FOOTNOTES:

[1] H. Grimme, Weltgeschichte in Karakterbildern: Mohammed (Munich, 1904), p. 6 sqq.

[2] Cf. Nöldeke, Die Semitischen Sprachen (Leipzig, 1899), or the same scholar's article, 'Semitic Languages,' in the Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th edition. Renan's Histoire générale des langues sémitiques (1855) is now antiquated. An interesting essay on the importance of the Semites in the history of civilisation was published by F. Hommel as an introduction to his Semitischen Völker und Sprachen, vol. i (Leipzig, 1883). The dates in this table are of course only approximate.

[3] Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árij, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 18.

[4] Full information concerning the genealogy of the Arabs will be found in Wüstenfeld's Genealogische Tabellen der Arabischen Stämme und Familien with its excellent Register (Göttingen, 1852-1853).

[5] The tribes Ḍabba, Tamím, Khuzayma, Hudhayl, Asad, Kinána, and Quraysh together formed a group which is known as Khindif, and is often distinguished from Qays ‘Aylán.

[6] Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part I, p. 133 sqq., 177 sqq.

[7] Nöldeke in Z.D.M.G., vol. 40, p. 177.

[8] See Margoliouth, Mohammed and the Rise of Islam, p. 4.

[9] Concerning the nature and causes of this antagonism see Goldziher, op. cit., Part I, p. 78 sqq.

[10] The word 'Arabic' is always to be understood in this sense wherever it occurs in the following pages.

[11] First published by Sachau in Monatsberichte der Kön. Preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (February, 1881), p. 169 sqq.

[12] See De Vogüé, Syrie Centrale, Inscriptions Sémitiques, p. 117. Other references are given in Z.D.M.G., vol. 35, p. 749.

[13] On this subject the reader may consult Goldziher. Muhammedanische Studien, Part I, p. 110 sqq.

[14] Professor Margoliouth in F.R.A.S. for 1905, p. 418

[15] Nöldeke, Die Semitischen Sprachen, p. 36 sqq. and p. 51.

[16] Journal Asiatique (March, 1835), p. 209 sqq.

[17] Strictly speaking, the Jáhiliyya includes the whole time between Adam and Muḥammad, but in a narrower sense it may be used, as here, to denote the Pre-islamic period of Arabic Literature.

[18] Die Namen der Säugethiere bei den Südsemitischen Völkern, p. 343 seq.

[19] Iramu Dhátu ’l-‘Imád (Koran, lxxxix, 6). The sense of these words is much disputed. See especially Ṭabarí's explanation in his great commentary on the Koran (O. Loth in Z.D.M.G., vol. 35, p. 626 sqq.).

[20] I have abridged Ṭabarí, Annals, i, 231 sqq. Cf. also chapters vii, xi, xxvi, and xlvi of the Koran.

[21] Koran, xi, 56-57.

[22] See Doughty's Documents Epigraphiques recueillis dans le nord de l'Arabie, p. 12 sqq.

[23] Koran, vii, 76.

[24] Properly Saba’ with hamza, both syllables being short.

[25] The oldest record of Saba to which a date can be assigned is found in the Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions. We read in the Annals of King Sargon (715 b.c.), "I received the tribute of Pharaoh, the King of Egypt, of Shamsiyya, the Queen of Arabia, of Ithamara the Sabæan—gold, spices, slaves, horses, and camels." Ithamara is identical with Yatha‘amar, a name borne by several kings of Saba.

[26] A. Müller, Der Islam im Morgen und Abendland, vol. i, p. 24 seq.

[27] Nöldeke, however, declares the traditions which represent Kulayb as leading the Rabí‘a clans to battle against the combined strength of Yemen to be entirely unhistorical (Fünf Mo‘allaqát, i, 44).

[28] Op. cit., p. 94 seq. An excellent account of the progress made in discovering and deciphering the South Arabic inscriptions down to the year 1841 is given by Rödiger, Excurs ueber himjaritische Inschriften, in his German translation of Wellsted's Travels in Arabia, vol. ii, p. 368 sqq.

[29] Seetzen's inscriptions were published in Fundgruben des Orients, vol. ii (Vienna, 1811), p. 282 sqq. The one mentioned above was afterwards deciphered and explained by Mordtmann in the Z.D.M.G., vol. 31, p. 89 seq.

[30] The oldest inscriptions, however, run from left to right and from right to left alternately (βουστρορηδόν).

[31] Notiz ueber die himjaritische Schrift nebst doppeltem Alphabet derselben in Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. i (Göttingen, 1837), p. 332 sqq.

[32] See Arnaud's Relation d'un voyage à Mareb (Saba) dans l'Arabie méridionale in the Journal Asiatique, 4th series, vol. v (1845), p. 211 sqq. and p. 309 sqq.

[33] See Rapport sur une mission archéologique dans le Yémen in the Journal Asiatique, 6th series, vol. xix (1872), pp. 5-98, 129-266, 489-547.

[34] See D. H. Müller, Die Burgen und Schlösser Südarabiens in S.B.W.A., vol. 97, p. 981 sqq.

[35] The title Mukarrib combines the significations of prince and priest.

[36] Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part I, p. 3.

[37] See F. Prætorius, Unsterblichkeitsglaube und Heiligenverehrung bei den Himyaren in Z.D.M.G., vol. 27, p. 645. Hubert Grimme has given an interesting sketch of the religious ideas and customs of the Southern Arabs in Weltgeschichte in Karakterbildern: Mohammed (Munich, 1904), p. 29 sqq.

[38] Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, vol. 5, p. 409.

[39] This table of contents is quoted by D. H. Müller (Südarabische Studien, p. 108, n. 2) from the title-page of the British Museum MS. of the eighth book of the Iklíl. No complete copy of the work is known to exist, but considerable portions of it are preserved in the British Museum and in the Berlin Royal Library.

[40] The poet ‘Alqama b. Dhí Jadan, whose verses are often cited in the commentary on the 'Ḥimyarite Ode.'

[41] Die Himjarische Kasideh herausgegeben und übersetzt von Alfred von Kremer (Leipzig, 1865). The Lay of the Himyarites, by W. F. Prideaux (Sehore, 1879).

[42] Nashwán was a philologist of some repute. His great dictionary, the Shamsu ’l-‘Ulúm, is a valuable aid to those engaged in the study of South Arabian antiquities. It has been used by D. H. Müller to fix the correct spelling of proper names which occur in the Ḥimyarite Ode (Z.D.M.G., vol. 29, p. 620 sqq.; Südarabische Studien, p. 143 sqq.).

[43] Fihrist, p. 89, l. 26.

[44] Murúju ’l-Dhahab, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. iv, p. 89.

[45] Von Kremer, Die Südarabische Sage, p. 56. Possibly, as he suggests (p. 115), the story may be a symbolical expression of the fact that the Sabæans were divided into two great tribes, Ḥimyar and Kahlán, the former of which held the chief power.

[46] Cf. Koran xxxiv, 14 sqq. The existing ruins have been described by Arnaud in the Journal Asiatique, 7th series, vol. 3 (1874), p. 3 sqq.

[47] I follow Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab (ed. by Barbier de Meynard), vol. iii, p. 378 sqq., and Nuwayrí in Reiske's Primæ lineæ Historiæ Rerum Arabicarum, p. 166 sqq.

[48] The story of the migration from Ma’rib, as related below, may have some historical basis, but the Dam itself was not finally destroyed until long afterwards. Inscriptions carved on the existing ruins show that it was more or less in working order down to the middle of the sixth century a.d. The first recorded flood took place in 447-450, and on another occasion (in 539-542) the Dam was partially reconstructed by Abraha, the Abyssinian viceroy of Yemen. See E. Glaser, Zwei Inschriften über den Dammbruch von Mârib (Mitteilungen der Vorderastatischen Gesellschaft, 1897, 6).

[49] He is said to have gained this sobriquet from his custom of tearing to pieces (mazaqa) every night the robe which he had worn during the day.

[50] Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. i, p. 497.

[51] Hamdání, Iklíl, bk. viii, edited by D. H. Müller in S.B.W.A. (Vienna, 1881), vol. 97, p. 1037. The verses are quoted with some textual differences by Yáqút, Mu‘jam al-Buldán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, vol. iv, 387, and Ibn Hishám, p. 9.

[52] The following inscription is engraved on one of the stone cylinders described by Arnaud. "Yatha‘amar Bayyin, son of Samah‘alí Yanúf, Prince of Saba, caused the mountain Balaq to be pierced and erected the flood-gates (called) Raḥab for convenience of irrigation." I translate after D. H. Müller, loc. laud., p. 965.

[53] The words Ḥimyar and Tubba‘ do not occur at all in the older inscriptions, and very seldom even in those of a more recent date.

[54] See Koran, xviii, 82-98.

[55] Dhu ’l-Qarnayn is described as "the measurer of the earth" (Massáḥu ’l-arḍ) by Hamdání, Jazíratu ’l-‘Arab, p. 46, l. 10. If I may step for a moment outside the province of literary history to discuss the mythology of these verses, it seems to me more than probable that Dhu ’l-Qarnayn is a personification of the Sabæan divinity ‘Athtar, who represents "sweet Hesper-Phosphor, double name" (see D. H. Müller in S.B.W.A., vol. 97, p. 973 seq.). The Minæan inscriptions have "‘Athtar of the setting and ‘Athtar of the rising" (ibid., p. 1033). Moreover, in the older inscriptions ‘Athtar and Almaqa are always mentioned together; and Almaqa, which according to Hamdání is the name of Venus (al-Zuhara), was identified by Arabian archæologists with Bilqís. For qarn in the sense of 'ray' or 'beam' see Goldziher, Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie, Part I, p. 114. I think there is little doubt that Dhu ’l-Qarnayn and Bilqís may be added to the examples (ibid., p. 111 sqq.) of that peculiar conversion by which many heathen deities were enabled to maintain themselves under various disguises within the pale of Islam.

[56] The Arabic text will be found in Von Kremer's Altarabische Gedichte ueber die Volkssage von Jemen, p. 15 (No. viii, l. 6 sqq.). Ḥassán b. Thábit, the author of these lines, was contemporary with Muḥammad, to whose cause he devoted what poetical talent he possessed. In the verses immediately preceding those translated above he claims to be a descendant of Qaḥṭán.

[57] Von Kremer, Die Südarabische Sage, p. vii of the Introduction.

[58] A prose translation is given by Von Kremer, ibid., p. 78 sqq. The Arabic text which he published afterwards in Altarabische Gedichte ueber die Volkssage von Jemen, p. 18 sqq., is corrupt in some places and incorrect in others. I have followed Von Kremer's interpretation except when it seemed to me to be manifestly untenable. The reader will have no difficulty in believing that this poem was meant to be recited by a wandering minstrel to the hearers that gathered round him at nightfall. It may well be the composition of one of those professional story-tellers who flourished in the first century after the Flight, such as ‘Abíd b. Sharya (see p. [13] supra), or Yazíd b. Rabí‘a b. Mufarrigh († 688 a.d.), who is said to have invented the poems and romances of the Ḥimyarite kings (Aghání, xvii, 52).

[59] Instead of Hinwam the original has Hayyúm, for which Von Kremer reads Ahnúm. But see Hamdání, Jazíralu ’l-‘Arab, p. 193, last line and fol.

[60] I read al-jahdi for al-jahli.

[61] I omit the following verses, which tell how an old woman of Medína came to King As‘ad, imploring him to avenge her wrongs, and how he gathered an innumerable army, routed his enemies, and returned to Ẓafár in triumph.

[62] Ibn Hishám, p. 13, l. 14 sqq.

[63] Ibn Hishám, p. 15, l. 1 sqq.

[64] Ibid., p. 17, l. 2 sqq.

[65] Arabic text in Von Kremer's Altarabische Gedichte ueber die Volkssage von Jemen, p. 20 seq.; prose translation by the same author in Die Südarabische Sage, p. 84 sqq.

[66] The second half of this verse is corrupt. Von Kremer translates (in his notes to the Arabic text, p. 26): "And bury with me the camel stallions (al-khílán) and the slaves (al-ruqqán)." Apart, however, from the fact that ruqqán (plural of raqíq) is not mentioned by the lexicographers, it seems highly improbable that the king would have commanded such a barbarity. I therefore take khílán (plural of khál) in the meaning of 'soft stuffs of Yemen,' and read zuqqán (plural of ziqq).

[67] Ghaymán or Miqláb, a castle near Ṣan‘á, in which the Ḥimyarite kings were buried.

[68] The text and translation of this section of the Iklíl have been published by D. H. Müller in S.B.W.A., vols. 94 and 97 (Vienna, 1879-1880).

[69] Aghání, xx, 8, l. 14 seq.

[70] Koran, lxxxv, 4 sqq.

[71] Ṭabarí, I, 927, l. 19 sqq.

[72] The following narrative is abridged from Ṭabarí, i, 928, l. 2 sqq. = Nöldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden, p. 192 sqq.

[73] The reader will find a full and excellent account of these matters in Professor Browne's Literary History of Persia, vol. i, pp. 178-181.

[74] Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part I, p. 225.

[75] Maydání's collection has been edited, with a Latin translation by Freytag, in three volumes (Arabum Proverbia, Bonn, 1838-1843).

[76] The Kitábu ’l-Aghání has been published at Buláq (1284-1285 a.h.) in twenty volumes. A volume of biographies not contained in the Buláq text was edited by R. E. Brünnow (Leiden, 1888).

[77] Muqaddima of Ibn Khaldún (Beyrout, 1900), p. 554, II. 8-10; Les Prolégomènes d' Ibn Khaldoun traduits par M. de Slane (Paris, 1863-68) vol. iii, p. 331.

[78] Published at Paris, 1847-1848, in three volumes.

[79] These are the same Bedouin Arabs of Tanúkh who afterwards formed part of the population of Ḥíra. See p. 38 infra.

[80] Ibn Qutayba in Brünnow's Chrestomathy, p. 29.

[81] Properly al-Zabbá, an epithet meaning 'hairy.' According to Ṭabarí (i, 757) her name was Ná’ila. It is odd that in the Arabic version of the story the name Zenobia (Zaynab) should be borne by the heroine's sister.

[82] The above narrative is abridged from Aghání, xiv, 73, l. 20-75, l. 25. Cf. Ṭabarí, i, 757-766; Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab (ed. by Barbier de Meynard), vol. iii, pp. 189-199.

[83] Concerning Ḥíra and its history the reader may consult an admirable monograph by Dr. G. Rothstein, Die Dynastie der Laẖmiden in al-Ḥíra (Berlin, 1899), where the sources of information are set forth (p. 5 sqq.). The incidental references to contemporary events in Syriac and Byzantine writers, who often describe what they saw with their own eyes, are extremely valuable as a means of fixing the chronology, which Arabian historians can only supply by conjecture, owing to the want of a definite era during the Pre-islamic period. Muḥammadan general histories usually contain sections, more or less mythical in character, "On the Kings of Ḥíra and Ghassán." Attention may be called in particular to the account derived from Hishám b. Muḥammad al-Kalbí, which is preserved by Ṭabarí and has been translated with a masterly commentary by Nöldeke in his Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden. Hishám had access to the archives kept in the churches of Ḥíra, and claims to have extracted therefrom many genealogical and chronological details relating to the Lakhmite dynasty (Ṭabarí, i, 770, 7).

[84] Ḥíra is the Syriac ḥértá (sacred enclosure, monastery), which name was applied to the originally mobile camp of the Persian Arabs and retained as the designation of the garrison town.

[85] Sadír was a castle in the vicinity of Ḥíra.

[86] Ṭabarí, i, 853, 20 sqq.

[87] Bahrám was educated at Ḥíra under Nu‘mán and Mundhir. The Persian grandees complained that he had the manners and appearance of the Arabs among whom he had grown up (Ṭabarí, i, 858, 7).

[88] Má’ al-samá (i.e., Water of the sky) is said to have been the sobriquet of Mundhir's mother, whose proper name was Máriya or Máwiyya.

[89] For an account of Mazdak and his doctrines the reader may consult Nöldeke's translation of Ṭabarí, pp. 140-144, 154, and 455-467, and Professor Browne's Literary History of Persia, vol. i, pp. 168-172.

[90] Mundhir slaughtered in cold blood some forty or fifty members of the royal house of Kinda who had fallen into his hands. Ḥárith himself was defeated and slain by Mundhir in 529. Thereafter the power of Kinda sank, and they were gradually forced back to their original settlements in Ḥaḍramawt.

[91] On another occasion he sacrificed four hundred Christian nuns to the same goddess.

[92] See p. 50 infra.

[93] Aghání, xix, 86, l. 16 sqq.

[94] Aghání, xix, 87, l. 18 sqq.

[95] Hind was a princess of Kinda (daughter of the Ḥárith b. ‘Amr mentioned above), whom Mundhir probably captured in one of his marauding expeditions. She was a Christian, and founded a monastery at Ḥíra. See Nöldeke's translation of Ṭabarí, p. 172, n. 1.

[96] Aghání, xxi, 194, l. 22.

[97] Zayd was actually Regent of Ḥíra after the death of Qábús, and paved the way for Mundhir IV, whose violence had made him detested by the people (Nöldeke's translation of Ṭabarí, p. 346, n. 1).

[98] The Arabs called the Byzantine emperor ''Qayṣar,' i.e., Cæsar, and the Persian emperor 'Kisrá,' i.e., Chosroes.

[99] My friend and colleague, Professor A. A. Bevan, writes to me that "the story of ‘Adí's marriage with the king's daughter is based partly on a verse in which the poet speaks of himself as connected by marriage with the royal house (Aghání, ii, 26, l. 5), and partly on another verse in which he mentions 'the home of Hind' (ibid., ii, 32, l. 1). But this Hind was evidently a Bedouin woman, not the king's daughter."

[100] Aghání, ii, 22, l. 3 sqq.

[101] When Hurmuz summoned the sons of Mundhir to Ctesiphon that he might choose a king from among them, ‘Adí said to each one privately, "If the Chosroes demands whether you can keep the Arabs in order, reply, 'All except Nu‘mán.'" To Nu‘mán, however, he said: "The Chosroes will ask, 'Can you manage your brothers?' Say to him: 'If I am not strong enough for them, I am still less able to control other folk!'" Hurmuz was satisfied with this answer and conferred the crown upon Nu‘mán.

[102] A full account of these matters is given by Ṭabarí, i, 1016-1024 = Nöldeke's translation, pp. 314-324.

[103] A similar description occurs in Freytag's Arabum Proverbia, vol. ii. p. 589 sqq.

[104] Ṭabarí, i, 1024-1029 = Nöldeke's translation, pp. 324-331. Ibn Qutayba in Brünnow's Chrestomathy, pp. 32-33.

[105] A town in Arabia, some distance to the north of Medína.

[106] See Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. ii, p. 611.

[107] A celebrated Companion of the Prophet. He led the Moslem army to the conquest of Syria, and died of the plague in 639 a.d.

[108] Ibn Qutayba in Brünnow's Chrestomathy, pp. 26-28.

[109] The following details are extracted from Nöldeke's monograph: Die Ghassânischen Fürsten aus dem Hause Gafna's, in Abhand. d. Kön. Preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften (Berlin, 1887).

[110] Nöldeke, op. cit., p. 20, refers to John of Ephesus, iii, 2. See The Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History of John, Bishop of Ephesus, translated by R. Payne Smith, p. 168.

[111] Iyás b. Qabíṣa succeeded Nu‘mán III as ruler of Ḥíra (602-611 a.d.). He belonged to the tribe of Ṭayyi’. See Rothstein, Laẖmiden, p. 119.

[112] I read yatafaḍḍalu for yanfaṣilu. The arrangement which the former word denotes is explained in Lane's Dictionary as "the throwing a portion of one's garment over his left shoulder, and drawing its extremity under his right arm, and tying the two extremities together in a knot upon his bosom."

[113] The fanak is properly a kind of white stoat or weasel found in Abyssinia and northern Africa, but the name is also applied by Muḥammadans to other furs.

[114] Aghání, xvi, 15, ll. 22-30. So far as it purports to proceed from Ḥassán, the passage is apocryphal, but this does not seriously affect its value as evidence, if we consider that it is probably compiled from the poet's díwán in which the Ghassánids are often spoken of. The particular reference to Jabala b. al-Ayham is a mistake. Ḥassán's acquaintance with the Ghassánids belongs to the pagan period of his life, and he is known to have accepted Islam many years before Jabala began to reign.

[115] Nábigha, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 78; Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 96. The whole poem has been translated by Sir Charles Lyall in his Ancient Arabian Poetry, p. 95 sqq.

[116] Thorbecke, ‘Antarah, ein vorislamischer Dichter, p. 14.

[117] The following narrative is an abridgment of the history of the War of Basús as related in Tibrízí's commentary on the Ḥamása (ed. by Freytag), pp. 420-423 and 251-255. Cf. Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 39 sqq.

[118] See p. 5 supra.

[119] Wá’il is the common ancestor of Bakr and Taghlib. For the use of stones (anṣáb) in the worship of the Pagan Arabs see Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums (2nd ed.), p. 101 sqq. Robertson Smith, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (London, 1894), p. 200 sqq.

[120] Ḥamása, 422, 14 sqq. Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 39, last line and foll.

[121] Ḥamása, 423, 11 sqq. Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 41, l. 3 sqq.

[122] Ḥamása, 252, 8 seq. Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 44, l. 3 seq.

[123] Hind is the mother of Bakr and Taghlib. Here the Banú Hind (Sons of Hind) are the Taghlibites.

[124] Ḥamása, 9, 17 seq. Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 45, l. 10 sqq.

[125] Ḥamása, 252, 14 seq. Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 46, l. 16 sqq.

[126] Ḥamása, 254, 6 seq. Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 47, l. 2 seq.

[127] Ḥamása, 96. Ibn Nubáta, cited by Rasmussen, Additamenta ad Historiam Arabum ante Islamismum, p. 34, remarks that before Qays no one had ever lamented a foe slain by himself (wa-huwa awwalu man rathá maqtúlahu).

[128] Ibn Hishám, p. 51, l. 7 sqq.

[129] In the account of Abraha's invasion given below I have followed Ṭabarí, i, 936, 9-945, 19 = Nöldeke's translation, pp. 206-220.

[130] I read ḥilálak. See Glossary to Ṭabarí.

[131] Ṭabarí, i, 940, 13.

[132] Another version says: "Whenever a man was struck sores and pustules broke out on that part of his body. This was the first appearance of the small-pox" (Ṭabarí, i, 945, 2 sqq.). Here we have the historical fact—an outbreak of pestilence in the Abyssinian army—which gave rise to the legend related above.

[133] There is trustworthy evidence that Abraha continued to rule Yemen for some time after his defeat.

[134] Ibn Hishám, p. 38, l. 14 sqq.

[135] Ibid., p. 40, l. 12 sqq.

[136] See pp. 48-49 supra.

[137] Full details are given by Ṭabarí, I, 1016-1037 = Nöldeke's translation, pp. 311-345.

[138] A poet speaks of three thousand Arabs and two thousand Persians (Ṭabarí, I, 1036, 5-6).

[139] Ibn Rashíq in Suyúṭí's Muzhir (Buláq, 1282 a.h.), Part II, p. 236, l. 22 sqq. I quote the translation of Sir Charles Lyall in the Introduction to his Ancient Arabian Poetry, p. 17, a most admirable work which should be placed in the hands of every one who is beginning the study of this difficult subject.

[140] Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. ii, p. 494.

[141] Numb. xxi, 17. Such well-songs are still sung in the Syrian desert (see Enno Littmann, Neuarabische Volkspoesie, in Abhand. der Kön. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Göttingen, 1901), p. 92. In a specimen cited at p. 81 we find the words witla yā dlêwēnai.e., "Rise, O bucket!" several times repeated.

[142] Goldziher, Ueber die Vorgeschichte der Higâ-Poesie in his Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie, Part I (Leyden, 1896), p. 26.

[143] Cf. the story of Balak and Balaam, with Goldziher's remarks thereon, ibid., p. 42 seq.

[144] Ibid., p. 46 seq.

[145] Rajaz primarily means "a tremor (which is a symptom of disease) in the hind-quarters of a camel." This suggested to Dr. G. Jacob his interesting theory that the Arabian metres arose out of the camel-driver's song (ḥidá) in harmony with the varying paces of the animal which he rode (Studien in arabischen Dichtern, Heft III, p. 179 sqq.).

[146] The Arabic verse (bayt) consists of two halves or hemistichs (miṣrá‘). It is generally convenient to use the word 'line' as a translation of miṣrá‘, but the reader must understand that the 'line' is not, as in English poetry, an independent unit. Rajaz is the sole exception to this rule, there being here no division into hemistichs, but each line (verse) forming an unbroken whole and rhyming with that which precedes it.

[147] In Arabic 'al-bayt,' the tent, which is here used figuratively for the grave.

[148] Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ’l-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará, p. 36, l. 3 sqq.

[149] Already in the sixth century a.d. the poet ‘Antara complains that his predecessors have left nothing new for him to say (Mu‘allaqa, v. 1).

[150] Ancient Arabian Poetry, Introduction, p. xvi.

[151] Qaṣída is explained by Arabian lexicographers to mean a poem with an artistic purpose, but they differ as to the precise sense in which 'purpose' is to be understood. Modern critics are equally at variance. Jacob (Stud. in Arab. Dichtern, Heft III, p. 203) would derive the word from the principal motive of these poems, namely, to gain a rich reward in return for praise and flattery. Ahlwardt (Bemerkungen über die Aechtheit der alten Arab. Gedichte, p. 24 seq.) connects it with qaṣada, to break, "because it consists of verses, every one of which is divided into two halves, with a common end-rhyme: thus the whole poem is broken, as it were, into two halves;" while in the Rajaz verses, as we have seen (p. 74 supra), there is no such break.

[152] Kitábu ’l-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará, p. 14, l. 10 sqq.

[153] Nöldeke (Fūnf Mo‘allaqát, i, p. 3 sqq.) makes the curious observation, which illustrates the highly artificial character of this poetry, that certain animals well known to the Arabs (e.g., the panther, the jerboa, and the hare) are seldom mentioned and scarcely ever described, apparently for no reason except that they were not included in the conventional repertory.

[154] Ancient Arabian Poetry, p. 83.

[155] Verses 3-13. I have attempted to imitate the 'Long' (Ṭawíl) metre of the original, viz.:—

The Arabic text of the Lámiyya, with prose translation and commentary, is printed in De Sacy's Chrestomathie Arabe (2nd. ed.), vol. iie, p. 134 sqq., and vol. ii, p. 337 sqq. It has been translated into English verse by G. Hughes (London, 1896). Other versions are mentioned by Nöldeke, Beiträge zur Kenntniss d. Poesie d. alten Araber, p. 200.

[156] The poet, apparently, means that his three friends are like the animals mentioned. Prof. Bevan remarks, however, that this interpretation is doubtful, since an Arab would scarcely compare his friend to a hyena.

[157] Ḥamása, 242.

[158] Ḥamása, 41-43. This poem has been rendered in verse by Sir Charles Lyall, Ancient Arabian Poetry, p. 16, and by the late Dr. A. B. Davidson, Biblical and Literary Essays, p. 263.

[159] Mahaffy, Social Life in Greece, p. 21.

[160] See pp. 59-60 supra.

[161] Ḥamása, 82-83. The poet is ‘Amr b. Ma‘díkarib, a famous heathen knight who accepted Islam and afterwards distinguished himself in the Persian wars.

[162] Al-Afwah al-Awdí in Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 4, ll. 8-10. The poles and pegs represent lords and commons.

[163] Ḥamása, 122.

[164] Ibid., 378.

[165] Cf. the verses by al-Find, p. 58 supra.

[166] Ḥamása, 327.

[167] Imru’u ’l-Qays was one of the princes of Kinda, a powerful tribe in Central Arabia.

[168] Aghání, xix, 99. The last two lines are wanting in the poem as there cited, but appear in the Selection from the Aghání published at Beyrout in 1888, vol. ii, p. 18.

[169] See p. 45 sqq.

[170] Aghání, xvi, 98, ll. 5-22.

[171] Aghání, xvi, 97, l. 5 sqq.

[172] His Díwán has been edited with translation and notes by F. Schulthess (Leipzig, 1897).

[173] Ḥamása, 729. The hero mentioned in the first verse is ‘Ámir b. Uḥaymir of Bahdala. On a certain occasion, when envoys from the Arabian tribes were assembled at Ḥíra, King Mundhir b. Má’ al-samá produced two pieces of cloth of Yemen and said, "Let him whose tribe is noblest rise up and take them." Thereupon ‘Ámir stood forth, and wrapping one piece round his waist and the other over his shoulders, carried off the prize unchallenged.

[174] Lady Anne and Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, The Seven Golden Odes of Pagan Arabia, Introduction, p. 14.

[175] Agháni xvi, 22, ll. 10-16.

[176] Agháni, xviii, 137, ll. 5-10. Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. ii, p. 834.

[177] Ancient Arabian Poetry, p. 81.

[178] Mufaḍḍaliyyát, ed. Thorbecke, p. 23.

[179] See Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part II, p. 295 sqq.

[180] Koran, xvi, 59-61.

[181] Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. i, p. 229.

[182] Koran, xvii, 33. Cf. lxxxi, 8-9 (a description of the Last Judgment): "When the girl buried alive shall be asked for what crime she was killed."

[183] Literally: "And tear the veil from (her, as though she were) flesh on a butcher's board," i.e., defenceless, abandoned to the first-comer.

[184] Ḥamása, 140. Although these verses are not Pre-islamic, and belong in fact to a comparatively late period of Islam, they are sufficiently pagan in feeling to be cited in this connection. The author, Isḥáq b. Khalaf, lived under the Caliph Ma’mún (813-833 a.d.). He survived his adopted daughter—for Umayma was his sister's child—and wrote an elegy on her, which is preserved in the Kámil of al-Mubarrad, p. 715, l. 7 sqq., and has been translated, together with the verses now in question, by Sir Charles Lyall, Ancient Arabian Poetry, p. 26.

[185] Ḥamása, 142. Lyall, op. cit., p. 28.

[186] Ḥamása, 7.

[187] Ḥamása, 321.

[188] See p. 55 sqq.

[189] Cf. Rückert's Hamâsa, vol. i, p. 61 seq.

[190] Ḥamása, 30.

[191] Aghání, ii, 160, l. 11-162, l. 1 = p. 13 sqq. of the Beyrout Selection.

[192] The Bedouins consider that any one who has eaten of their food or has touched the rope of their tent is entitled to claim their protection. Such a person is called dakhíl. See Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahábys (London, 1831), vol. i, p. 160 sqq. and 329 sqq.

[193] See p. 81 supra.

[194] Stuttgart, 1819, p. 253 sqq. The other renderings in verse with which I am acquainted are those of Rückert (Hamâsa, vol. i, p. 299) and Sir Charles Lyall (Ancient Arabian Poetry, p. 48). I have adopted Sir Charles Lyall's arrangement of the poem, and have closely followed his masterly interpretation, from which I have also borrowed some turns of phrase that could not be altered except for the worse.

[195] The Arabic text will be found in the Hamása, p. 382 sqq.

[196] This and the following verse are generally taken to be a description not of the poet himself, but of his nephew. The interpretation given above does no violence to the language, and greatly enhances the dramatic effect.

[197] In the original this and the preceding verse are transposed.

[198] Although the poet's uncle was killed in this onslaught, the surprised party suffered severely. "The two clans" belonged to the great tribe of Hudhayl, which is mentioned in the penultimate verse.

[199] It was customary for the avenger to take a solemn vow that he would drink no wine before accomplishing his vengeance.

[200] Ḥamása, 679.

[201] Cf. the lines translated below from the Mu‘allaqa of Ḥárith.

[202] The best edition of the Mu‘allaqát is Sir Charles Lyall's (A Commentary on Ten Ancient Arabic Poems, Calcutta, 1894), which contains in addition to the seven Mu‘allaqát three odes by A‘shá, Nábigha, and ‘Abíd b. al-Abraṣ. Nöldeke has translated five Mu‘allaqas (omitting those of Imru’ u’ l-Qays and Ṭarafa) with a German commentary, Sitzungsberichte der Kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften in Wien, Phil.-Histor. Klasse, vols. 140-144 (1899-1901); this is by far the best translation for students. No satisfactory version in English prose has hitherto appeared, but I may call attention to the fine and original, though somewhat free, rendering into English verse by Lady Anne Blunt and Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (The Seven Golden Odes of Pagan Arabia, London, 1903).

[203] Ancient Arabian Poetry, Introduction, p. xliv. Many other interpretations have been suggested—e.g., 'The Poems written down from oral dictation' (Von Kremer), 'The richly bejewelled' (Ahlwardt), 'The Pendants,' as though they were pearls strung on a necklace (A. Müller).

[204] The belief that the Mu‘allaqát were written in letters of gold seems to have arisen from a misunderstanding of the name Mudhhabát or Mudhahhabát (i.e., the Gilded Poems) which is sometimes given to them in token of their excellence, just as the Greeks gave the title χρύσεα ἔπη to a poem falsely attributed to Pythagoras. That some of the Mu‘allaqát were recited at ‘Ukáẓ is probable enough and is definitely affirmed in the case of ‘Amr b. Kulthúm (Aghání, ix, 182).

[205] The legend first appears in the ‘Iqd al-Faríd (ed. of Cairo, 1293 a.h., vol. iii, p, 116 seq.) of Ibn ‘Abdi Rabbihi, who died in 940 a.d.

[206] See the Introduction to Nöldeke's Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alten Araber (Hannover, 1864), p. xvii sqq., and his article 'Mo‘allaḳḳát' in the Encyclopædia Britannica.

[207] It is well known that the order of the verses in the Mu‘allaqát, as they have come down to us, is frequently confused, and that the number of various readings is very large. I have generally followed the text and arrangement adopted by Nöldeke in his German translation.

[208] See p. 42 supra.

[209] Ancient Arabian Poetry, p. 105.

[210] See the account of his life (according to the Kitábu’ l-Aghání) in Le Diwan d'Amro’lkaïs, edited with translation and notes by Baron MacGuckin de Slane (Paris, 1837), pp. 1-51; and in Amrilkais, der Dichter und König by Friedrich Rückert (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1843).

[211] That he was not, however, the inventor of the Arabian qaṣída as described above (p. 76 sqq.) appears from the fact that he mentions in one of his verses a certain Ibn Ḥumám or Ibn Khidhám who introduced, or at least made fashionable, the prelude with which almost every ode begins: a lament over the deserted camping-ground (Ibn Qutayba, K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará, p. 52).

[212] The following lines are translated from Arnold's edition of the Mu‘allaqát (Leipsic, 1850), p. 9 sqq., vv. 18-35.

[213] The native commentators are probably right in attributing this and the three preceding verses (48-51 in Arnold's edition) to the brigand-poet, Ta’abbaṭa Sharran.

[214] We have already (p. 39) referred to the culture of the Christian Arabs of Ḥíra.

[215] Vv. 54-59 (Lyall); 56-61 (Arnold).

[216] See Nöldeke, Fünf Mu‘allaqát, i, p. 51 seq. According to the traditional version (Aghání, ix, 179), a band of Taghlibites went raiding, lost their way in the desert, and perished of thirst, having been refused water by a sept of the Banú Bakr. Thereupon Taghlib appealed to King ‘Amr to enforce payment of the blood-money which they claimed, and chose ‘Amr b. Kulthúm to plead their cause at Ḥíra. So ‘Amr recited his Mu‘allaqa before the king, and was answered by Ḥárith on behalf of Bakr.

[217] Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. ii, p. 233.

[218] Aghání, ix, 182.

[219] Vv. 1-8 (Arnold); in Lyall's edition the penultimate verse is omitted.

[220] Vv. 15-18 (Lyall); 19-22 (Arnold).

[221] The Arabs use the term kunya to denote this familiar style of address in which a person is called, not by his own name, but 'father of So-and-so' (either a son or, as in the present instance, a daughter).

[222] I.e., even the jinn (genies) stand in awe of us.

[223] Here Ma‘add signifies the Arabs in general.

[224] Vv. 20-30 (Lyall), omitting vv. 22, 27, 28.

[225] This is a figurative way of saying that Taghlib has never been subdued.

[226] Vv. 46-51 (Lyall), omitting v. 48.

[227] I.e., we will show our enemies that they cannot defy us with impunity. This verse, the 93rd in Lyall's edition, is omitted by Arnold.

[228] Vv. 94-104 (Arnold), omitting vv. 100 and 101. If the last words are anything more than a poetic fiction, 'the sea' must refer to the River Euphrates.

[229] Vv. 16-18.

[230] Vv. 23-26.

[231] A place in the neighbourhood of Mecca.

[232] Vv. 40-42 (Lyall); 65-67 (Arnold).

[233] See ‘Antarah, ein vorislamischer Dichter, by H. Thorbecke (Leipzig, 1867).

[234] I have taken some liberties in this rendering, as the reader may see by referring to the verses (44 and 47-52 in Lyall's edition) on which it is based.

[235] Ghayẓ b. Murra was a descendant of Dhubyán and the ancestor of Harim and Ḥárith.

[236] The Ka‘ba.

[237] This refers to the religious circumambulation (ṭawáf).

[238] Vv. 16-19 (Lyall).

[239] There is no reason to doubt the genuineness of this passage, which affords evidence of the diffusion of Jewish and Christian ideas in pagan Arabia. Ibn Qutayba observes that these verses indicate the poet's belief in the Resurrection (K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará, p. 58, l. 12).

[240] Vv. 27-31.

[241] The order of these verses in Lyall's edition is as follows: 56, 57, 54, 50, 55, 53, 49, 47, 48, 52, 58.

[242] Reference has been made above to the old Arabian belief that poets owed their inspiration to the jinn (genii), who are sometimes called shayátín (satans). See Goldziher, Abhand. zur arab. Philologie, Part I, pp. 1-14.

[243] Vv. 1-10 (Lyall), omitting v. 5.

[244] Vv. 55-60 (Lyall).

[245] The term nábigha is applied to a poet whose genius is slow in declaring itself but at last "jets forth vigorously and abundantly" (nabagha).

[246] Díwán, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 83; Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 96.

[247] He means to say that Nu‘mán has no reason to feel aggrieved because he (Nábigha) is grateful to the Ghassánids for their munificent patronage; since Nu‘mán does not consider that his own favourites, in showing gratitude to himself, are thereby guilty of treachery towards their former patrons.

[248] Diwán, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 76, ii, 21. In another place (p. 81, vi, 6) he says, addressing his beloved:—

"Wadd give thee greeting! for dalliance with women is lawful to me no more, Since Religion has become a serious matter."

Wadd was a god worshipped by the pagan Arabs. Derenbourg's text has rabbí, i.e., Allah, but see Nöldeke's remarks in Z.D.M.G., vol. xli (1887), p. 708.

[249] Aghání, viii, 85, last line-86, l. 10.

[250] Lyall, Ten Ancient Arabic Poems, p. 146 seq., vv. 25-31.

[251] Ahlwardt, The Divans, p. 106, vv. 8-10.

[252] Ḥamása, p. 382, l. 17.

[253] Nöldeke, Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alten Araber, p. 152.

[254] Nöldeke, ibid., p. 175.

[255] The original title is al-Mukhtárát (The Selected Odes) or al-Ikhtiyárát (The Selections).

[256] Oxford, 1918-21. The Indexes of personal and place-names, poetical quotations, and selected words were prepared by Professor Bevan and published in 1924 in the E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series.

[257] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 350 = De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 51.

[258] See Nöldeke, Beiträge, p. 183 sqq. There would seem to be comparatively few poems of Pre-islamic date in Buḥturí's anthology.

[259] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 204 = De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 470.

[260] Many interesting details concerning the tradition of Pre-islamic poetry by the Ráwís and the Philologists will be found in Ahlwardt's Bemerkungen ueber die Aechtheit der alten Arabischen Gedichte (Greifswald, 1872), which has supplied materials for the present sketch.

[261] Aghání, v, 172, l. 16 sqq.

[262] This view, however, is in accordance neither with the historical facts nor with the public opinion of the Pre-islamic Arabs (see Nöldeke, Die Semitischen Sprachen, p. 47).

[263] See Wellhausen, Reste Arab. Heidentums (2nd ed.), p. 88 seq.

[264] Ḥamása, 506.

[265] Ibid., 237.

[266] Díwán of Imru’u ’l-Qays, ed. by De Slane, p. 22 of the Arabic text, l. 17 sqq. = No. 52, ll. 57-59 (p. 154) in Ahlwardt's Divans of the Six Poets. With the last line, however, cf. the words of Qays b. al-Khaṭím on accomplishing his vengeance: "When this death comes, there will not be found any need of my soul that I have not satisfied" (Ḥamása, 87).

[267] Aghání, ii, 18, l. 23 sqq.

[268] Aghání, ii, 34, l. 22 sqq.

[269] See Von Kremer, Ueber die Gedichte des Labyd in S.B.W.A., Phil.-Hist. Klasse (Vienna, 1881), vol. 98, p. 555 sqq. Sir Charles Lyall, Ancient Arabian Poetry, pp. 92 and 119. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums (2nd ed.), p. 224 sqq.

[270] I prefer to retain the customary spelling instead of Qur’án, as it is correctly transliterated by scholars. Arabic words naturalised in English, like Koran, Caliph, Vizier, &c., require no apology.

[271] Muir's Life of Mahomet, Introduction, p. 2 seq. I may as well say at once that I entirely disagree with the view suggested in this passage that Muḥammad did not believe himself to be inspired.

[272] The above details are taken from the Fihrist, ed. by G. Fluegel, p. 24, l. 14 sqq.

[273] Muir, op. cit., Introduction, p. 14.

[274] With the exception of the Opening Súra (al-Fátiḥa), which is a short prayer.

[275] Sprenger, Ueber das Traditionswesen bei den Arabern, Z.D.M.G., vol. x, p. 2.

[276] Quoted by Sprenger, loc. cit., p. 1.

[277] Quoted by Nöldeke in the Introduction to his Geschichte des Qorâns, p 22.

[278] See especially pp. 28-130.

[279] Muhamm. Studien, Part II, p. 48 seq.

[280] The reader may consult Muir's Introduction to his Life of Mahomet, pp. 28-87.

[281] Ibn Hishám, p. 105, l. 9 sqq.

[282] This legend seems to have arisen out of a literal interpretation of Koran, xciv, 1, "Did we not open thy breast?"—i.e., give thee comfort or enlightenment.

[283] This name, which may signify 'Baptists,' was applied by the heathen Arabs to Muḥammad and his followers, probably in consequence of the ceremonial ablutions which are incumbent upon every Moslem before the five daily prayers (see Wellhausen, Reste Arab. Heid., p. 237).

[284] Sir Charles Lyall, The Words 'Ḥaníf' and 'Muslim,' J.R.A.S. for 1903, p. 772. The original meaning of ḥaniacute;f is no longer traceable, but it may be connected with the Hebrew ḥánéf, 'profane.' In the Koran it generally refers to the religion of Abraham, and sometimes appears to be nearly synonymous with Muslim. Further information concerning the Ḥanífs will be found in Sir Charles Lyall's article cited above; Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Moḥammed, vol. i, pp. 45-134; Wellhausen, Reste Arab. Heid., p. 238 sqq.; Caetani, Annali dell' Islam, vol. i, pp. 181-192.

[285] Ibn Hishám, p. 143, l. 6 sqq.

[286] Agháni, iii, 187, l. 17 sqq.

[287] See p. 69 supra.

[288] Tradition associates him especially with Waraqa, who was a cousin of his first wife, Khadíja, and is said to have hailed him as a prophet while Muḥammad himself was still hesitating (Ibn Hishám, p. 153, l. 14 sqq.).

[289] This is the celebrated 'Night of Power' (Laylatu ’l-Qadr) mentioned in the Koran, xcvii, 1.

[290] The Holy Ghost (Rúḥu’l-Quds), for whom in the Medína Súras Gabriel (Jibríl) is substituted.

[291] But another version (Ibn Hishám, p. 152, l. 9 sqq.) represents Muḥammad as replying to the Angel, "What am I to read?" (má aqra’u or má dhá aqra’u). Professor Bevan has pointed out to me that the tradition in this form bears a curious resemblance, which can hardly be accidental, to the words of Isaiah xl. 6: "The voice said, Cry. And he said, What shall I cry?" The question whether the Prophet could read and write is discussed by Nöldeke (Geschichte des Qorâns, p. 7 sqq.), who leaves it undecided. According to Nöldeke (loc. cit., p. 10), the epithet ummí, which is applied to Muḥammad in the Koran, and is commonly rendered by 'illiterate,' does not signify that he was ignorant of reading and writing, but only that he was unacquainted with the ancient Scriptures; cf. 'Gentile.' However this may be, it appears that he wished to pass for illiterate, with the object of confirming the belief in his inspiration: "Thou" (Muḥammad) "didst not use to read any book before this" (the Koran) "nor to write it with thy right hand; else the liars would have doubted (Koran, xxix, 47).

[292] The meaning of these words (iqra’ bismi rabbika) is disputed. Others translate, "Preach in the name of thy Lord" (Nöldeke), or "Proclaim the name of thy Lord" (Hirschfeld). I see no sufficient grounds for abandoning the traditional interpretation supported by verses 4 and 5. Muḥammad dreamed that he was commanded to read the Word of God inscribed in the Heavenly Book which is the source of all Revelation.

[293] Others render, "who taught (the use of) the Pen."

[294] This account of Muḥammad's earliest vision (Bukhárí, ed. by Krehl, vol. iii, p. 380, l. 2 sqq.) is derived from ‘A’isha, his favourite wife, whom he married after the death of Khadíja.

[295] Ibn Hishám, p. 152, l. 9 sqq.

[296] See p. 72 supra.

[297] This interval is known as the Fatra.

[298] Literally, 'warn.'

[299] 'The abomination' (al-rujz) probably refers to idolatry.

[300] Literally, "The Last State shall be better for thee than the First," referring either to Muḥammad's recompense in the next world or to the ultimate triumph of his cause in this world.

[301] Islám is a verbal noun formed from Aslama, which means 'to surrender' and, in a religious sense, 'to surrender one's self to the will of God.' The participle, Muslim (Moslem), denotes one who thus surrenders himself.

[302] Sprenger, Leben des Mohammad, vol. i, p. 356.

[303] It must be remembered that this branch of Muḥammadan tradition derives from the pietists of the first century after the Flight, who were profoundly dissatisfied with the reigning dynasty (the Umayyads), and revenged themselves by painting the behaviour of the Meccan ancestors of the Umayyads towards Muḥammad in the blackest colours possible. The facts tell another story. It is significant that hardly any case of real persecution is mentioned in the Koran. Muḥammad was allowed to remain at Mecca and to carry on, during many years, a religious propaganda which his fellow-citizens, with few exceptions, regarded as detestable and dangerous. We may well wonder at the moderation of the Quraysh, which, however, was not so much deliberate policy as the result of their indifference to religion and of Muḥammad's failure to make appreciable headway in Mecca.

[304] Ibn Hishám, p. 168, l. 9. sqq.

[305] At this time Muḥammad believed the doctrines of Islam and Christianity to be essentially the same.

[306] Ṭabarí, i, 1180, 8 sqq. Cf. Caetani, Annali dell' Islam, vol. i, p. 267 sqq.

[307] Muir, Life of Mahomet, vol. ii, p. 151.

[308] We have seen (p. 91 supra) that the heathen Arabs disliked female offspring, yet they called their three principal deities the daughters of Allah.

[309] It is related by Ibn Isḥáq (Ṭabarí, i, 1192, 4 sqq.). In his learned work, Annali dell' Islam, of which the first volume appeared in 1905, Prince Caetani impugns the authenticity of the tradition and criticises the narrative in detail (p. 279 sqq.), but his arguments do not touch the main question. As Muir says, "it is hardly possible to conceive how the tale, if not founded in truth, could ever have been invented."

[310] The Meccan view of Muḥammad's action may be gathered from the words uttered by Abú Jahl on the field of Badr—"O God, bring woe upon him who more than any of us hath severed the ties of kinship and dealt dishonourably!" (Ṭabarí, i, 1322, l. 8 seq.). Alluding to the Moslems who abandoned their native city and fled with the Prophet to Medína, a Meccan poet exclaims (Ibn Hishám, p. 519, ll. 3-5):—

They (the Quraysh slain at Badr) fell in honour. They did not sell their kinsmen for strangers living in a far land and of remote lineage;

Unlike you, who have made friends of Ghassán (the people of Medína), taking them instead of us—O, what a shameful deed!

Tis an impiety and a manifest crime and a cutting of all ties of blood: your iniquity therein is discerned by men of judgment and understanding.

[311] Súra is properly a row of stones or bricks in a wall.

[312] See p. 74 supra.

[313] Koran, lxix, 41.

[314] Nöldeke, Geschichte des Qorâns, p. 56.

[315] I.e., what it has done or left undone.

[316] The Last Judgment.

[317] Moslems believe that every man is attended by two Recording Angels who write down his good and evil actions.

[318] This is generally supposed to refer to the persecution of the Christians of Najrán by Dhú Nuwás (see p. [26] supra). Geiger takes it as an allusion to the three men who were cast into the fiery furnace (Daniel, ch. iii).

[319] See above, p. 3.

[320] According to Muḥammadan belief, the archetype of the Koran and of all other Revelations is written on the Guarded Table (al-Lawḥ al-Maḥfúẓ) in heaven.

[321] Koran, xvii, 69.

[322] See, for example, the passages translated by Lane in his Selections from the Kur-án (London, 1843), pp. 100-113.

[323] Ikhláṣ means 'purifying one's self of belief in any god except Allah.'

[324] The Prophet's confession of his inability to perform miracles did not deter his followers from inventing them after his death. Thus it was said that he caused the infidels to see "the moon cloven asunder" (Koran, liv, I), though, as is plain from the context, these words refer to one of the signs of the Day of Judgment.

[325] I take this opportunity of calling the reader's attention to a most interesting article by my friend and colleague, Professor A. A. Bevan, entitled The Beliefs of Early Mohammedans respecting a Future Existence (Journal of Theological Studies, October, 1904, p. 20 sqq.), where the whole subject is fully discussed.

[326] Shaddád b. al-Aswad al-Laythí, quoted in the Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán of Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí (see my article in the J.R.A.S. for 1902, pp. 94 and 818); cf. Ibn Hishám, p. 530, last line. Ibn (Abí) Kabsha was a nickname derisively applied to Muḥammad. Ṣadá and háma refer to the death-bird which was popularly supposed to utter its shriek from the skull (háma) of the dead, and both words may be rendered by 'soul' or 'wraith.'

[327] Nöldeke, Geschichte des Qorâns, p. 78.

[328] Cf. also Koran, xviii, 45-47; xx, 102 sqq.; xxxix, 67 sqq.; lxix, 13-37.

[329] The famous freethinker, Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí, has cleverly satirised Muḥammadan notions on this subject in his Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán (J.R.A.S. for October, 1900, p. 637 sqq.).

[330] Journal of Theological Studies for October, 1904, p. 22.

[331] Ibn Hishám, p. 411, l. 6 sqq.

[332] Ibid., p. 347.

[333] L. Caetani, Annali dell' Islam, vol. 1, p. 389.

[334] Nöldeke, Geschichte des Qorâns, p. 122.

[335] Translated by E. H. Palmer.

[336] Ibn Hishám, p. 341, l. 5.

[337] Muḥammad's Gemeindeordnung von Medina in Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, Heft IV, p. 67 sqq.

[338] Ibn Hishám, p. 763, l. 12.

[339] Koran, ii, 256, translated by E. H. Palmer.

[340] Muhamm. Studien, Part I, p. 12.

[341] See Goldziher's introductory chapter entitled Muruwwa und Dîn (ibid., pp. 1-39).

[342] Bayḍáwí on Koran, xxii, 11.

[343] Die Berufung Mohammed's, by M. J. de Goeje in Nöldeke-Festschrift (Giessen, 1906), vol. i, p. 5.

[344] On the Origin and Import of the Names Muslim and Ḥaníf (J.R.A.S. for 1903, p. 491)

[345] See T. W. Arnold's The Preaching of Islam, p. 23 seq., where several passages of like import are collected.

[346] Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, translated by J. S. Black, p. 73.

[347] See Professor Browne's Literary History of Persia, vol. i, p. 200 sqq.

[348] Ṭabarí, i, 2729, l. 15 sqq.

[349] Ibid., i, 2736, l. 5 sqq. The words in italics are quoted from Koran, xxviii, 26, where they are applied to Moses.

[350] ‘Umar was the first to assume this title (Amíru ’l-Mu’minín), by which the Caliphs after him were generally addressed.

[351] Ṭabarí, i, 2738, 7 sqq.

[352] Ibid., i, 2739, 4 sqq.

[353] Ibid., i, 2737, 4 sqq.

[354] It is explained that ‘Umar prohibited lamps because rats used to take the lighted wick and set fire to the house-roofs, which at that time were made of palm-branches.

[355] Ṭabarí, i, 2742, 13 sqq.

[356] Ibid., i, 2745, 15 sqq.

[357] Ibid., i, 2747, 7 sqq.

[358] Ibid., i, 2740, last line and foll.

[359] Al-Fakhrí, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 116, l. 1 to p. 117, l. 3.

[360] Ṭabarí, i, 2751, 9 sqq.

[361] Ibn Khallikán (ed. by Wüstenfeld), No. 68, p. 96, l. 3; De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 152.

[362] Mu‘áwiya himself said: "I am the first of the kings" (Ya‘qúbí, ed. by Houtsma, vol. ii, p. 276, l. 14).

[363] Al-Fakhrí, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 145.

[364] Ya‘qúbí, vol. ii, p. 283, l. 8 seq.

[365] Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab (ed. by Barbier de Meynard), vol. v. p. 77.

[366] Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 25, l. 3 sqq., omitting l. 8.

[367] The Continuatio of Isidore of Hispalis, § 27, quoted by Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz, p. 105.

[368] Ḥamása, 226. The word translated 'throne' is in Arabic minbar, i.e., the pulpit from which the Caliph conducted the public prayers and addressed the congregation.

[369] Kalb was properly one of the Northern tribes (see Robertson Smith's Kinship and Marriage, 2nd ed., p. 8 seq.—a reference which I owe to Professor Bevan), but there is evidence that the Kalbites were regarded as 'Yemenite' or 'Southern' Arabs at an early period of Islam. Cf. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part I, p. 83, l. 3 sqq.

[370] Muhammedanische Studien, i, 78 sqq.

[371] Qaḥṭán is the legendary ancestor of the Southern Arabs.

[372] Aghání, xiii, 51, cited by Goldziher, ibid., p. 82.

[373] A verse of the poet Suḥaym b. Wathíl.

[374] The Kámil of al-Mubarrad, ed. by W. Wright, p. 215, l. 14 sqq.

[375] Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ‘l-Ma‘árif, p. 202.

[376] Al-Fakhrí, p. 173; Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, v, 5.

[377] Ibid., p. 174. Cf. Mas‘údi, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 412.

[378] His mother, Umm ‘Áṣim, was a granddaughter of ‘Umar I.

[379] Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 419 seq.

[380] Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, v, 46. Cf. Agání, xx, p. 119, l. 23. ‘Umar made an exception, as Professor Bevan reminds me, in favour of the poet Jarír. See Brockelmann's Gesch. der Arab. Litteratur, vol. i, p. 57.

[381] The exhaustive researches of Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz (pp. 169-192) have set this complicated subject in a new light. He contends that ‘Umar's reform was not based on purely ideal grounds, but was demanded by the necessities of the case, and that, so far from introducing disorder into the finances, his measures were designed to remedy the confusion which already existed.

[382] Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, v, 479.

[383] The Arabic text and literal translation of these verses will be found in my article on Abu ’l-‘Alá's Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán (J.R.A.S. for 1902, pp. 829 and 342).

[384] Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich und sein Sturz, p. 38.

[385] I.e., the main body of Moslems—Sunnís, followers of the Sunna, as they were afterwards called—who were neither Shí‘ites nor Khárijites, but held (1) that the Caliph must be elected by the Moslem community, and (2) that he must be a member of Quraysh, the Prophet's tribe. All these parties arose out of the struggle between ‘Alí and Mu‘áwiya, and their original difference turned solely of the question of the Caliphate.

[386] Brünnow, Die Charidschiten unter den ersten Omayyaden (Leiden, 1884), p. 28. It is by no means certain, however, that the Khárijites called themselves by this name. In any case, the term implies secession (khurúj) from the Moslem community, and may be rendered by 'Seceder' or 'Nonconformist.'

[387] Cf. Koran, ix, 112.

[388] Brünnow, op. cit., p. 8.

[389] Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam (Abhandlungen der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1901), p. 8 sqq. The writer argues against Brünnow that the oldest Khárijites were not true Bedouins (A‘rábí), and were, in fact, even further removed than the rest of the military colonists of Kúfa and Baṣra from their Bedouin traditions. He points out that the extreme piety of the Readers—their constant prayers, vigils, and repetitions of the Koran—exactly agrees with what is related of the Khárijites, and is described in similar language. Moreover, among the oldest Khárijites we find mention made of a company clad in long cloaks (baránis, pl. of burnus), which were at that time a special mark of asceticism. Finally, the earliest authority (Abú Mikhnaf in Ṭabarí, i, 3330, l. 6 sqq.) regards the Khárijites as an offshoot from the Readers, and names individual Readers who afterwards became rabid Khárijites.

[390] Later, when many non-Arab Moslems joined the Khárijite ranks the field of choice was extended so as to include foreigners and even slaves.

[391] Ṭabarí, ii, 40, 13 sqq.

[392] Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, Part I, p. 88. l. 12.

[393] Ibid., p. 86, l. 3 from foot.

[394] Ṭabarí, ii, 36, ll. 7, 8, 11-16.

[395] Ḥamása, 44.

[396] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 555, p. 55, l. 4 seq.; De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 523.

[397] Dozy, Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme (French translation by Victor Chauvin), p. 219 sqq.

[398] Wellhausen thinks that the dogmatics of the Shí‘ites are derived from Jewish rather than from Persian sources. See his account of the Saba’ites in his most instructive paper, to which I have already referred, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam (Abh. der König. Ges. der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1901), p. 89 sqq.

[399] Ṭabarí, i, 2942, 2.

[400] "Verily, He who hath ordained the Koran for thee (i.e., for Muḥammad) will bring thee back to a place of return" (i.e., to Mecca). The ambiguity of the word meaning 'place of return' (ma‘ád) gave some colour to Ibn Sabá's contention that it alluded to the return of Muḥammad at the end of the world. The descent of Jesus on earth is reckoned by Moslems among the greater signs which will precede the Resurrection.

[401] This is a Jewish idea. ‘Alí stands in the same relation to Muḥammad as Aaron to Moses.

[402] Ṭabarí, loc. cit.

[403] Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, p. 132, l. 15.

[404] Aghání, viii, 32, l. 17 sqq. The three sons of ‘Alí are Ḥasan, Ḥusayn, and Muḥammad Ibnu ’l-Ḥanafiyya.

[405] Concerning the origin of these sects see Professor Browne's Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. i, p. 295 seq.

[406] See Darmesteter's interesting essay, Le Mahdi depuis les origines de l'Islam jusqu’à nos jours (Paris, 1885). The subject is treated more scientifically by Snouck Hurgronje in his paper Der Mahdi, reprinted from the Revue coloniale internationale (1886).

[407] Ṣiddíq means 'veracious.' Professor Bevan remarks that in this root the notion of 'veracity' easily passes into that of 'endurance,' 'fortitude.'

[408] Ṭabarí, ii, 546. These 'Penitents' were free Arabs of Kúfa, a fact which, as Wellhausen has noticed, would seem to indicate that the ta‘ziya is Semitic in origin.

[409] Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien, p. 79.

[410] Ṭabarí, ii, 650, l. 7 sqq.

[411] Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's translation, Part I, p. 169.

[412] Von Kremer, Culturgeschicht. Streifzüge, p. 2 sqq.

[413] The best account of the early Murjites that has hitherto appeared is contained in a paper by Van Vloten, entitled Irdjâ (Z.D.M.G., vol. 45, p. 161 sqq.). The reader may also consult Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's trans., Part I, p. 156 sqq.; Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part II, p. 89 sqq.; Van Vloten, La domination Arabe, p. 31 seq.

[414] Van Vloten thinks that in the name 'Murjite' (murji’) there is an allusion to Koran, ix, 107: "And others are remanded (murjawna) until God shall decree; whether He shall punish them or take pity on them—for God is knowing and wise."

[415] Cf. the poem of Thábit Quṭna (Z.D.M.G., loc. cit., p. 162), which states the whole Murjite doctrine in popular form. The author, who was himself a Murjite, lived in Khurásán during the latter half of the first century a.h.

[416] Van Vloten, La domination Arabe, p. 29 sqq.

[417] Ibn Ḥazm, cited in Z.D.M.G., vol. 45, p. 169, n. 7. Jahm († about 747 a.d.) was a Persian, as might be inferred from the boldness of his speculations.

[418] Ḥasan himself inclined for a time to the doctrine of free-will, but afterwards gave it up (Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif, p. 225). He is said to have held that everything happens by fate, except sin (Al-Mu‘tazilah, ed. by T. W. Arnold, p. 12, l. 3 from foot). See, however, Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's trans., Part I, p. 46.

[419] Koran, lxxiv, 41.

[420] Ibid., xli, 46.

[421] Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif, p. 301. Those who held the doctrine of free-will were called the Qadarites (al-Qadariyya), from qadar (power), which may denote (1) the power of God to determine human actions, and (2) the power of man to determine his own actions. Their opponents asserted that men act under compulsion (jabr); hence they were called the Jabarites (al-Jabariyya).

[422] As regards Ghaylán see Al-Mu‘tazilah, ed. by T. W. Arnold, p. 15, l. 16 sqq.

[423] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 642; Shahrastání, trans. by Haarbrücker, Part I, p. 44.

[424] Sha‘rání, Lawáqihu ’l-Anwár (Cairo, 1299 a.h.), p. 31.

[425] Ibid.

[426] See Von Kremer, Herrschende Ideen, p. 52 sqq.; Goldziher, Materialien zur Entwickelungsgesch. des Súfismus (Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. 13, p. 35 sqq.).

[427] Sha‘rání, Lawáqiḥ, p. 38.

[428] Qushayrí's Risála (1287 a.h.), p. 77, l. 10.

[429] Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá of Farídu’ddín ‘Aṭṭár, Part I, p. 37, l. 8 of my edition.

[430] Kámil (ed. by Wright), p. 57, l. 16.

[431] The point of this metaphor lies in the fact that Arab horses were put on short commons during the period of training, which usually began forty days before the race.

[432] Kámil, p. 57, last line.

[433] Kámil, p. 58, l. 14.

[434] Ibid., p. 67, l. 9.

[435] Ibid., p. 91, l. 14.

[436] Ibid., p. 120, l. 4.

[437] Qushayrí's Risála, p. 63, last line.

[438] It is noteworthy that Qushayrí († 1073 a.d.), one of the oldest authorities on Ṣúfiism, does not include Ḥasan among the Ṣúfí Shaykhs whose biographies are given in the Risála (pp. 8-35), and hardly mentions him above half a dozen times in the course of his work. The sayings of Ḥasan which he cites are of the same character as those preserved in the Kámil.

[439] See Nöldeke's article, 'Ṣūfī,' in Z.D.M.G., vol. 48, p. 45.

[440] An allusion to ṣafá occurs in thirteen out of the seventy definitions of Ṣúfí and Ṣúfiism (Taṣawwuf) which are contained in the Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá, or 'Memoirs of the Saints,' of the well-known Persian mystic, Farídu’ddín ‘Aṭṭár († circa 1230 a.d.), whereas ṣúf is mentioned only twice.

[441] Said by Bishr al-Ḥáfí (the bare-footed), who died in 841-842 a.d.

[442] Said by Junayd of Baghdád († 909-910 a.d.), one of the most celebrated Ṣúfí Shaykhs.

[443] Ibn Khaldún's Muqaddima (Beyrout, 1900), p. 467 = vol. iii, p. 85 seq. of the French translation by De Slane. The same things are said at greater length by Suhrawardí in his ‘Awárifu ’l-Ma‘árif (printed on the margin of Ghazálí's Iḥyá, Cairo, 1289 a.h.), vol. i, p. 172 et seqq. Cf. also the passage from Qushayrí translated by Professor E. G. Browne on pp. 297-298 of vol. i. of his Literary History of Persia.

[444] Suhrawardí, loc. cit., p. 136 seq.

[445] Loc. cit., p. 145.

[446] I.e., he yields himself unreservedly to the spiritual 'state' (aḥwál) which pass over him, according as God wills.

[447] Possibly Ibráhím was one of the Shikaftiyya or 'Cave-dwellers' of Khurásán (shikaft means 'cave' in Persian), whom the people of Syria called al-Jú‘íyya, i.e., 'the Fasters.' See Suhrawardí, loc. cit., p. 171.

[448] Ghazálí, Iḥyá (Cairo, 1289 a.h.), vol. iv, p. 298.

[449] Brockelmann, Gesch. d. Arab. Litteratur, vol. i, p. 45.

[450] E.g., Ma‘bad, Gharíḍ, Ibn Surayj, Ṭuways, and Ibn ‘Á’isha.

[451] Kámil of Mubarrad, p. 570 sqq.

[452] Aghání, i, 43, l. 15 sqq.; Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 17, last line and foll.

[453] Nöldeke's Delectus, p. 9, l. 11 sqq., omitting l. 13.

[454] An edition of the Naqá’iḍ by Professor A. A. Bevan has been published at Leyden.

[455] Aghání, vii, 55, l. 12 sqq.

[456] Aghání, vii, 182, l. 23 sqq.

[457] Ibid., vii, 183, l. 6 sqq.

[458] Ibid., p. 178, l. 1 seq.

[459] Ibid., xiii, 148, l. 23.

[460] Encomium Omayadarum, ed. by Houtsma (Leyden, 1878).

[461] Aghání, vii, 172, l. 27 sqq.

[462] Ibid., p. 179, l. 25 sqq.

[463] Ibid., p. 178, l. 26 seq.

[464] Aghání, xix, 34, l. 18.

[465] Kámil of Mubarrad. p. 70, l. 17 sqq.

[466] Al-Kusa‘í broke an excellent bow which he had made for himself. See The Assemblies of Ḥarírí, trans. by Chenery, p. 351. Professor Bevan remarks that this half-verse is an almost verbal citation from a verse ascribed to ‘Adí b. Maríná of Ḥíra, an enemy of ‘Adí b. Zayd the poet (Aghání, ii, 24, l. 5).

[467] Ibn Khallikán (ed. by Wüstenfeld), No. 129; De Slane's translation vol. i, p. 298.

[468] Aghání, iii, 23, l. 13.

[469] Aghání, vii, 49, l. 8 sqq.

[470] The following account is mainly derived from Goldziher's Muhamm. Studien, Part II, p. 203 sqq.

[471] Cf. Browne's Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. i, p. 230.

[472] Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, tr. by J. S. Black, p. 108 seq.

[473] Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich, p. 307.

[474] Recherches sur la domination Arabe, p. 46 sqq.

[475] Dínawarí, ed. by Guirgass, p. 356.

[476] Ibid., p. 360, l. 15. The whole poem has been translated by Professor Browne in his Literary History of Persia, vol. i, p. 242.

[477] Sketches from Eastern History, p. 111.

[478] Professor Bevan, to whose kindness I owe the following observations, points out that this translation of al-Saffáḥ, although it has been generally adopted by European scholars, is very doubtful. According to Professor De Goeje, al-Saffáḥ means 'the munificent' (literally, 'pouring out' gifts, &c.). In any case it is important to notice that the name was given to certain Pre-islamic chieftains. Thus Salama b. Khálid, who commanded the Banú Taghlib at the first battle of al-Kuláb (Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, vol. i, p. 406, last line), is said to have been called al-Saffáḥ because he 'emptied out' the skin bottles (mazád) of his army before a battle (Ibn Durayd, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 203, l. 16); and we find mention of a poet named al-Saffáḥ b. ‘Abd Manát (ibid., p. 277, penult. line).

[479] See p. 205.

[480] G. Le Strange, Baghdad under the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 4 seq.

[481] Professor De Goeje has kindly given me the following references :—Ṭabarí, ii, 78, l. 10, where Ziyád is called the Wazír of Mu‘áwiya; Ibn Sa‘d, iii, 121, l. 6 (Abú Bakr the Wazír of the Prophet). The word occurs in Pre-islamic poetry (Ibu Qutayba, K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará, p. 414, l. 1). Professor De Goeje adds that the ‘Abbásid Caliphs gave the name Wazír as title to the minister who was formerly called Kátib (Secretary). Thus it would seem that the Arabic Wazír (literally 'burden-bearer'), who was at first merely a 'helper' or 'henchman,' afterwards became the representative and successor of the Dapír (official scribe or secretary) of the Sásánian kings.

[482] This division is convenient, and may be justified on general grounds. In a strictly political sense, the period of decline begins thirty years earlier with the Caliphate of Ma’mún (813-833 a.d.). The historian Abu ’l-Maḥásin († 1469 a.d.) dates the decline of the Caliphate from the accession of Muktafí in 902 a.d. (al-Nujúm al-Záhira, ed. by Juynboll, vol. ii, p. 134).

[483] See Nöldeke's essay, Caliph Manṣur, in his Sketches from Eastern History, trans. by J. S. Black, p. 107 sqq.

[484] Professor Browne has given an interesting account of these ultra-Shí‘ite insurgents in his Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. i, ch. ix.

[485] Ṭabarí, iii, 404, l. 5 sqq.

[486] Ṭabarí, iii, 406, l. 1 sqq.

[487] Murúju ‘l-Dhahab, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. iv, p. 47 seq.

[488] When the Caliph Hádí wished to proclaim his son Ja‘far heir-apparent instead of Hárún, Yaḥyá pointed out the danger of this course and dissuaded him (al-Fakhrí, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 281).

[489] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 105.

[490] Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, vol. vi, p. 364.

[491] See, for example, Haroun Alraschid, by E. H. Palmer, in the New Plutarch Series, p. 81 sqq.

[492] Cf. A. Müller, Der Islam, vol. i, p. 481 seq.

[493] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 112.

[494] Literally, "No father to your father!" a common form of imprecation.

[495] Green was the party colour of the ‘Alids, black of the ‘Abbásids.

[496] Al-Nujúm al-Záhira, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 631.

[497] The court remained at Sámarrá for fifty-six years (836-892 a.d.). The official spelling of Sámarrá was Surra-man-ra’á, which may be freely rendered 'The Spectator's Joy.'

[498] My account of these dynasties is necessarily of the briefest and barest character. The reader will find copious details concerning most of them in Professor Browne's Literary History of Persia: Ṣaffárids and Sámánids in vol. i, p. 346 sqq.; Fáṭimids in vol. i, pp. 391-400 and vol. ii, p. 196 sqq.; Ghaznevids in vol. ii, chap. ii; and Seljúqs, ibid., chaps, iii to v.

[499] Ibn Abí Usaybi‘a, Ṭabaqátu ’l-Atibbá, ed. by A. Müller, vol. ii, p. 4, l. 4 sqq. Avicenna was at this time scarcely eighteen years of age.

[500] ‘Abdu ’l-Hamíd flourished in the latter days of the Umayyad dynasty. See Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 173, Mas‘údí, Murúju ’l-Dhahab, vol. vi, p. 81.

[501] See Professor Margoliouth's Introduction to the Letters of ‘Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí, p. xxiv.

[502] Abu ’l-Mahásin, al-Nujúm al-Záhira, ed. by Juynboll, vol. ii, p. 333. The original Ráfiḍites were those schismatics who rejected (rafaḍa) the Caliphs Abú Bakr and ‘Umar, but the term is generally used as synonymous with Shí‘ite.

[503] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 148, last line and foll.

[504] D. B. Macdonald, Muslim Theology, p. 43 seq.

[505] I regret that lack of space compels me to omit the further history of the Fáṭimids. Readers who desire information on this subject may consult Stanley Lane-Poole's History of Egypt in the Middle Ages; Wüstenfeld's Geschichte der Faṭimiden-Chalifen (Göttingen, 1881); and Professor Browne's Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. ii, p. 196 sqq.

[506] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 441.

[507] See the Introduction.

[508] Ibn Khaldún, Muqaddima (Beyrout, 1900), p. 543 seq.—De Slane, Prolegomena, vol. iii, p. 296 sqq.

[509] Cf. Goldziher, Muhamm. Studien, Part I, p. 114 seq.

[510] Read mashárátí ’l-buqúl (beds of vegetables), not mushárát as my rendering implies. The change makes little difference to the sense, but mashárat, being an Aramaic word, is peculiarly appropriate here.

[511] Aghání, xii, 177, l. 5 sqq; Von Kremer, Culturgesch. Streifzüge, p. 32. These lines are aimed, as has been remarked by S. Khuda Bukhsh (Contributions to the History of Islamic Civilisation, Calcutta, 1905, p. 92), against Nabatæans who falsely claimed to be Persians.

[512] The name is derived from Koran, xlix, 13: "O Men, We have created you of a male and a female and have made you into peoples (shu‘úban) and tribes, that ye might know one another. Verily the noblest of you in the sight of God are they that do most fear Him." Thus the designation 'Shu‘úbite' emphasises the fact that according to Muḥammad's teaching the Arab Moslems are no better than their non-Arab brethren.

[513] Muhamm. Studien, Part I, p. 147 sqq.

[514] The term Falsafa properly includes Logic, Metaphysics, Mathematics Medicine, and the Natural Sciences.

[515] Here we might add the various branches of Mathematics, such as Arithmetic, Algebra, Mechanics, &c.

[516] ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥman Jámí († 1492 a.d.).

[517] I am deeply indebted in the following pages to Goldziher's essay entitled Alte und Neue Poesie im Urtheile der Arabischen Kritiker in his Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie, Part I, pp. 122-174.

[518] Cf. the remark made by Abú ‘Amr b. al-‘Alá about the poet Akhṭal (p. 242 supra).

[519] Diwan des Abu Nowas, Die Weinlieder, ed. by Ahlwardt, No. 10, vv. 1-5.

[520] Ed. by De Goeje, p. 5, ll. 5-15.

[521] Cf. the story told of Abú Tammám by Ibn Khallikán (De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 350 seq.).

[522] See Nöldeke, Beiträge, p. 4.

[523] Ibn Khaldún, Muqaddima (Beyrout, 1900), p. 573, l. 21 seq.; Prolegomena of Ibn K., translated by De Slane, vol. iii, p. 380.

[524] See Professor Browne's Literary History of Persia, vol. ii, p. 14 sqq.

[525] Aghání, xii, 80, l. 3.

[526] Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. i, p. 46 seq., where the reader will find the Arabic text of the verses translated here. Rückert has given a German rendering of the same verses in his Hamâsa, vol. i, p. 311. A fuller text of the poem occurs in Agháni, xii, 107 seq.

[527] Díwán, ed. by Ahlwardt, Die Weinlieder, No. 26, v. 4.

[528] Ibn Qutayba, K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará, p. 502, l. 13.

[529] For the famous ascetic, Ḥasan of Baṣra, see pp. 225-227. Qatáda was a learned divine, also of Baṣra and contemporary with Ḥasan. He died in 735 a.d.

[530] These verses are quoted by Ibn Qutayba, op. cit., p. 507 seq. 'The Scripture' (al-maṣḥaf) is of course the Koran.

[531] Die Weinlieder, ed. by Ahlwardt, No. 47.

[532] Ibid., No. 29, vv. 1-3.

[533] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 169, p. 100; De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 393.

[534] Cf. Díwán (ed. of Beyrout, 1886), p. 279, l. 9, where he reproaches one of his former friends who deserted him because, in his own words, "I adopted the garb of a dervish" (ṣirtu fi ziyyi miskíni). Others attribute his conversion to disgust with the immorality and profanity of the court-poets amongst whom he lived.

[535] Possibly he alludes to these aspersions in the verse (ibid., p. 153, l. 10): "Men have become corrupted, and if they see any one who is sound in his religion, they call him a heretic" (mubtadi‘).

[536] Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya declares that knowledge is derived from three sources, logical reasoning (qiyás), examination (‘iyár), and oral tradition (samá‘). See his Díwán, p. 158, l. 11.

[537] Cf. Mání, seine Lehre und seine Schriften, by G. Flügel, p. 281, l. 3 sqq. Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya did not take this extreme view (Díwán, p. 270, l. 3 seq.).

[538] See Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's translation, Part I, p. 181 sqq. It appears highly improbable that Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya was a Shí‘ite. Cf. the verses (Díwán, p. 104, l. 13 seq.), where, speaking of the prophets and the holy men of ancient Islam, he says:—

"Reckon first among them Abú Bakr, the veracious, And exclaim 'O ‘Umar!' in the second place of honour. And reckon the father of Ḥasan after ‘Uthmán, For the merit of them both is recited and celebrated."

[539] Aghání, iii, 128, l. 6 sqq.

[540] Transactions of the Ninth Congress of Orientalists, vol. ii. p. 114.

[541] Díwán, p. 274, l. 10. Cf. the verse (p. 199, penultimate line):—

"When I gained contentment, I did not cease (thereafter) To be a king, regarding riches as poverty."

The ascetic "lives the life of a king" (ibid., p. 187, l. 5). Contented men are the noblest of all (p. 148, l. 2). So the great Persian mystic, Jalálu ’l-Dín Rúmí, says in reference to the perfect Ṣúfí (Díván-i Shams-i Tabríz, No. viii, v. 3 in my edition): Mard-i khudá sháh buvad zír-i dalq, "the man of God is a king 'neath dervish-cloak;" and eminent spiritualists are frequently described as "kings of the (mystic) path." I do not deny, however, that this metaphor may have been originally suggested by the story of Buddha.

[542] Díwán, p. 25, l. 3 sqq. Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya took credit to himself for introducing 'the language of the market-place' into his poetry (ibid. p. 12, l. 3 seq.).

[543] Díwán (Beyrout, 1886), p. 23, l. 13 et seqq.

[544] Ibid., p. 51, l. 2.

[545] Ibid., p. 132, l. 3.

[546] Ibid., p. 46, l. 16.

[547] Díwán, p. 260, l. 11 et seqq.

[548] Ibid., p. 295, l. 14 et seqq.

[549] Ibid., p. 287, l. 10 seq.

[550] Ibid., p. 119, l. 11.

[551] Ibid., p. 259, penultimate line et seq.

[552] Ibid., p. 115, l. 4.

[553] Díwán, p. 51, l. 10.

[554] Ibid., p. 133, l. 5.

[555] Ibid., p. 74, l. 4.

[556] Ibid., p. 149, l. 12 seq.

[557] Ibid., p. 195, l. 9. Cf. p. 243, l. 4 seq.

[558] Ibid., p. 274, l. 6.

[559] Ibid., p. 262, l. 4.

[560] Ibid., p. 346, l. 11. Cf. p. 102, l. 11; p. 262, l. 1 seq.; p. 267, l. 7. This verse is taken from Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya's famous didactic poem composed in rhyming couplets, which is said to have contained 4,000 sentences of morality. Several of these have been translated by Von Kremer in his Culturgeschichte des Orients, vol. ii, p. 374 sqq.

[561] In one of his poems (Díwán, p. 160, l. 11), he says that he has lived ninety years, but if this is not a mere exaggeration, it needs to be corrected. The words for 'seventy' and 'ninety' are easily confused in Arabic writing.

[562] Tha‘álibí, Yatimatu ’l-Dahr (Damascus, 1304 a.h.), vol. i, p. 8 seq.

[563] See Von Kremer's Culturgeschichte, vol. ii, p. 381 sqq.; Ahlwardt, Poesie und Poetik der Araber, p. 37 sqq.; R. Dvorak, Abú Firás, ein arabischer Dichter und Held (Leyden, 1895).

[564] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 493. Wáḥidí gives the whole story in his commentary on this verse.

[565] Mutanabbí, it is said, explained to Sayfu ’l-Dawla that by surra (gladden) he meant surriyya; whereupon the good-humoured prince presented him with a slave-girl.

[566] Literally, "Do not imagine fat in one whose (apparent) fat is (really) a tumour."

[567] Díwán, ed. by Dieterici, pp. 481-484.

[568] The most esteemed commentary is that of Wáḥidí († 1075 a.d.), which has been published by Fr. Dieterici in his edition of Mutanabbí (Berlin, 1858-1861).

[569] Motenebbi, der grösste arabische Dichter (Vienna, 1824).

[570] Abulfedæ Annales Muslemici (Hafniæ, 1789, &c.), vol. ii, p. 774. Cf. his notes on Ṭarafa's Mu‘allaqa, of which he published an edition in 1742.

[571] Chrestomathie Arabe (2nd edition), vol. iii, p. 27 sqq. Journal des Savans, January, 1825, p. 24 sqq.

[572] Commentatio de Motenabbio (Bonn, 1824).

[573] Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur (Weimar, 1898, &c.), vol. i, p. 86.

[574] I have made free use of Dieterici's excellent work entitled Mutanabbi und Seifuddaula aus der Edelperle des Tsaâlibi (Leipzig, 1847), which contains on pp. 49-74 an abstract of Tha‘álibí's criticism in the fifth chapter of the First Part of the Yatíma.

[575] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 182, vv. 3-9, omitting v. 5.

[576] The author of these lines, which are quoted by Ibn Khallikán in his article on Mutanabbí, is Abu ’l-Qásim b. al-Muẓaffar b. ‘Alí al-Ṭabasí.

[577] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 581, v. 27.

[578] Ibid., p. 472, v. 5.

[579] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 341, v. 8.

[580] Margoliouth's Introduction to the Letters of Abu ’l-‘Alá, p. xxii.

[581] Ibid., p. xxvii seq.

[582] Luzúmiyyát (Cairo, 1891), vol. i, p. 201.

[583] I.e., his predecessors of the modern school. Like Mutanabbí, he ridicules the conventional types (asálíb) in which the old poetry is cast Cf. Goldziher, Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie, Part 1, p. 146 seq.

[584] The proper title is Luzúmu má lá yalzam, referring to a technical difficulty which the poet unnecessarily imposed on himself with regard to the rhyme.

[585] Abulfedæ Annales Muslemici, ed. by Adler (1789-1794), vol. iii, p. 677.

[586] Literaturgesch. der Araber, vol. vi, p. 900 sqq.

[587] Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. cxvii, 6th Abhandlung (Vienna, 1889). Select passages admirably rendered by Von Kremer into German verse will be found in the Z.D.M.G., vol. 29, pp. 304-312; vol. 30, pp. 40-52; vol. 31, pp. 471-483; vol. 38, pp. 499-529.

[588] Z.D.M.G., vol. 38, p. 507; Margoliouth, op. cit., p. 131, l. 15 of the Arabic text.

[589] Z.D.M.G., vol. 29, p. 308.

[590] Margoliouth, op. cit., p. 133 of the Arabic text.

[591] This passage occurs in Abu ’l-‘Alá's Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán (see infra), J.R.A.S. for 1902, p. 351. Cf. the verses translated by Von Kremer in his essay on Abu ’l-‘Alá, p. 23.

[592] For the term 'Ḥaníf' see p. [149] supra. Here it is synonymous with 'Muslim.'

[593] Z.D.M.G., vol. 38, p. 513.

[594] This work, of which only two copies exist in Europe—one at Constantinople and another in my collection—has been described and partially translated in the J.R.A.S. for 1900, pp. 637-720, and for 1902, pp. 75-101, 337-362, and 813-847.

[595] Margoliouth, op. cit., p. 132, last line of the Arabic text.

[596] Z.D.M.G., vol. 31, p. 483.

[597] De Gobineau, Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie centrale, p. 11 seq.

[598] Z.D.M.G., vol. 31, p. 477.

[599] Ibid., vol. 29, p. 311.

[600] Z.D.M.G. vol. 38, p. 522.

[601] According to De Goeje, Mémoires sur les Carmathes du Bahrain, p. 197, n. 1, these lines refer to a prophecy made by the Carmathians that the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter, which took place in 1047 a.d. would herald the final triumph of the Fáṭimids over the ‘Abbásids.

[602] Z.D.M.G., vol. 38, p. 504.

[603] Z.D.M.G., vol. 31, p. 474.

[604] Luzúmiyyát (Cairo, 1891), i, 394.

[605] Ibid., i, 312.

[606] Von Kremer, op. cit., p. 38.

[607] Safar-náma, ed. by Schefer, p. 10 seq. = pp. 35-36 of the translation.

[608] Luzúmiyyát, ii, 280. The phrase does not mean "I am the child of my age," but "I live in the present," forgetful of the past and careless what the future may bring.

[609] See Von Kremer, op. cit., p. 46 sqq.

[610] See the article on Ṭughrá’í in Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 462.

[611] Ibid., vol. iii, p. 355.

[612] The spirit of fortitude and patience (ḥamása) is exhibited by both poets, but in a very different manner. Shanfará describes a man of heroic nature. Ṭughrá’í wraps himself in his virtue and moralises like a Muḥammadan Horace. Ṣafadí, however, says in his commentary on Ṭughrá’í's ode (I translate from a MS. copy in my possession): "It is named Lámiyyatu ’l-‘Ajam by way of comparing it with the Lámiyyatu ’l-‘Arab, because it resembles the latter in its wise sentences and maxims."

[613] I.e., the native of Abúṣir (Búṣír), a village in Egypt.

[614] The Burda, ed. by C. A. Ralfs (Vienna, 1860), verse 140; La Bordah traduite et commentée par René Basset (Paris, 1894), verse 151.

[615] This appears to be a reminiscence of the fact that Muḥammad gave his own mantle as a gift to Ka‘b b. Zuhayr, when that poet recited his famous ode, Bánat Su‘ád (see p. [127] supra).

[616] Maqáma (plural, maqámát) is properly 'a place of standing'; hence, an assembly where people stand listening to the speaker, and in particular, an assembly for literary discussion. At an early period reports of such conversations and discussions received the name of maqámát (see Brockelmann, Gesch. der Arab. Litteratur, vol. i, p. 94). The word in its literary sense is usually translated by 'assembly,' or by the French 'séance.'

[617] The Assemblies of al-Ḥarírí, translated from the Arabic, with an introduction and notes by T. Chenery (1867), vol. i, p. 19. This excellent work contains a fund of information on diverse matters connected with Arabian history and literature. Owing to the author's death it was left unfinished, but a second volume (including Assemblies 27-50) by F. Steingass appeared in 1898.

[618] A full account of his career will be found in the Preface to Houtsma's Recueil de textes relatifs à l'histoire des Seldjoucides, vol. ii. p. 11 sqq. Cf. Browne's Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. ii, p. 360.

[619] This is a graceful, but probably insincere, tribute to the superior genius of Hamadhání.

[620] The above passage is taken, with some modification, from the version of Ḥarírí published in 1850 by Theodore Preston, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who was afterwards Lord Almoner's Professor of Arabic (1855-1871).

[621] Moslems had long been familiar with the fables of Bidpai, which were translated from the Pehleví into Arabic by Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘ († circa 760 a.d.).

[622] Al-Fakhrí, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 18, l. 4 sqq.

[623] A town in Mesopotamia, not far from Edessa. It was taken by the Crusaders in 1101 a.d. (Abu ’l-Fidá, ed. by Reiske, vol. iii, p. 332).

[624] The 48th Maqáma of the series as finally arranged.

[625] Chenery, op. cit., p. 23.

[626] This has been done with extraordinary skill by the German poet, Friedrich Rückert (Die Verwandlungen des Abu Seid von Serug, 2nd ed. 1837), whose work, however, is not in any sense a translation.

[627] A literal translation of these verses, which occur in the sixth Assembly, is given by Chenery, op. cit., p. 138.

[628] Ibid., p. 163.

[629] Two grammatical treatises by Ḥarírí have come down to us. In one of these, entitled Durratu ’l-Ghawwáṣ ('The Pearl of the Diver') and edited by Thorbecke (Leipzig, 1871), he discusses the solecisms which people of education are wont to commit.

[630] See Chenery, op. cit., pp. 83-97.

[631] The Caliphate, its Rise, Decline, and Fall, p. 573.

[632] Another example is ‘Umar al-Khayyámí for ‘Umar Khayyám. The spelling Ghazzálí (with a double z) was in general use when Ibn Khallikán wrote his Biographical Dictionary in 1256 a.d. (see De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 80), but according to Sam‘ání the name is derived from Ghazála, a village near Ṭús; in which case Ghazálí is the correct form of the nisba. I have adopted 'Ghazalí' in deference to Sam‘ání's authority, but those who write 'Ghazzálí' can at least claim that they err in very good company.

[633] Shamsu ’l-Dín al-Dhahabí († 1348 a.d.).

[634] ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥím al-Isnawí († 1370 a.d.), author of a biographical work on the Sháfi‘ite doctors. See Brockelmann, Gesch. der Arab. Litt., vol. ii, p. 90.

[635] Abu ’l-Ma‘álí al-Juwayní, a famous theologian of Naysábúr († 1085 a.d.), received this title, which means 'Imám of the Two Sanctuaries,' because he taught for several years at Mecca and Medína.

[636] I.e., the camp-court of the Seljúq monarch Maliksháh, son of Alp Arslán.

[637] According to his own account in the Munqidh, Ghazálí on leaving Baghdád went first to Damascus, then to Jerusalem, and then to Mecca. The statement that he remained ten years at Damascus is inaccurate.

[638] The MS. has Fakhru ’l-Dín.

[639] Ghazálí's return to public life took place in 1106 a.d.

[640] The correct title of Ibn Ḥazm's work is uncertain. In the Cairo ed. (1321 a.h.) it is called Kitábu ’l-Fiṣal fi ’l-Milal wa ’l-Ahwá wa ’l-Niḥal.

[641] See p. 195 supra.

[642] Kor. ix, 3. The translation runs ("This is a declaration) that God is clear of the idolaters, and His Apostle likewise." With the reading rasúlihi it means that God is clear of the idolaters and also of His Apostle.

[643] Ibn Khallikan, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 663.

[644] See p. 128.

[645] Ibn Khallikán, No. 608; De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 31.

[646] See pp. 131-134, supra.

[647] Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Part I, p. 197.

[648] Ibid., p. 195.

[649] Ibn Qutayba, Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif, p. 269.

[650] While Abú ‘Ubayda was notorious for his freethinking proclivities, Aṣma‘í had a strong vein of pietism. See Goldziher, loc. cit., p. 199 and Abh. zur Arab. Philologie, Part I, p. 136.

[651] Professor Browne has given a résumé of the contents in his Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. i, p. 387 seq.

[652] Ed. by Max Grünert (Leyden, 1900).

[653] Vol. i ed. by C. Brockelmann (Weimar and Strassburg, 1898-1908).

[654] The epithet jáḥiẓ means 'goggle-eyed.'

[655] See p. 267.

[656] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 250.

[657] One of these, the eleventh of the complete work, has been edited by Ahlwardt: Anonyme Arabische Chronik (Greifswald, 1883). It covers part of the reign of the Umayyad Caliph, ‘Abdu ’l-Malik (685-705 a.d.).

[658] The French title is Les Prairies d'Or. Brockelmann, in his shorter Hist. of Arabic Literature (Leipzig, 1901), p. 110, states that the correct translation of Murúju ’l-Dhahab is 'Goldwäschen.'

[659] Concerning Ṭabarí and his work the reader should consult De Goeje's Introduction (published in the supplementary volume containing the Glossary) to the Leyden edition, and his excellent article on Ṭabarí and early Arab Historians in the Encyclopædia Britannica.

[660] Abu ’l-Maḥásin, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 608.

[661] Selection from the Annals of Tabarí, ed. by M. J. de Goeje (Leyden, 1902), p. xi.

[662] De Goeje's Introduction to Ṭabarí, p. xxvii.

[663] Al-Bal‘amí, the Vizier of Manṣúr I, the Sámánid, made in 963 a.d. a Persian epitome of which a French translation by Dubeux and Zotenberg was published in 1867-1874.

[664] Murúju ’l-Dhahab, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. i, p. 5 seq.

[665] The Akhbáru ’l-Zamán in thirty volumes (one volume is extant at Vienna) and the Kitáb al-Awsaṭ.

[666] Murúju ’l-Dhahab, p. 9 seq.

[667] It may be noted as a coincidence that Ibn Khaldún calls Mas‘údí imáman lil-mu’arrikhín, "an Imám for all the historians," which resembles, though it does not exactly correspond to, "the Father of History."

[668] Mas‘údí gives a summary of the contents of his historical and religious works in the Preface to the Tanbíh wa-’l-Ishráf, ed. by De Goeje, p. 2 sqq. A translation of this passage by De Sacy will be found in Barbier de Meynard's edition of the Murúju ’l-Dhahab, vol. ix, p. 302 sqq.

[669] See Murúj, vol. i, p. 201, and vol. iii, p. 268.

[670] Ibid., vol. ii, p. 372 sqq.

[671] De Sacy renders the title by 'Le Livre de l'Indication et de l'Admonition ou l'Indicateur et le Moniteur'; but see De Goeje's edition of the text (Leyden, 1894), p. xxvii.

[672] The full title is Kitábu ’l-Kámil fi ’l-Ta’ríkh, or 'The Perfect Book of Chronicles.' It has been edited by Tornberg in fourteen volumes (Leyden, 1851-1876).

[673] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 289.

[674] An excellent account of the Arab geographers is given by Guy Le Strange in the Introduction to his Palestine under the Moslems (London, 1890). De Goeje has edited the works of Ibn Khurdádbih, Iṣṭakhrí, Ibn Ḥawqal, and Muqaddasí in the Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum (Leyden, 1870, &c.)

[675] De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 9 sqq.

[676] P. 243.

[677] The translators employed by the Banú Músá were paid at the rate of about 500 dínárs a month (ibid., p. 43, l. 18 sqq.).

[678] Ibid., p. 271; Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 315.

[679] A chapter at least would be required in order to set forth adequately the chief material and intellectual benefits which European civilisation has derived from the Arabs. The reader may consult Von Kremer's Culturgeschichte des Orients, vol. ii, chapters 7 and 9; Diercks, Die Araber im Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1882); Sédillot, Histoire générale des Arabes; Schack, Poesie und Kunst der Araber in Spanien und Sicilien; Munk, Mélanges de Philosophie Juive et Arabe; De Lacy O'Leary, Arabic Thought and its Place in History (1922); and Campbell, Arabian Medicine and its Influence on the Middle Ages (1926). A volume entitled The Legacy of the Islamic World, ed. by Sir T. W. Arnold and Professor A. Guillaume, is in course of publication.

[680] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 440.

[681] The Chronology of Ancient Nations (London, 1879) and Alberuni's India (London, 1888).

[682] P. 384 sqq.

[683] The passages concerning the Ṣábians were edited and translated, with copious annotations, by Chwolsohn in his Ssabier und Ssabismus (St. Petersburg, 1856), vol. ii, p. 1-365, while Flügel made similar use of the Manichæan portion in Mani, seine Lehre und seine Schriften (Leipzig, 1862).

[684] Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich, p. 350 seq.

[685] See Goldziher, Muhamm. Studien, Part II, p. 53 sqq.

[686] Ibid., p. 70 seq.

[687] Fragmenta Historicorum Arabicorum, ed. by De Goeje and De Jong, p. 298.

[688] There are, of course, some partial exceptions to this rule, e.g., Mahdí and Hárún al-Rashíd.

[689] See p. 163, note.

[690] Several freethinkers of this period attempted to rival the Koran with their own compositions. See Goldziher, Muhamm. Studien, Part II, p. 401 seq.

[691] Al-Nujúm al-Záhira, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 639.

[692] This is the literal translation of Ikhwánu ’l-Safá, but according to Arabic idiom 'brother of purity' (akhu ’l-ṣafá) simply means 'one who is pure or sincere,' as has been shown by Goldziher, Muhamm. Studien, Part I, p. 9, note. The term does not imply any sort of brotherhood.

[693] Ibnu ’l-Qifṭí, Ta’ ríkhu ’l-Ḥukamá (ed. by Lippert), p. 83, l. 17 sqq.

[694] Notice sur un manuscrit de la secte des Assassins, by P. Casanova in the Journal Asiatique for 1898, p 151 sqq.

[695] De Goeje, Mémoire sur les Carmathes, p. 172.

[696] Ṣâliḥ b. ‘Abd al-Quddûs und das Zindîḳthum während der Regierung des Chalifen al-Mahdí in Transactions of the Ninth Congress of Orientalists, vol. ii, p. 105 seq.

[697] Ṭabarí, iii, 522, 1.

[698] I.e. the sacred books of the Manichæans, which were often splendidly illuminated. See Von Kremer, Culturgesch. Streifzüge, p. 39.

[699] Cf. Ṭabarí, iii, 499, 8 sqq.

[700] Ibid., iii, 422, 19 sqq.

[701] Cf. the saying "Aẓrafu mina ’l-Zindíq" (Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. i, p. 214).

[702] As Professor Bevan points out, it is based solely on the well-known verse (Aghání, iii, 24, l. 11), which has come down to us without the context:—

"Earth is dark and Fire is bright, And Fire has been worshipped ever since Fire existed."

[703] These popular preachers (quṣṣáṣ) are admirably described by Goldziher, Muhamm. Studien, Part II, p. 161 sqq.

[704] The Arabic text of these verses will be found in Goldziher's monograph, p. 122, ll. 6-7.

[705] See a passage from the Kitábu ’l-Ḥayawán, cited by Baron V. Rosen in Zapiski, vol. vi, p. 337, and rendered into English in my Translations from Eastern Poetry and Prose, p. 53. Probably these monks were Manichæans, not Buddhists.

[706] Zaddíq is an Aramaic word meaning 'righteous.' Its etymological equivalent in Arabic is siddíq, which has a different meaning, namely, 'veracious.' Zaddíq passed into Persian in the form Zandík, which was used by the Persians before Islam, and Zindíq is the Arabicised form of the latter word. For some of these observations I am indebted to Professor Bevan. Further details concerning the derivation and meaning of Zindíq are given in Professor Browne's Literary Hist. of Persia (vol. i, p. 159 sqq.), where the reader will also find a lucid account of the Manichæan doctrines.

[707] Ibnu ’l-Athír, vol. viii, p. 229 seq. (anno 323 a.h. = 934-935 a.d.).

[708] Ibid., p. 98.

[709] Ibid., p. 230 seq.

[710] See p. 192.

[711] I.e., he is saved from Hell but excluded from Paradise.

[712] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 440; De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 228.

[713] The clearest statement of Ash‘arí's doctrine with which I am acquainted is contained in the Creed published by Spitta, Zur Geschichte Abu ’l-Ḥasan al-Ash‘arí's (Leipzig, 1876), p. 133, l. 9 sqq.; German translation, p. 95 sqq. It has been translated into English by D. B. Macdonald in his Muslim Theology, p. 293 and foll.

[714] Op. cit., p. 7 seq.

[715] Schreiner, Zur Geschichte des Ash‘aritenthums in the Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Orientalists (1889), p. 5 of the tirage à part.

[716] Z.D.M.G., vol. 31, p. 167.

[717] See Goldziher in Z.D.M.G., vol. 41, p. 63 seq., whence the following details are derived.

[718] See p. 339 seq.

[719] I have used the Cairo edition of 1309 a.h. A French translation by Barbier de Meynard was published in the Journal Asiatique (January, 1877), pp. 9-93.

[720] These are the Ismá‘ílís or Báṭinís (including the Carmathians and Assassins). See p. 271 sqq.

[721] A Literary History of Persia, vol. ii, p. 295 seq.

[722] The Life of al-Ghazzālī in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. xx (1899), p. 122 sqq.

[723] Herrschende Ideen, p. 67.

[724] Idee und Grundlinien einer allgemeiner Geschichte der Mystik, an academic oration delivered on November 22, 1892, and published at Heidelberg in 1893.

[725] The following sketch is founded on my paper, An Historical Enquiry concerning the Origin and Development of Ṣúfiism (J.R.A.S., April, 1906, p. 303 sqq.).

[726] This, so far as I know, is the oldest extant definition of Ṣúfiism.

[727] It is impossible not to recognise the influence of Greek philosophy in this conception of Truth as Beauty.

[728] Jámí says (Nafahátu ’l-Uns, ed. by Nassau Lees, p. 36): "He is the head of this sect: they all descend from, and are related to, him."

[729] See ‘Aṭṭár's Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá, ed. by Nicholson, Part I, p. 114; Jámí's Nafaḥát, p. 35; Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 291.

[730] Murúju ’l-Dhahab, vol. ii, p. 401 seq.

[731] The Influence of Buddhism upon Islam, by I. Goldziher (Budapest, 1903). As this essay is written in Hungarian, I have not been able to consult it at first hand, but have used the excellent translation by Mr. T. Duka, which appeared in the J.R.A.S. for January, 1904, pp. 125-141.

[732] It was recognised by the Ṣúfís themselves that in some points their doctrine was apparently based on Mu‘tazilite principles. See Sha‘rání, Lawáqiḥu ’l-Anwár (Cairo, 1299 a.h.), p. 14, l. 21 sqq.

[733] This definition is by Abu ’l-Ḥusayn al-Núrí († 907-908 a.d.).

[734] See Professor Browne's Lit. Hist. of Persia, vol. ii, p. 261 sqq.

[735] The Díwán of ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ, ed. by Rushayyid al-Daḥdáḥ (Marseilles, 1853).

[736] I.e., New and Old Cairo.

[737] The Díwán, excluding the Tá’iyyatu ’l-Kubrá, has been edited by Rushayyid al-Daḥdáḥ (Marseilles, 1853).

[738] Díwán, p. 219, l. 14 and p. 213, l. 18.

[739] Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ, like Mutanabbí, shows a marked fondness for diminutives. As he observes (Díwán, p. 552):—

má qultu ḥubayyibí mina ’l-taḥqíri bal ya‘dhubu ’smu ’l-shakhṣi bi-’l-taṣghíri.

"Not in contempt I say 'my darling.' No! By 'diminution' names do sweeter grow."

[740] Dìwàn, p. 472 sqq. A French rendering will be found at p. 41 of Grangeret de Lagrange's Anthologie Arabe (Paris, 1828).

[741] The words of God to Moses (Kor. vii, 139).

[742] Díwán, p. 257 sqq.

[743] This refers to Kor. vii, 171. God drew forth from the loins of Adam all future generations of men and addressed them, saying, "Am not I your Lord?" They answered, "Yes," and thus, according to the Ṣúfí interpretation, pledged themselves to love God for evermore.

[744] Díwán, p. 142 sqq.

[745] See A Literary History of Persia, vol. i, p. 428 sqq. But during the last twenty years a great deal of new light has been thrown upon the character and doctrines of Ḥalláj. See Appendix.

[746] The best-known biography of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí occurs in Maqqarí's Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb, ed. by Dozy and others, vol. i, pp. 567-583. Much additional information is contained in a lengthy article, which I have extracted from a valuable MS. in my collection, the Shadharátu ’l-Dhahab, and published in the J.R.A.S. for 1906, pp. 806-824. Cf. also Von Kremer's Herrschende Ideen. pp. 102-109.

[747] Muḥyi ’l-Dín means 'Reviver of Religion.' In the West he was called Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí, but the Moslems of the East left out the definite article (al) in order to distinguish him from the Cadi Abú Bakr Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí of Seville († 1151 a.d.).

[748] Al-Kibrít al-aḥmar (literally, 'the red sulphur').

[749] See Von Kremer, op. cit., p. 108 seq.

[750] The above particulars are derived from an abstract of the Futúḥát made by ‘Abdu ’l-Wahháb al-Sha‘rání († 1565 a.d.), of which Fleischer has given a full description in the Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Leipzig Univ. Library (1838), pp. 490-495.

[751] Maqqarí, i, 569, II.

[752] Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal.

[753] Abú Ḥanífa.

[754] Fuṣúṣu ’l-Ḥikam (Cairo, a.h. 1321), p. 78. The words within brackets belong to the commentary of ‘Abdu ’l-Razzáq al-Káshání which accompanies the text.

[755] Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí uses the term "Idea of ideas" (Ḥaqíqatu ’l-ḥaqá’iq) as equivalent to λόγος ἐνδιάθετος, while "the Idea of Muḥammad" (al-Ḥaqíqatu ’l-Muḥammadiyya) corresponds to λόγος ἐνδιάθετος.

[756] The Arabic text of these verses will be found in the collection of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí's mystical odes, entitled Tarjumánu ’l-Ashwáq, which I have edited (Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, vol. xx, p. 19, vv. 13-15).

[757] Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí has been studied by Asin Palacios, Professor of Arabic at Madrid, whose books are written in Spanish, and H. S. Nyberg (Kleinere Schriften des Ibn al-‘Arabí, Leiden, 1919). A general view may be obtained from my Studies in Islamic Mysticism, pp. 77-142 and pp. 149-161.

[758] See Asin Palacios, Islam and the Divine Comedy, London, 1926.

[759] Abridged from Ibnu ’l-‘Idhárí, al-Bayán al-Mughrib, ed. by Dozy, vol. ii, p. 61 seq.

[760] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 802; De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 29 sqq.

[761] Muqaddasí (ed. by De Goeje), p. 236, cited by Goldziher, Die Zâhiriten, p. 114.

[762] Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne (Leyden, 1861), vol. iii, p. 90 sqq.

[763] ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III was the first of his line to assume this title.

[764] Maqqarí, vol. i, p. 259. As Maqqarí's work is our principal authority for the literary history of Moslem Spain, I may conveniently give some account of it in this place. The author, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Tilimsání al-Maqqarí († 1632 a.d.) wrote a biography of Ibnu ’l-Khaṭíb, the famous Vizier of Granada, to which he prefixed a long and discursive introduction in eight chapters: (1) Description of Spain; (2) Conquest of Spain by the Arabs; (3) History of the Spanish dynasties; (4) Cordova; (5) Spanish-Arabian scholars who travelled in the East; (6) Orientals who visited Spain; (7) Miscellaneous extracts, anecdotes, poetical citations, &c., bearing on the literary history of Spain; (8) Reconquest of Spain by the Christians and expulsion of the Arabs. The whole work is entitled Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb min ghuṣní ’l-Andalusi ’l-raṭíb wa-dhikri wazírihá Lisáni ’l-Dín Ibni ’l-Khaṭíb. The introduction, which contains a fund of curious and valuable information—"a library in little"—has been edited by Dozy and other European Arabists under the title of Analectes sur l'Histoire et la Littérature des Arabes d'Espagne (Leyden, 1855-1861).

[765] The name of Slaves (Ṣaqáliba) was originally applied to prisoners of war, belonging to various northern races, who were sold to the Arabs of Spain, but the term was soon widened so as to include all foreign slaves serving in the harem or the army, without regard to their nationality. Like the Mamelukes and Janissaries, they formed a privileged corps under the patronage of the palace, and since the reign of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III their number and influence had steadily increased. Cf. Dozy, Hist. des Mus. d'Espagne, vol. iii, p. 58 sqq.

[766] Dozy, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 103 seq.

[767] Qazwíní, Átháru ’l-Bilád, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 364, l. 5 sqq.

[768] See Schack, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 46 sqq.

[769] The Arabic original occurs in the 11th chapter of the Ḥalbatu ’l-Kumayt, a collection of poems on wine and drinking by Muḥammad b. Ḥasan al-Nawájí († 1455 a.d.), and is also printed in the Anthologie Arabe of Grangeret de Lagrange, p. 202.

[770] Al-Ḥullat al-Siyará of Ibnu ’l-Abbár, ed. by Dozy, p. 34. In the last line instead of "foes" the original has "the sons of ‘Abbás." Other verses addressed by ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán to this palm-tree are cited by Maqqarí, vol. ii, p. 37.

[771] Full details concerning Ziryáb will be found in Maqqarí, vol. ii, p. 83 sqq. Cf. Dozy, Hist. des Mus. d'Espagne, vol. ii, p. 89 sqq.

[772] Maqqarí, loc. cit., p. 87, l. 10 sqq.

[773] Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, vol. iii, p. 107 sqq.

[774] See the verses cited by Ibnu ’l-Athír, vol. viii, p. 457.

[775] Ibn Khallikán, No. 697, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 186.

[776] Ibn Khallikán, loc. cit.

[777] Loc. cit., p. 189. For the sake of clearness I have slightly abridged and otherwise remodelled De Slane's translation of this passage.

[778] A somewhat different version of these events is given by Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, vol. iv, p. 189 sqq.

[779] The term Mulaththamún, which means literally 'wearers of the lithám' (a veil covering the lower part of the face), is applied to the Berber tribes of the Sahara, the so-called Almoravides (al-Murábiṭún), who at this tune ruled over Northern Africa.

[780] Ibnu ’l-Abbár (Dozy, Loci de Abbadidis, vol. ii, p. 63).

[781] Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, vol. iv, p. 287.

[782] I.e., 'holder of the two vizierships'—that of the sword and that of the pen. See De Slane's translation of Ibn Khallikán, vol. iii, p. 130, n. 1.

[783] The Arabic text of this poem, which occurs in the Qalá’idu ’l-‘Iqyán of Ibn Kháqán, will be found on pp. 24-25 of Weyers's Specimen criticum exhibens locos Ibn Khacanis de Ibn Zeidouno (Leyden, 31).

[784] Cited by Ibn Khallikán in his article on Ibn Ḥazm (De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 268).

[785] Maqqarí, vol. i, p. 511, l. 21.

[786] Maqqarí, loc. cit. p. 515, l. 5 seq.

[787] See p. 341, note 1.

[788] The contents of the Kitábu ’l-Milal wa-’l-Niḥal are fully summarised by Dozy in the Leyden Catalogue, vol. iv, pp. 230-237. Cf. also Zur Komposition von Ibn Ḥazm's Milal wa’n-Niḥal, by Israel Friedlaender in the Nöldeke-Festschrift (Giessen, 1906), vol. i, p. 267 sqq.

[789] So far as I am aware, the report that copies are preserved in the great mosque at Tunis has not been confirmed.

[790] His Arabic name is Ismá‘íl b. Naghdála. See the Introduction to Dozy's ed. of Ibnu ’l-‘Idhárí, p. 84, n. 1.

[791] An interesting notice of Samuel Ha-Levi is given by Dozy in his Hist. des Mus. d'Espagne, vol. iv, p. 27 sqq.

[792] Kámil of Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, vol. ix, p. 425 sqq. The following narrative (which has been condensed as far as possible) differs in some essential particulars from the accounts given by Ibn Khaldún (History of the Berbers, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 64 sqq.) and by Ibn Abí Zar‘ (Tornberg, Annales Regum Mauritaniæ, p. 100 sqq. of the Latin version). Cf. A. Müller, Der Islam, vol. ii, p. 611 sqq.

[793] See note on p. 423.

[794] The province of Tunis.

[795] Murábiṭ is literally 'one who lives in a ribáṭ,' i.e., a guardhouse or military post on the frontier. Such buildings were often occupied, in addition to the garrison proper, by individuals who, from pious motives, wished to take part in the holy war (jihád) against the unbelievers. The word murábiṭ, therefore, gradually got an exclusively religious signification, 'devotee' or 'saint,' which appears in its modern form, marabout. As applied to the original Almoravides, it still retains a distinctly military flavour.

[796] See Goldziher's article Materialien zur Kenntniss der Almohadenbewegung in Nordafrika (Z.D.M.G., vol. 41, p. 30 sqq.).

[797] ‘Abdu ’l-Wáḥid, History of the Almohades, ed. by Dozy, p. 135, l. 1 sqq.

[798] The Berbers at this time were Sunnite and anti-Fátimid.

[799] Almohade is the Spanish form of al-Muwaḥḥid.

[800] Stanley Lane-Poole, The Mohammadan Dynasties, p. 46.

[801] Renan, Averroes et l'Averroïsme, p. 12 sqq.

[802] See a passage from ‘Abdu ’l-Wáhid's History of the Almohades (p. 201, l. 19 sqq.), which is translated in Goldziher's Ẓâhiriten, p. 174.

[803] The Arabic text, with a Latin version by E. Pocock, was published in 1671, and again in 1700, under the title Philosophus Autodidactus. An English translation by Simon Ockley appeared in 1708, and has been several times reprinted.

[804] The true form of this name is Absál, as in Jámí's celebrated poem. Cf. De Boer, The History of Philosophy in Islam, translated by E. R. Jones, p. 144.

[805] Jurjí Zaydán, however, is disposed to regard the story as being not without foundation. See his interesting discussion of the evidence in his Ta‘ríkhu ’l-Tamaddun al-Islámi ('History of Islamic Civilisation'), Part III, pp. 40-46.

[806] The life of Ibnu ’l-Khaṭib has been written by his friend and contemporary, Ibn Khaldún (Hist. of the Berbers, translated by De Slane, vol. iv. p. 390 sqq.), and forms the main subject of Maqqarí's Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb (vols. iii and iv of the Buláq edition).

[807] Schack, op. cit., vol. i, p. 312 seq.

[808] Cited in the Shadharátu ’l-Dhahab, a MS. in my collection. See J.R.A.S. for 1899, p. 911 seq., and for 1906, p. 797.

[809] The Arabic text of the Prolegomena has been published by Quatremère in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale, vols. 16-18, and at Beyrout (1879, 1886, and 1900). A French translation by De Slane appeared in Not. et Extraits, vols. 19-21.

[810] Muqaddima (Beyrout ed. of 1900), p. 35, l. 5 sqq. = Prolegomena translated by De Slane, vol. i, p. 71.

[811] Muqaddima, p. 37, l. 4 fr. foot = De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 77.

[812] Von Kremer has discussed Ibn Khaldún's ideas more fully than is possible here in an admirably sympathetic article, Ibn Chaldun und seine Culturgeschichte der islamischen Reiche, contributed to the Sitz. der Kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften, vol. 93 (Vienna, 1879). I have profited by many of his observations, and desire to make the warmest acknowledgment of my debt to him in this as in countless other instances.

[813] Muqaddima, Beyrout ed., p. 170 = De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 347 sqq.

[814] Muqaddima, p. 175 = De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 356 sqq.

[815] An excellent appreciation of Ibn Khaldún as a scientific historian will be found in Robert Flint's History of the Philosophy of History, vol. i, pp. 157-171.

[816] Schack, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 151.

[817] E. J. W. Gibb, A History of Ottoman Poetry, vol. ii, p. 5.

[818] The nineteenth century should have been excepted, so far as the influence of modern civilisation has reacted on Arabic literature.

[819] These Ismál‘ílís are the so-called Assassins, the terrible sect organised by Ḥasan b. Ṣabbáḥ (see Professor Browne's Literary History of Persia, vol. ii, p. 201 sqq.), and finally exterminated by Húlágú. They had many fortresses, of which Alamút was the most famous, in the Jibál province, near Qazwín.

[820] The reader must be warned that this and the following account of the treacherous dealings of Ibnu ’l-‘Alqamí are entirely contradicted by Shí‘ite historians. For example, the author of al-Fakhri (ed. by Derenbourg, p. 452) represents the Vizier as a far-seeing patriot who vainly strove to awaken his feeble-minded master to the gravity of the situation.

[821] Concerning the various functions of the Dawídár (literally Inkstand-holder) or Dawádár, as the word is more correctly written, see Quatremère, Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks, vol. i, p. 118, n. 2.

[822] The MS. writes Yájúnas.

[823] Al-kalb, the Arabic equivalent of the Persian sag (dog), an animal which Moslems regard as unclean.

[824] By Shamsu ’l-Dín al-Dhahabí († 1348 a.d.).

[825] Mameluke (Mamlúk) means 'slave.' The term was applied to the mercenary troops, Turks and Kurds for the most part, who composed the bodyguard of the Ayyúbid princes.

[826] There are two Mameluke dynasties, called respectively Baḥrí (River) Mamelukes and Burjí (Tower) Mamelukes. The former reigned from 1250 to 1390, the latter from 1382 to 1517.

[827] See Lane, The Modern Egyptians, ch. xxii.

[828] See Sir T. W. Arnold, The Caliphate, p. 146.

[829] Ed. of Buláq (1283 a.h.), pp. 356-366.

[830] Ibid., p. 358.

[831] These verses are cited in the Ḥadíqatu ’l-Afráḥ (see Brockelmann's Gesch. d. Arab. Litt., ii, 502), Calcutta, 1229 a.h., p. 280. In the final couplet there is an allusion to Kor. iv, 44: "Verily God will not wrong any one even the weight of an ant" (mithqála dharratin).

[832] Hartmann, Das Muwaššah (Weimar, 1897), p. 218.

[833] Literally, 'The Shaking of the Skull-caps,' in allusion to the peasants' dance.

[834] See Vollers, Beiträge zur Kenntniss der lebenden arabischen Sprache in Aegypten, Z.D.M.G., vol. 41 (1887), p. 370.

[835] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 3.

[836] It should be pointed out that the Wafayát is very far from being exhaustive. The total number of articles only amounts to 865. Besides the Caliphs, the Companions of the Prophet, and those of the next generation (Tábi‘ún), the author omitted many persons of note because he was unable to discover the date of their death. A useful supplement and continuation of the Wafayát was compiled by al-Kutubí († 1363 a.d.) under the title Fawátu ’l-Wafayát.

[837] The Arabic text of the Wafayát has been edited with variants and indices by Wüstenfeld (Göttingen, 1835-1850). There is an excellent English translation by Baron MacGuckin de Slane in four volumes (1842-1871).

[838] The full title is al-Mawá‘iẓ wa-’l-l‘tibár fí dhikri ’l-Khiṭaṭ wa-’l-Athár. It was printed at Buláq in 1270 a.h.

[839] Al-Sulúk li-ma‘rifati Duwali ’l-Mulúk, a history of the Ayyúbids and Mamelukes. The portion relating to the latter dynasty is accessible in the excellent French version by Quatremère (Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks de l'Égypte, Paris, 1845).

[840] A. R. Guest, A List of Writers, Books, and other Authorities mentioned by El Maqrízí in his Khiṭaṭ, J.R.A.S. for 1902, p. 106.

[841] The Fakhrí has been edited by Ahlwardt (1860) and Derenbourg (1895). The simplicity of its style and the varied interest of its contents have made it deservedly popular. Leaving the Koran out of account, I do not know any book that is better fitted to serve as an introduction to Arabic literature.

[842] See p. 413, n. 1.

[843] A Biographical Dictionary of Persons who knew Mohammad, ed. by Sprenger and others (Calcutta, 1856-1873).

[844] Murúju ’l-Dhahab, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. iv. p. 90. The names Shírázád and Dínázád are obviously Persian. Probably the former is a corruption of Chihrázád, meaning 'of noble race,' while Dínázád signifies 'of noble religion.' My readers will easily recognise the familiar Scheherazade and Dinarzade.

[845] Strange as it may seem, this criticism represents the view of nearly all Moslem scholars who have read the 'Arabian Nights.'

[846] Many episodes are related on the authority of Aṣma‘í, Abú ‘Ubayda, and Wahb b. Munabbih.

[847] Those who recite the Síratu ‘Antar are named ‘Anátira, sing. ‘Antari. See Lane's Modern Egyptians, ch. >xxiii.

[848] That it was extant in some shape before 1150 a.d. seems to be beyond doubt. Cf. the Journal Asiatique for 1838, p. 383; Wüstenfeld, Gesch. der Arab. Aerzte, No. 172.

[849] Antar, a Bedoueen Romance, translated from the Arabic by Terrick Hamilton (London, 1820), vol. i, p. >xxiii seq. See, however, Flügel's Catalogue of the Kais. Kön. Bibl. at Vienna, vol. ii, p. 6. Further details concerning the 'Romance of ‘Antar' will be found in Thorbecke's ‘Antarah (Leipzig, 1867), p. 31 sqq. The whole work has been published at Cairo in thirty-two volumes.

[850] Sha‘rání, Yawáqít (ed. of Cairo, 1277 a.h.), p. 18.

[851] In 1417 a.d. The reader will find a full and most interesting account of Nasímí, who is equally remarkable as a Turkish poet and as a mystic belonging to the sect of the Ḥurúfís, in Mr. E. J. W. Gibb's History of Ottoman Poetry, vol. i, pp. 343-368. It is highly improbable that the story related here gives the true ground on which he was condemned: his pantheistic utterances afford a sufficient explanation, and the Turkish biographer, Laṭífí, specifies the verse which cost him his life. I may add that the author of the Shadharátu ’l-Dhahab calls him Nasímu ’l-Dín of Tabríz (he is generally said to be a native of Nasím in the district of Baghdád), and observes that he resided in Aleppo, where his followers were numerous and his heretical doctrines widely disseminated.

[852] The 112th chapter of the Koran. See p. 164.

[853] Founder of the Shádhiliyya Order of Dervishes. He died in 1258 a.d.

[854] A distinguished jurist and scholar who received the honorary title, 'Sultan of the Divines.' He died at Cairo in 1262 a.d.

[855] An eminent canon lawyer († 1370 a.d.).

[856] It was the custom of the Zoroastrians (and, according to Moslem belief, of the Christians and other infidels) to wear a girdle round the waist.

[857] See Materials for a History of the Wahabys, by J. L. Burckhardt, published in the second volume of his Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys (London, 1831). Burckhardt was in Arabia while the Turks were engaged in re-conquering the Ḥijáz from the Wahhábís. His graphic and highly interesting narrative has been summarised by Dozy, Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme, ch. 13.

[858] Following Burckhardt's example, most European writers call him simply ‘Abdu ’l-Wahháb.

[859] Burckhardt, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 96.

[860] MSS. of Ibn Taymiyya copied by Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahháb are extant (Goldziher in Z.D.M.G., vol. 52, p. 156).

[861] This is the place usually called Karbalá or Mashhad Ḥusayn.

[862] Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 112.

[863] Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme, p. 416.

[864] Burckhardt, loc. laud., p. 115.

[865] I cannot enter into details on this subject. A review of modern Arabic literature is given by Brockelmann, Gesch. der Arab. Litt., vol. ii, pp. 469-511, and by Huart, Arabic Literature, pp. 411-443.

[866] See M. Hartmann, The Arabic Press of Egypt (London, 1899).

[867] Brockelmann, loc. cit., p. 476.

[868] Translated into Arabic verse by Sulaymán al-Bistání (Cairo, 1904). See Professor Margoliouth's interesting notice of this work in the J.R.A.S. for 1905, p. 417 sqq.

[869] H. A. R. Gibb, Studies in contemporary Arabic literature, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, vol. iv, pt. 4, p. 746; cf. also vol. v, pt. 2, p. 311 foll. Mr Gibb has given references to the chief works on the subject, but for the sake of those who do not read Arabic or Russian it may be hoped that he will continue and complete his own survey, to which there is nothing simile aut secundum in English.


>INDEX

In the following Index it has been found necessary to omit the accents indicating the long vowels, and the dots which are used in the text to distinguish letters of similar pronunciation. On the other hand, the definite article al has been prefixed throughout to those Arabic names which it properly precedes; it is sometimes written in full, but is generally denoted by a hyphen, e.g. -‘Abbas for al-‘Abbas. Names of books, as well as Oriental words and technical terms explained in the text, are printed in italics. Where a number of references occur under one heading, the more important are, as a rule, shown by means of thicker type.