaie than mercie and due compassion.

Howbeit, it is naturall to unnaturall people, and peculiar unto witchmongers, to pursue the poore, to accuse the simple, and to kill the innocent; supplieng in rigor and malice towards others, that which they themselves want in proofe and discretion, or the other in offense or occasion. But as a cruell hart and an honest mind doo seldome meete and feed togither in a dish; so a discreet and mercifull magistrate, and a happie commonwealth cannot be separated asunder. How much then are we bound to God, who hath given us a Queene, that of justice is not only the very perfect image & paterne; but also of mercie & clemencie (under God) the meere fountaine &/ A. 2. bodie it selfe? In somuch as they which hunt most after bloud in/A. iii. these daies, have least authoritie to shed it. Moreover, sith I see that in cases where lenitie might be noisome, & punishment wholesome to the commonwealth; there no respect of person can move you, no authoritie can abash you, no feare, no threts can daunt you in performing the dutie of justice.

In that respect againe I find your Lordship a fit person, to judge and looke upon this present treatise. Wherein I will bring before you, as it were to the barre, two sorts of most arrogant and wicked people, the first challenging to themselves, the second attributing unto others, that power which onelie apperteineth to God,^a ^a Apoc. 4, 11. who onelie is the Creator of all things,^b ^b Rom. 8.
Acts. 5.
Apoc. 2. who onelie searcheth the heart and reines, who onelie^c ^c Luke. 16. knoweth our imaginations and thoughts, who onelie^d ^d Dan. 2. & 28, & 47. openeth all secrets, who^e ^e Psalm. 72. & 136.
Jer. 5. onelie worketh great wonders, who onelie hath power^f ^f Job, 5. & 36.
Sam. 12.
1. Reg. 8.
2. Reg. 3.
Isaie. 5.
Zach. 10. & 14.
Amos. 4. 7. to raise up & cast downe; who onelie maketh thunder, lightning, raine, tempests, and restraineth them at his pleasure; who onelie^g ^g Job. 1. sendeth life and death, sicknesse & health, wealth and wo; who neither giveth nor lendeth his^h ^h Isaie. 42, 8. glorie to anie creature.

And therefore, that which greeveth me to the bottome of my hart, is, that these witchmongers cannot be content, to wrest out of Gods hand his almightie power, and keepe it themselves, or leave it with a witch: but that, when by drift of argument they are made to laie downe the bucklers, they yeeld them up to the divell, or at the least praie aid of him, as though the raines of all mens lives and actions were committed into his hand; and that he sat at the sterne, to guide and direct the course of the whole world, imputing unto him power and abilitie inough to doo as great things, and as strange miracles as ever Christ did.

But the doctors of this supernaturall doctrine saie/ A. 2. v.somtimes, that the witch doth all these things by vertue of hir/ A. iii. v. charmes; sometimes that a spirituall, sometimes that a corporall divell doth accomplish it; sometimes they saie that the divell doth but make the witch beleeve she doth that which he himselfe hath wrought; sometimes that the divell seemeth to doo that by compulsion, which he doth most willinglie. Finallie, the writers hereupon are so eloquent, and full of varietie; that sometimes they write that the divell dooth all this by Gods permission onelie; sometimes by his licence, somtimes by his appointment: so as (in effect and truth) not the divell, but the high and mightie king of kings, and Lord of hosts, even God himselfe, should this waie be made obedient and servile to obeie and performe the will & commandement of a malicious old witch, and miraculouslie to answere hir appetite, as well in everie trifling vanitie, as in most horrible executions; as the revenger of a doting old womans imagined wrongs, to the destruction of manie innocent children, and as a supporter of hir passions, to the undoing of manie a poore soule. And I see not, but a witch may as well inchant, when she will; as a lier may lie when he list: and so should we possesse nothing, but by a witches licence and permission.

And now forsooth it is brought to this point, that all divels, which were woont to be spirituall, may at their pleasure become corporall, and so shew themselves familiarlie to witches and conjurors, and to none other, and by them onlie may be made tame, and kept in a box, &c. So as a malicious old woman may command hir divell to plague hir neighbor: and he is afflicted in manner and forme as she desireth. But then commeth another witch, and she biddeth hir divell helpe, and he healeth the same partie. So as they/A 3 make it a kingdome divided in it selfe, and therefore I trust it will not long endure, but will shortlie be overthrowne, according to the words of our Savior, Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur, Everie king/domeA. iiii. divided in it selfe shalbe desolate.

And although some saie that the divell is the witches instrument, to bring hir purposes and practises to passe: yet others saie that she is his instrument, to execute his pleasure in anie thing, and therefore to be executed. But then (me thinks) she should be injuriouslie dealt withall, and put to death for anothers offense: for actions are not judged by instrumentall causes; neither dooth the end and purpose of that which is done, depend upon the meane instrument. Finallie, if the witch doo it not, why should the witch die for it? But they saie that witches are persuaded, and thinke, that they doo indeed those mischeefs; and have a will to performe that which the divell committeth: and that therefore they are worthie to die. By which reason everie one should be executed, that wisheth evill to his neighbor, &c. But if the will should be punished by man, according to the offense against God, we should be driven by thousands at once to the slaughterhouse or butcherie.Proverb. 5. For whosoever loatheth correction shall die. And who should escape execution, if this lothsomnesse (I saie) should extend to death by the civill lawes. Also the reward of sinne is death. Howbeit, everie one that sinneth, is not to be put to death by the magistrate. But (my Lord) it shalbe proved in my booke, and your Lordship shall trie it to be true, as well here at home in your native countrie, as also abrode in your severall circuits, that (besides them that be Venificæ, which are plaine poisoners) there will be found among our witches onelie two sorts; the one sort being such by imputation, as/A 3 v so thought of by others (and these are abused, and not abusors) the other by acceptation, as being willing so to be accompted (and these be meere cousenors.)

CalvineInstit. lib. 5. ca. 8. sect. 6.
Item upon Deut. cap. 18.
Lib. de lamiis, pag. 5. treating of these magicians, calleth them cousenors, saieng that they use their juggling knacks onelie to amase or abuse the people; or else for fame: but he/A. iiij. v. might rather have said for gaine. Erastus himselfe, being a principall writer in the behalfe of witches omnipotencie, is forced to confesse, that these Greeke words, μαγία, μαγγαγία, φαρμακία, are most commonlie put for illusion, false packing, cousenage, fraud, knaverie and deceipt: and is further driven to saie, that in ancient time, the learned were not so blockish, as not to see that the promises of magicians and inchanters were false, and nothing else but knaverie, cousenage, and old wives fables; and yet defendeth he their flieng in the aire, their transferring of corne or grasse from one feeld to another, &c.

But as Erastus disagreeth herein with himselfe and his freends: so is there no agreement among anie of those writers, but onlie in cruelties, absurdities, and impossibilities. And these (my Lord) that fall into so manifest contradictions, and into such absurd asseverations, are not of the inferior sort of writers; neither are they all papists, but men of such accompt, as whose names give more credit to their cause, than their writings. In whose behalfe I am sorie, and partlie for reverence suppresse their fondest errors and fowlest absurdities; dealing speciallie with them that most contend in crueltie,^a^a Isaie. 59, 7.
Rom. 3, 15. whose feete are swift to shed bloud, striving (as ^b^b Eccl. 27, 5.Jesus the sonne of Sirach saith) and hasting (as ^c^c Prov. 1, 16.Salomon the sonne of David saith) to powre out the bloud of the innocent; whose heat against these poore wretches cannot be allaied with anie other liquor than bloud. And therfore I feare that ^d^d Jer. 2, 34.under their wings will be found the bloud of the soules of the poore, at that daie, when the Lord shall saie;/A 4 ^e^e Ps. 139, 15.
Esai. 33, 15.Depart from me ye bloudthirstie men.

And bicause I know your Lordship will take no counsell against innocent bloud, but rather suppresse them that seeke to embrue their hands therein; I have made choise to open their case unto you, and to laie their miserable calamitie before your feete: following herein the/[A. v.] advise of that learned man Brentius, who saith; In epistola ad Jo. Wier.Si quis admonuerit magistratum, ne in miseras illas mulierculas sæviat, eum ego arbitror divinitùs excitatum; that is, If anie admonish the magistrate not to deale too hardlie with these miserable wretches, that are called witches, I thinke him a good instrument raised up for this purpose by God himselfe.

But it will perchance be said by witchmongers; to wit, by such as attribute to witches the power which apperteineth to God onelie, that I have made choise of your Lordship to be a patrone to this my booke; bicause I think you favour mine opinions, and by that meanes may the more freelie publish anie error or conceipt of mine owne, which should rather be warranted by your Lordships authoritie, than by the word of God, or by sufficient argument. But I protest the contrarie, and by these presents I renounce all protection, and despise all freendship that might serve to helpe towards the suppressing or supplanting of truth: knowing also that your Lordship is farre from allowing anie injurie done unto man; much more an enimie to them that go about to dishonor God, or to embezill the title of his immortall glorie. But bicause I know you to be perspicuous, and able to see downe into the depth and bottome of causes, and are not to be carried awaie with the vaine persuasion or superstition either of man, custome, time, or multitude, but mooved with the authoritie of truth onlie: I crave your countenance herein, even so farre foorth, and no further, than the lawe of God, the lawe of nature, the lawe of this land, and the/A 4 v rule of reason shall require. Neither doo I treat for these poore people anie otherwise, but so, as with one hand you may sustaine the good, and with the other suppresse the evill: wherein you shalbe thought a father to orphans, an advocate to widowes, a guide to the blind, a staie to the lame, a comfort & countenance to the honest, a scourge/ and terror to the wicked.[A. v. v.]

Thus farre I have beene bold to use your Lordships patience, being offended with my selfe, that I could not in brevitie utter such matter as I have delivered amplie: whereby (I confesse) occasion of tediousnes might be ministred, were it not that your great gravitie joined with your singular constancie in reading and judging be means of the contrarie. And I wish even with all my hart, that I could make people conceive the substance of my writing, and not to misconstrue anie part of my meaning. Then doubtles would I persuade my selfe, that the companie of witchmongers, &c: being once decreased, the number also of witches, &c: would soone be diminished. But true be the words of the Poet,*[* Homer.]

Haudquaquam poteris sortirier omnia solus,

Námque aliis divi bello pollere dederunt,

Huic saltandi artem, voce huic cytharáque canendi:

Rursum alii inseruit sagax in pectore magnus

Jupiter ingenium, &c.

And therefore as doubtfull to prevaile by persuading, though I have reason and common sense on my side; I rest upon earnest wishing; namelie, to all people an absolute trust in God the creator, and not in creatures, which is to make flesh our arme: that God may have his due honor, which by the undutifulnes of manie is turned into dishonor, and lesse cause of offense and errour given by common received evill example. And to your Lordship I wish, as increase of honour, so continuance of good health, and happie daies.

Your Lordships to be commanded
Reginald Scot.

To the right worshipfull Sir[A. vi.] A. a
Thomas Scot Knight, &c.

[Rom. and Ital. of this reversed from original.]

Ir, I see among other malefactors manie poore old women convented before you for working of miracles, other wise called witchcraft, and therefore I thought you also a meet person to whom I might cōmend my booke. And here I have occasion to speake of your sincere administration of justice, and of your dexteritie, discretion, charge, and travell emploied in that behalfe, wherof I am oculatus testis. Howbeit I had rather refer the reader to common fame, and their owne eies and eares to be satisfied; than to send them to a Stationers shop, where manie times lies are vendible, and truth contemptible. For I being of your house, of your name, & of your bloud; my foot being under your table, my hand in your dish, or rather in your pursse, might bee thought to flatter you in that, wherein (I knowe) I should rather offend you than please you. And what need I currie favour with my most assured friend? And if I should onelie publish those vertues (though they be manie) which give me speciall occasion to exhibit this my travell unto you, I should doo as a painter, that describeth the foot of a notable personage, and leaveth all the best features in his bodie untouched.

I therefore (at this time) doo onelie desire you to consider of my report, concerning the evidence that is commonlie brought before you against them. See first whether the evidence be not frivolous, & whether the proofs brought against them be not incredible, consisting of ghesses, presumptions, & impossibilities contrarie to reason, scrip/ture,A a 2 and nature. See also what persons complaine upon them, whether they be not of the basest, the unwisest, & most faithles kind of people. Also/[A. vi. v.] may it please you to waie what accusations and crimes they laie to their charge, namelie: She was at my house of late, she would have had a pot of milke, she departed in a chafe bicause she had it not, she railed, she curssed, she mumbled and whispered, and finallie she said she would be even with me: and soone after my child, my cow, my sow, or my pullet died, or was strangelie taken. Naie (if it please your Worship) I have further proofe: I was with a wise woman, and she told me I had an ill neighbour, & that she would come to my house yer it were long, and so did she; and that she had a marke above hir waste, & so had she: and God forgive me, my stomach hath gone against hir a great while. Hir mother before hir was counted a witch, she hath beene beaten and scratched by the face till bloud was drawne upon hir, bicause she hath beene suspected, & afterwards some of those persons were said to amend. These are the certeinties that I heare in their evidences.

Note also how easilie they may be brought to confesse that which they never did, nor lieth in the power of man to doo: and then see whether I have cause to write as I doo. Further, if you shall see that infidelitie, poperie, and manie other manifest heresies be backed and shouldered, and their professors animated and hartened, by yeelding to creatures such infinit power as is wrested out of Gods hand, and attributed to witches: finallie, if you shall perceive that I have faithfullie and trulie delivered and set downe the condition and state of the witch, and also of the witchmonger, and have confuted by reason and lawe, and by the word of God it selfe, all mine adversaries objections and arguments: then let me have your countenance against them that maliciouslie oppose themselves against me./

My greatest adversaries are yoong ignorance and old custome.A a 2 For what follie soever tract of time hath fostered, it is/[A. vii.] so superstitiouslie pursued of some, as though no error could be acquainted with custome. But if the lawe of nations would joine with such custome, to the maintenance of ignorance, and to the suppressing of knowledge; the civilest countrie in the world would soone become barbarous, &c. For as knowledge and time discovereth errors, so dooth superstition and ignorance in time breed them. And concerning the opinions of such, as wish that ignorance should rather be mainteined, than knowledge busilie searched for, bicause thereby offense may grow: I answer,John. 5. that we are commanded by Christ himselfe to search for knowledge: Prov. 15, 1.for it is the kings honour (as Salomon saith) to search out a thing.

Aristotle said to Alexander, that a mind well furnished was more beautifull than a bodie richlie araied. What can be more odious to man, or offensive to God, than ignorance: for through ignorance the Jewes did put Christ to death.Acts. 3.
Proverbs. 9. Which ignorance whosoever forsaketh, is promised life everlasting: and therfore among Christians it should be abhorred above all other things. For even as when we wrestle in the darke, we tumble in the mire, &c: so when we see not the truth, we wallow in errors. A blind man may seeke long in the rishes yer he find a needle; and as soone is a doubt discussed by ignorance. Finallie, truth is no sooner found out in ignorance, than a sweet savor in a dunghill. And if they will allow men knowledge, and give them no leave to use it, men were much better be without it than have it. Matth. 25.
Matth. 5.
Luke. 8.For it is, as to have a tallent, and to hide it under the earth; or to put a candle under a bushell: or as to have a ship, & to let hir lie alwaies in the docke: which thing how profitable it is, I can saie somewhat by experience./

But hereof I need saie no more, for everie man seeth thatA a 2 v none can be happie who knoweth not what felicitie meaneth. For what availeth it to have riches, and not to have the use/ thereof? [A. vii. v.]Trulie the heathen herein deserved more commendation than manie christians, for they spared no paine, no cost, nor travell to atteine to knowledge. Pythagoras travelled from Thamus to Aegypt, and afterwards into Crete and Lacedæmonia: and Plato out of Athens into Italie and Aegypt, and all to find out hidden secrets and knowledge: which when a man hath, he seemeth to be separated from mortalitie. For pretious stones, and all other creatures of what value soever, are but counterfeits to this jewell: they are mortall, corruptible, and inconstant; this is immortall, pure and certeine. Wherfore if I have searched and found out any good thing, that ignorance and time hath smothered, the same I commend unto you: to whom though I owe all that I have, yet am I bold to make other partakers with you in this poore gift.

Your loving cousen,
Reg. Scot.

To the right worshipfull his loving friends,[A. viii].
A a 3
Maister Doctor Coldwell Deane of Ro-
chester, and Maister Doctor Read- man Archdeacon of Can-
turburie, &c.

[Rom. and Ital. reversed; the italics of original smaller than in that to Sir Th. Scot.

Aving found out two such civill Magistrates, as for direction of judgement, and for ordering matters concerning justice in this common wealth (in my poore opinion) are verie singular persons, who (I hope) will accept of my good will, and examine my booke by their experience, as unto whom the matter therin conteined dooth greatlie apperteine: I have now againe considered of two other points: namelie, divinitie and philosophie, whereupon the groundworke of my booke is laid. Wherein although I know them to be verie sufficientlie informed, yet dooth not the judgement and censure of those causes so properlie apperteine to them as unto you, whose fame therein hath gotten preeminence above all others that I know of your callings: and in that respect I am bold to joine you with them, being all good neighbours togither in this commonwelth, and loving friends unto me. I doo not present this unto you, bicause it is meet for you; but for that you are meet for it (I meane) to judge upon it, to defend it, and if need be to correct it; knowing that you have learned of that grave counseller Cato, not to shame or discountenance any bodie. For if I thought you as readie, as able, to disgrace me for mine insufficiencie; I should not have beene hastie (knowing your learning) to have written unto you: but if I should be abashed to write to you, I should shew my selfe ignorant of your courtesie.

I knowe mine owne weakenesse, which if it have beene able to mainteine this argument, the cause is the stronger. Eloquent words may please the eares, but sufficient matter persuadeth the hart. So as, if I exhibit wholsome drinke (thought it be small) in a treene*[* = wooden] dish with a faithfull hand, I hope it will bee as well accepted, as strong wine offered in a silver bowle with a flattering heart. And surelie it is a point of as great liberalitie to receive a small thing thankeful/lie,A a 3 v. as to give and distribute great and costlie gifts bountifullie: for there is more supplied with courteous answers than with rich rewards. The ty/rant[A. viii. v.] Dionysius was not so hated for his tyrannie, as for his churlish and strange behaviour. Among the poore Israelites sacrifices, God was satisfied with the tenth part of an Ephah of flower, so as it were fine and good. Christ liked well of the poore widowes mite, Lewis of France accepted a rape root of clownish Conan, Cyrus vouchsafed to drinke a cup of cold water out of the hand of poore Sinætes: and so it may please you to accept this simple booke at my hands, which I faithfullie exhibit unto you, not knowing your opinions to meet with mine, but knowing your learning and judgement to be able as well to correct me where I speake herein unskilfullie, as others when they speake hereof maliciouslie.

Some be such dogs as they will barke at my writings, whether I mainteine or refute this argument: as Diogenes snarled both at the Rhodians and at the Lacedæmonians: at the one, bicause they were brave; at the other, bicause they were not brave. Homer himselfe could not avoid reprochfull speaches. I am sure that they which never studied to learne anie good thing, will studie to find faults hereat. I for my part feare not these wars, nor all the adversaries I have; were it not for certeine cowards, who (I knowe) will come behind my backe and bite me.

But now to the matter. My question is not (as manie fondlie suppose) whether there be witches or naie: but whether they can doo such miraculous works as are imputed unto them. Good Maister Deane, is it possible for a man to breake his fast with you at Rochester, and to dine that day at Durham with Maister Doctor Matthew; or can your enimie maime you, when the Ocean sea is betwixt you? What reall communitie is betwixt a spirit and a bodie? May a spirituall bodie become temporall at his pleasure? Or may a carnall bodie become invisible? Is it likelie that the lives of all Princes, magistrates, & subjects, should depend upon the will, or rather upon the wish of a poore malicious doting old foole; and that power exempted from the wise, the rich, the learned, the godlie, &c? Finallie, is it possible for man or woman to do anie of those miracles expressed in my booke, & so constantlie reported by great clarks? If you saie, no; then am I satisfied. If you saie that God, absolutelie, or by meanes can accomplish all those, and manie more, I go with you. But witches may well saie they can doo these things, howbeit they cannot shew how they doo them. If I for my part should saie I could doo/A a 4. those things, my verie adversaries would saie that I lied.

O Maister Archdeacon, is it not pitie, that that which is said to be doone with the almightie power of the most high God, and by our saviour his onelie sonne Jesus Christ our Lord, shouldbe referred to a baggage old womans nod/B. i. or wish, &c? Good Sir, is it not one manifest kind of Idolatrie, for them that labor and are laden, to come unto witches to be refreshed? If witches could helpe whom they are said to have made sicke, I see no reason, but remedie might as well be required at their hands, as a pursse demanded of him that hath stolne it. But trulie it is manifold idolatrie, to aske that of a creature, which none can give but the Creator. The papist hath some colour of scripture to mainteine his idoll of bread, but no Jesuiticall distinction can cover the witchmongers idolatrie in this behalfe. Alas, I am sorie and ashamed to see how manie die, that being said to be bewitched, onelie seeke for magicall cures, whom wholsome diet and good medicines would have recovered. I dare assure you both, that there would be none of these cousening kind of witches, did not witchmongers mainteine them, followe them, and beleeve in them and their oracles: whereby indeed all good learning and honest arts are overthrowne. For these that most advance their power, and mainteine the skill of these witches, understand no part thereof: and yet being manie times wise in other matters, are made fooles by the most fooles in the world.

Me thinks these magicall physicians deale in the commonwelth, much like as a certeine kind of Cynicall people doo in the church, whose severe saiengs are accompted among some such oracles, as may not be doubted of; who in stead of learning and authoritie (which they make contemptible) doo feed the people with their owne devises and imaginations, which they prefer before all other divinitie: and labouring to erect a church according to their owne fansies, wherein all order is condemned, and onelie their magicall words and curious directions advanced, they would utterlie overthrowe the true Church. And even as these inchanting Paracelsians abuse the people, leading them from the true order of physicke to their charmes: so doo these other (I saie) dissuade from hearkening to learning and obedience, and whisper in mens eares to teach them their frierlike traditions. And of this sect the cheefe author at this time is/A a 4 v one Browne, a fugitive, a meet cover for such a cup: as heretofore the Anabaptists, the Arrians,*[* Arians] and the Franciscane friers.

Trulie not onlie nature, being the foundation of all perfection; but also scripture, being the mistresse and director thereof, and of all christianitie, is beautified with knowledge and learning. For as nature without discipline dooth naturallie incline unto vanities, and as it were sucke up errors:Rom. 2, 27.
2. Cor. 3, 6. so doth the word, or rather the letter of the scripture, without understanding, not onlie make us devoure errors, but yeeldeth us up to death & destruction: & therefore Paule saith he was not a minister of the letter, but of the spirit.

Thus have I beene bold to deliver unto the world, and to you, those simple/B. i. v. notes, reasons, and arguments, which I have devised or collected out of other authors: which I hope shall be hurtfull to none, but to my selfe great comfort, if it may passe with good liking and acceptation. If it fall out otherwise, I should thinke my paines ill imploied. For trulie, in mine opinion, whosoever shall performe any thing, or atteine to anie knowledge; or whosoever should travell throughout all the nations of the world, or (if it were possible) should peepe into the heavens, the consolation or admiration thereof were nothing pleasant unto him, unles he had libertie to impart his knowledge to his friends. Wherein bicause I have made speciall choise of you, I hope you will read it, or at the least laie it up studie with your other bookes, among which therein your is none dedicated to any with more good will. And so long as you have it, it shall be untoyou (upon adventure of my life) a certeine amulet, periapt, circle, charme, &c: to defend you from all inchantments.

Your loving friend
Reg. Scot.

To the Readers.B. ii. B

O you that are wise & discreete few words may suffice: for such a one judgeth not at the first sight, nor reprooveth by heresaie;Isai. 11.
Prover. 1. but patientlie heareth, and thereby increaseth in understanding: which patience bringeth foorth experience, whereby true judgement is directed. I shall not need therefore to make anie further sute to you, but that it would please you to read my booke, without the prejudice of time, or former conceipt: and having obteined this at your hands, I submit my selfe unto your censure. But to make a solemne sute to you that are parciall readers, desiring you to set aside parcialitie, to take in good part my writing, and with indifferent eies to looke upon my booke, were labour lost, and time ill imploied. For I should no more prevaile herein, than if a hundred yeares since I should have intreated your predecessors to beleeve, that Robin goodfellowe, that great and ancient bulbegger, had beene but a cousening merchant, and no divell indeed.

If I should go to a papist, and saie; I praie you beleeve my writings, wherein I will proove all popish charmes, conjurations, exorcismes, benedictions and cursses, not onelie to be ridiculous, and of none effect, but also to be impious and contrarie to Gods word: I should as hardlie therein win favour at their hands, as herein obteine credit at yours. Neverthelesse, I doubt not, but to/B. ii v. use the matter so, that as well the massemoonger for his part, as the witchmoonger for his, shall both be ashamed of their professions.

But Robin goodfellowe ceaseth now to be much feared, and poperie is sufficientlie discovered. Nevertheles, witches charms, and conjurors cousenages are yet thought effectuall. Yea the Gentiles have espied the fraud of their cousening oracles, and our cold prophets and inchanters make us fooles still, to the shame of us all, but speciallie of papists, who conjure everie thing, and thereby bring to passe nothing. They saie to their candles; I conjure you to endure for ever: and yet they last not a pater noster while the longer. They conjure water to be wholesome both for bodie and soule: but the bodie (we see) is never the better for it, nor the soule anie whit reformed by it. And therefore I mervell, that when they see their owne conjurations confuted and brought to naught, or at the least void of effect, that they (of all other) will yet give such credit, countenance, and authoritie to the vaine cousenages of witches and conjurors; as though their charmes and conjurations could produce more/ apparent, certeine, and better effects than their owne.B v

But my request unto all you that read my booke shall be no more, but that it would please you to conferre my words with your owne sense and experience, and also with the word of God. If you find your selves resolved and satisfied, or rather reformed and qualified in anie one point or opinion, that heretofore you held contrarie to truth, in a matter hitherto undecided, and never yet looked into; I praie you take that for advantage: and suspending your judgement, staie the sentence of condemnation against me, and consider of the rest, at your further leasure. If this may not suffice to persuade you, it cannot prevaile to annoy you: and then, that which is written without offense, may be overpassed without anie greefe.

And although mine assertion, be somewhat differing from the old inveterat opinion, which I confesse hath manie graie heares, whereby mine adversaries have gained more authoritie than reason, towards the maintenance of their presumptions and old wives fables: yet shall it fullie agree with Gods glorie, and with his holie word. And albeit there be hold taken by mine adver/sariesB. iii. of certeine few words or sentences in the scripture that maketh a shew for them: yet when the whole course thereof maketh against them, and impugneth the same, yea and also their owne places rightlie understood doo nothing at all releeve them: I trust their glorious title and argument of antiquitie will appeare as stale and corrupt as the apothecaries drugs, or grocers spice, which the longer they be preserved, the woorsse they are. And till you have perused my booke, ponder this in your mind, to wit, that Sagæ, Thessalæ, Striges, Lamiæ (which words and none other being in use do properlie signifie our witches) are not once found written in the old or new testament; and that Christ himselfe in his gospell never mentioned the name of a witch. And that neither he, nor Moses ever spake anie one word of the witches bargaine with the divell, their hagging, their riding in the aire, their transferring of corne or grasse from one feeld to another, their hurting of children or cattell with words or charmes, their bewitching of butter, cheese, ale, &c: nor yet their transubstantiation;Mal. malef. par. 2. quæ. 2. insomuch as the writers hereupon are not ashamed to say, that it is not absurd to affirme that there were no witches in Jobs time. The reason is, that if there had beene such witches then in beeing, Job would have said he had beene bewitched. But indeed men tooke no heed in those daies to this doctrine of divels;1. Pet. 4. 1. to wit, to these fables of witchcraft, which Peter saith shall be much regarded and hearkened unto in the latter daies.

Howbeit, how ancient so ever this barbarous conceipt of witches omnipotencie is, truth must not be measured by time: for everie old opinion is not sound. Veritie is not impaired, how long so ever it be suppressed; but is to be searched out, in how darke a corner so ever it lie hidden: for it is not like a cup of ale, that may be broched too rathe. Finallie, time bewraieth old errors, & discovereth new matters of truth. Danæus in suo prologo.Danæus himselfe saith, that this question hitherto hath never beene handled; nor the scriptures concerning this matter have never beene expounded. To prove the antiquitie of the cause, to confirme the opini/onB 2 of the ignorant, to inforce mine adversaries arguments, to aggravate the punishments, & to accomplish the confusiō of these old women, is added the vanitie and wickednes of them, which are called witches, the arrogancie of those which take upon them to/B. iii. v. worke wonders, the desire that people have to hearken to such miraculous matters, unto whome most commonlie an impossibilitie is more credible than a veritie; the ignorance of naturall causes, the ancient and universall hate conceived against the name of a witch; their ilfavoured faces, their spitefull words, their cursses and imprecations, their charmes made in ryme, and their beggerie; the feare of manie foolish folke, the opinion of some that are wise, the want of Robin goodfellowe and the fairies, which were woont to mainteine chat, and the common peoples talke in this behalfe; the authoritie of the inquisitors, the learning, cunning, consent, and estimation of writers herein, the false translations and fond interpretations used, speciallie by papists; and manie other like causes. All which toies take such hold upon mens fansies, as whereby they are lead and entised awaie from the consideration of true respects, to the condemnation of that which they know not.

Howbeit, I will (by Gods grace) in this my booke, so apparentlie decipher and confute these cavils, and all other their objections; as everie witchmoonger shall be abashed, and all good men thereby satisfied. In the meane time, I would wish them to know that if neither the estimation of Gods omnipotencie, nor the tenor of his word, nor the doubtfulnes or rather the impossibilitie of the case, nor the small proofes brought against them, nor the rigor executed upon them, nor the pitie that should be in a christian heart, nor yet their simplicitie, impotencie, or age may suffice to suppresse the rage or rigor wherewith they are oppressed; yet the consideration of their sex or kind ought to moove some mitigatiō of their punishment. For if nature (as Plinie reporteth) have taught a lion not to deale so roughlie with a woman as with a man, bicause she is in bodie the weaker vessell, and in hart more inclined to pitie (which JeremieLam. Jer. 3. & 4. cap. verse. 10
1. Cor 11. 9.
Ibid. vers. 7.
Ge. 2. 22. 18.
Arist. lib. problem. 2. 9. in his lamentations seemeth to confirme) what should a man doo in this case, for whome a woman was created as an helpe and comfort unto him? In so much as, even in the lawe of nature, it is a greater offense to slea a woman than a man: not bicause a man is not the more excellent creature, but bicause a woman is the weaker vessell. And therefore among all modest and honest persons it is thought a shame to offer violence or injurie to a woman:Vir. Georg. in which respect Virgil/[B. iv.] saith, Nullum memorabile nomen fæminea in pæna est.

God that knoweth my heart is witnes, and you that read my booke shall see, that my drift and purpose in this enterprise tendeth onelie to these respects. First, that the glorie and power of God be not so abridged and abased, as to be thrust into the hand or lip of a lewd old woman: whereby the worke of the Creator should be attributed to the power of a creature. Secondlie, that the religion of the gospell may be seene to stand without such peevish trumperie. Thirdlie, that lawfull favour and christian compassion be rather used towards these poore soules, than rigor and extremitie. Bicause they, which are commonlie accused of witchcraft,/B 2 v are the least sufficient of all other persons to speake for themselves; as having the most base and simple education of all others; the extremitie of their age giving them leave to dote, their povertie to beg, their wrongs to chide and threaten (as being void of anie other waie of revenge) their humor melancholicall to be full of imaginations, from whence cheefelie proceedeth the vanitie of their confessions; as that they can transforme themselves and others into apes, owles, asses, dogs, cats, &c: that they can flie in the aire, kill children with charmes, hinder the comming of butter, &c.

And for so much as the mightie helpe themselves together, and the poore widowes crie,Eccl[us.] 35, 15. though it reach to heaven, is scarse heard here upon earth: I thought good (according to my poore abilitie) to make intercession, that some part of common rigor, and some points of hastie judgement may be advised upon. For the world is now at that stay (as Brentius in a most godlie sermon in these words affirmeth) that even as when the heathen persecuted the christians, if anie were accused to beleeve in Christ, the common people cried Ad leonem: so now, if anie woman, be she never so honest, be accused of witchcraft, they crie Ad ignem. What difference is betweene the rash dealing of unskilfull people, and the grave counsell of more discreet and learned persons, may appeare by a tale of Danæus his owne telling; wherein he opposeth the rashnes of a few townesmen, to the counsell of a whole senate, preferring the follie of the one, before the wisdome of the other.

At Orleance on Loyre (saith he) there was a manwitch, not only/[B. iv. v.] taken and accused, but also convicted and condemned for witchcraft, who appealed from thence to the high court of Paris. Which accusation the senate sawe insufficient, and would not allow, but laughed thereat, lightlie regarding it; and in the end sent him home (saith he) as accused of a frivolous matter. And yet for all that, the magistrats of Orleance were so bold with him, as to hang him up within short time after, for the same or the verie like offense. In which example is to be seene the nature, and as it were the disease of this cause: wherein (I saie) the simpler and undiscreeter sort are alwaies more hastie & furious in judgements, than men of better reputation and knowledge. Nevertheles, Eunichius saith, that these three things; to wit, what is to be thought of witches, what their incantations can doo, and whether their punishment should extend to death, are to be well considered. And I would (saith he) they were as well knowne, as they are rashlie beleeved, both of the learned, and unlearned. And further he saith, that almost all divines, physicians and lawyers, who should best know these matters, satisfieng themselves with old custome, have given too much credit to these fables, and too rash and unjust sentence of death upon witches. But when a man pondereth (saith he) that in times past, all that swarved from the church of Rome were judged heretikes; it is the lesse marvell, though in this matter they be blind and ignorant.

And surelie, if the scripture had beene longer suppressed, more absurd fables would have sproong up, and beene beleeved. Which credulitie though it is to be derided with laughter; yet this their crueltie is to be/B 3 lamented with teares. For (God knoweth) manie of these poore wretches had more need to be releeved than chastised; and more meete were a preacher to admonish them, than a gailor to keepe them; and a physician more necessarie to helpe them, than an executioner or tormentor to hang or burne them. For proofe and due triall hereof, I will requite Danæus his tale of a manwitch (as he termeth him) with another witch of the same sex or gender.

CardanusLib. 15. cap. 18. de varietatib. rerum. from the mouth of his owne father reporteth, that one Barnard, a poore servant, being in wit verie simple and rude, but in his service verie necessarie and diligent (and in that respect deerelie beloved of his maister) professing the art of witchcraft,/[B. v.] could in no wise be dissuaded from that profession, persuading himselfe that he knew all things, and could bring anie matter to passe; bicause certeine countrie people resorted to him for helpe and counsell, as supposing by his owne talke, that he could doo somewhat. At length he was condemned to be burned: which torment he seemed more willing to suffer, than to loose his estimation in that behalfe. But his maister having compassion upon him, and being himselfe in his princes favor, perceiving his conceipt to proceed of melancholie, obteined respit of execution for twentie daies. In which time (saith he) his maister bountifullie fed him with good fat meat, and with foure egs at a meale, as also with sweet wine: which diet was best for so grosse and weake a bodie. And being recovered so in strength, that the humor was suppressed, he was easilie woone from his absurd and dangerous opinions, and from all his fond imaginations: and confessing his error and follie, from the which before no man could remoove him by anie persuasions, having his pardon, he lived long a good member of the church, whome otherwise the crueltie of judgement should have cast awaie and destroied.

This historie is more credible than Sprengers fables, or Bodins bables, which reach not so far to the extolling of witches omnipotencie, as to the derogating of Gods glorie. For if it be true, which they affirme, that our life and death lieth in the hand of a witch; then is it false, that God maketh us live or die, or that by him we have our being, our terme of life appointed, and our daies numbred. But surelie their charmes can no more reach to the hurting or killing of men or women, than their imaginations can extend to the stealing and carrieng awaie of horsses & mares. Neither hath God given remedies to sicknes or greefes, by words or charmes, but by hearbs and medicines;Amos. 3. 6.
La. Jer. 3. 38.
Isai. 45. 9.
Rom. 9. 20. which he himselfe hath created upon earth, and given men knowledge of the same; that he might be glorified, for that therewith he dooth vouchsafe that the maladies of men and cattell should be cured, &c. And if there be no affliction nor calamitie, but is brought to passe by him, then let us defie the divell, renounce all his works, and not so much as once thinke or dreame upon this supernaturall power of witches; neither let us prosecute them with such despight, whome our fansie condemneth, and our reason acquiteth: our/[B v. v.] evidence against them consisting in impossibilities, our proofes in unwritten verities, and our whole proceedings in doubts and difficulties./

B 3. v.Now bicause I mislike the extreame crueltie used against some of these sillie soules (whome a simple advocate having audience and justice might deliver out of the hands of the inquisitors themselves) it will be said, that I denie anie punishment at all to be due to anie witch whatsoever. Naie, bicause I bewraie the follie and impietie of them, which attribute unto witches the power of God: these witchmoongers will report, that I denie there are anie witches at all: and yet behold (saie they) how often is this word [Witch]** [] in text. mentioned in the scriptures? Even as if an idolater should saie in the behalfe of images and idols, to them which denie their power and godhead, and inveigh against the reverence doone unto them; How dare you denie the power of images, seeing their names are so often repeated in the scriptures? But truelie I denie not that there are witches or images: but I detest the idolatrous opinions conceived of them; referring that to Gods worke and ordinance, which they impute to the power and malice of witches; and attributing that honour to God, which they ascribe to idols. But as for those that in verie deed are either witches or conjurors, let them hardlie suffer such punishment as to their fault is agreeable, and as by the grave judgement of lawe is provided.

Places amended by the author, and to be read as followeth. The first number standeth for the page, the second for the line.

[46]. 16. except you.
[51]. 9. one Saddocke.
[75]. 21. that we of
[110]. 21. as Elimas.
[112]. 10. is reproved.
[119]. 16. one Necus.
[126]. 12. Magus as.
[138]. 2. the hart.
[144]. 25. in hir closet at Endor, or in.
[168]. 31. the firmament.
[187]. 16. reallie finished.
[192]. put out the first line of the page.
[247]. 29. write it.
[257]. 32. an image.
[269]. 16. there be masses.
[333]. 14. evenlie severed.
[363]. 26. for bellowes.
[366]. 27. his leman.
[438]. 29. exercise the.
[450]. 1. that it is.
[463]. 19.*[* 16]that businesse.
[471]. 19. cōteineth nothing.
[472]. 11. I did deferre.
[491]. 6. so difficult.
[491]. 27. begat another.
[503]. 9. of all the.
[519]. 7. the Hevites.
[542]. 30. their reproch./

[Corrected in this 4th edition. The numbers of the 3rd line in original, i.e., from 438, are smaller.]

The forren authors used in this Booke.[B. vi.] [B 4]

Ælianus.
Aetius.
Albertus Crantzius.
Albertus Magnus.
Albumazar.
Alcoranum Franciscanorum.
Alexander Trallianus.
Algerus.
Ambrosius.
Andradias.
Andræas Gartnerus.
Andræas Massius.
Antonius Sabellicus.
Apollonius Tyanæus.
Appianus.
Apuleius.
Archelaus.
Argerius Ferrarius.*[* Ferre-]
Aristoteles.
Arnoldus de villa nova.
Artemidorus.
Athanasius.
Averroës.
Augustinus episcopus Hip.
Augustinus Niphus.
Avicennas.
Aulus Gellius.
Barnardinus de bustis.
Bartholomæus Anglicus.
Berosus Anianus.
Bodinus.
Bordinus.
Brentius.
Calvinus.
Camerarius.
Campanus.
Cardanus pater.
Cardanus filius.
Carolus Gallus.
Cassander.
Cato.
Chrysostome.
Cicero.
Clemens.
Cornelius Agrippa.
Cornelius Nepos.
Cornelius Tacitus.
Cyrillus.
Danæus.
Demetrius.
Democritus.
Didymus.
Diodorus Siculus.
Dionysius Areopagita.
Dioscorides.
Diurius.
Dodonæus.
Durandus.
Empedocles.
Ephesius.
Erasmus Roterodamus.
Erasmus Sarcerius.
Erastus.
Eudoxus.
Eusebius Cæsariensis.
Fernelius.
Franciscus Petrarcha.
Fuchsius.
Galenus.
Garropius.
Gelasius.
Gemma Phrysius.
Georgius Pictorius.
Gofridus.
Goschalcus Boll.
Gratianus.
Gregorius.
Grillandus.
Guido Bonatus.
Gulielmus de sancto Clodoaldo.
Gulielmus Parisiensis.
Hemingius.
Heraclides.
Hermes Trismegistus.
Hieronymus.
Hilarius.
Hippocrates.
Homerus.
Horatius.
Hostiensis.
Hovinus.
Hyperius.
Jacobus de Chusa Carthusianus.
Iamblichus.
Jaso Pratensis.
Innocentius. 8. Papa.
Johannes Anglicus.
Johannes Baptista Neapolitanus.
Johannes Cassianus.
Johannes Montiregius.
Johannes Rivius.
Josephus ben Gorion.
Josias Simlerus.
Isidorus.
Isigonus.
Juba.
Julius Maternus.
Justinus Martyr.
Lactantius.
Lavaterus.
Laurentius Ananias.
Laurentius a villavicentio.
Leo II. Pontifex.
Lex Salicarum.
Lex 12. Tabularum.
Legenda aurea.
Legenda longa Coloniæ.
Leonardus Vairus.
Livius.
Lucanus.
Lucretius.
Ludovicus Cælius.
Lutherus.
Macrobius.
Magna Charta.
Malleus Maleficarum.
Manlius.
Marbacchius.
Marbodeus Gallus.
Marsilius Ficinus.
Martinus de Arles.
Mattheolus.
Melancthonus.//B. vi. v. B 4 v.
Memphradorus.
Michael Andræas.
Musculus.
Nauclerus.
Nicephorus.
Nicholaus 5. Papa.
Nider.
Olaus Gothus.
Origines.
Ovidius.
Panormitanus.
Paulus Aegineta.
Paulus Marsus.
Persius.
Petrus de Appona.
Petrus Lombardus.
Petrus Martyr.
Peucer.
Philarchus.
Philastrius Brixiensis.
Philodotus.
Philo Judæus.
Pirkmairus.
Platina.
Plato.
Plinius.
Plotinus.
Plutarchus.
Polydorus Virgilius.
Pomœrium sermonum quadragesimalium.
Pompanatius.
Pontificale.
Ponzivibius.
Porphyrius.
Proclus.
Propertius.
Psellus.
Ptolomeus.
Pythagoras.
Quintilianus.
Rabbi Abraham.
Rabbi ben Ezra.
Rabbi David Kimhi.
Rabbi Josuah ben Levi.
Rabbi Isaach Natar.
Rabbi Levi.
Rabbi Moses.
Rabbi Sedaias Haias.
Robertus Carocullus.
Rupertus.
Sabinus.
Sadoletus.
Savanorola.
Scotus.
Seneca.
Septuaginta interpretes.
Serapio.
Socrates.
Solinus.
Speculum exemplorum.
Strabo.
Sulpitius Severus.
Synesius.
Tatianus.
Tertullianus.
Thomas Aquinas.
Themistius.
Theodoretus.
Theodorus Bizantius.
Theophrastus.
Thucidides.
Tibullus.
Tremelius.
Valerius Maximus.
Varro.
Vegetius.
Vincentius.
Virgilius.
Vitellius.
Wierus.
Xanthus historiographus.
¶ These English.
Barnabe Googe.
Beehive of the Romish church.
Edward Deering.
Geffrey Chaucer.
Giles Alley.
Gnimelf Maharba [Abraham Fleming].
Henrie Haward.
John Bale.
John Fox.
John Malborne.
John Record.
Primer after Yorke use.
Richard Gallis.
Roger Bacon.
Testament printed at Rhemes.
T. E. a nameles author. 467.
Thomas Hilles.
Thomas Lupton.
Thomas Moore Knight.
Thomas Phaer.
T. R. a nameles author. 393.
William Lambard.
W. W. a nameles author. 542.

[These Contents in original end the book as do our Indices.]

The summe of everie chapter con-
teined in the sixteene bookes of this disco-
verie, with the discourse of divels and
spirits annexed thereunto.

¶ The first Booke.

N impeachment of witches power in meteors and elementarie bodies, tending to the rebuke of such as attribute too much unto them. [Pag. 1].

The inconvenience growing by mens credulitie herein, with a reproofe of some churchmen, which are inclined to the common conceived opinion of witches omnipotencie, and a familiar example thereof. [pag. 4].

Who they be that are called witches, with a manifest declaration of the cause that mooveth men so commonlie to thinke, & witches themselves to beleeve that they can hurt children, cattell, &c. with words and imaginations: and of coosening witches. [pag. 7].

What miraculous actions are imputed to witches by witchmongers, papists, and poets. [pag. 9].

A confutation of the common conceived opinion of witches and witchcraft, and how detestable a sinne it is to repaire to them for counsell or helpe in time of affliction. [pag. 11].

A further confutation of witches miraculous and omnipotent power, by invincible reasons and authorities, with dissuasions from such fond credulitie. [pag. 12].

By what meanes the name of witches becommeth so famous, & how diverslie people be opinioned concerning them and their actions. [pa. 14].

Causes that moove as well witches themselves as others to thinke that they can worke impossibilities, with answers to certeine objections: where also their punishment by law is touched. [pag. 16].

A conclusion of the first booke, wherein is foreshewed the tyrannicall crueltie of witchmongers and inquisitors, with a request to the reader to peruse the same. [pag. 17].

¶ The second Booke.

WHat testimonies and witnesses are allowed to give evidence against reputed witches, by the report and allowance of the inquisitors themselves, & such as are speciall writers herein. [Pag. 19].

The order of examination of witches by the inquisitors. [pag. 20].

Matters of evidence against witches. [pag. 22].

Confessions of witches, whereby they are condemned. [pag. 24].

Presumptions, whereby witches are condemned. [pag. 25].

Particular interogatories used by the inquisitors against witches. [pa. 27].

The inquisitors triall of weeping by conjuration. [pag. 29].

Certeine cautions against witches, and of their tortures to procure confession. [pag. 29].

The 15. crimes laid to the charge of witches, by witchmongers; speciallie by Bodin, in Demonomania. [32].

A refutation of the former surmised crimes patched togither by Bodin, and the onelie waie to escape the inquisitors hands. [pag. 34].

The opinion of Cornelius Agrippa concerning witches, of his pleading/S s. i. v for a poore woman accused of witchcraft, and how he convinced the inquisitors. [pag. 35].

What the feare of death and feeling of torments may force one to doo, and that it is no marvell though witches condemne themselves by their owne confessions so tyrannicallie extorted. [pag. 37].

¶ The third Booke.

THe witches bargaine with the divell, according to M. Mal. Bodin, Nider, Daneus, Psellus, Erastus, Hemingius, Cumanus, Aquinas, Bartholomeus Spineus, &c. [Pag. 40].

The order of the witches homage done (as it is written by lewd inquisitors and peevish witchmoongers) to the divell in person; of their songs and danses, and namelie of La volta, and of other ceremonies, also of their excourses. [pag. 41].

How witches are summoned to appeere before the divell, of their riding in the aire, of their accompts, of their conference with the divell, of his supplies, and their conference, of their farewell and sacrifices: according to Daneus, Psellus, &c. [p. 43].

That there can no real league be made with the divell the first author of the league, and the weake proofes of the adversaries for the same. [pag. 44].

Of the private league, a notable tale of Bodins concerning a French ladie, with a confutation. [pag. 46].

A disproofe of their assemblies, and of their bargaine [pag. 47].

A confutation of the objection concerning witches confessions. [pag. 49].

What follie it were for witches to enter into such desperate perill, and to endure such intolerable tortures for no gaine or commoditie, and how it comes to passe that witches are overthrowne by their confessions. [51].

How melancholie abuseth old women, and of the effects thereof by sundrie examples. [pag. 52].

That voluntarie confessions may be untrulie made, to the undooing of the confessors, and of the strange operation of melancholie, prooved by a familiar and late example. [pag. 55].

The strange and divers effects of melancholie, and how the same humor abounding in witches, or rather old women, filleth them full of mervellous imaginations, & that their confessions are not to be credited. [p. 57].

A confutation of witches confessions, especiallie concerning their league. [pag. 59].

A confutation of witches confessions, concerning making of tempests and raine: of the naturall cause of raine, and that witches or divels have no power to doo such things. [pag. 60].

What would ensue, if witches confessions or witchmōgers opinions were true, concerning the effects of witchcraft, inchantments, &c. [pag. 63].

Examples of forren nations, who in their warres used the assistance of witches; of eybiting witches in Ireland, of two archers that shot with familiars. [pag. 64].

Authorities condemning the fantasticall confessions of witches, and how a popish doctor taketh upon him to disproove the same. [pag. 65].

Witchmongers reasons, to proove that witches can worke wonders, Bodins tale of a Friseland preest transported, that imaginations proceeding of melancholie doo cause illusions. [pag. 67].

That the confession of witches is insufficient in civill and common law to take awaie life. What the sounder divines, and decrees of councels determine in this case. [pag. 68].

Of foure capitall crimes objected against witches, all fullie answered & confuted as frivolous. [pag. 70]./

S s. ii.A request to such readers as loath to heare or read filthie & bawdie matters (which of necessitie are here to be inserted) to passe over eight chapters. [pag. 72].

¶ The fourth Booke.

OF witchmoongers opinions concerning evill spirits, how they frame themselves in more excellent sort than God made us. [Pag. 73].

Of bawdie Incubus and Succubus, and whether the action of venerie may be performed betweene witches and divels and when witches first yeelded to Incubus. [pag. 74].

Of the divels visible and invisible dealing with witches in the waie of lecherie. [pag. 76].

That the power of generation is both outwardlie and inwardlie impeached by witches, and of divers that had their genitals taken from them by witches, and by the same means againe restored. [pag. 77].

Of bishop Sylvanus his leacherie opened & covered againe, how maids having yellow haire are most combred with Incubus, how maried men are bewitched to use other mens wives, and to refuse their owne. [pag. 79].

How to procure the dissolving of bewitched love, also to enforce a man (how proper so ever he be) to love an old hag: and of a bawdie tricke of a priest in Gelderland. [pag. 80].

Of divers saincts and holie persons, which were exceeding bawdie and lecherous, and by certeine miraculous meanes became chast. [pag. 81].

Certeine popish and magicall cures, for them that are bewitched in their privities. [p. 82].

A strange cure doone to one that was molested with Incubus. [pag. 83].

A confutation of all the former follies touching Incubus, which by examples and proofes of like stuffe is shewed to be flat knaverie, wherein the carnall copulation with spirits is overthrowne. [pag. 85].

That Incubus is a naturall disease, with remedies for the same, besides magicall cures herewithall expressed. [pag. 86].

The censure of G. Chaucer, upon the knaverie of Incubus. [pag. 88].

¶ The fift Booke.

OF transformations, ridiculous examples brought by the adversaries for the confirmation of their foolish doctrine. [Pag. 89].

Absurd reasons brought by Bodin, & such others, for confirmation of transformations. [pag. 93].

Of a man turned into an asse, and returned againe into a man by one of Bodins witches: S. Augustines opinion thereof. [cap. 94].

A summarie of the former fable, with a refutation thereof, after due examination of the same. [pag. 97].

That the bodie of a man cannot be turned into the bodie of a beast by a witch, is prooved by strong reasons, scriptures, and authorities. [pag. 99].

The witchmongers objections concerning Nabuchadnez-zar answered, & their errour concerning Lycanthropia confuted. [pag. 101].

A speciall objection answered concerning transportations, with the consent of diverse writers thereupon. [pag. 103].

The witchmongers objection concerning the historie of Job answered. [pag. 105].

What severall sortes of witches are mentioned in the scriptures, & how the word witch is there applied. [pag. 109].

¶ The sixt Booke.

THe exposition of this Hebrue word Chasaph, wherin is answe/redS s. ii. v. the objection conteined in Exodus 22. to wit: Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live, and of Simon Magus. Acts 8. [pag. 111].

The place of Deuteronomie expounded, wherein are recited all kind of witches; also their opinions confuted, which hold that they can worke worke*[* sic] such miracles as are imputed unto them. [pag. 113].

That women have used poisoning in all ages more than men, & of the inconvenience of poisoning [pag. 116].

Of divers poisoning practises, otherwise called veneficia, committed in Italie, Genua, Millen, Wittenberge, also how they were discovered and executed. [pag. 119].

A great objection answered concerning this kind of witchcraft called Veneficium. [pag. 120].

In what kind of confections that witchcraft, which is called Veneficium, consisteth: of love cups, and the same confuted by poets. [pag. 121].

It is prooved by more credible writers, that love cups rather ingender death through venome, than love by art: and with what toies they destroie cattell, and procure love. [p. 123].

John Bodin triumphing against J. Wier is overtaken with false greeke & false interpretation thereof. [p. 125].

¶ The seventh Booke.

OF the Hebrue woord Ob, what it signifieth where it is found, of Pythonisses called Ventriloque, who they be, & what their practises are, experience and examples thereof shewed. [Pag. 126].

How the lewd practise of the Pythonist of Westwell came to light, and by whome she was examined; and that all hir diabolicall speach was but ventriloquie and plaine cousenage, which is prooved by hir owne confession. [pag. 130].

Bodins stuffe concerning the Pythonist of Endor, with a true storie of a counterfeit Dutchman. [pag. 132].

Of the great oracle of Apollo the Pythonist, and how men of all sorts have beene deceived, and that even the apostles have mistaken the nature of spirits, with an unanswerable argument, that spirits can take no shapes. [pag. 133].

Why Apollo was called Pytho wherof those witches were called Pythonists: Gregorie his letter to the divell. [pag. 136].

Apollo, who was called Pytho, compared to the Rood of grace: Gregories letter to the divell cōfuted. [p. 137].

How diverse great clarkes and good authors have beene abused in this matter of spirits through false reports, and by means of their credulitie have published lies, which are confuted by Aristotle and the scriptures. [pag. 138].

Of the witch of Endor, and whether she accomplished the raising of Samuel trulie, or by deceipt: the opinion of some divines hereupon. [p. 139].

That Samuel was not raised indeed, and how Bodin and all papists dote herin, and that soules cannot be raised by witchcraft. [pag. 140].

That neither the divell nor Samuel was raised, but that it was a meere cousenage, according to the guise of our Pythonists. [pag. 142].

The objection of the witchmongers concerning this place fullie answered, and what circumstances are to be considered for the understanding of this storie, which is plainelie opened from the beginning of the 28. chapt. of the 1. Samuel, to the 12. verse. [pag. 143].

The 12. 13. & 14. verses of 1. Sam. 28. expounded: wherein is shewed that Saule was cousened and abused by the witch, & that Samuel was not raised, is prooved by the witches/S s. iii. owne talke. [pag. 146].

The residue of 1. Sam. 28. expounded: wherein is declared how cunninglie this witch brought Saule resolutelie to beleeve that she raised Samuel, what words are used to colour the cousenage, & how all might also be wrought by ventriloquie. [p. 148].

Opinions of some learned men, that Samuel was indeed raised, not by the witches art or power, but by the speciall miracle of God, that there are no such visions in these our daies, and that our witches cannot doo the like. [pag. 151].

Of vaine apparitions, how people have beene brought to feare bugs, which is partlie reformed by preaching of the gospel, the true effect of Christes miracles. [pag. 152].

Witches miracles cōpared to Christs, that God is the creator of al things, of Apollo, and of his names and portraiture. [pag. 154].

¶ The eight Booke.

THat miracles are ceased. [156].

That the gift of prophesie is ceased. [Pag. 158].

That Oracles are ceased. [pag. 160].

A tale written by manie grave authors, and beleeved by manie wise men of the divels death. An other storie written by papists, and beleeved of all catholikes, approoving the divels honestie, conscience, and courtesie. [pag. 162].

The judgments of the ancient fathers touching oracles, and their abolishment, and that they be now transferred from Delphos to Rome. [p. 164].

Where and wherein couseners, witches, and preests were woont to give oracles, and to worke their feats. [pag. 165].

¶ The ninth Booke.

THe Hebrue word Kasam expounded, and how farre a Christian may conjecture of things to come. [Pag. 167].

Proofes by the old and new testament, that certaine observations of the weather are lawfull. [pag. 168].

That certeine observations are indifferent, certeine ridiculous, and certeine impious, whence that cunning is derived of Apollo, and of Aruspices. [pag. 169].

The predictions of soothsaiers & lewd preests, the prognostications of astronomers and physicians allowable, divine prophesies holie and good. [pag. 171].

The diversitie of true prophets, of Urim, and of the propheticall use of the twelve pretious stones conteined therein, of the divine voice called Eccho. [pag. 172].

Of prophesies conditionall: whereof the prophesies in the old testament dee*[* doe] intreat, and by whom they were published; witchmongers answers to the objections against witches supernaturall actions. [pag. 173].

What were the miracles expressed in the old testament, and what are they in the new testament: and that we are not now to looke for anie more miracles. [pag. 175].

¶ The tenth Booke.

THe interpretation of the Hebrue word Onen, of the vanitie of dreames, and divinations thereupon. [Pag. 177].

Of divine, naturall, & casuall dreames, with the differing causes and effects. [pag. 178].

The opinion of divers old writers touching dreames, and how they varie in noting the causes therof. [p. 179].

Against interpretors of dreames, of the ordinarie cause of dreames, Hemingius his opinion of diabolicall dreames, the interpretation of dreames ceased. [pag. 180]./

S s. iii. v.That neither witches, nor anie other, can either by words or herbs, thrust into the mind of a sleeping man, what cogitations or dreames they list; and whence magicall dreames come. [pag. 181].

How men have beene bewitched, cousened or abused by dreames to dig and search for monie. [pag. 182].

The art & order to be used in digging for monie, revealed by dreames, how to procure pleasant dreames, of morning and midnight dreames. [p. 183].

Sundrie receipts & ointments, made and used for the transportation of witches, and other miraculous effects: an instance thereof reported and credited by some that are learned. [pag. 184].

A confutation of the former follies, as well cōcerning ointments, dreams, &c. as also of the assemblie of witches, and of their consultations and bankets at sundrie places, and all in dreames. [pag. 185.]

That most part of prophesies in the old testament were revealed in dreams, that we are not now to looke for such revelations, of some who have drempt of that which hath come to passe, that dreames proove contrarie, Nebuchadnez zars*[* sic] rule to know a true expositor of dreames. [pag. 187].

¶ The eleventh Booke.

THe Hebrue word Nahas expounded, of the art of augurie, who invented it, how slovenlie a science it is: the multitude of sacrifices and sacrificers of the heathen, and the causes thereof. [Pag. 189].

Of the Jewes sacrifice to Moloch, a discourse thereupon, and of Purgatorie. [pag. 190].

The Cambals*[* sic] crueltie, of popish sacrifices exceeding in tyrannie the Jewes or Gentiles. [pag. 191].

The superstition of the heathen about the element of fier, and how it grew in such reverence among them, of their corruptions, and that they had some inkling of the godlie fathers dooings in that behalfe. [pag. 191].

Of the Romane sacrifices, of the estimation they had of augurie, of the lawe of the twelve tables. [pag. 192].

Colleges of augurors, their office, their number, the signification of augurie, that the practisers of that art were couseners, their profession, their places of exercise, their apparell, their superstition. [pag. 193].

The times and seasons to exercise augurie, the maner and order thereof, of the ceremonies thereunto belonging. [pag. 195].

Upon what signes and tokens augurors did prognosticate, observations touching the inward and outward parts of beasts, with notes of beasts behaviour in the slaughterhouse. [pag. 196].

A confutation of augurie, Plato his reverend opinion thereof, of contrarie events, & false predictions. [p. 196].

The cousening art of sortilege or lotarie, practiced especiallie by Aegyptian vagabonds, of allowed lots, of Pythagoras his lot, &c. [pag. 197].

Of the Cabalisticall art, consisting of traditions and unwritten verities learned without booke, and of the division thereof. [cap. 198].

When, how, and in what sort sacrifices were first ordained, and how they were prophaned, and how the pope corrupteth the sacraments of Christ. [pag. 200].

Of the objects whereupon the augurors used to prognosticate, with certeine cautions and notes. [pag. 201].

The division of augurie, persons admittable into the colleges of augurie, of their superstition. [pag. 202]./

S s iiii.Of the common peoples fond and superstitious collections and observations. [pag. 203].

How old writers varie about the matter, the maner, and the meanes, whereby things augurificall are mooved. [pag. 205].

How ridiculous an art augurie is, how Cato mocked it, Aristotles reason against it, fond collections of augurors, who allowed, and who disallowed it. [pag. 206].

Fond distinctions of the heathen writers, concerning augurie. [pag. 208].

Of naturall and casuall augurie, the one allowed,and the other disallowed. [pag. 208].

A confutation of casual augurie which is meere witchcraft, and upon what uncerteintie those divinations are grounded. [pag. 209].

That figure-casters are witches, the uncerteintie of their art, and of their contradictions, Cornelius Agrippas sentence against judiciall astrologie. [pag. 210].

The subtiltie of astrologers to mainteine the credit of their art, why they remaine in credit, certeine impieties conteined in astrologers assertions. [pag. 212].

Who have power to drive awaie divels with their onelie presence, who shall receive of God whatsoever they aske in praier, who shall obteine everlasting life by meanes of constellations, as nativitie-casters affirme. [pag. 214].

¶ The twelfe Booke.

THe Hebrue word Habar expounded, where also the supposed secret force of charmes and inchantments is shewed, and the efficacie of words is diverse waies declared. [Pag. 216].

What is forbidden in scriptures concerning witchcraft, of the operation of words, the superstition of the Cabalists and papists, who createth substances, to imitate God in some cases is presumption, words of sanctification. [pag. 217].

What effect & offense witches charmes bring, how unapt witches are, and how unlikelie to worke those things which they are thought to doo, what would follow if those things were true which are laid to their charge. [pag. 218].

Why God forbad the practise of witchcraft, the absurditie of the law of the twelve tables, whereupon their estimation in miraculous actions is grounded, of their woonderous works. [pag. 220].

An instance of one arreigned upon the law of the twelve tables, whereby the said law is prooved ridiculous, of two witches that could doo woonders. [pag. 221].

Lawes provided for the punishment of such witches as worke miracles, whereof some are mentioned, and of certeine popish lawes published against them. [pag. 222].

Poetical authorities commonlie alledged by witchmongers, for the proofe of witches miraculous actions, and for confirmation of their supernaturall power. [pag. 223].

Poetrie and poperie compared in inchantments, popish witchmongers have more advantage herein than protestants. [pag. 229].

Popish periapts, amulets & charmes, agnus Dei, a wastcote of proofe, a charme for the falling evill, a writing brought to S. Leo from heaven by an angell, the vertues of S. Saviors epistle, a charme against theeves, a writing found in Christs wounds, of the crosse, &c. [pag. 230].

¶ A charme against shot, or a wastcote of proofe. Against the falling evill, [p. 231]. A popish periapt or charme, which must never be said, but carried about one, against theeves. Another amulet, [pag. 233]. A papisticall charme. A charme found in the ca/nonS s. iiii. v. of the masse. Other papisticall charmes. [pag. 234]. A charme of the holie crosse. [pag. 235]. A charme taken out of the Primer. [pag. 236].

How to make holie water, and the vertues thereof, S. Rufins charme, of the wearing & bearing of the name of Jesus, that the sacrament of confession & the eucharist is of as much efficacie as other charmes, and magnified by L. Vairus. [pag. 237].

Of the noble balme used by Moses, apishlie counterfeited in the church of Rome. [pag. 238].

The opinion of Ferrarius touching charmes, periapts, appensions, amulets, &c. Of Homericall medicines, of constant opinion, and the effects thereof. [pag. 239].

Of the effects of amulets, the drift of Argerius Ferrarius in the commendation of charmes, &c: foure sorts of Homericall medicines, and the choice thereof; of imagination. [pag. 241].

Choice of charmes against the falling evill, the biting of a mad dog, the stinging of a scorpion, the toothach, for a woman in travell, for the kings evill, to get a thorne out of any member, or a bone out of ones throte, charmes to be said fasting, or at the gathering of hearbs, for sore eies, to open locks, against spirits, for the bots in a horsse, and speciallie for the Duke of Albas horsse, for sowre wines, &c. [pag. 242].

¶ For the falling evill. [pa. 242]. Against the biting of a mad dog. [pag. 243]. Against the biting of a scorpion. Against the toothach. A charme to release a woman in travell. To heale the Kings or Queenes evill, or anie other sorenesse in the throte. A charme read in the Romish church, upon saint Blazes daie, that will fetch a thorne out of anie place of ones bodie, a bone out of the throte, &c: Lect. 3. [pag. 244]. A charme for the headach. A charme to be said ech morning by a witch fasting, or at least before she go abroad. Another charme that witches use at the gathering of their medicinable hearbs. An old womans charme, wherwith she did much good in the countrie, and grew famous thereby. [pag. 245]. Another like charme. A charme to open locks. A charme to drive awaie spirits that haunt anie house. [pag. 246]. A prettie charme or conclusion for one possessed. Another for the same purpose. Another to the same effect. Another charme or witchcraft for the same. [pag. 247]. A charme for the bots in a horsse. [pag. 248]. A charme against vineger. [pa. 249].

The inchanting of serpents & snakes, objections answered concerning the same; fond reasons whie charmes take effect therein, Mahomets pigeon, miracles wrought by an Asse at Memphis in Aegypt, popish charmes against serpents, of miracle-workers, the taming of snakes, Bodins lie of snakes. [pag. 249].

Charmes to carrie water in a sive, to know what is spoken of us behind our backs, for bleare eies, to make seeds to growe well, of images made of wax, to be rid of a witch, to hang hir up, notable authorities against waxen images, a storie bewraieng the knaverie of waxen images. [pag. 256].

¶ A charme teaching how to hurt whom you list with images of wax, &c. [pag. 257].

Sundrie sorts of charmes tending to diverse purposes, and first, certeine charmes to make taciturnitie in tortures. [pag. 259].

¶ Counter charmes against these and all other witchcrafts, in the saieng also whereof witches are vexed, &c. A charme for the choine cough. For corporall or spirituall rest. Charmes to find out a theefe. [pag. 260]. Another/[S s. v.] waie to find out a theefe that hath stolne any thing from you. [pag. 261]. To put out the theeves eie. Another waie to find out a theefe. [pag. 262]. A charme to find out or spoile a theefe. S. Adelberts cursse or charme against theeves. [pag. 263]. Another inchantment. [pag. 266].

A charme or experiment to find out a witch. [pag. 266].

¶ To spoile a theefe, a witch, or any other enimie, and to be delivered from the evill. [pag. 269]. A notable charme or medicine to pull out an arrowhead, or any such thing that sticketh in the flesh or bones, and cannot otherwise be had out. Charmes against a quotidian ague. For all maner of agues intermittant. Periapts, characters, &c: for agues, and to cure all diseases, and to deliver from all evill. [p. 270]. More charmes for agues. [pag. 271]. For a bloudie fluxe, or rather an issue of bloud. Cures commensed and finished by witchcraft, [pa. 273]. Another witchcraft or knaverie, practised by the same surgion. [pag. 275]. Another experiment for one bewitched. Otherwise. A knacke to know whether you be bewitched, or no, &c. [pag. 276].

That one witchcraft may lawfullie meete with another. [pag. 277].

Who are privileged from witches, what bodies are aptest to be bewitched, or to be witches, why women are rather witches than men, and what they are. [pag. 277].

What miracles witchmongers report to have been done by witches words &c: contradictions of witchmongers among themselves, how beasts are cured hereby, of bewitched butter, a charme against witches, & a counter charme, the effect of charmes and words prooved by L. Vairus to be woonderfull. [pag. 279].

¶ A charme to find hir that bewitched your kine. Another, for all that have bewitched any kind of cattell. [p. 281]. A speciall charme to preserve all cattell from witchcraft. [pag. 282].

Lawfull charmes, rather medicinable cures for diseased cattell. The charme of charmes, and the power thereof. [pag. 283].

¶ The charme of charmes. Otherwise. [pag. 284].

A confutation of the force and vertue falselie ascribed to charmes and amulets, by the authorities of ancient writers, both divines and physicians. [pag. 285].

¶ The xiii. Booke.

THe signification of the Hebrue word Hartumim, where it is found written in the scriptures, and how it is diverslie translated: whereby the objection of Pharaos magicians is afterward answered in this booke; also of naturall magicke not evill in it selfe. [Pag. 287].

How the philosophers in times past travelled for the knowledge of naturall magicke, of Salomons knowledge therein, who is to be called a naturall magician, a distinctiō therof, and why it is condemned for witchcraft. [pag. 288].

What secrets doo lie hidden, and what is taught in naturall magicke, how Gods glorie is magnified therein, and that it is nothing but the worke of nature. [pag. 290].

What strange things are brought to passe by naturall magicke. [pag. 291].

The incredible operation of waters, both standing and running; of wels, lakes, rivers, and of their woonderfull effects. [pag. 292].

The vertues and qualities of sundrie pretious stones, of cousening Lapidaries, &c. [pag. 293].

Whence the pretious stones receive their operations, how curious Magicians use them, and of their/[S s. v. v.] seales. [pag. 297].

The sympathie and antipathie of naturall and elementarie bodies declared by diverse examples of beasts, birds, plants, &c. [pag. 301].

The former matter prooved by manie examples of the living and the dead. [pag. 303].

The bewitching venome conteined in the bodie of an harlot, how hir eie, hir toong, hir beautie and behavior bewitcheth some men: of bones and hornes yeelding great vertue. [pag. 304].

Two notorious woonders and yet not marvelled at. [pag. 305].

Of illusions, confederacies, and legierdemaine, and how they may be well or ill used. [pag. 307].

Of private confederacie, and of Brandons pigeon. [pag. 308].

Of publike confederacie, and whereof it consisteth. [pag. 309].

How men have beene abused with words of equivocation, with sundrie examples thereof. [pag. 309].

How some are abused with naturall magike, and sundrie examples therof when illusion is added thereunto, of Jacobs pied sheepe, and of a blacke Moore. [pag. 311].

The opinion of witchmongers, that divels can create bodies, & of Pharaos magicians. [pag. 312].

How to produce or make monsters by art magike, and why Pharaos magicians could not make lice. [pa. 313].

That great matters may be wrought by this art, when princes esteeme and mainteine it: of divers woonderfull experiments, and of strange conclusions in glasses, of the art perspective, &c. [pag. 315].

A comparison betwixt Pharaos magicians and our witches, and how their cunning consisted in juggling knacks. [pag. 317].

That the serpents and frogs were trulie presented, and the water poisoned indeed by Jannes and Jambres, of false prophets, and of their miracles, of Balams asse. [pag. 318].

The art of juggling discovered, and in what points it dooth principallie consist. [pag. 321].

Of the ball, and the manner of legierdemaine therwith, also notable feats with one or diverse balles. [pag. 322].

¶ To make a little ball swell in your hand till it be verie great. [p. 323]. To consume (or rather to conveie) one or manie balles into nothing. [pag. 324]. How to rap a wag upon the knuckles. [pag. 324].

Of conveiance of monie. [pag. 324].

¶ To conveie monie out of one of your hands into the other by legierdemaine. [pag. 325]. To convert or transubstantiate monie into counters, or counters into monie. [pag. 325]. To put one testor into one hand, and an other into the other hand, and with words to bring them togither. [pag. 325]. To put one testor into a strangers hand, and another into your owne, and to conveie both into the strangers hand with words. [pag. 326]. How to doo the same or the like feat otherwise. [pa. 326]. To throwe a peece of monie awaie, and to find it againe where you list. [pag. 326]. With words to make a groat or a testor to leape out of a pot, or to run alongst upon a table. [pag. 327]. To make a groat or a testor to sinke through a table, and to vanish out of a handkercher verie strangelie. [pag. 327].

A notable tricke to transforme a counter to a groat. [pag. 328].

An excellent feat, to make a two penie peece lie plaine in the palme of your hand, and to be passed from thence when you list. [pag. 329].

¶ To conveie a testor out of ones hand that holdeth it fast. [pag. 329]. To throwe a peece of monie into a deepe pond, and to fetch it againe from whence you list. [pag. 330]./[S s. vi.]

To conveie one shilling being in one hand into an other, holding your armes abroad like a rood. [pag. 330]. How to rap a wag on the knuckles. [pag. 330].

To transforme anie one small thing into anie other forme by folding of paper. [pag. 331].

Of cards, with good cautions how to avoid cousenage therein: speciall rules to conveie and handle the cards, and the maner and order how to accomplish all difficult and strange things wrought by cards. [pag. 331].

¶ How to deliver out foure aces, and to convert them into foure knaves. [pag. 333]. How to tell one what card he seeth in the bottome, when the same card is shuffled into the stocke. [pag. 334]. An other waie to doo the same, having your selfe indeed never seene the card. [pag. 334]. To tell one without confederacie what card he thinketh. [pag. 334].

How to tell what card anie man thinketh, how to conveie the same into a kernell of a nut or cheristone, &c: and the same againe into ones pocket: how to make one drawe the same or anie card you list, and all under one devise. [pag. 335].

Of fast or loose, how to knit a hard knot upon a handkercher, and to undoo the same with words. [p. 336].

¶ A notable feat of fast or loose, namelie, to pull three beadstones from off a cord, while you hold fast the ends thereof, without remooving of your hand. [pag. 337].

Juggling knacks by confederacie, and how to know whether one cast crosse or pile by the ringing. [pag. 338].

¶ To make a shoale of goslings drawe a timber log. [pag. 338]. To make a pot or anie such thing standing fast on the cupboord, to fall downe thense by vertue of words. [pag. 338]. To*[* make] one danse naked. [pag. 339]. To transforme or alter the colour of ones cap or hat. [pag. 339]. How to tell where a stollen horsse is become. [pag. 339].

Boxes to alter one graine into another, or to consume the graine or come to nothing. [pag. 340].

¶ How to conveie (with words or charmes) the corne conteined in one boxe into an other. [pag. 340]. Of an other boxe to convert wheat into flower with words, &c. [pag. 341]. Of diverse petie juggling knacks. [pag. 341].

To burne a thred, and to make it whole againe with the ashes thereof. [pag. 341].

¶ To cut a lace asunder in the middest, and to make it whole againe. [pag. 342]. How to pull laces innumerable out of your mouth, of what colour or length you list, and never anie thing seene to be therein. [pag. 343].

How to make a booke, wherein you shall shew everie leafe therein to be white, blacke, blew, red, yellow, greene, &c. [pag. 343].

Desperate or dangerous juggling knacks, wherin the simple are made to thinke, that a seelie juggler with words can hurt and helpe, kill and revive anie creature at his pleasure: and first to kill anie kind of pullen, and to give it life againe. [pag. 346].

¶ To eate a knife, and to fetch it out of anie other place. [pag. 346]. To thrust a bodkin into your head without hurt. [pag. 347]. To thrust a bodkin through your toong, and a knife through your arme: a pittiful sight, without hurt or danger. [pag. 347]. To thrust a peece of lead into one eie, and to drive it about (with a sticke) betweene the skin and flesh of the forehead, untill it be brought to the other eie, and there thrust out. [pag. 348]. To cut halfe your nose asunder, and to heale it againe presentlie without anie salve. [pag. 348]./

[S s vi. v.]To put a ring through your cheeke. [pag. 348]. To cut off ones head, and to laie it in a platter, &c: which the juglers call the decollation of John Baptist. [pag. 349]. To thrust a dagger or bodkin in your guts verie strangelie, and to recover immediatlie. [pag. 350]. To draw a cord through your nose, mouth or hand, so sensiblie as it is wonderfull to see. [pag. 351].

The conclusion wherein the reader is referred to certeine patterns of instruments wherewith diverse feats here specified are to be executed. [pag. 351].

¶The xiiii. Booke.

OF the art of Alcumysterie, of their woords of art and devises to bleare mens eies, and to procure credit to their profession. [Pag. 353].

The Alcumysters drift, the Chanons yeomans tale, of alcumystical stones and waters. [pag. 355].

Of a yeoman of the countrie cousened by an Alcumyst. [pag. 357].

A certeine king abused by an Alcumyst, and of the kings foole a pretie jest. [pag. 360].

A notable storie written by Erasmus of two Alcumysts, also of longation and curtation. [pag. 361].

The opinion of diverse learned men touching the follie of Alcumystrie. [pag. 368].

That vaine and deceitfull hope is a great cause why men are seduced by this alluring art, and that there labours therein are bootelesse, &c. [pag. 371].

A continuation of the former matter, with a conclusion of the same. [p. 372].

¶ The xv. Booke.

THe exposition of Iidoni, and where it is found, whereby the whole art of conjuration is deciphered. [Pag. 376].

An inventarie of the names, shapes, powers, governement, and effects of divels and spirits, of their severall segniorities and degrees: a strange discourse woorth the reading. [p. 377].

The houres wherein principall divels may be bound; to wit, raised and restrained from dooing of hurt. [p. 393].

The forme of adjuring or citing of the spirits aforesaid to arise & appeare. [page. 393].

A confutation of the manifold vanities conteined in the precedent chapters, speciallie of commanding of divels. [pag. 396].

The names of the planets, their characters, togither with the twelve signes of the zodiake, their dispositions, aspects, and government, with other observations. [pag. 397].

¶ The twelve signes of the zodiake, their characters and denominations, &c. [pag. 397]. Their dispositions or inclinations. [397]. The disposition of the planets. [pag. 398]. The aspects of the planets. [398]. How the daie is divided or distinguished. [398]. The division of the daie, and the planetarie regiment. [pag. 399]. The division of the night, and the planetarie regiment. [pag. 399].

The characters of the angels of the seven daies, with their names: of figures, seales and periapts. [pag. 400].

An experiment of the dead. [pag. 401].

A licence for Sibylia to go and come by at all times. [pag. 407].

To know of treasure hidden in the earth. [pag. 408].

¶ This is the waie to go invisible by these three sisters of fairies. [408].

An experiment of Citrael, &c: angeli diei dominici. [pag. 410].

¶ The seven angels of the seven daies, with the praier called Regina linguæ. [pag. 410].

How to inclose a spirit in a christall stone. [pag. 411]./

[S s. iii.]A figure or type proportionall, shewing what forme must be observed and kept, in making the figure whereby the former secret of inclosing a spirit in christall is to be accomplished, &c. [pag. 414].

An experiment of Bealphares. [pag. 415].

¶ The twoo and twentieth Psalme. [pag. 416].

This psalme also following, being the fiftie one psalme, must be said three times over, &c. [pag. 416].

To bind the spirit Bealphares, and to lose him againe. [pag. 418].

¶ A licence for the spirit to depart. [pag. 419]. A type or figure of the circle for the maister and his fellowes to sit in, shewing how & after what fashion it should be made. [pag. 420].

The making of the holie water. [pag. 421].

¶ To the water saie also as followeth. [pag. 421]. Then take the salt in thy hand, and saie putting it into the water, making in the maner of a crosse. [pag. 421]. Then sprinkle upon anie thing, and saie as followeth. [pag. 422].

To make a spirit to appeare in a christall. [pag. 422].

An experiment of the dead. [pag. 423].

¶ Now the Pater noster, Ave, and Credo must be said, and then the praier immediatlie following. [p. 425].

A bond to bind him to thee, and to thy N. as followeth. [pag. 425].

¶ This bōd as followeth, is to call him into your christall stone, or glasse, &c. [pag. 428]. Then being appeared, saie these words following. [pag. 429]. A licence to depart. [pag. 429].

When to talke with spirits, and to have true answers to find out a theefe. [pag. 430].

¶ To speake with spirits. [pag. 430].

A confutation of conjuration, especiallie of the raising, binding and dismissing of the divell, of going invisible and other lewd practises. [pag. 430].

A comparison betweene popish exorcists and other conjurors, a popish conjuration published by a great doctor of the Romish church, his rules and cautions. [pag. 433].

A late experiment, or cousening conjuration practised at Orleance by the Franciscane Friers, how it was detected, and the judgement against the authors of that comedie. [pag. 435].

Who may be conjurors in the Romish church besides priests, a ridiculous definition of superstition, what words are to be used and not used in exorcismes, rebaptisme allowed, it is lawfull to conjure any thing, differences betweene holie water and conjuration. [pag. 438].

The seven reasons why some are not rid of the divell with all their popish conjurations, why there were no cōjurors in the primitive church, and why the divell is not so soone cast out of the bewitched as of the possessed. [pag. 441].

Other grosse absurdities of witchmongers in this matter of conjurations. [pag. 443].

Certaine conjurations taken out of the pontificall and out of the missall. [pag. 444].

¶ A conjuration written in the masse booke. Fol. 1. [pag. 445]. Oremus. [pag. 445].

That popish priests leave nothing unconjured, a forme of exorcisme for incense. [pag. 446].

The rules and lawes of popish Exorcists and other conjurors all one, with a confutation of their whole power, how S. Martine conjured the divell. [pag. 447].

That it is a shame for papists to beleeve other conjurors dooings, their owne being of so litle force, Hippocrates his opinion herein. [pag. 450]./

[S s vii. v.]How conjurors have beguiled witches, what bookes they carie about to procure credit to their art, wicked assertions against Moses and Joseph. [pag. 451].

All magicall arts confuted by an argument concerning Nero, what Cornelius Agrippa and Carolus Gallus have left written therof, and prooved by experience. [pag. 452].

Of Salomons conjurations, and of the opinion conceived of his cunning and practise therein. [pag. 454].

Lessons read in all churches, where the pope hath authoritie, on Saint Margarets daie, translated into English word for word. [pag. 455].

A delicate storie of a Lombard, who by saint Margarets example would needs fight with a reall divell. [pag. 457].

The storie of S. Margaret prooved to be both ridiculous and impious in everie point. [pag. 459].

A pleasant miracle wrought by a popish preest. [pag. 460].

The former miracle confuted, with a strange storie of S. Lucie. [pag 461].

Of visions, noises, apparitions, and imagined sounds, and of other illusions, of wandering soules: with a confutation thereof. [pag. 461].

Cardanus opinion of strange noises, how counterfet visions grow to be credited, of popish appeerances, of pope Boniface. [pag. 464].

Of the noise or sound of eccho, of one that narrowlie escaped drowning thereby &c. [pag. 465].

Of Theurgie, with a confutation therof, a letter sent to me concerning these matters. [pag. 466].

¶ The copie of a letter sent unto me R. S. by T. E. Maister of art, and practiser both of physicke, and also in times past, of certeine vaine sciences; now condemned to die for the same: wherein he openeth the truth touching these deceits. [pag. 467].

¶ The xvi. Booke.

A Conclusion, in maner of an epilog, repeating manie of the former absurdities of witchmongers conceipts, confutations thereof, and of the authoritie of James Sprenger and Henry Institor inquisitors and compilers of M. Mal. [Pa. 470].

By what meanes the common people have beene made beleeve in the miraculous works of witches, a definition of witchcraft, and a description thereof. [pag. 471].

Reasons to proove that words and characters are but bables, and that witches cannot doo such things as the multitude supposeth they can, their greatest woonders prooved trifles, of a yoong gentleman cousened. [pag. 473].

Of one that was so bewitched that he could read no scriptures but canonicall, of a divell that could speake no Latine, a proofe that witchcraft is flat cousenage. [pag. 476].

Of the divination by the sive & sheeres, and by the booke and key, Hemingius his opinion thereof confuted, a bable to know what is a clocke, of certeine jugling knacks, manifold reasons for the overthrowe of witches and conjurors, and their cousenages, of the divels transformations, of Ferrum candens, &c. [pag. 477].

How the divell preached good doctrine in the shape of a preest, how he was discovered, and that it is a shame (after confutation of the greater witchcrafts) for anie man to give credit to the lesser points thereof. [pag. 481].

A conclusion against witchcraft, in maner and forme of an Induction. [pag. 483].

Of naturall witchcraft or fascination. [pag. 484].

Of inchanting or bewitching eies. [pag. 485]./

Of naturall witchcraft for love, &c. [pag. 487].[S s. viii.]

A Discourse upon divels and spirits, and first of philosophers opinions, also the maner of their reasoning hereupon, and the same confuted. [Pag. 489].

Mine owne opinion concerning this argument, to the disproofe of some writers hereupon. [pag. 491].

The opinion of Psellus touching spirits, of their severall orders, and a confutation of his errors therein. [pag. 492].

More absurd assertions of Psellus and such others, concerning the actions and passions of spirits, his definition of them, and of his experience therein. [pag. 495].

The opinion of Fascius Cardanus touching spirits, and of his familiar divell. [pag. 497].

The opinion of Plato concerning spirits, divels and angels, what sacrifices they like best, what they feare, and of Socrates his familiar divell. [pag. 498].

Platos nine orders of spirits and angels, Dionysius his division thereof not much differing from the same, all disprooved by learned divines. [pag. 500].

The commensement of divels fondlie gathered out of the 14. of Isaie, of Lucifer and of his fall, the Cabalists the Thalmudists and Schoolemens opinions of the creation of angels. [pag. 501].

Of the cōtention betweene the Greeke and Latine church touching the fall of angels, the variance among papists themselves herein, a conflict betweene Michael and Lucifer. [pag. 503].

Where the battell betweene Michael and Lucifer was fought, how long it continued, and of their power, how fondlie papists and infidels write of them, and how reverentlie Christians ought to thinke of them. [p. 504].

Whether they became divels which being angels kept not their vocation, in Jude and Peter; of the fond opinions of the Rabbins touching spirits and bugs, with a confutation thereof. [pag. 506].

That the divels assaults are spirituall and not temporall, and how grosselie some understand those parts of the scripture. [pag. 508].

The equivocation of this word spirit, how diverslie it is taken in the scriptures, where (by the waie) is taught that the scripture is not alwaies literallie to be interpreted, nor yet allegoricallie to be understood. [pa. 509].

That it pleased God to manifest the power of his sonne and not of witches by miracles. [pag. 512].

Of the possessed with devils. [pag. 513].

That we being not throughlie informed of the nature of divels and spirits, must satisfie our selves with that which is dilivered us in the scriptures touching the same, how this word divell is to be understood both in the singular & plurall number, of the spirit of God and the spirit of the divell, of tame spirits, of Ahab. [pag. 514].

Whether spirits and soules can assume bodies, and of their creation and substance, wherein writers doo extreamelie contend and varie. [pag. 516].

Certeine popish reasons concerning spirits made of aier, of daie divels and night divels, and why the divell loveth no salt in his meate. [pag. 517].

That such divels as are mentioned in the scriptures, have in their names their nature and qualities expressed, with instances thereof. [pag. 518].

Diverse names of the divell, whereby his nature and disposition is manifested. [pag. 520].

That the idols or gods of the Gentiles are divels, their diverse names, and/[S s viii. v.] in what affaires their labours and authorities are emploied, wherein also the blind superstition of the heathen people is discovered. [pag. 521].

Of the Romans cheefe gods called Dii selecti, and of other heathen gods, their names and offices. [pag. 523].

Of diverse gods in diverse countries. [pag. 525].

Of popish provinciall gods, a comparison betweene them and heathen gods, of physicall gods, and of what occupation everie popish god is. [pag. 526].

A comparison betweene the heathen and papists, touching their excuses for idolatrie. [pag. 529].

The conceipt of the heathen and the papists all one in idolatrie, of the councell of Trent, a notable storie of a hangman arraigned after he was dead and buried, &c. [pag. 530].

A confutation of the fable of the hangman, of manie other feined and ridiculous tales and apparitions, with a reproofe thereof. [pag. 532].

A confutation of Johannes Laurentius, and of manie others, mainteining these fained and ridiculous tales and apparitions, & what driveth them awaie; of Moses and Helias appearance in Mount Thabor. [pag. 534].

A confutation of assuming of bodies, and of the serpent that seduced Eve. [pag. 536].

The objection concerning the divels assuming of the serpents bodie answered. [pag. 537].

Of the cursse rehearsed Genes. 3. and that place rightlie expounded, John Calvines opinion of the divell. [pag. 539].

Mine owne opinion and resolution of the nature of spirits, and of the divell, with his properties. [pag. 540].

Against fond witchmongers, and their opinions concerning corporall divels. [pag. 542].

A conclusion wherin the Spirit of spirits is described, by the illumination of which spirit all spirits are to be tried: with a confutation of the Pneutomachi*[* Pneuma-] flatlie denieng the divinitie of this Spirit. [pag. 543].

FINIS.

¶ Imprinted at London by
William Brome.

[These Contents in original end the book as do our Indices.]

Appendix I.

[Ch. 1 to 9 affixed to the 15th Book in Ed. 1665.]

Chap. Page.

I. OF Magical Circles, and the reason of their Institution. [215]

II. How to raise up the Ghost of one that hath hanged himself. [217]

III. How to raise up the three Spirits, Paymon, Bathin, and Barma; and what wonderful things may be effected through their Assistance. [218]

IV. How to consecrate all manner of Circles, Fumigations, Fires, Magical Garments, and Utensils. [220]

V. Treating more practically of the Consecration of Circles, Fires, Garments and Fumigations. [221]

VI. How to raise and exorcise all sorts of Spirits belonging to the Airy Region. [222]

VII. How to obtain the familiarity of the Genius, or Good Angel, and cause him to appear. [223]

VIII. A form of Conjuring Luridan the Familiar, otherwise called Belelah. [224]

IX. How to conjure the Spirit Balkin the Master of Luridan. [226]

Appendix II.

[Second Book of A Discourse on Devils and Spirits.]

Book II.

Chap. Page.

I. OF Spirits in general, what they are, and how to be considered, also how far the power of Magitians and Witches, is able to operate in Diabolical Magick. [39]

II. Of the good and evil Dæmons or Genii; whether they are, what they are, and how they are manifested; also of their names, powers, faculties, offices, how they are to be considered. [42]

III. Of the Astral Spirits of Men departed; what they are, and why they appear again, and what witchcraft may be wrought by them. [45].

IV. Of astral spirits, or separate dæmons in all their distinctions, names, & natures, and places of habitations, & what may be wrought by their assistance. [49]

V. Of the Infernal Spirits, or Devils, & damned souls, treating what their natures, names, & powers are. [56].

VI. Of the nature, force, & forms of charms, periapts, amulets, pentacles, conjurations, ceremonies, &c. [66]

VII. Being the conclusion of the whole, wherein divers ancient spells, charms, incantations, and exorcisms, are briefly spoken of. [68]

THE END.

The discoverie of Witchcraft.